House of Commons
Thursday, November 28, 1929
The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.
Private Business
Ministry of Health Provisional Order (Gosport Extension) Bill
Read the Third time, and passed.
Lanarkshire Traction Order Confirmation Bill
"to confirm a Provisional Order under the Private Legislation Procedure (Scotland) Act, 1899, relating to Lanarkshire Traction," presented by Mr. Secretary Adamson; read the First time, and ordered (under Section 9 of the Act) to be read a Second time upon Friday, 6th December, and to be printed. [Bill 84.]
Oral Answers to Questions
Unemployment
Boards of Assessors
asked the Minister of Labour whether she has issued any fresh or amending regulations during the previous three months with reference to the work carried out by the local boards of assessors; and can she give particulars?
The regulations relating to Boards of Assessors are the Unemployment Insurance (Boards of Assessors) Regulations, 1929, made on 17th August, 1929. No other regulations have been made in this matter.
Is the right hon. Lady contemplating sending out any fresh regulations?
After this Bill there probably will be.
Has the right hon. Lady in contemplation any regulation providing for the case where only one assessor turns up, when some kind of question is put to the claimant as to whether he will accept the decision or not, which is very awkward for him?
That is in the interests of the claimant himself. If he prefers to oppose it, he is entitled to do so.
Distributive Trades (Insured Contributors)
asked the Minister of Labour if she can supply in more detailed trade form than that appearing in the Ministry of Labour Gazette the number of men and women who are insured contributors employed in the distributive trades?
The material on which these statistics are based relates to the distributive trades as a whole, and does not enable any sub-division to be made. Owing to the extent to which the same employer in these trades is engaged in more than one branch, and the consequent difficulty of classifying the workpeople correctly under the various branches, I do not think it would be advisable to attempt to sub-divide these figures for the future.
Cases Referred to Umpire
asked the Minister of Labour how many cases of disagreement with the referees under the Unemployment Insurance Acts have been referred by the insurance officers to the umpire in the year ended May, 1929, and from June, 1929, to October, 1929, inclusive; and in how many cases in each period the umpire differed from the insurance officers?
During the year ended 13th May, 1929, 3,184 cases were referred to the umpire in which insurance officers disagreed with the recommendation of the court of referees, and the number of such cases in which benefit was allowed by the umpire was 1,245. Corresponding figures for the period 14th May, 1929, to 14th October, 1929, are 1,359 cases referred to the umpire, of which 550 were allowed.
Could the right hon. Lady give us any indication of the increase in number in both cases that will result from the Bill which is at present before Parliament'?
indicated dissent.
Statistics
asked the Minister of Labour the latest number of unemployed boys of 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, and 20 years of age, respectively, in any month during 1929?
The only separate statistics for these ages relate to persons under 18, and persons aged 18 to 20, respectively. The figures for Great Britain for numbers registered at 21st October, 1929, are:
Has the right hon. Lady formed any estimate of what will be the increased number as a result of the introduction of the Government's Bill?
I must have notice of that question.
asked the Minister of Labour whether she can state the number of persons placed in employment by the Employment Exchanges each week since 1st June, 1929, distinguishing the placings which were for unskilled employment and of a temporary character, respectively?
I will circulate a statement in the OFFICIAL REPORT as soon as the information desired can be obtained.
Overtime
asked the Minister of Labour if she has any information as to the amount of overtime that is being worked in the various industries of the country?
For the wool textile, boot and shoe, pottery and brick industries, information as to the amount of overtime worked is regularly obtained from certain employers who furnish monthly returns as to the state of employment, and is summarised in the articles in the "Ministry of Labour Gazette" dealing with employment in those industries. Particulars for October will be found on pages 411 to 413 of the November issue of the "Gazette." No statistics are available as to the amount of overtime now being worked in other industries.
Transfer of Workers
asked the Minister of Labour the number of transfers effected by her Department under the industrial transference scheme for the last three months, as compared with the figure for the same period for 1928?
During the period 18th August to 11th November, 1929, approximately 7,420 persons have been transferred from depressed areas under the industrial transference scheme, as compared with 6,660 in the corresponding period last year.
Is the right hon. Lady quite satisfied that the 7,000 people who have been transferred have not displaced people who would ordinarily have been at work if they had not been transferred?
I am satisfied that the greatest possible care is taken to prevent displacements of that kind, but it is perfectly obvious, on the face of it, that these 7,000 jobs have been taken by one set of men, and, if those men had not taken them, they would have been taken by someone else.
Is it not the case that the transference scheme has entirely broken down?
Certainly not.
Is the right hon. Lady satisfied with a scheme under which 7,000 persons in various localities have been kept out of a job, and does she propose to continue that scheme?
I disagree with the inference of the question. I am satisfied that a system of transference from the waterlogged areas is the only possible way. I am equally satisfied that we have not a perfect scheme, but we have got as near perfection as we can.
Does the right hon. Lady agree that the transference scheme for Lanarkshire has proved a complete failure, and that the men have returned?
I think the hon. Lady is aware that we are taking special steps to deal with Lanarkshire.
May I ask how long the right hon. Lady has been satisfied that this transference scheme, which was brought in by the Conservative Government, is so good?
asked the Minister of Labour how many men have been transferred from Durham county through the Employment Exchanges, and how many returned within three months because the work was only temporary; and whether any financial assistance was given to them to enable them to return to Durham county?
I am obtaining this information so far as it is available, and will send it to my hon. Friend.
Exchange Facilities, Grangetown
asked the Minister of Labour if she will consider the re-opening of the Employment Exchange at Grangetown in order to relieve the hardship imposed upon the unemployed persons resident in Grangetown, who are now compelled to walk to South Bank to sign the unemployed register, and to receive their benefit, owing to the closing down of the branch office at Grangetown?
The office at Grangetown was closed in June, 1928, in consequence of the opening of new premises at South Bank, which provided adequate accommodation for all claimants in the area. Nearly all the Grangetown claimants live within two miles of the South Bank Exchange, and in the circumstances I am not satisfied that I should be justified in incurring the expense of re-opening the Grangetown office.
Vacancies (Notification)
asked the Minister of Labour whether the Government will consider making the notification of vacancies, but not necessarily the filling thereof, to Employment Exchanges compulsory on all employers, with a view to the more effective administration of the Unemployment Insurance Acts?
I would refer the hon. Member to the reply I gave on 12th November to the hon. Members for Dudley (Mr. O. Baldwin) and Berwick and Haddingtonshire (Mr. Sinkinson), of which I am sending him a copy.
Is the right hon. Lady prepared to consider an appropriate Amendment to the Unemployment Insurance Act on this subject?
I must see that question on paper.
Exchanges (Juveniles)
asked the Minister of Labour whether, in view of the proposed lowering of the age for unemployment insurance she can state what steps are being taken to increase and enlarge the special departments for juveniles at Employment Exchanges?
All necessary steps will be taken to deal with any requirements which will arise when this new provision comes into force.
Insurance (No. 2) Bill
asked the Minister of Labour whether she will lay upon the Table of the House draft Regulations to show the manner in which it is proposed to give effect to Clause 10 of the Unemployment Insurance (No. 2) Bill in the event of it becoming law?
These Regulations will be laid before Parliament in due course, when made. I do not think there would be any advantage in attempting to stereotype them by framing them in detail now, but I shall be prepared to explain in Committee the lines on which I propose to proceed.
Fifeshire
asked the Minister of Labour the number of persons at present registered as unemployed in the Eastern Division of Fifeshire, giving the figures for each district?
I will circulate a statement in the OFFICIAL REPORT as soon as the information can be tabulated.
Plymouth
asked the Minister of Labour what was the total number of unemployed persons, women, men and juveniles, respectively, registered in the Plymouth area on 14th November, 1929, and on the corresponding date in November, 1928; and the number of persons disqualified from receiving benefit under the not genuinely seeking work Clause in the same area for the three months prior to those dates in each year?
I will circulate a statement in the OFFICIAL REPORT as soon as the information desired can be tabulated.
Junior Instruction Centres
asked the Minister of Labour what authorities have organised training centres for young persons unemployed; how many of such centres are now operating; and how many persons are attending them at the latest available date?
I presume the hon. Member refers to junior instruction centres administered by education authorities with the aid of grants from the Ministry of Labour and open to unemployed boys and girls under the age of 18. There are 87 such centres now open, administered by 35 education authorities. The average daily attendance is about 5,000 boys and 1,300 girls.
Insurance Fund (Exchequer Contributions.)
asked the Minister of Labour the amount of State contribution to the Unemployment Fund last year and the total amount paid since the inception of the scheme?
The Exchequer contribution paid to the Unemployment Fund during the financial year ended 31st March, 1929, is approximately £11,758,000. The total Exchequer contribution paid since the inception of the scheme in July, 1912, until 31st March, 1929, is approximately £102,100,000.
Advice and Consultation
asked the Prime Minister whether it is the intention of His Majesty's Government to set up a committee of industrialists and business men to advise the Government on the problem of unemployment?
Under existing arrange- ments advice of the kind referred to by the hon. and gallant Member is already-fully available. My right hon. Friend the Lord Privy Seal has sought and received the advice of many different industrial interests, including Trade Union interests, and he is in close consultation with representatives of a number of the larger and more important industries. We have in addition established two special committees to examine the cotton and iron and steel trades, while the advisory committees set up under the Development (Loan Guarantees and Grants) Act and under the Colonial Development Act also include industrialists and business men. The procedure suggested by the hon. and gallant Member is less suited to the widely different problems of the various industries than separate examination in consultation with the leaders of the industry concerned in each case. This matter is, however, being constantly watched.
Has my right hon. Friend considered the setting up of a permanent committee not only on the question of unemployment but on economic questions and trade questions generally for the advice of Parliament?
Poor Law Relief
asked the Minister of Health whether he proposes to introduce any Measure to Parliament that relief due to unemployment should be borne nationally?
I am not at present in a position to make any statement on this matter.
Is the right hon. Gentleman in a position to make any Parliamentary proposals at the moment; has he thought this matter over and come to any conclusions about it?
I have replied to the question before and said: "Not at this stage."
Cost of Living
asked the Minister of Labour the percentage increase or fall in the cost-of-living figures to-day as compared with the end of December, 1927?
The latest cost-of-living figure, that for 1st November, was 67 per cent, above that of July, 1914; the corresponding percentage for 31st December, 1927, was 68.
Safeguarding and New Import Duties (Employment)
asked the Minister of Labour whether, in continuance of the answer given by her predecessor on 14th November, 1928, she can state the number of persons between the ages of 16 and 64 actually at work at the end of June, 1925, and 1929, respectively, in the following industries: silk and artificial silk, lace, motor vehicles, musical instruments, and scientific instruments?
INSURED PERSONS aged 16–64 classified as belonging to scientific and photographic instrument manufacture in Great Britain. Estimated Numbers insured at July. Numbers unemployed at end of June. Differences. 1925. 1929. 1925. 1929. 1925. 1929. 20,100 26,250 799 685 19,301 25,565
Wages
asked the Minister of Labour the total reduction or increase in wages in each of the insured trades since the beginning of 1928 until the present time?
With my hon. Friend's permission, I will circulate in the OFFICIAL REPORT a statement summarising, by industry groups, the available statistics of changes in wages during 1928 and 1929.
Following is the statement:
The following table shows the number of workpeople affected by the changes in rates of wages reported to the Ministry of Labour during 1928 and the 10 completed months of 1929, together with the net amount of increase or decrease in
As regards the first four industries, I would refer the hon. Member to the reply given on 21st November to the hon. Member for Wimbledon (Sir J. Power). I will, if I may, circulate in the OFFICIAL REPORT a statement giving similar figures for scientific instrument manufacture.
Will the right hon. Lady also circulate the number of persons employed in the artificial silk industry and in the motor industry in 1905?
That is included in the reply to which I have referred.
In 1905?
I will look into that point.
Following is the statement:
each of the industry groups. It should be observed that the changes reported consist mainly of those arranged by organisations of employers and workpeople and that some changes do not come to the notice of the Department, especially those affecting unorganised groups of workpeople and employés of individual firms. Moreover, the statistics exclude changes in the wages of agricultural labourers, Government employés, domestic servants, shop assistants and clerks.
It is also to be noted that in some cases the same workers were affected by changes in wages both in 1928 and in 1929, and the aggregate number of separate individuals cannot, therefore, be obtained by adding together the figures shown in the table as to the number affected in each period.
Industry Group. 1928. January to October, 1929. Estimated Net Weekly Increases (+) or Decreases(-)in the Rates of Wages of all Workpeople affected. Approximate Number of separate individuals reported as affected by— Estimated Net Weekly amount of Change in Rates of Wages. Approximate Number of separate individuals reported as affected by— Estimated Net Weekly amount of Change in Rates of Wages. Net Increases. Net Decreases. Increases. Decreases. Net Increases. Net Decreases. Increases. Decreases. £ £ £ £ £ Mining and Quarrying 1,200 403,000 150 61,000 20,000 72,500 1,600 4,175 -63,725 Brick, Pottery, Glass, Chemical, etc. 200 4,250 15 700 9,250 100 700 5 + 10 Iron and Steel 39,000 45,500 1,300 5,900 30,500 3,000 1,750 220 -3,070 Engineering and Shipbuilding 55,000 107,000 6,775 9,400 1,000 — 250 — -2,375 Other Metal 2,350 49,750 250 3,500 10,350 19,500 850 2,175 -4,575 Textile 56,500 71,750 4,800 2,400 3,400 588,000 270 64,350 -61,680 Clothing 1,000 900 120 110 — 3,550 — 570 -560 Food, Drink and Tobacco 350 1,250 15 95 12,350 2,600 615 200 + 335 Woodworking, Furniture, etc. 3,200 4,300 300 540 100 12,250 15 1,760 —1,985 Paper, Printing, etc. 100 — 10 — — 100 — 25 - 15 Building and Allied Industries 7,000 422,000 800 39,000 12,000 56,000 1,175 7,250 - 44,275 Gas, Water and Electricity Supply 31,250 900 5,800 75 5,500 2,000 760 200 + 6,285 Transport 5,400 485,000 600 39,200 350 128,000 55 6,900 - 45,445 Public Administration Services 14,200 12,600 840 1,080 7,000 4,500 570 370 - 40 Other 250 6,800 25 500 200 27,400 40 1,700 - 2,135 Total 217,000 1,615,000 21,800 163,800 112,000 919,500 8,650 89,900 -223,250
Trade Unions (Recognition)
asked the Minister of Labour what steps the Government propose to take to make the recognition of trade unions compulsory in industry?
It is generally recognised to be in the interests of all concerned in industry that matters affecting conditions of employment should be the subject of discussion between representative organisations of employers and employed. This is essentially a matter for voluntary arrangement, and I am not aware of any suggestion that any form of compulsion by statutory enactment should be applied.
Do I understand that the Government are prepared to allow an employer to say that he will not employ certain men simply because they are members of a trade union?
Government Departments (Ministry of Labour)
asked the Minister of Labour whether she can state the number of officials on the staff of the Ministry of Labour who have been affected by the Treasury circular relating to conscientious objectors in the Civil Service; and whether the position of any ex-service men on the staff of the Ministry has been affected as the result?
As regards the first part of the question, one officer is immediately affected, and there are two others who may possibly be affected later on in respect of the number of years of service ranking for retirement pension. The answer to the second part of the question is in the negative.
asked the Minister of Labour what increase in the number of officials on the staff of Employment Exchanges will be required in the event of the Unemployment Insurance (No. 2) Bill becoming law; and whether, in recruiting the new staff, she will give preference to unemployed ex-service men?
As regards the first part of the question, I cannot say more than that I do not anticipate that any large increase will be necessary on account of changes proposed by the Un- employment Insurance Bill. In recruitment of any additional staff which may be necessary, the usual rules will be followed.
Industrial Diseases (Silicosis)
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department if he will furnish the number of deaths from silicosis in Sheffield for the years 1928 and 1929, respectively, and the number of cases in which compensation has been paid under Statutory Rules and Orders during the same period?
As the answer is rather long, I will circulate it with the OFFICIAL REPORT.
Following is the answer:
I have no accurate information in regard to the first part of this question, but it is estimated that the number of deaths from silicosis or silicosis accompanied by tuberculosis was 28 in 1928 and 35 in 1929. Compensation was paid under the Refractories Industries Scheme in 12 cases, including one fatal case, in 1928, and in 10 cases, including three fatal cases, in 1929. Under the Metal Grinding Scheme there were 12 cases, including one fatal case, in 1928. Figures for 1929 are not available yet for the Metal Grinding Industries nor for the Sandstone and Various Industries Schemes, which only came into force in the early part of this year.
Debtors (Imprisonment)
asked the Home Secretary how many persons have been committed to prison for debt during the 12 months ending 30th September, 1929; how many of these had previously been committed for debt; and how many of these had been committed more than five times, more than 10 times, and more than 20 times, respectively?
The latest statistics available are those for 1928, and these give the number of committals, and not the number of persons committed, which would be smaller, as some persons are committed more than once in a year. The number of committals to prison in 1928 was 13,340.
In view of the large increase in the number of this type of prisoner, due to the condition of unemployment, will the right hon. Member consider some other method of dealing with this offence?
This is scarcely a moment for an answer to such a question.
Aliens (Russians)
asked the Home Secretary how many Russians have been recommended for deportation from this country during the present year; in how many cases these aliens could not be deported owing to the Soviet Government refusing to admit their Russian nationality; and what has become of them?
As the answer is a detailed one, I propose to circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
Following is the answer:
I am informed that during the present year some 26 cases have occurred where reputed Russians have been recommended for deportation. In one of these cases the conviction was quashed on appeal; in another the man was found to be a British subject; in another the man was found to be a Pole and was sent out of the United Kingdom en route to Poland; in eight cases the sentence is still un-expired; in four cases the question of deportation is still under consideration or it has been decided after inquiry into all the circumstances not to give effect to the recommendation of the Court. These figures leave 11 cases in which the nationality could not be established; in two of these cases it was thought, after consideration, that no useful purpose' would be served by placing the alien under restrictions; in nine of the cases the aliens were placed, on release from prison, under restrictions intended to secure, so far as possible, that their offences should not be repeated.
asked the Home Secretary how many nationals of the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics have received permits to enter this country since 1st June, 1929; for what purpose and for what period permits were granted; and whether in all cases the nationals have left this country on the expiration of their permits?
I am informed that some 170 visas for the nationals in question have been granted since the 1st June last. I think it may be said that they all, except perhaps nine which were for scientific research or for attendance at trades union conferences, related directly to trade. The time conditions imposed varied with the circumstances of every case. So far as I am aware, none of these persons remained in the United Kingdom without proper authorisation.
Is it not a fact that the whereabouts of some of these people are unknown to your Department?
In that case they will not be included in the number given.
Prisoners (Flogging and Transport)
asked the Home Secretary the number of cases during the past three years in which, owing to the effect upon the prisoner, the prison doctor has intervened to postpone the completion of the infliction of the cat in order that the prisoner might recover sufficiently to stand the completion of the flogging; and the number of cases in which more than one postponement has been necessary?
There has been no such case in the last three years, and, from inquiries made, it has been ascertained that officers with over 30 years' experience of the prison service have never heard of such cases. If a medical officer stops corporal punishment, his intervention is final, and there is no further corporal punishment.
asked the Home Secretary whether he is aware that the practice of transferring prisoners from police court to prison by rail involves their exposure to the public gaze on railway stations, handcuffed together or to a chain; and whether he will take steps to have them transferred by road in order to prevent this unnecessary exposure?
I am in full sympathy with the view that every effort should be made to avoid exposing prisoners to public humiliation. Road transport is used in many cases, and the possibility of making a still more extended use of this method is being explored.
Is my right hon. Friend aware that this method of transporting prisoners even occurs when a man is on remand and before he has been found guilty; and does he not think that this indignity to the British race is one that ought to be avoided at all costs?
The terms of my answer have shown that I am in agreement with the question.
Vivisection
asked the Home Secretary the number of inspectors of vivisection experiments; whether any or all of them are men who have had a medical training; whether he will consider the appointment in future of men known to be primarily interested in the welfare of animals; and whether he will appoint some women inspectors?
There are two inspectors, both of whom have had a medical training. There are no vacancies at present and no further appointments are in contemplation. Should a vacancy arise, the candidate with the best qualifications, irrespective of sex, will be appointed.
asked the Home Secretary whether, in view of the statement made in the Report of the last Royal Commission on Vivisection (page 118), that the representations made to them for the complete exemption of any class of animals from all experiments under the Act had been strongest in the case of dogs, he will cause a record to be kept of dogs experimented upon and publish the figures in future annual Reports?
No, Sir; I do not think any useful purpose would be served by the publication of figures in addition to those already given in the Annual Return
Prisons (Women Officers)
asked the Home Secretary whether there are any women medical officers in women's prisons or sections of prisons; and, if not, whether he will consider the desirability of appointing them?
There are two women medical officers at Holloway Prison and there is a woman medical officer at Aylesbury Borstal Institution. At other prisons where the women form only a small proportion of the prisoners, the difficulty hitherto has been that the appointment of a woman medical officer would mean adding to the staff and paying two officers to do work which can be done by one.
asked the Home Secretary if, in view of the fact that Holloway Prison is used exclusively for women and that the daily average of women prisoners in that prison throughout the year 1927 was 318, he will consider the desirability of appointing a woman governor?
When a vacancy next occurs in the governorship of Holloway Prison, there will be various questions requiring consideration, and I cannot pledge myself at this date as to the action to be taken; but the hon. Member may be sure that full weight will be given to the consideration he mentions.
Cinematograph Films (Censorship)
asked the Home Secretary whether he is aware that the only censorship of films is exercised by a private organisation; and, in view of the importance of a censorship, if he will consider the question of introducing legislation to provide for a censor of films responsible to this House?
The assumption in the first part of the question is not accurate. An effective power of censorship for preventing the display of objectionable films rests by law with the local licensing authorities. Most of these authorities have found that they can rely on the systematic examination of films made by the Board of Film Censors. Although this Board, as my hon. Friend points out, is not an official body, its judgments are independent and impartial, and I see no occasion to consider any change in the law or practice in this matter.
In the light of the fact that plays have to be censored for the stage before they are produced, can the right hon. Gentleman see any real difference between the 100 per cent, spoken films and the 100 per cent, spoken plays on the stage, and if one has to be censored before production, why should not the other also?
That is rather a point of argument with which at the moment I am not able to deal.
Is it not a fact that the present system has given great satisfaction?
I think, on the whole, that it has?
Is it not a fact that there are at present many exceedingly objectionable films being displayed, and is not not desirable that there should be an entirely independent censorship of films without any reference to trade interests?
I am not aware of the fact that the hon. Member states. If he will give me information, I shall be glad to have it.
Street Trading
asked the Home Secretary how many local authorities having bylaws regulating or prohibiting street trading by young persons and children make no distinctions with regard to the sex of the juvenile street trader; and how many have by-laws in which the stringency of the by-laws varies with the sex of the juvenile street trader.
All the local authorities who have made by-laws on the subject of street trading distinguish between boys and girls as regards the age of prohibition. The usual practice is to prohibit street trading by girls under 16 and to require that boys between 14 and 16 shall not be so employed without the issue of a licence.
Factories (Rules)
asked the Home Secretary whether he is prepared to introduce legislation laying it down that in future the rules to be observed in any factories shall be jointly agreed to by management and workpeople and shall not be imposed solely by the employer as under the present law?
I should naturally welcome greater co-operation between employers and workers in arranging matters of common concern and interest, but, as I said in reply to a previous question of the hon. Member on the subject of works councils, it is better that this should come about by mutual consent than by legislation.
Is there, in fact, the slightest difference on this matter between the policy of the present Government and that of their predecessors?
I am speaking from experience, and not from the standpoint of any party.
Litter (By-Laws)
asked the Home Secretary if he has received any applications from any local authorities whose areas lie wholly or partly within the Metropolitan Police District for sanction to a by-law prohibiting the littering of public places and open spaces with waste paper; and whether, within the Metropolitan Police District, he is prepared to authorise the detection of offenders against the by-law being regarded as one of the standard duties of the Metropolitan Police Force?
There are several bylaws relating to the deposit of litter in public places in force in different areas of the Metropolitan Police district, but I presume my hon. Friend refers to the new form which has recently been prepared. Applications for this by-law have been received from a few authorities in the Metropolitan Police district, and in any case where this by-law is adopted, the police will undertake to report to the by-law-making authority such offences as come to their notice in the course of their ordinary duties. There is no power to arrest or detain anyone for breach of such by-law, and the main responsibility for enforcing the by-law and instituting proceedings when necessary will remain with the authority who made the by-law.
Criminal Lunatic (Ronald True)
asked the Home Secretary when the sentence upon Ronald True, the ex-airman who was convicted for the murder of Gertrude Yates at a Fulham flat in 1922, was last reviewed; and whether this person is still under detention?
The man in question is detained in Broadmoor as a criminal lunatic and his case, like that of others sO detained, is reviewed at frequent intervals.
Is the right hon. Gentleman satisfied that this man continues in this state of mind?
That is my information.
Police Court Cases (Durham)
asked the Home Secretary if he will state what was the total number of cases which were dealt with in each police court within the administrative County of Durham during the year 1928; and the number and percentage of these cases, respectively, where the defendant was sent to prison without the option of a fine?
This information is not in my possession and, as at present advised, I do not see my way to requiring the expenditure of the time and trouble that would be involved in collecting and tabulating it specially.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that I cannot get this information in the Library, and that therefore, I have to put a question?
If the hon. Member cannot get it, Ministers cannot get it.
House of Commons (Procedure)
asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been called to the increasing congestion of the Parliamentary timetable and business; and, if so, whether he is considering any proposals for the reform of our procedure in order that the legislation now ready for introduction may be expedited and/or this House be enabled to function as a Council of State?
I am fully aware of the circumstances to which my hon. and gallant Friend refers. As regards the second part of the question, I would refer him to the reply which I gave on Monday last.
Is my right hon. Friend aware that in my previous question I put forward certain proposals myself? Will he tell us if he has any proposals to meet this difficult situation?
The reply I gave covered the question.
Is the right hon. Gentleman fully satisfied that he has given these proposals of his hon. and gallant Friend the consideration that they deserve?
Under-Secretaries of State (Indemnity Bill)
asked the Prime Minister on what date the discovery was made that an illegality had been committed in regard to having seven Under-Secretaries of State in the House of Commons?
I would refer the hon. and gallant Member to the reply which I gave to him yesterday, to which I have nothing to add.
Surely we are entitled to an answer, unless the right hon. Gentleman can plead the public interest, as to what date they discovered this serious breach of the Act of Parliament? He must know.
What I said to the hon. and gallant Member yesterday was that the matter would await the Debate on the Bill on Tuesday.
Is it not rather treating this House with scant courtesy when it is known that there has been this irregularity and that nothing has been done to rectify it?
Anglo-Egyptian Relations (Australia)
asked the Prime Minister whether any communication has been received from the Australian Commonwealth Government as to whether they are satisfied that the protection of the Suez Canal is assured in the draft treaty with Egypt; and whether he will assure this House that the treaty will not be signed without the expressed assent of the Commonwealth Government?
As regards the first part of the question, I am unable to add anything to the reply given by my hon. Friend the Under-Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs to the hon. and gallant Member on the 6th November. As regard the second part of the question, the procedure of His Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom with regard to the projected treaty will certainly be in accord with the recommendations of the Imperial Conference of 1926 with regard to the negotiation of treaties.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that Mr. Bruce, who was the previous Prime Minister, definitely stated in the Australian Parliament that there was not a sufficient guarantee; and can he tell us whether his successor agrees with that view or not?
That matter is covered in the second part of the reply to the question.
Is the Prime Minister aware that on a previous occasion the Commonwealth Government strongly protested against the conduct of the Imperial Government in confronting them with a fait accompli in respect of an important change in Anglo-Egyptian relations; and is he also aware that at a subsequent Imperial Conference the then Prime Minister of Great Britain gave a definite undertaking that such a thing would never happen again?
May I refer the hon. Member to paragraphs in the report of the proceedings of the Imperial Conference of 1926 dealing with that point? As far as we are concerned, the provisions of those paragraphs will be carried out.
Education
Maintenance Allowances
asked the President of the Board of Education if the promised Bill on the raising of the school-leaving age will also contain any proposals for maintenance; and, if so, whether he proposes to institute a preliminary inquiry into such aspects of the question as the source of payment and differentiation by districts?
I would ask the hon. and gallant Member to await the general statement on the subject of maintenance allowances which I have promised to make before Christmas.
Defective Buildings
asked the President of the Board of Education what instances of sanitary defects or of such conditions of damp or dilapidation as would render premises unfit for human habitation have been reported during the last two years in respect of schools in receipt of grant; and what measures have been taken to remedy the defect?
The hon. Member is no doubt aware that the Board, in 1924 and 1925, scheduled certain schools the premises of which appeared to them to be defective; but I am afraid that, owing to difficulties of classification, I cannot give the hon. Member a statistical statement of the cases to which he refers. If he has any particular instance in mind I shall be happy to investigate it.
Cost per Child
asked the President of the Board of Education what is the cost of educating a pupil at an elementary and a secondary school, respectively?
The net cost per child in the elementary schools, in 1928–29, was £12 10s. 5d. In secondary schools maintained by the local education authorities the net expenditure per pupil in 1927–28 was £19 7s.
Private Venture Schools
asked the President of the Board of Education if he is aware that the entrance examinations to secon- dary schools show that certain private venture schools for children of less than secondary school age are much below the standard expected in public elementary schools; and is he prepared to promote legislation to enable the Board of Education or the local education authorities to deal effectively with such private venture schools?
I am aware of the inferior character of the education given in some of the private venture schools and that without legislation they cannot be effectively dealt with; but at present there is no time for such legislation.
New School, Doncaster (Collapse)
asked the President of the Board of Education if he has yet received a report from the Doncaster County Borough Council concerning the collapse of a new school which was in course of erection on the Intake site; and, if so, will he state the nature of the report?
I have now received a report from the Board's inspector. The steel framework and roof of this school collapsed suddenly, fortunately in the absence of the workmen. The circumstance is so serious and disquieting that I should hope the most rigorous inquiry will be made into the responsibility for it by the local authority. I intend to ask the local authority for a report from an independent expert on the stability of the new structure before the school is opened for the use of children.
Was the result of this collapse due to the use of foreign steel?
Answer!
Is my right hon. Friend aware that the contractor for this school is a member of the opposite political party who is in business there?
Poor Law
Relief Regulation Order, 1911
asked the Minister of Health whether he proposes to repeal or amend the Relief Regulation Order, 1911?
As the right hon. Member is aware, the functions of the guardians under the Order in question are being transferred to counties and county boroughs as from 1st April next. I shall naturally consider, in due course, what modifications the experience of the new authorities may show to be necessary or desirable.
Test Work
asked the Minister of Health whether, seeing that he has recently informed the Gateshead Guardians that it is desirable that an adequate labour test should be required as a condition of the grant of outdoor relief to able-bodied men, and that he will withhold approval of such relief unless it is made clear to him that at least discrimination has been used, and that he could not but assume that unconditional relief is being afforded in a number of cases in which that form of relief is inappropriate and demoralising, he will make a communication to this effect to all boards of guardians?
The regulations governing out-door relief are well known to boards of guardians and in view of the statements which I have made in reply to questions by the right hon. Member and others on the subject of test work, I do not consider that any further general communication to Poor Law authorities is at present necessary.
Does the statement made to the Gateshead Board of Guardians fairly represent the opinions of the right hon. Gentleman?
Obviously, I should not make a public statement if it did not.
Does the first answer of the right hon. Gentleman mean that he intends to continue a policy of which he complained when he was in Opposition?
There are other questions on the Order Paper dealing with this question.
asked the Minister of Health whether, in view of the demoralising effect of stone-breaking and stone-shifting work to which men on relief are put, he will make representations to boards of guardians that this form of test work should be abolished?
76 and 79.
asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware (1) that the Hellesdon test ground, Norwich, is nearly four miles from the centre of the city; that consequently a tramp of nine miles or more is necessitated in many cases; that the exposure of the test workers in wet weather has led to physical deterioration in many cases; and whether he will send an inspector to report on the conditions on the Norwich test grounds;
(2) whether, in view of the fact that his Department is not informed as to the conditions of test work imposed by local boards of guardians, he will immediately request information on this subject?
I have given instructions for a special inquiry into the various forms of test work and the conditions in which they are carried on in different parts of the country.
Administration (Women)
asked the Minister of Health if he is aware of the extent to which the Local Government Act has deprived women of taking part in Poor Law administration; and whether he will introduce legislation to remedy this mischief?
I am not aware that the Local Government Act, which I assume my hon. Friend has in mind, imposes any disability on women and, indeed, it contains certain special provisions for their representation on committees appointed under the Act. I do not think, therefore, that there is any occasion for further legislation on this point.
I beg to give notice that I shall raise this matter on the Motion for the Adjournment.
Guardians (Payment)
asked the Minister of Health whether it is the policy of the Government to pay all guardians as in the case of West Ham, Bedwellty, and Chester-le-Street?
The answer is in the negative.
Bethnal Green (Outdoor Relief)
asked the Minister of Health whether he will state, for any convenient date in each of the months of July, August, September, October, and November, 1929, the number of persons in receipt of outdoor relief in Bethnal Green, distinguishing those persons who are normally in employment and the ordinary outdoor poor?
As the reply contains a number of figures in tabular form, I will, with the hon. Member's permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
Following is the reply:
Parish of Bethnal Green. Month. Average number of persons in receipt of out-door relief. Persons ordinarily engaged in some regular occupation and their dependants. Ordinary out-door poor. 1929. July 4,040 2,576 August 3,850 2,595 September 3,837 2,619 October 3,837 2,740 November 5,940 * * The averages for the month of November are not at present available. The figure shown relates to Saturday, the 16th November, 1929. The averages for the month of November are not at present available. The figure shown relates to Saturday, the 16th November, 1929.
Appointments, Bermondsey
asked the Minister of Health what steps he proposes to take with reference to the recent decision of the Bermondsey Board of Guardians to appoint a number of temporary officers to the permanent staff; whether, in view of the transfer of Poor Law administration to the county councils and county borough councils on 1st April next, he contemplates withholding his approval to the making of permanent appointments of the nature above alluded to; and whether persons appointed to permanent posts between now and 1st April next will be entitled to compensation should their services be dispensed with owing to their not being required under the new organisation of public assistance?
I am at present in communication with the guardians in regard to their proposal. I am not prepared to give any approval to avoidable additions at the present time to the Poor Law staff. Claims for compensation under the Act of 1929 depend upon membership of the Poor Law service on the two dates 12th November, 1928, and 1st April, 1930. The present proposal of the guardians is therefore not one which would give rise to additional claims of this kind.
Housing
Caravans
asked the Minister of Health whether his attention has been drawn to the difficulties being experienced by local authorities with respect to caravans and other similar dwellings in their districts; and whether, having regard to the permanent nature of these dwellings, he will introduce legislation granting local authorities power to deal with them in a more satisfactory manner than at present?
asked the Minister of Health whether in view of the difficulties which are being experienced by local authorities with respect to caravans and other similar dwellings and the permanent nature of many of these dwellings, he will introduce legislation granting local authorities more extended powers to deal with such structures?
asked the Minister of Health whether his attention has been drawn to the difficulties experienced by local authorities with respect to caravans and other similar dwellings; and whether he proposes to introduce legislation with the object of granting local authorities additional powers of dealing with such matters?
asked the Minister of Health whether he has received resolutions from various local authorities calling his attention to the difficulties they experience in connection with caravans and other similar temporary dwellings; and, if so, whether he proposes to take any steps to assist them to overcome these difficulties?
My attention has been drawn to this matter, and I have received resolutions from a number of local authorities. I am advised that most at any rate of the trouble could be met if local authorities exercised more thoroughly and vigorously the powers which they now possess and I am not satisfied that further legislation is needed. I am always pleased to give local authorities what assistance I can if they consult me on their particular difficulties.
What are the powers to which the right hon. Gentleman refers under the Act?
I must at Question Time have notice of such a question.
Would the right hon. Gentleman point out to the local authorities the powers to which he refers?
I must assume that the local authorities know the powers which they can exercise.
May I point out to the right hon. Gentleman—
No!
Teignmouth (Overcrowding)
asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware that serious overcrowding under insanitary conditions exists at Teignmouth; and whether he can state how many houses have been built by the Teignmouth Urban District Council under the Housing Acts and how many subsidies they gave under the 1923 Act?
I have not recently received any reports of overcrowding at Teignmouth; the number of houses built by the urban district council is 28; no subsidies were given by the council under the Housing etc. Act, 1923: since 1923 some 300 houses of a rateable value of £26 or less have been built by private enterprise without assistance.
Parlour and Non-Parlour Houses
asked the Minister of Health the average area of parlour and non-parlour houses, respectively, erected by local authorities during each month since May last?
As the answer involves a tabular statement, I will, with my hon. Friend's consent, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
Following is the answer:
Particulars as to the average area of houses erected during the months in question are not available, but the following statement shows the average area of parlour and non-parlour houses, respectively (excluding flats), in contracts let by, or in direct labour schemes of, local authorities during each of these months:
Month. Parlour houses. Non-parlour houses. 1929. sq. ft. sq. ft. May 911 763 June 884 773 July 916 748 August 905 756 September 914 783 October 912 780
asked the Minister of Health the average price of parlour and non-parlour houses included in the contracts of local authorities in England and Wales in May and October of this year, and the corresponding prices last year?
As the answer involves a number of figures I propose, with the hon. and gallant Member's consent, to circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
Following is the answer:
STATEMENT showing the average price of parlour and non-parlour houses respectively included in contracts let by, or in direct labour Schemes of, local authorities in England and Wales during each of the months of May an 1 October, 1928, and May and October, 1929.
Month. Parlour houses. Non-parlour houses. 1928. £ £ May 445 372 October 427 369 1929. May 406 344 October 419 344
Back-To-Back Houses
North Southwark
Chelsea
asked the Minister of Health whether he has received any Report of the condition of the central portion of Chelsea lying behind Cadogan Square, and including Feltham Mews and Little Orford Street?
Various representations have been made in regard to this area and reports have been made from time to time by the borough council of the action they have taken in regard to it.
In view of the fact that this part of Chelsea has been the subject of speculative purchase and sale during the last few years will the right hon. Gentleman urge upon the local authority the extreme desirability of acquiring the site for the erection of working-class dwellings?
Seamen's Special Fund
asked the Minister of Health when he hopes to announce the reconstitution of the governing body of the Seamen's Special Fund; and whether he will see that, before the reconstitution, the Scottish Fishery Board is consulted on the question of a representative of fishermen?
With regard to the first part of the question I would refer the hon. and gallant Member to the reply which I gave on the 14th November to the hon. Members for Southampton (Mr. T. Lewis) and Ross and Cromarty (Mr. Macpherson). The reply to the latter part of the question is in the affirmative.
Rating Authorities (Loan Debt)
asked the Minister of Health the number of rating authorities in England and Wales in 1914 and 1929; the total amount of their capital borrowings; and the interest paid for each of those and the intervening years?
As the answer contains a number of figures in tabular form, I will, with my hon. Friend's permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
Following is the answer:
The number of rating authorities in England and Wales in 1914 was 15,660 and in 1929 is 1,794. Under the Rating and Valuation Act, 1925, the council of every county borough and of every urban and rural district was made the rating authority in their area to the exclusion of parochial overseers and other bodies formerly empowered to levy rates. It is assumed that the figures required are those for the councils who are rating authorities in 1929 and for the corresponding councils in 1914.
The total outstanding loan debt, after deducting sums standing to the credit of sinking funds, of these councils in respect of all the services administered by them, was £762,807,835 on the 31st March, 1928 (the latest date for which figures are available), and £296,174,171 on 31st March, 1914. The interest paid by the councils on their outstanding loan debt was, in each of the undermentioned years:
Year ending, 31st March. £ 1914 10,900,337 1915 * 11,000,00011,000,000 1916 * 11,000,00011,000,000 1917 * 11,400,00011,400,000 1918 11,436,359 1919 11,512,241 1920 11,757,336 1921 14,768,725 1922 21,045,582 1923 25,320,037 1924 26,180,396 1925 27,031,907 1926 29,332,386 1927 32,786,860 1928 36,989,052 * Approximate—actual figures not available. Approximate—actual figures not available.
Public Health
Food Preservatives
asked the Minister of Health whether the regulations forbidding the use of preservatives in food have in the opinion of his Department resulted in an improvement in the health of the nation; and whether during the last 12 months there has been an increase in the number of cases of ptomaine poisoning, paratyphoid, and similar troubles?
The health of the nation is dependent on so many factors that it would be impossible directly to trace any improvement to a single cause, such as the restriction of preservatives in food. The number of notified cases of enteric fever (including typhoid and paratyphoid) in 1928 was slightly less than in 1927. Figures are not available for "ptomaine poisoning" since this is not a notifiable disease.
Undulant Fever
asked the Minister of Health the number of cases of undulant fever in England and Wales during the last five years; if he has any evidence showing whether there is any connection between that disease and contagious abortion in cattle; and whether any combined research work is being carried out into the subject by his Department, the Medical Research Council, and the Ministry of Agriculture?
Undulent fever is not notifiable in this country, and no exact figures of the number of cases which have occurred are available. I understand, however, that 14 cases have been traced as having occurred in England and Wales during the period referred to. An inquiry into this disease has been made by a medical officer of my Department, and his report which has recently been published, contains evidence, mainly from foreign sources, showing that cases of undulant fever in man have been causally related to cattle affected by contagious abortion. The whole subject is receiving careful attention by my Department in co-operation with the Medical Research Council and the Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries.
Milk
asked the Minister of Health whether, in order to encourage the production of cleaner milk, he will reduce the price of licences for certified and Grade A T.T. milk which the producer has now to pay?
The amount of the licence fees does not exceed the special cost of administering the grading scheme, and higher prices are charged for these milks than for ordinary milk. I am not at present satisfied that there is sufficient justification for a reduction of the fees, but I will consider the matter further in consultation with my right hon. Friend, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, when opportunity occurs for the general revision of the Special Designations Order.
Will the right hon. Gentleman consult the Minister of Agriculture?
; I shall be only too glad to consult him.
Floods, South Wales
97 and 98.
asked the Minister of Health (1) if he is aware of the damage done by floods in the Neath, Aberdulais, and Resolven areas; and what financial assistance he is prepared to give the local authorities and the people involved for restoration;
(2) whether he will consider the added financial responsibilities placed upon local authorities in Wales, due to the recent flooding of rivers; and whether he will utilise the unemployed workers for removing the debris from the beds of the rivers and allow the payment made to unemployed workers to be handed over to the local authorities to be paid as part wages and the balance of the expenditure to be borne by a Grant-in-Aid to the authorities by the Ministry?
I am aware of these unfortunate floods, and the position has been receiving my consideration. One of my inspectors has already investigated conditions in the Rhondda Valley. The only Government assistance available is through the Unemployment Grants Committee and two district councils have already submitted proposals to the Committee. It is for the local authorities in the first place to consider the cause and prevention of these occurrences.
May I ask whether the right hon. Gentleman will receive a deputation from this area?
I received a large deputation last week, but I shall always be glad to receive their representatives.
Chief Medical Officer's Report (Deaths)
asked the Minister of Health which of the deaths in the table on pages 100–102 of the Chief Medical Officer's last annual Report are included in the table on page 105 of that Report?
Of the deaths included in the table on pages 100–102 of the Chief Medical Officer's Report for 1928, those numbered 14, 16, 19, 28, 39 and 46 occurred amongst the cases of which particulars are given in the table on page 105 of that Report.
Refuse (Collection and Disposal)
asked the Minister of Health whether he has yet received the Report of the committee of London representatives now considering the question of refuse collection and disposal?
The Report of the Committee has not yet been received.
Has the right hon. Gentleman any idea as to when this Report will be received?
I hope it will be received at a very early date, but as my hon. Friend knows the new chairman has only recently been appointed.
Contributory Pensions
asked the Minister of Health whether, seeing that a widow of an ex-service man in receipt of a pension for her late husband can only receive disablement insurance benefit till she reaches the age of 65, when she cannot get the widow's pension, he will state whether there are any exceptions and, if so, what, in cases of this nature?
I regret that I am unable to apprehend what is meant by the hon. Member's question, but if he will communicate to me any particular case he has in mind I will consider it.
asked the Minister of Health whether, in view of the fact that the Widows', Orphans' and Old Age Contributory Pensions Bill modified Section 22 of the principal Act, decreeing that a pension was not to be paid to or in respect of any person whilst that person is absent from Great Britain only in so far as persons going to the British Empire overseas may in future benefit, he will consider its further modification in respect of pensioners who, through their employment with British employers, have to reside in foreign countries each year for a considerable period, the more so as the absence of any such modification may react upon their employment?
I am afraid that the difficulties involved make such a modification as is proposed impracticable.
Is not the right hon. Gentleman aware that the difficulties to which he refers simply mean that more foreigners will be employed, and fewer English?
By no means. The number of pensioners who are employed abroad is an insignificant number.
asked the Minister of Health whether he will cause inquiry to be made into the number of men, now in receipt of pension under the Widows', Orphans' and Old Age Contributory Pensions Act, whose wives have not attained the age of 65?
This information could only be obtained by individual inquiry of every married man who is at present in receipt of an old age pension under or by virtue of the Contributory Pensions Act, but whose wife is not recorded as a pensioner. In view of the extreme pressure under which my Department will be working for a considerable time as a result of the new Bill, I fear that I cannot undertake the suggested inquiry.
Arising out of the answer, may I ask the right hon. Gentleman, in view of the great importance of this matter to many thousands of men of 65 years of age whose wives have not yet attained the age of 65, and have to live on 10s. per week—[HON. MEMBERS: "Speech!"]—whether he will take the earliest opportunity of asking his Department to obtain this information?
The hon. Member is raising a question which requires far-reaching legislation.
Arising out of that reply; the information—
Order, order!
The hon. Member is giving information.
The Minister of Health has replied that this would require far-reaching legislation. I am asking for information, not for legislation.
I have no desire to collect information for information's sake, and, unless the legislation contem- plated afterwards can clearly be justified, I do not think my Department should be asked to collect this information.
Smoke Abatement
asked the Minister of Health whether he has been able to form any estimate as to the working of the Smoke Abatement Act, 1926; whether he is satisfied that all local authorities are endeavouring to apply the powers they possess under the Bill; in how many cases the Ministry has had to exercise its powers to compel the local authorities to make by-laws regulating the smoke nuisance; and whether he will consider the appointment of an independent committee to bring pressure on local authorities and co-ordinate the work all over the country?
There is evidence in the Ministry of Health of increasing activity among local authorities generally in matters of smoke abatement. I cannot, however, say that all authorities are making full use of their powers under the Act. There is room for more vigorous action, in consultation and cooperation with industry, the present difficulties of which undoubtedly have acted as a deterrent in some areas. So far I have not seen fit to exercise the power of compelling authorities to make by-laws, and as at present advised I do not see any necessity for the appointment of such a Committee as is referred to in the last part of the question.
Corporation and General Securities, Limited
asked the Minister of Health what reply he has given to the requests from provincial corporations and municipalities requesting him to institute an inquiry into the position caused by the failure of the company known as Corporation and General Securities, Limited, to hand over to the provincial corporations or municipalities the money received by them for loan stock issued?
I cannot find that I have received any requests of this kind from provincial corporations or municipalities.
Income Tax (Co-Operative Societies)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether the investigation into the probable amount of the yield for income tax if imposed on the co-operative societies, set up by the late Chancellor of the Exchequer, has yet been concluded; and, if so, will he state the result of the inquiry?
Yes, Sir, this inquiry has been completed. On the fuller and more recent information made available by the inquiry it is estimated that if the law were altered so as to make the surplus on mutual trading a profit for Income Tax purposes and thus to render Co-operative Societies liable to Income Tax on the net surplus remaining in their hands after payment of interest and dividend on purchases, the additional Income Tax payable by the Societies would amount to about £350,000 per annum.
In view of the difficulties now facing the right hon. Gentleman in framing his next Budget—[HON. MEMBERS: "No, no!"]—will he consider the possibility of levying Income Tax on co-operative concerns, as is done in the case of other traders in the country?
I am much obliged to the hon. and gallant Member for his consideration of my financial difficulties. I am afraid that if I were to get the whole of this sum it would not go far to meet them. May I also say that this figure is a gross figure; the net sum would be negligible.
May I ask whether the right hon. Gentleman does not consider that it would be a common act of justice to the distributing trades of this country if the co-operative societies were called upon to pay Income Tax?
In my experience of the House of Commons, this question has been discussed almost ad nauseam, and certainly I am not going to say anything further in reply on that question. We shall have an opportunity of raising the matter in Debate.
May I have an answer to my question?
The hon. Member's question does not really arise out of the question on the Paper.
International Communications, Limited
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if, in view of the fact that the Government has an interest in the finances of Imperial and International Communications, Limited, he will state whether the Government has been consulted regarding the proposal of the company to absorb the Indo-European Telegraph Company and, in particular, to pay a large sum of money to the directors of the latter company as compensation for loss of office; and, if so, what is its attitude towards this proposal?
The Government has not been consulted. I should perhaps explain that under the arrangements that were made for the setting up of the Communications Company the British Government is merely one of a number of partner Governments, and that representations to the Communications Company on matters of general policy would properly be made, if at all, through the medium of the Imperial Communications Advisory Committee, on which each of the partner Governments is duly represented.
Government Loans
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer the amount of State money paid to holders of War Loan Stock during the last financial year; and the total amount paid since the inception of the scheme?
Details of interest paid on all War Loans are included in the annual Finance Accounts, to which I would refer my hon. Friend.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if there is any intention of making a compulsory reduction in the rate of interest on the different War Loans forming the National Debt?
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether it is the intention of His Majesty's Government to reduce the rates of interest on any part of the National Debt?
108 and 110.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer (1) whether he intends to vary the contracted rates of interest on existing Government loans;
(2) whether he intends to adopt a policy of inflation?
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if it is the policy of the Government to effect an alteration in the contracted rates of interest on existing Government loans?
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether it is the intention of the Government to take any action which might affect the position of holders of Government securities?
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether there is any intention on the part of His Majesty's Government to alter or modify in any way the contracts contained in the prospectuses of Government loans upon which holders of Government securities have relied when investing in them?
His Majesty's Government have no intention of varying the contractual obligations entered into with the holders of Government securities. A condition of all Government loans is that the Government have the option of redemption at specified dates and, of course, will take advantage, in the interests of the taxpayers, of any favourable opportunity for redeeming loans or converting them to a lower rate of interest.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that since the announcement made from the Treasury Bench last Monday, there has been a series of inquiries from small investors upon this subject?
The hon. Member is now giving information. The question on the Paper has been answered.
May I put this question? Will the Chancellor of the Exchequer use his influence to try to restrain stupid and irresponsible statements of this kind from the Front Bench?
Is it a fact that Mr. Shaw has upset the apple cart?
The hon. Member must not refer to the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary of State for War by name.
I must tender to the Secretary of State for War an apology, but I only know one Mr. Shaw, and he is not in this House.
Do the Government adhere to the practice followed in the past, of collective Cabinet responsibility for statements made from the Front Bench opposite? [ Interruption. ]
I am afraid that in the noise which prevailed I did not quite hear the last part of the hon. Member's question, but, if he asked whether we adhere to the practice of the late Government—
Of past Governments.
Well, of past Governments including the late Government—I should like to know when the doctrine of Cabinet responsibility was strictly observed by the Members of the late Government?
Several HON. MEMBERS rose —
I think hon. Members are getting a long way from the question on the Paper in their supplementaries.
On a point of Order. I have a question on the Paper on this subject, and may I not be allowed one supplementary question? May I ask the right hon. Gentleman if any statements contradicting his answer that have been made in the past or may be made in the future will be—[ Interruption. ]
May I remind the right hon. Gentleman—[HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] May I ask the right hon. Gentleman if he remembers his own saying that when the cat is away the mice will play?
Business of the House
May I ask the Prime Minister what is the business for next week?
Monday, Unemployment Insurance Bill, Committee, together with Report of the Supply which will be taken to-day—that is, the Supplementary Estimates.
Tuesday, Indemnity (Under-Secretaries of State) Bill, and Unemployment Insurance Bill, Committee.
Thursday, Unemployment Insurance Bill, Committee.
On any day, if time permits, other Orders may be taken.
There are some subjects which we are very anxious to discuss, and I should like to ask the right hon. Gentleman if he will be able to find time for them before the House rises. One is the question of Egypt, and the other is the question of the Singapore Base.
I have not had notice of the question, and I am afraid that it is quite impossible to discuss those subjects before Christmas week, because other business will make it impossible, and Parliamentary time will not allow it. I have looked into it very carefully, and neither of these subjects is of such a nature that any national or Parliamentary damage will be done if they are postponed until after we resume.
I am sorry that the right hon. Gentleman had not notice of the question. It was my mistake; I thought communications had passed. Perhaps the right hon. Gentleman will look into the matter further. I would remind him that we have not yet asked for or obtained a single day for the discussion of any special subject of that kind, and I would also remind him that last year, when we had a very large majority in this House, we gave him quite willingly a day for debate on some special subject to be chosen by the party opposite, certainly once a fortnight throughout the Autumn Session.
May I be permitted to ask the right hon. Gentleman whether, if he postpones the discussion on Egypt until after Christmas, it may not be the case that this House will only express its opinion after an opinion has been declared in Egypt; and is it not desirable that this House should have an opportunity of expressing its feelings before the matter is raised in the Egyptian Parliament?
I think in that matter we shall have to exercise our judgment. I do not think anything is likely to arise which, if the Debate on Egypt were postponed until January, would weaken the authority of this House in settling a policy.
May I ask the right hon. Gentleman for the convenience of the House to inform us if it is his intention to ask for the suspension of the Eleven O'clock Rule on Monday?
Yes, it is. May I add that, although I think the Eleven O'clock Rule will have to be suspended pretty frequently, I would like very much, if it is at all possible—though I do not press the matter—that we should get the essential business through without very prolonged sittings after eleven o'clock. But the business will have to be got through.
Does the right hon. Gentlemen suggest that the House should sit until 24th December?
May I ask when the text of the Indemnity Bill will be at the Vote Office, and whether it will be accompanied by an explanatory statement, because we have not been able to get much information about it up to the present.
The text of the Bill will be circulated in plenty of time for the discussion, and the explanation will be given, as usual, when the Second Reading of the Bill is taken in the House.
When may we expect an opportunity for discussing the political aspects of the industry of agriculture?
Message from the Lords
That they have agreed to,—
Ministry of Health Provisional Orders (No. 11) Bill,
Ministry of Health Provisional Orders (No. 12) Bill, without Amendment.
Selection (Standing Committees)
Standing Committee B
Mr. Frederick Hall reported from the Committee of Selection; That they had added the following Twenty Members to Standing Committee B (in respect of the Annual Holiday Bill): Mr. Batey, Mr. Dukes, Mr. Hacking, Sir George Hamilton, Captain Austin Hudson, Mr. Kelly, Mr. Lawson, Mr. McShane, Mr. Mander, Mr. Mond, Sir Douglas Newton, Captain Peake, Sir Gervais Rentoul, Sir James Reynolds, Mr. Ben Riley, Mr. Shakespeare, Mr. Annesley Somerville, Mr. H. W. Wallace, Mr. T. Williams, and Mr. Ernest Winterton.
Scottish Standing Committee
Mr. Frederick Hall further reported from the Committee; That they had added the following Ten Members to the Standing Committee on Scottish Bills (in respect of the Highlands and Islands Medical Service (Additional Grant) Bill and the Illegitimate Children (Scotland) Bill): Lord Balneil, Mr. Cameron, Lord Colum Crichton-Stuart, Mr. Lindley, Mr. Lovat-Fraser, Mr. Malcolm MacDonald, Mr. Hugh Morrison, Mr. Philip Oliver, Major Pole, and Mr. Russell.
Reports to lie upon the Table.
Selection (Chairmen's Panel)
Mr. Frederick Hall reported from the Committee of Selection; That they had discharged the following Member from the Chairmen's Panel: Sir Clive Morrison-Bell.
Report to lie upon the Table.
Selection (Local Legislation Committee)
Mr. Frederick Hall reported from the Committee of Selection; That they had nominated the following Member to serve on the Local Legislation Committee: Mr. Fergus Graham.
Report to lie upon the Table.
Chairmen's Panel
Mr. Frederick Hall reported from the Chairmen's Panel; That they had appointed Mr. James Brown to act as Chairman of the Standing Committee on Scottish Bills (in respect of the Highlands and Islands (Medical Service) Additional Grant Bill and the Illegitimate Children (Scotland) Bill); and Sir Hugh O'Neill to act as Chairman of Standing Committee B (in respect of the Annual Holiday Bill).
Report to lie upon the Table.
Orders of the Day
Supply
Considered in Committee.
[Mr. DUNNICO in the Chair.]
Civil Estimates, Supplementary Estimate, 1929
Class VII
Miscellaneous Legal Buildings, Great Britain
Motion made, and Question proposed,
"That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £10, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1930, for Expenditure in respect of Miscellaneous Legal Buildings, including the whole additional cost of a new Sheriff Court House at Edinburgh."
I beg to move, "That the Chairman do report Progress, and ask leave to sit again."
I do not know whether or not the Minister in charge of this Supplementary Estimate is here, but I think we ought to have a statement upon it. It is usual, when Estimates of this character are presented, to have a statement about them from the Minister in charge.
The position is simply this, that the Minister in charge of this particular Estimate does not appear to be here at the moment.
I was informed that there were two Supplementary Estimates, one for a building at Riga which we have done and one for a county court at Harlesden, and I was prepared to move those when the time came. The Chairman read out an Estimate for a sheriff court house at Edinburgh.
May I point out to the right hon. Gentleman that that is simply the title of the particular Vote, Class VII, Vote 5, and if he will look at the bottom of the page where it gives the particulars as to the amounts in question, he will find that it deals with the particular matters which he has in charge. In these circumstances, perhaps he can give the Committee some explanation of the Estimate.
On a point of Order. Did you not put the Motion to report Progress and ask leave to sit again, Mr. Deputy-Chairman, and did you not collect the voices on that Question, and, therefore, are you not bound to press that Motion and to dispose of it before we go on to any other business?
I had not collected the voices. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh!"] I must ask Hon. Members to pay respect to the Chair. I had not collected the voices. I was in process of doing so when the Prime Minister rose.
Under the circumstances, as the right hon. Gentleman is now present, I beg to ask leave to withdraw my Motion.
Motion, by leave, withdrawn.
Original Question again proposed.
Perhaps now the right hon. Gentleman will explain this Supplementary Estimate.
I am sorry that I misunderstood you, Mr. Dunnico, or that you misunderstood me. The Supplementary Estimate for which we are asking is one in connection with the provision of accommodation for the British Mission that represents this Government in the Republic of Latvia—
That is not the Estimate. We are dealing with the Estimate for the county court at Harlesden.
Is this the result of the right hon. Gentleman the First Commissioner of Works having been out late last night?
4.0 p.m.
No, it must be the result of the Lobby Press luncheon. It appears that I must take the second Vote first. The second Vote has to do with the provision of county court buildings at Harlesden, and the facts in relation to this Vote are that for some considerable time accommodation has been required, owing to the growth of population in that part of London. We have made all the inquiries possible as to public buildings which might be suitable. The local authorities are expected to give us facilities where possible for the holding of these Courts, but in this district, owing to it being a new district, there is no accommodation available. The new Court has to serve a very large area—Harrow, Wealdstone, Wembley, Hendon, and Edgware—and those hon. Members who know the distinct will know that it is a very considerable district indeed. At present there is very great inconvenience. We have been asked to find a new place, and since 1927 we have been in search of such a site. Owing to the fact that we are unable to get a public building, we now propose to secure some leasehold premises, known as the Constitutional Halls, Craven Park, Harlesden. The lessees, the Constitutional Halls, Limited, are willing to sell their interest in these premises, which are at present used for public entertainment and such purposes. These premises, I am told, can be adapted for the purposes for which they are required. The price is £4,800, and there are ground rents amounting to £29 per year. The leaseholders are only prepared to keep their offer open till 31st December of this year, which makes it imperative to come to a decision as early as possible. The cost of adapting the premises will be £4,245 and £640 for furniture, so that the total cost will be £9,685. I am informed by the officers concerned that this will be a very cheap bargain for the Department, because to get buildings as suitable as these would cost, for purchase and adaptation at least £20,000. It will be observed from the Estimates that we are paying for the premises, as to £4,790, out of anticipated savings, leaving only £10 on which the Committee can express its approval or disapproval of the proposition. That £4,790 represents money unspent from the Vote in our last Estimates. This unexpended money we propose to use for the premises at Harlesden. I hope we shall get the vote with as little discussion as possible.
After travelling by a rather roundabout route we are fully seized with the position of the Harlesden County Court, except in one or two respects about which I wish to ask some questions. The Committee generally will agree that provision should be made for the county court in this very populous part of London. At present there is not proper and sufficient county court accommodation. Every one who has to do work in the county courts will agree that it is essential that county court judges should be able to carry on their work in proper surroundings and with dignity. It is a matter for regret that in many county courts justice is being administered in insufficient and unsatisfactory surroundings.
The conversation which is taking place across the Table of the House is wholly inaudible here.
I know that the hon. Gentleman is interested in this matter. I was emphasising the necessity of improved accommodation in county courts. I am anxious to see better accommodation provided generally, and in Harlesden in particular. I am rather surprised that in this wide area of London the right hon. Gentleman's Department has been able to purchase, on behalf of this particular county court, only a leasehold interest. What is the period of the lease? Secondly, in the contract that has been made, has the right hon. Gentleman obtained any option to purchase the freehold? It would be very unsatisfactory, from the point of view of the State, if after incurring an expenditure of £9,045, and £640 for furniture and fittings, the Department should have to look round for another county court building. That might involve a considerable waste of money. I should have thought it would have been possible to obtain a freehold interest. The right hon. Gentleman has told us that it was impossible to utilise the offices of any local authority. Perhaps the right hon. Gentleman will give us more details as to how the sum of £9,045 is made up. I hope the figures on page 7 of the Supplementary Estimate do not mean that the saving mentioned is to be at the expense of the proper administration of justice in other parts of the country, where better accommodation is required.
I wish to draw the Minister's attention to the item "Anticipated savings on other new works services." I do not think I am far wrong in assuming that part of those savings is in connection with Clerkenwell County Court. That building was condemned about a year ago and the Court was removed to the neighbourhood of City Road. The old Court in Duncan Terrace has since stood mournfully unused, and as far as I know the only structural alteration which has taken place, at any rate up to October, has been that certain small boys of advanced political opinions have broken all the windows.
The hon. and gallant Member is not in order in discussing that subject on this Supplementary Estimate, which applies to Harlesden.
With great respect, I think I am entitled to speak about this Clerkenwell building, because they are "Savings on other new works services." I wish to draw attention to the case of a County Court which has been condemned and is to be rebuilt, but has been left derelict for months.
The hon. and gallant Member must do that on a general Estimate and not on a Supplementary Estimate for a specific purpose.
Are we not entitled to ask where the anticipated savings come from?
That is my point: I am trying to find out whether the "savings" are in respect of this Clerkenwell building.
The hon. and gallant Member will be in order in directing attention to the "anticipated savings," but not in raising a general discussion upon the Clerkenwell building.
I was not trying to raise a general discussion, but was confining myself to one building only, in the case of which there seem to have been certain savings. The building is the Clerkenwell County Court. It has been left in the state I have indicated, and nothing had been done to it until up to October. I shall not waste a sigh over the old building in Duncan Terrace. It was an utterly unsuitable building; there was no proper accommodation for those who used the Court, whether litigants or witnesses or juries in waiting. It was my lot as a very humble member of the legal profession to go there on occasion.
On a point of Order, Mr. Deputy-Chairman. I understood that you had ruled that further discussion of Clerkenwell County Court should cease.
I rule distinctly that the only argument that can be brought forward with regard to any particular building is that certain savings have taken place on other buildings. I understand that the hon. and gallant Member is trying to prove that these savings have been due to some neglect in connection with some other building.
Would not the proceedings of the Committee be shortened if the Minister would tell us where he has made his savings?
The one thing that I was trying to do was to find out whether the savings which the Minister anticipates are in connection with this County Court at Clerkenwell. At present the business of the Court is carried on in hired premises, which are inconvenient to those who have to use the Court. It is also on the very edge of the district, and it is urgent that the work on the original County Court should be expedited. I suppose that some of this £4,790 has been saved by the Office of Works in postponing this very urgent work to the original County Court in order that they may spend it at Harlesden. My submission is that the Clerkenwell Court is the more important Court, or at any rate as important, and that it is extremely inconvenient for those who live in the Islington district to have to go to City Road to conduct their legal business. All hon. Members who are connected with Islington will agree that the Court of Justice for Islington ought to be as near the Angel as possible.
I made a mistake in Ruling too definitely that that Court cannot be raised on this point, but we cannot have a lengthy discussion on it. The hon. Member is in order in using Clerkenwell as an illustration, but is not in order in making it an issue on this Motion.
I will not elaborate it further, but I would like to draw the Minister's attention to the case of this Court.
I am not sure that I agree with my right hon. Friend the Member for West Woolwich (Sir K. Wood) that it is necessary to have a new Court in this particular district, and before we give the right hon. Gentleman the Vote, I would like to ask one or two questions. Is he convinced that the arrangements for adapting this building into a Court are sufficient, and enough work will be done immediately in this Court to justify us launching out into this expenditure? How many days is the Court likely to be sitting? We know that the right hon. Gentleman cannot tell us absolutely, but there must have been some estimate before the Government launched out into a scheme of this sort. The question has been raised in regard to the lease. The Government are so changeable in their opinions, that I was not surprised to find that they were proposing to purchase a leasehold, but I do not think that it is wise for the Government to take up a leasehold interest. They ought to try and get the freehold where possible, because of the complications connected with a leasehold. If they purchase a leasehold, it only means that sooner or later the Government have more work to do in connection with it. Is it not possible, even at this late hour, to have the matter reconsidered, and to endeavour to buy the freehold of this site? The right hon. Gentleman will have the support of the House if he can do that. Many of us are strongly against the Government going in for temporary leases of buildings, never knowing how long they will have to run. What are the terms of this lease, and how long have the Government been able to secure it?
I am in favour of this Vote, for it is encouraging to see that the authorities are beginning to realise the disgraceful state of the County Courts in this country. Justice cannot be carried out under these hugger mugger conditions. A large area adjoining my constituency has no County Court premises at present, and for the dignity of the whole place, a proper County Court should be supplied. Is this particular Vote part of a general scheme to rehabilitate the County Courts throughout the country? It is a very dangerous thing to have leasehold property, and yet the Government are proposing to spend £10,000 on leasehold premises. What is the length of the lease? Is it worth while spending that amount on a leasehold? The alterations only mean tinkering with the building. I would like to know also what is the age of the building. I am certain that in a large area like Har- lesden there must be enough vacant sites on which a decent building could be put up. For £10,000 the Government could build a small freehold Court which could be extended as the demands of the neighbourhood required.
It is very important that before spending money on a diminishing security such as a leasehold, this matter should be further investigated. It is a waste of public money, and the authorities in charge of this particular Department should take out a leasehold redemption policy. Has the Minister considered that? Again, are there sufficient facilities to get to this particular building? I understand that it is an old secondary-school. One of the difficulties of County Courts in London is that they are very difficult to get at. Is this particular building, on which it is proposed to spend the large sum of £10,000, convenient for the people who want to attend? I am entirely in favour of this Vote, but before we pass it we should have a good deal more information as regards the site, the age and condition of the building, and whether it is worth while to spend £10,000 tinkering about with an old building.
We do not oppose this Vote, but let us have a clear understanding of what we are after. I do not see the Financial Secretary to the Treasury here, and he ought to be present to deal with this matter. The Civil Service Estimates for 1929–30 are under my name as Financial Secretary last year, and, if hon. Gentlemen will look at page 32, they will see how this Vote of £22,880 was drawn up. That is the amount which appears in the Paper in our hands to-day, and it is made up for the most part of £12,000 for Clerkenwell, £4,200 for Lambeth, £4,180 for Rochdale, and £2,500 for minor works. It is evident that the Government cannot get an anticipated saving of £4,790 out of an item of £4,200, or an item of £4,180, or an item of £2,500. The only item left is that of Clerkenwell, and how is the Minister going to save £4,790 on that item?
On page 7 of the Supplementary Estimate I see an item which always irritates me when I see it in a Supplementary Estimate—that is, furniture and fittings, £640. It is true that the item is very small, a trivial amount, but the whole principle of continually buying fresh furniture and fittings at the public expense for new buildings or reorganised buildings is wrong. I know, from my experience in several Government Departments, that there must be a large amount of furniture and fittings, which are not being used, in the custody of the Office of Works. Every now and again we see Government buildings pulled down or redundant offices closed. There is, for instance, the recently closed office at the corner of Dorset Street and Baker Street which was used by the Imperial War Graves Commission, in which there was a lot of furniture, and yet time after time we see fresh expenditure on new furniture. No man of business will buy new furniture when he opens up new departments; he will first look round to see what furniture he has in stock.
It would not be a bad thing if the First Commissioner of Works had a stocktaking of what he has in his custody. The furniture which has been taken from hutments, or office buildings or closed Departments like the Ministry of Munitions, should be made use of before money is spent on new furnishing and fitting offices like those now under discussion. I hope the right hon. Gentleman will get his staff to make out, even if we do not see it in this House, a full list of what he has in stock, and insist upon all Departments, when fitting up new rooms, using as far as possible the furniture he has got, and not bring forward these estimates for trumpery little sums of £640 for new furniture and fittings.
Two main questions have been put to me. One was as to the length of the lease. It has 46 years to run. I am informed by the officers who have had this matter in hand that there is no other building or site suitable for this purpose in the neighbourhood. Very exhaustive inquiries have been made, and I have no option, and I think the Committee have no option, but to accept the word of those who have been entrusted with the task of trying to find premises. I am assured, and I think it is so from one's own knowledge, that we shall get a very good bargain in this matter. It is perfectly true that we have to adapt the building, but it is equally true that none of us know what alterations might be necessary at the end of 46 years even if we had a new building. Our estimate is that it would cost at least £20,000 to get the accommodation which, including the payment of the lease, will cost us less than £10,000. The other question was as to where the savings come from. I do not think the hon. Gentleman the Member for Farnham (Mr. A. M. Samuel) or the right hon. Member for West Woolwich (Sir K. Wood) can have any doubt as to the sort of thing this savings business is. We save, quite truthfully, on the Clerkenwell Court, and the reason for that is that since this question of the Clerkenwell Court has been under discussion there have been continual changes and different proposals for dealing with that Court, and the Department have not been able to get on with the job.
I am not questioning that. It is a question of accounting, which I do not expect the right hon. Gentleman to understand—
I am not going to allow the superior Gentlemen on the bench there to say that. I have conducted businesses as well as the hon. and right hon. Gentlemen opposite, and it is a piece of insolence—
I withdraw.
Oh, no. I desire to be treated on an equality with hon. Gentlemen on the other side of the House, and I am not going to be treated as if I did not understand this subject.
On a point of Order.
No, it is not a point of Order.
Point of Order!
On a point of Order. Will the right hon. Gentleman permit me to say that I unreservedly withdraw, if he thinks I was discourteous? I had no intention of being discourteous. What I wanted to say was that I did not hold him responsible—
You told me I did not understand.
What I meant was that I could not hold him responsible for the accounts, because they were drawn up by his colleague the Financial Secretary. I entirely withdraw any expression which he may think was discourteous.
I only wish to say, and I may as well say it now as at any other time, that I do not intend to submit to the air of superiority assumed by right hon. Gentlemen opposite.
On a point of Order. Is a Minister justified in standing at that box and using the words which he used just now?
I have used the words, and I intend to stick to them.
I do not think a point of Order is raised. What the right hon. Gentleman said was an expression of opinion.
On a point of Order. May I ask whether it is in order to use the expression "insolence "or" insolent" in this House?
"Insolent" is not an unparliamentary expression—[HON. MEMBERS: "Oh!"]—if the Minister felt that he was being treated in that way. I do not think the words which he used were unparliamentary as a general term.
Further to that point of Order. Is it in order for the Noble Lord to make obviously offensive noises at the Chair when a Ruling is given?
I want to say to the Noble Lord, too, that we on this side of the House may not have had the university training which he has had, but we have had a training in the school of experience, and the House and the country have placed us here, and we are entitled to the same respect as right hon. Gentlemen expected from us. The whole attitude on this Estimate this afternoon has been that no one knew anything about it, and I object to that assumption. [ Interruption. ] Yes, the remark has been made. The hon. Gentleman who charged me with not understanding these accounts, I say deliberately, insulted me as one of the Members of the Government, and I personally do not intend to submit to that from anybody. [An HON. MEMBER: "He apologised!"] Yes, and I accept his apology, but as the question has been raised—[ Interruption. ] Excuse me! The question is raised as to whether I was justified in what I said. As the hon. Gentleman has withdrawn what he said, I have the greatest pleasure in withdrawing what I said, and we shall perhaps now get on. I was told deliberately that this Vote was not going to be discussed, and that it would be taken as a matter of form, and I did not want to delay the Committee in getting on with the other business. That is the reason why I did not detain the Committee in the earlier part of the discussion. I have dealt with the length of the lease.
Is there anything in the contract under which you purchased this lease, any covenant, whereby you have got to reinstate the old building, and is there anything in connection with dilapidations in respect of the old building?
The agreement with the people from whom we are taking it, who are the Constitutional Society in the district, is the ordinary one which is made between an ordinary tenant and landlord. With regard to the freehold, we are negotiating about it, and hope to be able to get the freehold long before the lease expires. On the question of Clerkenwell, there has been the same question of the readaptation of that building, and the reason for the delay was not due to anything that happened during my short term of office. It is due to the fact that opinions have changed as to how the site should be dealt with, but I believe that within the next two or three months we shall be able to pass the scheme and get on with the work of providing the new building.
Could the Minister give us any idea as to the date?
I have just said within the next two or three months. I think the only other question that was raised was in connection with the suitability of the site. I am told by everyone, and from my own knowledge I think it is so, that it is one of the best sites available. My experience of the Office of Works in regard to furniture is that they are as capable as the best housewife in the country. I find no signs of any extravagance in the use of furniture. I would point out to the Committee that the building we are discussing is not an office but a county court, and very much of the furniture which the hon. Gentleman said would become available from the office of the Imperial War Graves Commission would not be appropriate for a county court, where all kinds of equipment will be necessary.
I would like a little further explanation as to the accounting. The Minister said that the saving is on the Clerkenwell site, but then he went on to say that the Clerkenwell site would be dealt with in two or three months' time.
We shall not spend £12,000 before next April.
If this saving of £4,790 is on that site and the building is to be gone on with in two or three months' time, where does the saving come in?
In any case we shall not require all the money on one day. It has pushed it forward three or four months, so that if we start in two or three months' time we have still got another three or four months before we require this £4,000 or £5,000.
I cannot help thinking that the Committee must have been surprised when they heard the length of this lease. For a public building on which some £4,000 is to be spent a lease of 46 years is very short. When, in a further explanation, the right hon. Gentleman said it is hoped at a later date to buy the freehold, I think the height of surprise must have been reached. The right hon. Gentleman must be well aware that it is a much easier and cheaper matter to buy the freehold of any property when the building has cost only £2,000 or £3,000, perhaps, than it would be to buy it when some further £4,000 or £5,000 has been spent on it. If His Majesty's Government propose, as they apparently do, to spend on it a sum of money equal to the present value of the site and the building, surely they cannot hope at a later date to obtain from the freeholder anything like the same conditions as they might perhaps obtain at the present time. I suggest to the right hon. Gentleman that it would be highly desirable to try to complete the negotiations for the freehold before spending the sum of money which it is proposed to spend.
As the right hon. Gentleman knows, probably as well as anyone in this House, the furniture trade is in a serious state of depression at the present moment. I would like to know whether the furniture is to be made by the Office of Works or is to be bought from outside manufacturers. If it is to be bought from outside it would undoubtedly be of some assistance to this depressed trade. If, on the other hand, it is to be made by the Office of Works, I think the effect will be to do little more than create disturbance in the trade. It is part of the duties of the Minister in his other office to assist in finding work for those who are unemployed.
Can the light hon. Gentleman answer my question as to how long the Court is likely to be used each year.
In exactly the same manner as any other County Court.
Question put, and agreed to.
Public Buildings Overseas
Motion made, and Question proposed,
"That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £10, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1930, for expenditure in respect of Public Buildings Overseas."
This is a Vote of £10 for expenditure in respect of public buildings overseas. The original Estimate for public buildings overseas was £277,040. This Vote is now called the Public Buildings Overseas Vote, but previously the Vote was for Diplomatic and Consular Buildings. I want to know if that means that these new buildings will include the Consular Office, and does it include provision for certain additional accommodation? We all recognise the growing importance of the work of the Department of Overseas Trade, and it is necessary that there should be adequate provision made whenever a new overseas building is contemplated, for the representative of our trade commissioners and our commercial attaches so that they may keep in touch with those foreign traders whom they desire to meet. It is necessary to have this accommodation in order that tenders may be dealt with and contracts discussed. There should be adequate accommodation in the buildings abroad so that representatives of our British export firms can meet in conference with the representatives of foreign countries in order to discuss business.
There is a separate Vote for the Consular Service.
I would like to know what accommodation is being provided in this legation building at Riga for the housing of our trade representative there, and for any other officers connected with our Department of Overseas Trade in order to facilitate the obtaining of orders for goods from foreign countries.
I would like to ask whether this money is being spent in a way that will give this country the best value for the money spent. Does the right hon. Gentleman really consider that the existing British representation in that part of the world is satisfactory? As I understand it, there is only one British Minister for the three States of Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia, and I should like to know whether the Government really think that arrangement is satisfactory. The present system has only been in existence since the end of the War and the signing of the Treaty, and it seems to me doubtful whether a system can be satisfactory that allows only one British representative for three countries.
I am afraid the hon. Member is wandering away from the Vote under discussion.
I was pointing out, Mr. Dunnico, that it does not seem to me that the money which we are voting is going to be spent to the best advantage, and I was going on to suggest that, instead of spending all this money at Riga, some of it ought to be spent in providing accommodation for the British Minister in the other Republics at Reval and at Kovno to give him a pied a terre in those countries from which he can safeguard British interests. Instead of spending all this money at Riga, I think some of it might very well be spent in providing better accommodation at Reval where, when I was there a few years ago, the British representative had merely a room in a building, and this, in my opinion, is not consistent with the dignity of a British representative. I dare say that that sort of thing may be considered "swank," but it is not. The provision of good accommodation and representation goes a long way towards influencing trade and commerce in our direction in that part of the world. All I am anxious about is to secure that this money will be spent in a manner that will give the best possible value to the British Empire generally.
Is it not a fact that the name of Reval has been changed to "Talina "?
If the hon. Member will excuse me, I prefer to call it by the name which appears on the map. A good deal of inconvenience has been caused by changing the names of these places. I should like an assurance from the Secretary for the Overseas Department that he really considers that he is making the best use of this expenditure, and that it is really advisable to build this big building at Riga instead of, so to speak, distributing the expenditure and constructing three separate legations at the capitals of each of the three Baltic States.
I would like to say a few words upon this Vote, because I have had some slight acquaintance myself with Riga and I have always taken a special interest in this question of our representation at Riga, and in the Baltic States generally. I do not think that the fact has been mentioned that these countries have their representatives in this country and they have had them for a great many years past. It seems to me that we should be very well advised to consider this question from a broad point of view, and we ought to make sure that in spending this money on the legation building at Riga we do not cramp our accommodation in the other Border States.
I think the representative of the Government stated that our consul at Riga is housed separately, and I would like to know if this Vote makes any new housing arrangements for our commercial councillor. It seems to me that by spending £15,000 in one of the Baltic States we may not be getting value for our money. I notice that there is anticipated savings on other new works services amounting to £7,990. I do not intend to refer to the diplo- matic building up and down the world on the chance of finding out where this money is being saved, but it would be interesting to know which are the main savings that have been made, and whether they are connected with works which have not been proceeded with this year, or works which are being done at a lower price than the contract.
5.0 p.m.
I think it is our duty carefully to examine this Vote in order to see that our diplomatic and consular representatives are well housed. It becomes quite clear, if one consults page 58 of the Civil Service Estimates, that we in this country have at last decided upon trying to improve both our diplomatic and consular buildings in all parts of the world, and I for one am very glad to see that we are at last going to do something with regard to our legation at Riga. The whole justification of this Vote depends upon, and is connected with, what accommodation is available in the towns of Kovno and Talina, if that be the correct name of the place. I do think that there is force in the point raised by the hon. Member for East Lewisham (Sir A. Pownall), that the other two countries, Estonia in the North and Lithuania in the South, feel that we are perhaps not treating them with proper respect when we send only one diplomatic representative for all three countries. It may be that as trade with Estonia and Lithuania develops in the future, we shall have to build or buy or hire diplomatic buildings in Kovno and Talina.
I see that this Vote speaks of "Purchase and adaptation." When a building has been taken for a legation and has been adapted, it is hardly satisfactory. I know that the legation at Riga is not much to boast of in its present state, and I should like to know what are the alterations and adaptations which are going to be made to it and how much of this money is to be spent on buying the place and how much on improving it. I hope the right hon. Gentleman will also tell us what kind of legation it is, because we have now in the Baltic States a sort of standardised legation, and very excellent buildings they are. I am thinking of the delegations in Sofia and Bel- grade, which have just been built. I hope whoever replies to this discussion will tell us whether the legation in Riga compares favourably with other new legations which have been built in various parts of Europe.
I should like to supplement what has been said by my hon. Friends on this side of the House, because I was a member of the delegation which some few years ago went from this Parliament to these three border States on the invitation to Mr. Speaker Whitley, and we found there exactly what the hon. and gallant Member for North West Hull (Sir A. Lambert Ward) has just told us, that those three countries were entirely under the consulate at Riga. I should like the Minister to give us some explanation of that, because the city of Kovno is a full night's journey from Riga, and I do not see how the consul at Riga, attending to Lithuanian matters, can properly deal with those matters in an area which is divided in that way. Similarly, the town of Reval, if I may use that name—the only name that I know—is also a full night's journey from Riga. I submit that this money could be spent to much greater advantage if there were some devolution by Riga to Reval and Kovno. My recollection of the legation offices at Riga is that they are totally inadequate for dealing with the three capital cities, and I suggest to the right hon. Gentleman that it might he more in the interest of this country to have three offices, one in Kovno, one in Riga, and the third in Reval, dealing with the work of the three Republics, and to spend less in Riga than it is proposed to spend under the present Estimates.
In any case, I would ask the right hon. Gentleman to give the Committee, in the course of his reply, some indication as to what is the policy of the Government on this matter, because I think it is of vital importance, not merely to those who are going out to buy raw materials, but also from the point of view of selling goods in those countries. It was a matter of considerable amazement to me to find that very little assistance was given to British manufacturers who were trying to secure orders; and that was very probably because of the lack of Legation premises in Riga, Reval, and Kovno. I want to impress upon the right hon. Gentleman that this is a matter which needs to be looked into very carefully. In the report which was presented to the Government of the day by the delegation which visited these States, consisting of some who are still Members of this House and some who are not now Members, we did stress with great vigour the very point which has been discussed in this Debate. If the right hon. Gentleman cannot deal with the matter this afternoon, I would ask him, at any rate, to make a careful note of this point. Doubtless, he can find out what was said by that delegation, and I am sure he will find that it is a point which the Government should consider.
There are two questions which I would put to the right hon. Gentleman who is to reply for the Government, and upon which I would press him for an answer. Firstly, I do feel that it is advisable to get away from the system of leasing wherever we can. If we can obtain freeholds, we know where we are in foreign countries, and are not periodically blackmailed to pay more and more rent. I therefore very much hope that in this case the freehold will be acquired. The other question which I want to ask is with regard to the anticipated savings. I very much hope that those savings are not going to be made in places where accommodation is very much required. I remember that the hon. Member for Shoreditch (Mr. Thurtle), in the last Parliament, asked me various questions about bad accommodation in several countries of the world. I hope that these savings are not going to take place in Japan or South America; I would rather that they took place in certain other quarters. I should be rather relieved if the right hon. Gentleman would tell us that they were taking place in quarters where savings could be effected without prejudice to the work of the particular legation.
All I want to do is to point out that we now have it on very high authority, that is to say, from the Opposition Front Bench, that when a landlord asks for increased rent at the end of a lease, it is blackmail.
With regard to the main question which has been raised by several hon. Members as to the wisdom of having one Minister for the three Republics, the Committee will appreciate that that is not my business. My business at the Office of Works is to provide the necessary buildings according to the requirements of various Departments. We build the overseas buildings and supply the accommodation which the Foreign Office or, in the case of Consuls, the Board of Trade require us to supply, and this site and building is one which the Foreign Office authorities consider is suitable for the residence, and to carry on the business, of the British Minister to the three Republics. There will be accommodation for a commercial secretary, or I suppose you may call him a commercial attaché; and there is also accommodation for the trade people and the ordinary consular people elsewhere.
Will the Department of Overseas Trade be given accommodation?
They have a commercial secretary, who will find accommodation in this building.
May I ask whether the right hon. Gentleman gives a definite undertaking that the Department of Overseas Trade will be given proper accommodation?
The Department will be represented by its commercial secretary, for whom there is full accommodation in this building. I would remind the hon. Member for Macclesfield (Mr. Remer) that the consulate do not come into this discussion at all; we are dealing only with the one question of providing accommodation for the British Minister to the three Republics. The question whether we ought to have one Minister to each Republic is something which must be settled, I think, after another discussion, in connection with the Foreign Office. It is the freehold that we are purchasing, and I am informed that this building is one of the very few buildings available. The trouble which we are in is that we have not a lot of time in the matter. Notice was served on us last year to quit in April, 1929, and we have not been able to find accommodation until now. We must settle on this business almost immediately. I think the Committee must accept the evidence of those who have taken the matter in hand for the Department, who assure us that it is a very good bargain indeed for us, and that it will give ample accommodation for the Minister who will occupy these premises. I think those are all the questions which were put.
May I remind the right hon. Gentleman that there was another question?
Yes, I beg the hon. and gallant Member's pardon; there is the question of savings. I am sorry to disappoint the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Wood Green (Mr. G. Locker-Lampson). Part of the saving is from Tokio and part from a building at Washington; but it is not money saved. We had not kept up with our work as quickly as we expected, and this is money which we have not yet spent. I expect that the money which we are using in this way will have to be made up in the next Estimates. It is not that we are not going to carry out the work, but it happens that there has been delay, and we have not been able to get on as fast as we expected; but I do not think that Tokio will suffer, and I am quite sure that Washington will not suffer, by the delay.
I do not desire to raise any point of prejudice, but I would like to point out that it is according to precedent that a representative of the Foreign Office should be present when questions affecting consular buildings are being discussed. I raise no point upon it; I only express the hope that the absence of a representative of the Foreign Office this afternoon will not be taken as a precedent.
I should like the Noble Lord the Member for Hastings (Lord E. Percy) and the Committee to understand that we were told that only a very brief discussion would take place. If we had had notice that Members of the Committee wished to raise any very big question of principle, whether we should alter the policy of having one Minister to represent Great Britain in the three Republics and should have one in each, I am quite certain that a repre- sentative of the Foreign Office would have been here.
Question put, and agreed to.
Class X
Grant to Rating Authorities
Motion made, and Question proposed,
"That a sum, not exceeding £1,200,000, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1930, in excess of the amount to be paid from the Rating Relief Suspense Account, for a Grant-in-Aid to Rating Authorities in Scotland in respect of Loss of Rates during the year 16th May, 1929 to 10th May, 1930, in pursuance of Section 75 of the Local Government (Scotland) Act, 1929."
Section 75 of the Local Government (Scotland) Act, 1929, provides for the payment to every rating authority of a sum equal to the estimated difference between the rates receivable for the year 1929–30 and the rates which would have been received if de-rating had not been in force. The total amount so payable is estimated at £2,470,000. Of this sum, £470,000 will be met out of the Rate Relief Suspense Account, as provided in the Act. Of the other £2,000,000, an advance grant of 60 per cent, will fall to be made in the year ending on the 31st March, 1930.
On a point of Order. Is it in order to discuss a Supplementary Estimate for over £1,000,000 in the total absence of the Liberal party?
That is not a point of Order. These frivolous interruptions do not help the Debate.
As I was saying, of the remaining £2,000,000, an advance grant of 60 per cent, will fall to be made in the year ending on the 31st March, 1930. This is the £1,200,000 which it is now proposed to provide. The remaining £800,000 will be paid in the next financial year. An Estimate for this amount was taken in the last Parliament, based on the legislative proposals before Parliament at the date of its presentation, under which the grant would have been payable in respect of the period beginning on the 1st October, 1929; but subsequent Amendments which were ultimately embodied in the Local Government (Scotland) Act, 1929, provided for the de-rating of agricultural land and heritages in Scotland as from the 16th May, 1929, instead of the 1st October, 1929, the relief having been given to agricultural hereditaments in England and Wales as from the 1st April, 1929. The former Estimate covered the period from the 1st October, and the present Estimate is necessary since the basis of calculation of the grant has been altered without the total sum required to be voted being affected. In Scotland, it is not possible to give effect, in the financial year ending 15th May, 1929, to the relief for the period from 1st April to 15th May, 1929. The relief to agricultural lands and heritages, which in Scotland in a normal year would be 87½ per cent., is accordingly increased to 92 per cent, for the year 1929–30. With this explanation, I hope the Committee will give me the Supplementary Estimate asked for.
I do not, of course, intend in any way to delay the Committee. We are completely satisfied with the explanation which the right hon. Gentleman has given; in fact, we are more than gratified that he has found it desirable so whole-heartedly to conform to the policy of the de-rating scheme, and we are glad that the desirability of the de-rating of agricultural land in particular, upon which a certain amount of criticism was quite justifiably made during the passage of the Bill, is now accepted, and that the whole House is at one in agreeing that this very desirable relief which we proposed should now be given to the agriculturists of Scotland.
Question put, and agreed to.
Class II
Dominion Services
Motion made, and Question proposed,
"That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £500,000, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1930, for sundry Dominion Services, including certain Grants-in-Aid, for certain ex-gratia Grants, and for expenditure in connection with Ex-Service Men in the Irish Free State."
I do not wish to delay the Committee in passing this Vote, but I shall be glad if the Financial Secretary will tell us what is the total number of claims dealt with up to date, how many are still outstanding, and when it is expected that the balance of these claims will be finally dealt with, because it is the desire of all parties in the House that those unfortunate people who have had these claims outstanding for so long should get the compensation which the Tribunal awarded them as soon as possible. If the hon. Gentleman will kindly inform us on this point, I shall be obliged.
The total number of cases was 4,030, and, of these, 140 still remain to be dealt with. It is anticipated that in quite a short time—certainly not more than a few months—the whole of these will be dealt with. This sum is required, not only for these future cases, but in order that those in which awards have already been made may be settled as soon as possible.
Question put, and agreed to.
Resolutions to he reported upon Monday next, 2nd December.
Committee to sit again upon Monday next.
Unemployment Insurance (No. 2) Bill
Considered in Committee.
[Mr. DUNNICO in the Chair.]
CLAUSE 1.—(Minimum age for insurance.)
I beg to move, in page 1, line 9, to leave out the words "his parents cease," and to insert instead thereof the words
The Clause as it stands does not represent the Bill which we on this side, at any rate, expect to have introduced, and it does not represent, I believe, any Bill which this House is likely to pass, and that is why I have put down these Amendments. The only Bill to raise the school-leaving age which would fit in with this Clause, would be one simply saying that whereas a parent is now under certain obligations in respect of a child up to the age of 14, he shall in future be under the same obligations up to the age of 15. Let us consider whether that is the kind of Bill we wish to see introduced. I and a good many of my friends are opposed to the compulsory raising of the school-leaving age, but, assuming that we are going to discuss a Bill for that purpose, let us consider—because we cannot discuss the merits of raising the school age compulsorily now—the kind of Bill we should wish the Government to introduce. What is this obligation on the parent to cause his child to receive efficient elementary instruction? What is this obligation which, apparently, the Bill to raise the school-leaving age is merely going to extend by one year? It is an obligation to cause a child, from the age of five to the age of 14, to receive efficient elementary instruction in reading, writing and arithmetic.
That obligation is precisely the same on the parent at the age of five as it is at the age of 14. There is no progressive obligation, and we, apparently, are going to be asked to extend the obligation to see that the child is efficiently instructed in the three R's up to the age of 15, or the end of the term after the child reaches the age of 15. What a proposition! Does it make sense? Does any parent in the country think it makes sense?
Are you talking about real schools and the real education that is given t
Perhaps the hon. Member will allow me to develop my argument and he will see what I am driving at. Ho need not have been quite so premature. Of course, it will be said, "What does it matter? You know that the schools give a good deal more than that. What docs it matter calling it elementary? What does it matter how the parents' obligation is defined? "It has become almost a rule that it does not matter what you say in educational legislation, because, whatever you say, you mean something different. Educational legislation is notoriously the most complicated and the most incomprehensible of any part of the laws of the country, but I did think we were trying to make a departure, and were hoping that, in future, educational legislation would say what it meant. You cannot have coherent legislation, you cannot have proper schools, if you say in one Section of your Act to the parent: "You are obliged only to see that your child has elementary education; therefore you must send it to school; therefore the school must be called an elementary school, but, of course, be sure that we are going to give the child something a great deal more than elementary education." That, in practice, is what we have been saying in recent years, and we all know that the parent has not believed us. The parent has said: "This is an elementary school. Why should I have to keep my child at an elementary school when he has taken every opportunity he possibly could to get away from it? "He even often sends the child to an inefficient private school—
I would remind the Noble Lord that this is an Unemployment Bill, and he cannot enter into a discussion on education as such.
I am sorry that the interruption from the other side rather led me astray.
On a point of Order. I understand, Sir, your ruling only to be that one cannot enter widely into questions of education. Having regard to the fact that this Clause hinges on the question of education, I suppose your ruling is not that we cannot discuss the question of the educational facilities that are now provided and are likely to be provided?
The Amendment before the Committee is to substitute for "parent" the local education authority, and the discussion must be confined to the advisability of accept-ting the Amendment.
I submit to your Ruling, Sir, which seems fair and just, but I thought we were going to discuss on this Amendment the whole series of Amendments which would make Subsection (1) read in the manner I read out. I thought that would be for the convenience of the Committee.
I am entirely in the hands of the Committee. If that is understood that we shall only have one discussion and the other Amendments will be put if necessary pro forma.
Such is the nature of the elementary obligations on the parent and, consequently, the elementary school has acquired a certain significance; but we thought the Government's policy of raising the school-leaving age was going to get away from that. The hon. Member for South Shields (Mr. Ede), speaking at the end of the educational Debate we had the other day, said that the importance of the Government's policy was that it would mean full higher education for all. I was glad to hear the hon. Member say that. I am not quite sure that the President of the Board of Education did declare that in his speech, but I laid down the policy of higher education for all some time ago, and I thought that was an accepted policy.
On a point of Order. Is it in order to discuss the quality of the education given below the age of 15? Are we not confined to discussing the effect of insurance at the age of 15? If we are going to discuss the organisation and the quality of education given below 15, we are roaming over a very wide field.
This Clause makes the obligation of the parent hinge on the obligation as regards elementary education, and I am raising the question whether the parent's obligation, or the local authority's obligation, after the raising of the school-leaving age, will Be an obligation to receive elementary or higher education.
The Committee must bear in mind that this is an Unemployment Bill. It raises certain matters such as the Noble Lord mentioned, but we cannot discuss the quality, character or nature of the education given at elementary or other schools. That must be excluded.
What I am trying to do is to raise the question of what is going to be the definition, in the eventual Bill raising the school age of the legal obligation of the parent or the local education authority. That is all I am going to discuss. To show what a very practical point this is, may I remind the Committee that elementary schools are elementary education, central schools are elementary education and senior schools are elementary education, but junior technical schools are higher education, secondary schools are higher education and continuation classes are higher education? The Act of 1921 provided for a system of compulsory day continuation classes and that Act, while it is not in force in the country generally, is in force actually in one area, namely Rugby, and in that area the parent is under an obligation, not merely in regard to elementary but in regard to higher education, to see that his child is trained and is in receipt of higher education in the shape of day continuation classes.
What is going to be the position of Rugby, as an example, under this Clause? The whole justification, as I understand, of Clause 1, is to bridge the gap, to make sure that a child at that age is under educational supervision effectively at some time. But the continuation classes at Rugby have already bridged the gap. What justification is there for a child in Rugby being brought within the Unemployment Insurance schemed And if that were so are we not, when we raise the school-leaving age, going to make some use of the continuation class provisions of the Act of 1921, and is the test of whether the child is to have insurance or not to be the obligation of the parent or the local education authority to see that the child receives elementary education, or is it going to be the obligation that the child shall receive, as we have been told by the Government it shall receive, full higher education? Is there to be no obligation on the local education authority in this new Bill to give the child full higher education, in the technical meaning of higher education under the Education Act? If there is, if the local education authority is to give a child higher education between the ages of 11 and 15, this Clause means nothing at all. It makes no provision in regard to the receipt of elementary education by the child.
Why I have dealt at such length with the question of the parent's obligation is this: If you are going to raise the school-leaving age so as to provide higher education for all, it means a very serious and a well-thought-out revision of the Education Act. I am not going to discuss it now. But one thing, I think, is clear. You cannot effect this change of higher education for all by increasing the obligation of the parent. You cannot say to the parent, "Hitherto you have been obliged only to see that your child receives an efficient instruction in reading, writing and arithmetic; you have now to undertake a much more far-reaching obligation and see that he receives a course of instruction suited to his age, and a course of higher education after the age of 11." That subjects the parent to an almost excessive amount of interference by the local education authority, and by the Board of Education. You must define the parent's obligations more narrowly.
On a point of Order. The noble Lord is raising the question of the parent's statutory obligation as to how he wishes to educate his child. That means, with all due deference both to the noble Lord and to you, Mr. Dunnico, that those of us who wish to follow him will enlarge the Debate terribly if we enter into the question as to what is the parent's obligation and responsibility in this matter. I suggest that what is cognate before the Committee is the raising of the school age and the question involved in it of Unemployment Insurance.
I have very great sympathy with the hon. Member for Grorbals (Mr. Buchanan). I do not think that we ought to be asked to pass this blank cheque to the Government in respect of a Bill we have not seen. If we are asked to do that, we must see that the cheque we give to the Government corresponds to the Bill which will eventually be introduced and say that the age in the Insurance Act shall be the age at which a child ceases to be under an obligation to receive elementary education. Supposing the Bill says—and I think that every education reformer wants to see it said—that all education after the age of 11 is not elementary but higher education, then the child ceases to be liable to elementary education at the age of 11. Therefore, you might just as well say at once that the insurance age shall be 15 and have done with it. That is the dilemma we are in. [ Interruption. ] I can assure hon. Members I am not doing this for my own amusement or for the amusement of hon. Members opposite. This is really a most important point, because it involves the whole question of the educational reform of the future.
We cannot discuss that matter on this Bill, but this Bill is going to prescribe the future educational system. What is it going to be? We have not the least idea, but I look forward with horror to an idea that the educational system of the future is going to consist of continuing to say that the only obligation on the parent and the only obligation on the local education authority in respect of a child between 11 and 15, is an obligation to give elementary instruction. [ Interruption. ] There is a good deal of gibing opposite. [An HON. MEMBER: "What about the university? "] They ought to be able to go to the university, and they do go to the university, but they do not go to the university if they are kept at a school which is an elementary school up to the age of 15, and that is what you are saying in this Bill.
Talk about insurance and not education!
The Noble Lord, as far as I can understand, is dealing with the definition in this Clause of elementary education, and so far as he keeps to it I cannot rule him out of order, but we cannot discuss the whole scheme of educational policy.
Let me now put my solution of the difficulty. If we must give some sort of blank cheque to the Government in respect of a Bill which we have never seen, let us make it depend not on the parent's obligation, which is very difficult to define for the reasons which I have given, but on the obligation of the local authority to provide all children with education up to a certain age. Let us say that the age at which a child shall enter insurance shall be the age at which the local education authority ceases to be under an obligation to provide him with the instruction which the law requires. That will cover a Bill such as I should hope to see introduced and such a Bill I suppose hon. Members opposite wish to see; a Bill which would put upon the local education authority the definite obligation to provide not elementary, but higher education for all children between the ages of 11 and 15. That is the definite proposition I want to put.
Will the Noble Lord compel the parents to cause their children to go to these schools?
As the hon. Member knows, I am anxious not to compel the parents, if he wishes to compel the parents, but for the purposes of Debate we are talking about the compulsory school-leaving age, and I have to assume that compulsion is going to be part of the system. The point I am making is, that obligation to provide education, whether you have compulsion or whether you have not, should be an obligation on the local education authority, and that that should be the test, and not some vague and indeterminate and quite inadequate obligation on the parent. I really do not see how the Board of Education in any way can reject that proposal. It certainly prescribes what they want to do far better and far more comprehensively, and certainly gives far more latitude than the present proposal.
I want to put this point: I have reminded the Committee that compulsory day continuation classes are higher education. I presume that the Government are not going—I think I am keeping in order, as this is strictly to the point—I sincerely hope that the Government are not going to discourage local education authorities, when the school-leaving age is raised, from introducing day continuation classes for the remaining year if they so desire. That is higher education and definitely higher education. This is the question I want to ask. Does every hon. Member in this House wish a child who is attending compulsory day continuation classes and is under educational supervision, not merely when he is out of employment but while he is in employment permanently, to enter into insurance, and if so, why? What is the object of forcing a child to pay contributions when there is no gap, and when it is continuing a course of higher education in compulsory day continuation classes until the age of 16? Unless you alter these words that will be the effect of them, because the compulsory day continuation class—I know that it sounds idiotic—is higher education. The central school, although it may be teaching three languages up to the age of 16 is elementary education.
The continuation class is higher education, and, therefore, even though a child may be compelled to attend and the parent be compelled to make the child attend the day continuation classes, surely we all agree that that is far and away the best way of bridging this gap, if we can afford it. There may be a question as to whether we can afford it. The day continuation classes founded by Mr. Fisher are far the best way of bridging the gap. Are we really going to say that a child who is attend- ing compulsory day continuation classes must nevertheless be forced into insurance and forced into this very ambiguous and dangerous position, as we all agree that it is ambiguous and dangerous? That cannot be the real intention of the Government. They have not given themselves enough latitude to work out an educational reform in this Bill. Let them give themselves, as they will if they accept my Amendment, sufficient latitude to make the raising of the school age the occasion of a real educational reform, and not tie themselves down in advance by this niggling, and as the right hon. Gentleman the President of the Board of Education knows, very unsatisfactory Bill.
I am sure the Committee has listened with very great interest to the Noble Lord's views on education. They are very interesting, but they really have nothing to do with the Clause. The point is really a very simple one, as is perfectly apparent in the Clause. The point is a point of a technical character. I am quite unable for these technical reasons to consider his Amendment. I am bound by the forms laid down by Parliamentary draftsmanship, and I am advised by legal advisers that the only thing I can do is to give the words of the existing Statute. I cannot amend the Education Act. I can only refer to the existing Statute, and if and when another Act is introduced, then the Schedule of that Act will automatically amend this in order to bring it into conformity with it. It is a perfectly simple technical point, and it is therefore quite unnecessary and, in fact, I am sure that it would not be the wish of the Committee, to waste any time in dealing further with the arguments of the Noble Lord, for the reason that it is entirely outside my province to deal with the Education Department. It is entirely outside the scope of the Clause to discuss the nature of the development of education, and the phrase to which the Noble Lord objects is the only phrase which is open for me to use in order to identify the other Act which is to take effect before the insurance age can be lowered. It has been agreed, and it is the educational opinion in this country, that the insurance age shall not be lowered to 15, until the educational age is raised to 15, and that is, of course, an understanding which I do not depart from.
6.0 p.m.
We shall come to the question of compulsory insurance in greater detail upon another amendment. I only want to say here, that surely the Noble Lord recognises that no boy and no girl will be insured until he or she has started a wage-earning occupation. If a boy is not in a wage-earning occupation he will not be an insured person. If he has started in a wage-earning occupation, and if he is receiving wages, he will then, if this Clause is carried, and if he has arrived at the age which is in conformity with the school leaving age, be insured. Therefore, work and insurance cannot be divided. They belong to the same category. In regard to those people who are unemployed and who are entitled to have an opportunity, or who can be urged to attend continuation classes, provision is made for them, very definitely, in Clause 11. I submit that this Amendment cannot be accepted.
Surely, the Minister of Labour has advanced a most extraordinary argument. She has advanced the argument that although these words are incomprehensible and she cannot explain them, they are the only words which can designate some future Statute which this House may have brought before it. She says that in the Schedule of this imaginary future Act, if there are any Amendments of the Act which we are now discussing, the future Act, in its Schedule, will include the Amendments to the Statute which the House is now being asked to pass through Committee. We have not brought this position about. The Government have brought it forward. It is by the wish of the Government that the Committee is being asked to consider a change which, by their own statement, cannot possibly come into operation until 1931. We are being asked to pass shadowy, skeleton legislation dealing by reference, in anticipation, with some new Statute of the future.
The Minister of Labour must give us some further elucidation of the point. This is merely a series of declarations of pious intentions. She says that everybody is agreed that the insurance age is not to be lowered until the school-leaving age is raised. The school-leaving age is not to be raised until the middle of 1931. There is no reason why we should not modify, postpone, or even omit this Clause. The Minister has said that it will make no difference to her Bill, and that it has no effect upon the legislation which is proposed to be brought before the House at a later stage. It is merely an abstract point of discussion which the Government have brought forward.
The Opposition and the Committee are asked to enter upon such discussion, and now the Government complain because we desire to elucidate the point further. The right hon. Lady says that she cannot explain it, and I sympathise with her there. I have listened with the utmost attention to the speech of my right hon. Friend the Member for Hastings (Lord E. Percy), and I found myself in a position of fog and confusion. Will the Minister of Labour ask her colleague the President of the Board of Education for a statement on the subject? I do not want to detain the Committee. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh!"] We could easily have spent much longer time on the Supplementary Estimates had we desired to delay the Committee. There are many points on which we are anxious to meet the right hon. Lady, but she has drafted a Clause and presented it to the Committee, and when we object to the wording of the Clause she says: "I cannot alter the words, because I am advised by the Parliamentary draftsman," something or other.
She must not simply come here and make such a statement. It is carrying bureaucracy a little too far. It is carrying too far that trust in the permanent officials which we all respect, admire and envy in the right hon. Lady and her colleagues, but they must not expect the whole Committee to accept the opinion of their technical advisers, with blind faith. Surely, the Government have legal officers of great standing whom they could consult? The Prime Minister went to great trouble to get a legal officer of the highest standing. The Government have just had a law officer for Scotland returned, with a diminished majority. [ Interruption. ] At any rate, sufficient to return him into office as Lord Advocate, but evidently not sufficient to return him to a place where he is needed to-day in the councils of this Committee. We have four officers of the highest legal standing connected with the Government, and we ought to have some advice from them.
I do say, quite frankly that the Government have entered upon this discussion, and not the Opposition. The Government drafted this Clause, which raises a wide question, and we have the right to ask what these words mean. We have a right to ask the Minister in charge to explain the words. Failing her, we have a right to ask the President of the Board of Education, and if he finds difficulty with the legal technicalities, then we have a right to ask the learned Attorney-General. When the Minister of Labour says merely: "These words are very difficult. My legal advisers advise me that I cannot alter them. Therefore, I must accept the words of my legal advisers, and I ask the Committee to accept them. If any alteration is to be made it will be made by a Schedule of another Act, which has not been drafted, and I ask you to accept that statement," she is not treating the Committee with that frankness which the Committee have a right to expect. The ex-President of the Board of Education made a statement of much interest to educationists in this country, dealing with the question of the great importance of the relationship of the new insurance age and the new school-leaving age, and we have a right to have an explanation from the President of the Board of Education and not merely a statement by the Minister of Labour that: "It is a very difficult question and it would be better if we stopped talking about it and went on with something else."
I think this is an Amendment of some substantial importance. Although my sympathies are with the Minister of Labour and I realise that her purpose is merely to make the entrance into unemployment insurance tally with the age when children leave school, the wording seems to leave an opening for misunderstanding. The words "elementary instruction" are used. The word "elementary" in connection with our education system is familiar. I am glad that the President of the Board of Education is here. I should have thought that the position would have been made clearer had the words "full time instruction" been put in. The late President of the Board of Education was quite right when he said that the Fisher Act made provision for continuation schools—part- time education. If the words are left in their present loose form, difficulty may arise later and in any reorganisation a scheme of continuation schools, part-time schools might be preferred to full-time instruction. I understand that the right hon. Member for Hastings (Lord E. Percy) aimed at that particular end. If he could have his way, if his party had not met with misfortune at the General Election and it had become its duty to deal with the position to-day, he would have organised continuation schools—part-time schools instead of full-time education up to 15. In that case, if the words are left in their present form it would be possible to lower the insurance age and provide only a part-time education arrangement.
I listened with interest to the speech of the Minister of Labour, but I was not clear about her argument as to drafting. I understood her to say that her legal advisers had advised her that these words were in this particular form because they appeared in that form in previous Acts.
That is the only form in the English Education Act. There is a different form in the Scottish Act. The hon. Member will find that the Bill provides for both Acts, in order that there should be no departure from the texts of the Acts referred to.
I could have seen the force of that if we were now referring to an Act that was on the Statute Book, but here we are referring to an Act which is to come. Therefore, we are not bound in this Clause by what has gone before, but by the words that are put in the Clause we are binding the President of the Board of Education when he comes forward with his Act next year. He must either use the same words that are used here in his own Act of 1931, and allow this Clause to remain as it is, or we are in the absurd position of looking forward now to a year hence to amending an Unemployment Insurance Act by an Act the sole purpose of which is to raise the school-leaving age.
I thought that I had made the point quite clear. The position is really simple about the future of education developments. It is not my business to care in the least what form subsequent Education Acts should take, and I cannot at the present time do further than take the words that are in the existing Acts. When those Acts are altered it will not be necessary for me to come to the House for fresh legislation, but in the Schedule of the Education Act it will be necessary to make the required adjustments of this Act.
I think the legal draftsman has misinformed the right hon. Lady. Her argument is a very curious one, and, if I may say so, rather a cavalier one. She says "I cannot amend the Education Act in this Act. That trust be left until the Education Act of 1931 is passed, and if this Act be out of joint with the Education Act then the Education Act can make the necessary adjustments."
In reference to the terms relating to education.
Why is it possible for an Education Act to amend an Unemployment Insurance Act, yet impossible for an Unemployment Insurance Act to amend an Education Act? Really, the right hon. Lady must produce something more logical than that. She is misinformed in thinking that my proposal to define the age at which the local education authority ceases to be under an obligation to provide education for the children in their area, is foreign to the wording of the Act of 1921. If she will look, and if the President of the Board of Education will look at Section 20 of the Act of 1921 they will find the following provision: found that out. These points are perfectly familiar to the President of the Board of Education. He knows what his Education Bill is going to say as regards the definition of the obligation of the parent, or the obligation of the local education authority. He could tell us whether he proposes to make any allowance for children attending continuation schools, and he could tell us, what is a perfectly fair point which the Minister of Labour has not attempted to answer, what is the justification for making children contribute to an Unemployment Insurance Act if they are already attending compulsory day continuation schools.
We have never had from the other side of the House any single explanation of the reason for bringing children into the Insurance Act, except to bridge the gap. What is the justification for compelling children to go into these schemes when the gap in respect of these children is already bridged, and admittedly very much better than if it were bridged by the juvenile employment centres. That is not a point of legal drafting and I hope the right hon. Lady will give us some explanation.
I should not intervene in this Debate, but for the fact that the Noble Lord is pretending to be an advanced and enthusiastic educationist. As a matter of fact, it is all pretence. He has entered into a discussion of what is higher and what is elementary education. He has made a pretence that he is very anxious to give this Government an opportunity of providing secondary education above the age of 11 years. At the same time the Noble Lord is against the raising of the school age. That is the real reason why he has moved this Amendment. I have been trying to understand the substance of the proposal. If there is any substance at all in it, it is that the Noble Lord is prepared to put an obligation on the authorities to provide educational facilities, but he is not prepared to put an obligation on parents to send their children to the schools.
Hear, hear!
The Noble Lord, as a great economist in education, would put up schools with empty rooms.
Does not the hon. Member know that a local authority is already under that obligation under Section 20 of the Act?
I know that in this Amendment there is an obligation on the authority to provide schools, but there is no obligation on parents to send their children to the schools. If there is no point of substance, what is there in the Noble Lord's Amendment? I do not want to follow him into a discussion on education, but his point with regard to continuation schools is quite empty. The continuation school business does not begin until 15 years of age and is not affected by the provisions of this Bill. I know that the Noble Lord is not merely speaking to the Committee, but to a large number of people outside who are interested in education, who will read the "Educational Journal," but I am quite sure they will be intelligent enough to see that the Amendment is in the cause of reaction and not in the cause of education.
I do not want to intervene in the debate between the hon. Member for Wellingborough (Mr. Cove) and the right hon. Member for Hastings (Lord E. Percy), but I am concerned to know that the Clause will succeed in doing what is intended; and that is to provide that the insurable age shall be reduced either to 15 or to the school-leaving age. It may be that at the moment, and visualising what may happen in the future, elementary education may not be suitable to the conditions which will arise when the school-leaving age comes into operation, but I do not think the Government will say that the school-leaving age shall be raised to 14 or 15 unless they are prepared to put into operation the implications of that policy in the matter of organisation. As the words stand some misunderstanding may arise as to the real implication of the Clause, and I therefore ask the right hon. Lady to tell us what is the intention of the Government and give us a definite assurance that there is nothing in this Clause which is going to interfere with the point of view which the Noble Lord and most hon. Members in the Committee have in mind. We want to make quite sure that a reduction of the minimum insurable age and the raising of the school age will be worked together in such a way and in such a manner as to give to all children much wider opportunities for education than they have at the present time.
While I agree with the hon. Member for the Welsh University (Mr. Evans), the assurance which he asks for is hardly as good as accepting this Amendment. An assurance given across the floor in Committee has not equal weight with an Act of Parliament, and as far as I am concerned the word "elementary" does convey to me a form of education that is not primary or secondary. If it is the intention of the Government to extend the scope of education and embrace secondary education, why cannot they say so? The right hon. Lady has said that the question is rather in a fog, but she cannot help herself, because she is bound by former Acts of Parliament, and that the position hinges on another Bill which has not yet been drafted. She further excused herself on the ground that she has taken legal advice on the matter. Legal advice sometimes changes, and as the Bill has been in existence for more than a week, I suggest that she might perhaps refer this Clause back to see whether her legal opinion has in the meantime changed. I am certain the average person reading this Clause will believe it is the Government's intention, after raising the age to 15, to provide education of a purely elementary character.
On a point of Order. I understand that we are discussing a manuscript Amendment. When it was submitted to the Committee there were only a small fraction of hon. Members present. Would it be in order for you, Mr. Chairman, to read the Amendment so that we might know what we are discussing?
I will accede to the hon. Member's request, although I am not to blame for the absence of hon. Members. The Amendment is:
"Clause 1, page 1, line 9, leave out 'his parents case' and insert instead thereof 'local education authority in whose area he resides, ceases.' "
I do not think that that will convey much to the hon. Member for Bridgeton (Mr. Maxton). May I read the Clause as it would read if the Amendment is accepted:
"The minimum age for entry into insurance under the principal Act shall, instead of being the age of 16, be the age when a person attains the age at which under the law for the time being in force the local education authority in whose area he resides, ceases to be under an obligation to cause him to receive efficient elementary instruction or the age of 15, whichever is the higher."
I do not wish to weary the Committee, but the interest shown in this Amendment by the hon. Member for Bridgeton (Mr. Maxton) is an indication of the importance of the issue raised by any right hon. Friend. No question of greater importance can be raised than the nature of the education to be given to children in the additional school year; that it should be of a type suitable to their various capacities and tastes. I submit that there can be no question of greater importance to us all, and it is frankly disappointing to see the question prejudged, as it seems, and restricted within narrow limits by the term which has been included in the Clause. We know that there are great difficulties connected with this question, and my right hon. Friend has outlined some of the anomalies of the present position. At the same time, we deplore the suggestion that in the additional school year which is proposed the education to be given is only to be what is known as elementary. The Amendment leaves the question open. It does not prejudice it in any sense. It does not say that the education shall be of this type or the other. It simply leaves the question open, and the President of the Board of Education has the clearest possible field in which to settle what the education shall be in this additional school year. It seems to me a very inadequate method of dealing with this most important matter, that, as the Noble Lady has told us, this Clause, if passed, may be at some future date amended by a Clause in a Bill dealing with education and not with unemployment insurance. That is a very unusual way of dealing with the matter and it is not adequate to the importance of the subject under discussion. I do not want to exhaust the patience of the right hon. Lady. She has a great deal of work before her, and probably behind her, but she is not the only Member of the Cabinet on the Front Bench at this moment. We have the President of the Board of Education present, and I appeal to him to tell the House whether he will accept the Amendment; and, if not, why he will not accept it.
I should like to point out to you, Mr. Chairman, and to the Committee, that a specific point has been put by the Noble Lord the Member for Hastings (Lord E. Percy) and the hon. Member for Perth and Kinross (Duchess of Atholl), and also by two hon. Members below the Gangway, one of whom has had a long experience of educational matters.
Which one?
The hon. and gallant Member was not here at the time.
I have been here all the time.
If the hon. and gallant Member wishes, I will describe both of them. One of them is a fellow countryman of the hon. and gallant Member, and everyone who comes from that country knows something about education. I was pointing out that a specific point has been addressed to the Minister of Labour, or, failing an answer from the right hon. Lady, to the President of the Board of Education who is also concerned in this matter. No attempt has been made to give an answer, and we feel that in the initial stages of this Bill it is hardly conducive to getting the Bill through rapidly if Ministers refuse to give answers to those who have held high office in a former Government. In the circumstances I ask leave to move to report Progress.
I cannot accept that Motion.
Am I to understand that as you refuse to accept the Motion to report Progress there is no means of protesting against the silence of the President of the Board of Education except by continuing the Debate?
I am sure that the right hon. Lady the Minister is anxious to meet hon. Members on this side who desire to assist her in making this Bill a useful one, and I ask hon. Members opposite to realise that, if they are going to treat everything that we say with derision, they are not acting in accordance with the Prime Minister's request that this Parliament should be a Council of State doing its best to help the nation as a whole. I am well aware that very often things are said outside the House of Commons at election time which are not said inside the House, and unluckily a great deal of party capital has been made out of the unemployment. We are here discussing an Unemployment Insurance (No. 2) Bill. Are we to understand that we shall have no assistance from the Labour party in trying to make the Bill a useful one? Are we to understand that Trade Union Members on the other side have ceased to care what sort of training these boys and girls are going to have before they come into industry? Are we as the official Opposition, or part of it, to be denied any right of a reply from either the right hon. Lady the Minister of Labour, or the right hon. Gentleman the President of the Board of Education other than the answer that legal advice of a very technical character has been given to the Minister in charge of the Bill—so technical that it is very difficult for us to understand it from the explanations we have so far received?
We must judge by the silence of hon. and right hon. Gentlemen opposite that nobody but the right hon. Lady has any idea of what that technical legal advice is, but there is on the Front Bench a very distinguished Law Officer of the Crown in the person of the Attorney-General who should be able to describe to us, in language which we can understand, the legal points involved. If he does so, we can proceed with this discussion. It seems a pity that this difficulty should arise at the very beginning of the Committee stage when the Noble Lord the Member for Hastings (Lord E. Percy) has put forward this important and interesting proposal which conveys very accurately our desire that better education should be provided for these boys and girls, and that the proposed bridge should be made a real bridge between education and employment. It is a pity, I say, that on the very first Clause of the Bill we should stumble over this legal hurdle, when we have on the Front Bench a right hon. and learned Gentleman who could, I am sure, put our minds at rest on the matter.
I wish to express my disappointment at the turn which this Debate has taken and at the attitude of hon. and right hon. Members opposite. I think we are entitled to protest. Hon. Members opposite seem to think that to them alone is confined any interest in this supremely important question of the education of our people. As one who has all his life taken a deep interest in education and its bearing on the subsequent life of our citizens, it seems to me very unfair that we should be regarded as intruding in this Debate. In the very forefront of this Measure—which, admittedly, is not primarily connected with education, but is concerned rather with unemployment insurance—there is raised a matter of supreme importance to those who are interested in education qua education. It does not seem to me that it is going to help matters if we reach an impasse of this character. It is admitted that one of the great advantages of raising the school age is that you are getting the children between the ages of 14 and 15, when they are in the most malleable and receptive state, and when, perhaps, the whole course of their future careers may be affected. Although this is an unemployment insurance Measure we are all much more vitally interested in employment than in unemployment. In this matter we are up against a question of education and of dealing with a period in the lives of these future citizens, when what is instilled into them will have a direct effect on their subsequent careers, earlier rather than later, and may perhaps decide whether they shall join the ranks of the employed or the unemployed.
Surely that is a vital question on which we are entitled to be heard when we try to explain our views. Therefore, I, personally, feel bitterly disappointed that we are not able to have this matter fairly ventilated and discussed and this interesting point fairly met by the occupants of the Front Bench opposite. This matter hinges, not on the question of who is going to pay fourpence a week, or who is going to receive unemployment benefit, but on the question of how, when the raising of the school age has been put into operation, that additional year is going to be used in the interests of the children. It is no good hon. Members opposite imagining, when they come up against a discussion of this kind, that there is obstruction. All of us who have experiences of the House of Commons know that there is a time for obstruction and a time for debate, and this is a time for debate. We resent being treated as if our views on the matter were simply to be discarded, because hon. Gentlemen opposite by virtue of what I may call a chance below the Gangway, happen to be in a majority.
We take a real interest in this matter although our views may not coincide with those of hon. Members opposite and we are just as earnest to help as they are. We are convinced that this proposal depends for its success on the way in which it is used and therefore the Amendment, while primarily dealing with an unemployment question, brings the educational aspect of the subject to the forefront. I ask the President of the Board of Education in the interests of the immensely important Measure which, in the near future, he is going to introduce, in the interests of debate, and, above all, in the interests of the children, to give us an explanation of his attitude towards this matter, so that we may be able to see how this proposal is going to be moulded in with the immediate needs of the unemployment question and the future needs of the education of the children when the scheme is put into operation.
It is certainly not my desire or intention, nor is it the desire or intention of hon. and right hon. Gentlemen generally on this side, that this Debate should prolong itself uselessly. We have done our best to obtain an elucidation of this matter from the President of the Board of Education and he has failed to reply. We are not going to drag the matter into a wrangle. We are perfectly ready to leave the matter as it is now, and I appeal to hon. Members with whom I am associated to allow us to proceed with the further stages of the Bill. I put it to the right hon. Lady the Minister—[ Interruption. ] I am appealing to my hon. Friends to cease this discussion and proceed to the further Amendments, and unmannerly interruptions, such as we have been suffering from during this discussion do not speed up matters at all. I am making the appeal that we should say no more on this matter. We have put our point to the Government and the Government are wholly incapable of answering it. The President of the Board of Education has not deigned to vouchsafe a single word of reply, either to the previous President of the Board of Education or to the previous Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Education. So be it. If the Government cannot explain their own Bill they are under no compulsion to try to do so, and we do not intend, as I have said, to drag the matter out into a wrangle over the question of whether they ought to answer or ought not to answer. Everybody knows that they ought to answer. The purpose of the House of
Commons is that answers should be given to these questions in debate. The Government have not been able to give an answer and we leave it to the House of Commons and the country at that. We are ready to divide here and now, and I therefore ask hon. and right hon. Members on this side to allow the Committee to come to a decision.
Question put, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Clause."
The Committee divided: Ayes, 280; Noes, 150.
Division No. 55.] AYES. [6.40 p.m. Adamson, Rt. Hon. W. (Fife, West) Dickson, T. Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath) Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock) Dudgeon, Major C. R. John, William (Rhondda, West) Addison, Rt. Hon. Dr. Christopher Duncan, Charles Jones, F. Llewellyn- (Flint) Alpass, J. H. Ede, James Chuter Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silver-town) Ammon, Charles George Edge, Sir William Jones, Rt. Hon. Leif (Camborne) Angell, Norman Edmunds, J. E. Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly) Arnott, John Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Jowett, Rt. Hon. F. W. Aske, Sir Robert Edwards, E. (Morpeth) Jowitt, Rt. Hon. Sir W. A. Ayles, Walter Egan, W. H. Kedward, R. M. (Kent, Ashford) Baker, John (Wolverhampton, Bilston) Elmley, Viscount Kelly, W. T. Baldwin, Oliver (Dudley) Evans, Capt. Ernest (Welsh Univer.) Kennedy, Thomas Batey, Joseph Foot, Isaac Kenworthy, Lt.-Com. Hon. Joseph M. Beckett, John (Camberwell, Peckham) Freeman, Peter Kinley, J. Bellamy, Albert Gardner, J. P. (Hammersmith, N.) Kirkwood, D. Benn, Rt. Hon. Wedgwood George, Rt. Hon. D. Lloyd (Car'vn) Knight, Holford Bennett, Captain E.N. (Cardiff, Central) George, Major G. Lloyd (Pembroke) Lang, Gordon Bennett, William (Battersea, South) George, Megan Lloyd (Anglesea) Lathan, G. Benson, G. Gill, T. H. Law, Albert (Bolton) Bentham, Dr. Ethel Gillett, George M. Law, A. (Rosendale) Bevan, Aneurin (Ebbw Vale) Glassey, A. E. Lawrence, Susan Birkett, W. Norman Gossling, A. G. Lawrie, Hugh Hartley (Stalybridge) Bilndell, James Gould, F. Lawson, John James Bondfield, Rt. Hon. Margaret Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton) Lawther, W. (Barnard Castle) Bowen, J. W. Graham, Rt. Hon. Wm. (Edin., Cent.) Leach, W. Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Gray, Milner Lee, Frank (Derby, N.E.) Broad, Francis Alfred Greenwood, Rt. Hon. A. (Colne) Lee, Jennie (Lanark, Northern) Brockway, A. Fenner Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan) Lees, J. Bromfield, William Griffith, F. Kingsley (Middlesbro' W.) Lewis, T. (Southampton) Bromley, J. Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Lindley, Fred W. Brooke, W. Groves, Thomas E. Lloyd, C. Ellis Brothers, M. Grundy, Thomas W. Long bottom, A. W. Brown, C. W. E. (Notts. Mansfield) Hall, F. (York, W. R., Normanton) Longden, F. Brown, Ernest (Leith) Hall, Capt. W. P. (Portsmouth, C.) Lovat-Fraser, J. A. Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Hamilton, Mary Agnes (Blackburn) Lowth, Thomas Buchanan, G. Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Zetland) McEntee, V. L. Burgess, F. G. Hardie, George D. Mackinder, W. Buxton, C. R. (Yorks. W. R. Elland) Harris, Percy A. McKinlay, A. Buxton, Rt. Hon. Noel (Norfolk, N.) Hartshorn, Rt. Hon. Vernon Maclean, Sir Donald (Cornwall, N.) Caine, Derwent Hall- Hastings, Dr. Somerville Maclean, Nell (Glasgow, Govan) Cameron, A. G. Haycock, A. W. Malone, C. L'Estrange (N'thampton) Cape, Thomas Hayday, Arthur Mander, Geoffrey le M. Carter, W. (St. Pancras, S.W.) Hayes, John Henry Mansfield, W. Charleton, H. C. Henderson, Right Hon. A. (Burnley) March, S. Chater, Daniel Henderson, Arthur, junr. (Cardiff, S.) Marcus, M. Church, Major A. G. Henderson, Thomas (Glasgow) Markham, S. F. Clarke, J. S. Henderson, W. W. (Middx., Enfield) Marley, J. Cluse, W. S. Herriotts, J. Mathers, George Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R. Hirst, G. H. (York W. R. Wentworth) Matters, L. W. Cocks, Frederick Seymour Hirst, W. (Bradford, South) Maxton, James Collins, Sir Godfrey (Greenock) Hoffman, P. C. Melville, Sir James Compton, Joseph Hollins, A. Messer, Fred Cove, William G. Hopkin, Daniel Middleton, G. Daggar, George Hore-Belisha, Leslie Millar, J. D. Dallas, George Horrabin, J. F. Mills, J. E. Davies, E. C. (Montgomery) Hudson, James H. (Huddersfield) Milner, J. Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton) Hunter, Dr. Joseph Morgan, Dr. H. B. Day, Harry Hutchison, Maj.-Gen. Sir R. Morley, Ralph Denman, Hon. R. D. Isaacs, George Morrison, Robert C. (Tottenham, N.) Mort, D. L. Russell, Richard John (Eddisbury) Thurtle, Ernest Moses, J. J. H. Samuel, Rt. Hon. Sir H. (Darwen) Tillett, Ben Mosley, Lady C. (Stoke-on-Trent) Samuel, H. W. (Swansea, West) Tout, W. J. Muggeridge, H. T. Sanders, W. S. Townend, A. E. Murnin, Hugh Sandham, E. Trevelyan, Rt. Hon. Sir Charles Naylor, T. E. Sawyer, G. F. Turner, B. Noel Baker, P. J. Scott, James Vaughan, D. J. Oldfield, J. R. Scrymgeour, E. Viant, S. P. Oliver, George Harold (Ilkeston) Scurr, John Walker, J. Palin, John Henry Sexton, James Wallace, H. W. Paling, Wilfrid Shaw, Rt. Hon. Thomas (Preston) Wallhead, Richard C. Palmer, E. T. Shepherd, Arthur Lewis Walters, Rt. Hon. Sir J. Tudor Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Sherwood, G. H. Watkins, F. C. Perry, S. F. Shield, George William Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline) Peters, Dr. Sidney John Shillaker, J. F. Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda) Pethick-Lawrence, F. W. Shinwell, E. Wellock, Wilfred Phillips, Dr. Marion Simmons, C. J. Welsh, James (Paisley) Picton-Turbervill, Edith Simon, Rt. Hon. Sir John Welsh, James C. (Coatbridge) Pole, Major D. G. Sinclair, Sir A. (Caithness) West, F. R. Potts, John S. Sitch, Charles H. Westwood, Joseph Price, M. P. Smith, Alfred (Sunderland) White, H. G. Pybus, Percy John Smith, Frank (Nuneaton) Whiteley, Wilfrid (Birm., Ladywood) Quibell. D. J. K. Smith, H. B. Lees (Keighley) Wilkinson, Ellen C. Ramsay, T. B. Wilson Smith, Rennie (Penistone) Williams, David (Swansea, East) Raynes, W. R. Smith, Tom (Pontefract) Williams, Dr. J. H. (Llanelly) Richards, R. Snowden, Rt. Hon. Philip Williams, T. (York, Don Valley) Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Sorensen, R. Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe) Riley, Ben (Dewsbury) Spero, Dr. G. E. Wilson, J. (Oldham) Riley, F. F. (Stockton-on-Tees) Stamford, Thomas W. Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow) Ritson, J. Stephen, Campbell Winterton, G. E. (Leicester, Loughb'gh) Roberts, Rt. Hon. F. O. (W. Bromwich) Strauss, G. R. Wise, E. F. Romeril, H. G. Sutton, J. E. Wood, Major McKenzie (Banff) Rosbotham, D. S. T. Taylor, R. A. (Lincoln) Wright, W. (Rutherglen) Rothschild, J. de Taylor, W. B. (Norfolk, S.W.) Young, R. S. (Islington, North) Rowson, Guy Thomas, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Derby) Runciman, Rt. Hon. Walter Thorne, W. (West Ham, Plaistow) TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Mr. A. Barnes and Mr. Whiteley. NOES. Acland-Troyte, Lieut.-Colonel Edmondson, Major A. J. Meller, R. J. Ainsworth. Lieut.-Col. Charles Elliot, Major Walter E. Monsell, Eyres, Com. Rt. Hon. Sir B. Albery, Irving James Erskine, Lord (Somerset, Weston-s.-M.) Moore, Sir Newton J. (Richmond) Atholl, Duchess of Everard, W. Lindsay Moore, Lieut.-Colonel T. C. R. (Ayr) Atkinson, C. Falle, Sir Bertram G. Morrison, Hugh (Wilts, Salisbury) Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley (Bewdley) Ferguson, Sir John Morrison, W. S. (Glos., Cirencester) Balniel, Lord Fielden, E. B. Morrison-Bell, Sir Arthur Clive Beamish, Rear-Admiral T. P. H. Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Muirhead, A. J. Beaumont, M. W. Ganzoni, Sir John Newton, Sir D. G. C. (Cambridge) Bellairs, Commander Carlyon Gauit, Lieut. Col. Andrew Hamilton Nicholson, O. (Westminster) Berry, Sir George Glyn, Major R. G. C. Nicholson, Col. Rt. Hn.. W.G.(Ptrsf'ld) Birchall, Major Sir John Dearman Graham, Fergus (Cumberland, N.) Nield, Rt. Hon. Sir Herbert Boothby, R. J. G. Grattan-Doyle, Sir N. Ormsby-Gore, Rt. Hon. William Bourne, Captain Robert Croft Grenfell, Edward C. (City of London) Peake, Capt. Osbert Bowater, Col. Sir T. Vansittart Gunston, Captain D. W. Penny, Sir George Bowyer, Captain Sir George E. W. Hacking, Rt. Hon. Douglas H. Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) Boyce, H. L. Hall, Lieut.-Col. Sir F. (Dulwich) Power, Sir John Cecil Bracken, B. Hammersley, S. S. Pownall, Sir Assheton Brass, Captain Sir William Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Purbrick, R. Briscoe, Richard George Heneage, Lieut.-Colonel Arthur P. Reid, David D. (County Down) Brown, Brig.-Gen. H. C. (Berks, Newb'y) Hennessy, Major Sir G. R. J. Remer, John R. Buckingham. Sir H. Herbert, S.(York, N.R., Scar. & Wh'by) Rentoul, Sir Gervais S. Burton, Colonel H. W. Hills, Major Rt. Hon. John Waller Reynolds, Col. Sir James Butler, R. A. Howard-Bury, Colonel C. K. Rodd, Rt. Hon. Sir James Rennell Butt, Sir Alfred Hunter-Weston, Lt.-Gen. Sir Aylmer Ross, Major Ronald D Cadogan, Major Hon. Edward Hurd, Percy A. Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth) Carver, Major W. H. Iveagh, Countess of Salmon, Major I. Castle Stewart, Earl of Kindersley, Major G. M. Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Cautley, Sir Henry S. King, Commodore Rt. Hon. Henry D. Sandeman, Sir N. Stewart Cayzer, Sir C. (Chester, City) Knox, Sir Alfred Savery, S. S. Cazalet. Captain Victor A. Lamb, Sir J. O. Skelton, A. N. Chadwick, Sir Robert Burton Law, Sir Alfred (Derby, High Peak) Smith, Louis W. (Sheffield, Hallam) Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. Sir J.A.(Birm., W.) Leighton, Major B. E. P. Smith, R. W. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dine, C.) Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. N. (Edgbaston) Lewis, Oswald (Colchester) Smith-Carington, Neville W. Colfox, Major William Philip Llewellin, Major J. J. Smithers, Waldron Courtauld, Major J. S. Locker-Lampson, Rt. Hon. Godfrey Somerville, A. A. (Windsor) Crookshank, Cpt. H.(Lindsey, Gainsbro) Locker-Lampson, Com. O. (Handsw'th) Somerville, D. G. (Willesden, East) Croom-Johnson, R. P. Long, Major Eric Spender-Clay, Colonel H. Dairymple-White, Lt.-Col. Sir Godfrey Lymington, Viscount Stanley, Lord (Fylde) Davies, Dr. Vernon Macdonald, Capt. P. D. (I. of W.) Stanley, Maj. Hon. O. (W'morland) Davies, Maj. Geo. F.(Somerset, Yeovil) Maitland, A. (Kent, Faversham) Sueter, Rear-Admiral M. F. Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) Makins, Brigadier-General E. Thomson, Sir F. Dawson, Sir Philip Margesson, Captain H. D. Titchfield, Major the Marquess of Duckworth, G. A. V. Marjoribanks, E. C. Todd, Capt. A. J. Eden, Captain Anthony Mason, Colonel Glyn K. Train, J.
Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement Williams, Com. C. (Devon, Torquay) Wood, Rt. Hon. Sir Kingsley Turton, Robert Hugh Wilson, G. H. A. (Cambridge U.) Wright, Brig.-Gen. W. D. (Tavist'k) Ward, Lt.-Col. A. L. (Kingston-on-Hull) Winterton, Rt. Hon. Earl Young, Rt. Hon. Sir Hilton Wardlaw-Milne, J. S. Withers, Sir John James Waterhouse, Captain Charles Wolmer, Rt. Hon. Viscount TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Wells, Sydney R. Womersley, W. J. Captain Wallace and Sir Victor Warrender.
The next Amendment which I call is that in the name of the hon. Member for South-West Bethnal Green (Mr. Harris).
On a point of Order. Have you overlooked the series of Amendments standing in my name, Mr. Chairman?
I said that the next Amendment which I select is that in the name of the hon. Member for South-West Bethnal Green.
May I press for your guidance, Mr. Chairman? There are many here who do not believe in this Bill, but who—
Order!
If the hon. and gallant Member will come and see me, I will show him something in his Amendment which may make him think that he ought not to move it.
I beg to move, in page 1, line 12, at the end, to insert the words: started to become contributors, and before they can draw benefit they must have made 30 contributions, but anybody who has been in contact with educationists will appreciate that there is a good deal of question as to whether it is really a step forward to put young persons in unemployment insurance at all. Many people, and I myself, feel that the right place for a child of 16 is in school, but owing to economic forces, owing to heavy expense and to other causes, the first step forward is to raise the school-leaving age to 15, in the hope ultimately of raising it to 16.
In the meantime, we want to encourage parents wherever possible to keep their children out of industry and in school. I think there is general agreement on that. These young people should be encouraged to go to junior technical schools, secondary schools, and central schools, and to avail themselves of the various facilities provided by local authorities, but the bulk of young people have to earn their living. It is an important event when a child leaves school. When a boy or a girl for the first time puts on his or her hat and starts out to go into industry, into the workshop, the factory, the bank, or the office, there is a feeling of strong independence and of resentment at parental influence, and there is a desire to enjoy the pleasures of freedom and to keep away from all educational influences.
The proposal made in this Clause is largely the result, I think, of the advice of the National Advisory Council on Juvenile Employment. They see the demoralisation of young people in the factories and workshops, the undermining of parental control, and how very few of them go to evening institutes or clubs or avail themselves of such educational opportunities. When they have a spare evening, they more often go to the cinema, to a music hall, or to some other place of pleasure. It is no fault of the child. When we were young, we were just the same, but some of us were forced to attend school, and for the greater part of the year at any rate we were well under control. I think it is in order to fill up the gap between the ages of 15 and 16, when the child comes under the influence of the juvenile employment centre, that this proposal is made, but it is only made on the recommendation of a Majority Report. There is a very important Minority Report, signed by very influential educationists, including Mr. Spurley Hey, who questions the wisdom of it being recognised that the right place for a child is in industry, and who points out that once the Ministry of Labour gets hold of a boy, and finds that through his contributions the financial position of the Fund is to be strengthened, the Ministry, not under my right hon. Friend but under a less benevolent Minister, might be inclined to oppose any increase in the school-leaving age which would be to the deprivation of the Fund.
7.0 p.m.
We have to meet that objection, and we have to justify making this toll on child labour. We have to justify our conscience to the children, and the only right way to do it is by seeing that if they are to make contributions, the very least we can do is to provide them with proper educational facilities for them if by chance they should find themselves out of work. No doubt the right hon. Lady will say that provision is already made for that, under the existing law, in the industrial training centres, but I am afraid it is not an unreasonable thing to say that these training centres exist only in name. The very latest figures I have been able to get from the right hon. Lady show that only some 35 local authorities make any provision at all, and there are actually in existence in the country only 87 centres altogether, and the number of children under the present law from 16 to 18 years old actually receiving training is 5,000 boys and 1,300 girls. I would not find much fault with that if I were satisfied that the existing centres are satisfactory, but the right hon. Lady knows better than I do that in the majority of cases they are makeshifts. They are by no means real educational centres, they are improvised, and very often they are in temporary buildings. The teachers are very often not fully qualified, and these centres can hardly be called a satisfactory fulfilment of the original provision in the Act of Parliament. We are going to lower the age of insurance; let us take the opportunity of organising a proper system of training schools. Let us make a real contribution to the training of these young persons so that, if by any chance they get out of work, in return for the contributions that they have been forced to make, they shall have a really excellent system of training, and not a mere apology for one. That is the purpose of the Amendment, and, if the Minister of Labour accepts it, as I believe and hope that she will be willing to do, much of the opposition to this Clause will be removed, because we can say that here is an attempt for the first time to give our young people a training.
We have precedents for this. In Germany they have already, almost throughout the country, organised training centres. I had the opportunity a few years ago of visiting Hanover and seeing some of them. They had proper housing, proper staffs and appliances, not only books, but a gymnasium and, what is perhaps more important, a proper manual training centre where the boys and girls could familiarise themselves with tools, and learn woodwork or metal work according to their occupation. The Minister of Labour and the Committee know only too well that a good deal of unemployment is caused by the child choosing his occupation wrongly at the beginning. He wants a nice clean job, and goes into an office. He then finds that his proper vocation is not clerical work but at the carpenter's bench or in some other trade. Or, vice versa, he may want to be a craftsman, and find at 16 that he ought to have gone into an office. When he finds himself out of work, he has left school, and facilities for training are not there, or he being young and feeling full of spirit and energy, is not inclined to put himself under instruction. That is where a kind parental State ought to step in and say, "If you are going to get benefit, you must take the opportunity of training yourself at this critical period of your life, so that you will find an occupation that will fit you in the future and is likely to lead to regular work for the rest of your life."
These training centres have largely broken down, because the Department has been niggardly in the supply of cash. It is largely a question of money, and, if we want the local education authorities to have these centres properly staffed, equipped and organised, we must be generous. If you are going to bring young people into these centres, it is no use providing a makeshift arrangement, something that does not prove to them that they are going to get a real advantage. I am told that in Manchester where they tried these whole-time courses, many children would rather forego benefits than go to the training centres. We want to prevent that, and to make these centres so good that even if they did not get the benefit they would want to go, but with this instrument in the hands of the Employment Exchange, we will be able to bring pressure on these young people to go and complete their education and justify their existence and the lowering of the insurance age.
I think it would be for the convenience of the Committee if at this stage I were to deal rather fully with the admirable Amendment moved by the hon. Member for South-West Bethnal Green (Mr. Harris). I want to explain, first of all, that I am in deep sympathy with everything that he has said, and I feel that there is a large body of opinion, quite irrespective of party, which recognises that this reaches right down to the very basis of our national life. I cannot accept the Amendment for reasons which I will explain, but, if we were a little more advanced, as we ought to be, this would be the line of development that I should hope to secure. There is, however, a more hopeful view that we can take at the present time. There has been a great deal of unsmooth working between the two great Departments of State concerned in this matter. I am glad to report that these differences have passed away, and that there is now a very close co-operation between the Ministry of Labour and the local education authorities. The education authorities, wherever they wish, can do certain things: They can set up a special juvenile department called a juvenile employment bureau, in which case they get a 50 per cent. grant from the Minister of Labour. If they do not desire to do that, the Minister of Labour sets it up, and it is then called the juvenile department of the Employment Exchange. In both cases, the same principles obtain. Whether it is actually started by the Ministry of Labour or by the education authorities, there is an advisory committee which supervises the work of that bureau or department.
Some hon. Members are in error in supposing that wherever there is a juvenile department it is part of the work of the adult exchange. The very purpose is that it shall be separate from the adult exchange, and, if it is not in a separate building, it is at any rate kept apart. This juvenile employment committee is, I think, a development to be welcomed on every ground. It consists, with very few exceptions, of employers and workers' representatives, of teachers, of local education authority representatives, and other public-spirited persons, with the local juvenile officer acting as secretary. I am responsible for the machinery of the whole thing, and I have, in addition to these local advisory committees, two national advisory councils to assist in surveying the whole field of the problem. The hon. Member for South-West Bethnal Green has pointed out that these bodies are very necessary, and do a great deal of exceedingly useful work.
I would remind the Committee, however, of a more important development at the school-leaving age. The school-leavers are gathered together. In many cases, there are conferences, and I have had the privilege of attending them, or they are interviewed in groups, or individually, by those who are able to advise them as to the choice of employment, and help them in every possible way to get into the best channel of work. We have that magnificent machinery at the school-leaving age, but in the existing state of things the boys and girls disappear into the gap, and these splendid young people do not get back again except in a minority of cases, under the ægis of the juvenile advisory committees, until after these two very important years from 14 to 16. The committees then get boys and girls of 16½ or nearer 17 but the splendid work has been wiped out, and they have to begin on a much lower level than would be the case if there were continuity from school-leaving to their industrial life.
I wish to endorse strongly what the hon. Member for South-West Bethnal Green said about the importance of sur- rounding the young people with this instructional atmosphere. Not only that, but we are very much in earnest about bridging the gap, because we believe that in the years immediately ahead in industry there is the possibility of immense changes. Certain old-fashioned customs and methods are being smashed up, and certain channels that were almost hereditary are disappearing. Fathers used to bring their sons in and train them for their businesses, and mothers taught their daughters their trade. These things cannot be counted upon as continuing factors. Mass production has smashed that up to a great extent. Very often, a lad at 14 in a mass production factory learns an infinitesimal part, perhaps a 158th part of the process, and in a few weeks he becomes a skilled worker in that department. There is nothing in the factory that brings out the quality of the child or expands his mental capacity, and, when that child becomes unemployed, it is an extremely important work to help to broaden his mental powers, and keep him mentally and physically fit as far as it can be done.
It is from the standpoint of the child that we are urging this Clause so strongly before the Committee. The overwhelming opinion of these national advisory councils has been in the direction of considering that something must be done to bridge the gap. Before the advisory councils gave their opinion there was the Salvesen Report and the Malcolm Report. The Malcolm Committee put two alternatives. Let us have the working certificate or, if you cannot get that, let us bridge the gap by raising the school age and lowering the insurance age. The Salvesen (the Scottish Committee) referred to it. They said let us first bridge the gap by lowering the insurance age, and if that fails, we can fall back on the working certificate. To-day the national advisory councils of England and Scotland are for the first time in favour of bridging the gap by lowering the insurance age as the first and more satisfactory method of the two. We come with a very great weight of authority behind us in asking the Committee to give us Clause 1.
The Minister is asking the Committee to give her Clause 1, but we are now debating the very narrow point of the Amendment. I hope that the Minister is not going to debate the question of Clause 1 standing part while we are debating a very specific point.
I was trying to save the time of the Committee, and I am afraid I made a rather general statement. On the point raised of making it compulsory not to pay benefit until instruction is provided, I say, frankly, that I am not in a position to accept the Amendment. I have tried to explain the system in the most rapid manner possible, and to show that it would not be fair that a child should not get benefit unless it can be provided with instruction, in view of the undeveloped condition of the machine which we are trying to work. At the same time, we are making developments in this direction. It is true, as the hon. Member for South-West Bethnal Green said, that we have at present 87 centres, and 35 different local authorities in 47 towns administering these centres. There is, in addition to that, another development to which I think we may look forward in connection with the recommendation of the national advisory council in regard to the establishment of definite classes or special classes in relation to the ordinary school.
The council recommend that special classes for unemployed boys and girls should be established in conjunction with existing educational institution. As from 1st January, 1930, I shall be prepared to recognise such classes for the purposes of grants, and hope that all education authorities will consider whether there is the need for the establishment of such classes in their areas. The criteria for establishing such classes are also based on the recommendation of the national council. That means that, instead of having to wait until we have 50 unemployed boys, as at present, before we can start a centre, we can start, with the help of the local authorities, classes for smaller numbers. If it were possible, as I think has happened in some cases, for children to be taken in one's and two's in scattered areas, and brought in relation to the general curriculum, of the school, I propose to develop that opportunity, in order to bring every boy and girl into touch with some instruction of one kind or other.
It will be 12 or 18 months before this Clause can be put into operation, and would it not be possible in that time to be ready to offer instruction to these young people? There will not be a large number of them, for the bulk of them will have got work.
It is my intention to try and do that, but this is another difficult point which the Committee will readily recognise. There is a large number of children who will be unemployed for a very short period. They may be out 10 days, and during that period it may be impassible to make the arrangements which will meet that particular case, because it would not be known beforehand that the child or children would be out of employment. There are cases of that kind where it would be very difficult and rather unjust to say that you should take contributions from the wages of those children, but that, after they are unemployed, they will not receive anything unless we sent them to a centre for instruction. That is the only point which I want to safeguard. We have the power to insist upon that, but taking a power and exercising it in every case are different matters. There is no power under the principal Act as it stands to make such Regulations, but that is a drafting matter.
I appreciate the sympathy which the right hon. Lady has given to the Amendment, but I am frankly disappointed that she has not given more practical expression to that sympathy. I would like her to appreciate that there are very many people in this country who have probably gone through the same phase as I have in regard to the lowering of the insurable age to the school-leaving age. When it was first proposed, I opposed it, but, after careful consideration, I came to the conclusion that the benefit on the whole was in favour of it. One of the main factors that encouraged me to come to that conclusion was that I thought the Government was now given a great opportunity by linking up the raising of the school age with the lowering of the insurable age—the greatest opportunity that any Government has had of doing something to improve the whole educational system of the country, and to link education with the industrial and commercial life of the nation. The Government, by refusing this Amendment, are showing a lack of vision which is really deplorable, and which is most disappointing in a Government, many Members of which have made professions which encouraged us to hope better things from them.
The Minister has mentioned certain technical difficulties; she has shown appreciation of technical difficulties to a rather generous extent in the Committee stage of this Bill; but these technical difficulties can be got over under the terms of the Amendment. It is very hard to say that no child shall have benefit unless he goes to classes of instruction, when, perhaps, no instruction facilities are available, but the Amendment is designed to meet that. What we are asking the Government to do is to provide the facilities, and, when they are provided, to make it a condition that these young people shall attend. In regard to the other matters of technical detail which the Minister mentioned, we are trying in the Amendment to give the Minister, in consultation with the Board of Education, power to make Regulations, and she, or whoever may be the Minister of Labour, after consultation with the Board, can frame these Regulations in such a way as to meet the difficulties to which she has referred. I hope that the Government will reconsider this, for I think that they are missing a great opportunity.
For a long time in this country we have been emphasising the importance of associating our educational instruction more with the preparation of boys and girls for their occupations in life, and for better occupations than they have now, and if the raising of the school age is going to have any practical effect, one effect will be that the boys and girls who will be leaving school after that policy is in operation, will leave with a much better equipment for employment and for life than children under present conditions. Therefore, we have a great opportunity here of really making our education instruction of some practical value for the boys and girls who are facing the difficulties of employment and of life after they leave school. One of the things which I should have thought that this Government would have jumped at would have been the possibility, which is now open to them by reason of this proposal, of making sure that the link between the children when they leave school and their entering employment is such that facilities should exist to enable them, when they are in the rare position of being unable to get employment, to be brought into touch with an educational atmosphere. Thus, instruction, which will be much more readily accepted by the new generation of children than by the present, will go on continually, giving them a better equipment with which to face the employment into which they enter.
The Minister has referred to the facilities which exist and her hope that she may be able to develop them. If she really means that, what is the objection to accepting this Amendment? We are not asking her to provide them now, this week or this year. She has all the period which will elapse between now and the time when the policy of raising the school age has been put into practical operation—practically two years. If she is really firmly convinced of the justice of our case, as she says she is, if she is firmly determined that, so far as she can, she is going to put that policy into operation, let me tell her that it will be a great help if she will put it in the Bill now. She may not be there in 18 months; a very different person may be in her place, and he will take a different view of these things. I should have thought that, if she were really convinced, as she says she is, of the justice of our case—and I believe that she is—she would be well advised, in the interests of the children, to accept the Amendment in its substance, if not in its actual words.
I have a great deal of sympathy with this Amendment, and I am quite at one with the object which it seeks to attain, but I have been wondering whether it is really practicable. I cannot see that it is practicable, and I certainly think that it would be very unjust on the unemployed child if you were to deny benefit because he did not go to an educational centre when a centre was not there. One of the great difficulties about the juvenile unemployment benefit has been that the number of children unemployed changes; it fluctuates from day to day and week to week. Therefore, it has been extremely difficult to get the juvenile employment centres. It has been suggested, as I understand it, that you should make the ordinary educational system a system whereby you would force the child to go for instruction. I do not know whether the right hon. Lady has that power, but she has not the power to compel the local education authority to make provision for that child within the educational system. You therefore have two difficulties—first, that you cannot get the juvenile employment centres established because of the fluctuations in the number of unemployed; and, second, the Minister has not the power to compel the local education authorities to provide facilities for education. It is obvious to me that we ought to press the Minister for a clearer definition of what she is going to take for a criteria as to the number of children to be unemployed before she will demand that employment centres should be set up. I understand that certain standards have been evolved in the report of the national advisory committee, and I should like from the Minister a definite statement as to her attitude to those standards. I suggest to my Liberal Friend that it is clear that the next and inevitable step will be to get into operation the compulsory continuation classes of the Fisher Act. Until we have reached that step, I do not think that the Amendment is practicable.
I do not often find myself in agreement with the hon. Member for South-West Bethnal Green (Mr. Harris), but any feeling of surprise I may have is assuaged by the fact that he has been supported by a fellow countryman of mine from the Principality. I am sorry that the supporters of the Government confine themselves to sympathy with this Amendment, because I believe that in substance and intention it is a very sound one. The right hon. Lady herself has admitted the soundness of the intention behind it. We have here an opportunity of linking up more closely than ever before the Board of Education and the Ministry of Labour. Everyone who is really interested in child welfare from the broader aspect of a child's career cannot fail to be impressed by the difficulties which are met with on the threshold of a child's industrial life. This is not confined to those who are sometimes alluded to as "working class children"; it is the same with the sons and daughters of people of all ranks. All of us have to face the question, "What can we do with our children?" and one of the worst things that can happen to them is that they should get into blind alley occupations and join the ranks of the unskilled instead of the skilled.
It has been pointed out to the right hon. Lady that there is a period of 18 months in which to give effect to these proposals, and surely even a Labour Government can do something in 18 months, even though it cannot do much in 5½ months. In rejecting this Amendment the Government are losing an invaluable opportunity of introducing something to take the place of the old apprenticeship system which used to be accounted so valuable in, the industrial life of the country many years ago, but has gradually been lost owing to the growth of mass production. Our young people are launched out into the world ready to do anything, but able to do nothing. They get into the ranks of the unskilled, and that really is the tragedy of the industrial life of so many of them. The right hon. Lady has a great opportunity here, if she will only consent to at any rate give this matter further consideration before we come to the next stage of the Bill, and perhaps have the Amendment re-drafted in words which while preserving its purpose, would meet the requirements of the Government draftsman. This Amendment deals with those who have made a start and, so to speak, come an industrial cropper. They have become, for the time being, amongst those who are called "unemployed persons." Think of the tragedy of children being classed as unemployed persons! Here is an opportunity of minimising that tragedy and affording these young people something on the lines of vocational training.
The Mover of the Amendment touched on the question of fitting round pegs into round holes instead of into square holes. One of the difficulties is to know exactly what is the best line for a child to follow, but that is of infinitesimal account by comparison with the importance of giving it some training in a skilled craft. I believe the right hon. Lady is already feeling sorry that she said she could not accept this Amendment, because it seems to me the arguments which can be advanced in support of it are unanswerable. The education of children has gradually become a State responsibility, and the condition of their health has become a State responsibility also. The Ministry of Health is concerned with them as well as the Ministry of Education. Here we have an opportunity of linking up yet another Government Department which deals with the youth of the country. Surely we shall not be so shortsighted as to allow that chance to go by. As was pointed out by the Seconder of the Amendment, the right hon. Lady may not have another such opportunity of allowing her name to go down to posterity as one who has linked up the functions of these three Ministries so far as they affect the training of the minds, and the hands and the care of the bodies of our young people, so as to fit them to take a better part in the industrial life of the country.
I wish to raise a point of Order, which I should have raised earlier but for the interest I have felt in following the speeches. Surely it is quite clear that this is an Amendment which imposes a charge and therefore is wholly out of order. At present the Minister has no authority to set up these classes. If she is ordered to set them up, they must be paid for out of moneys provided by Parliament. The Financial Resolution is very strictly limited and does not include power to spend any money on things of this kind.
On that same point of Order. I would like to support the argument which has just been submitted to you. Who on earth is to pay for what is put forward in the Amendment? Is the money to come from the education authorities or from the Poor Law? It cannot be got under this Money Resolution, because it is too restricted.
On that point of Order. The right hon. Lady has this power already. The power is already in existence.
I was going to point out that under the Amendment as it is presented, there is no question of any additional expenditure and that under the Act as it now stands a certain amount of this work can be carried through and only its extension is asked.
The attitude of the right hon. Lady is quite intolerable; and as for the attitude of hon. Members opposite, it beggars accurate description. In their official programme, "Labour and the Nation," which in so far as it contains any sound ideas at all is rather a bad réchauffé of "Britain's Industrial Future," these words occur:
"Unemployment benefit for boys and girls must be conditional upon attendance at a juvenile centre, where the disastrous effects of enforced idleness may be counteracted, and skill, adaptability and self-discipline fostered by opportunities for training."
Who shall now say that I was wrong in my description of the right hon. Lady's attitude and of the attitude of hon. Members opposite, who get into the House by this kind of thing and then try to prevent the subject even being discussed? I am one of those who genuinely feel—
On a point of Order. Would it not conduce to the speed of debate and also to the decency of debate if the hon. and gallant Member for East Rhondda (Lieut.-Colonel Watts-Morgan) did not persist in perpetual conversation when any speech is being made from this side of the House? Is it not out of order for the hon. and gallant Member to keep up a constant interruption, some of his observations being of an impertinent kind?
May I ask whether it is in order for the Noble Lord to continue to use the kind of insulting interjections for which he has distinguished himself?
I hope that what I said yesterday and what I say now may be taken to heart by hon. Members on both sides. It is not to the advantage of Debates in this House that they should be interrupted by conversations and interjections.
We may both bless you, Mr. Chairman. It is good advice.
I have always noticed that these little scenes ensue upon any reference to the promises made by hon. Members opposite, and I can quite understand that they feel sensitive about this matter. There is a small body of honest and sincere Members on the other side of the House who are prepared to say here what they say out- side, and they are ostracised and put beyond the pale. If I happened to be a member of that party and had identified myself with their pledges at the election, it is the hon. Members on the other side who are in insurrection whom I would most willingly support. But I do not want to leave this matter at "Labour and the Nation." When the Unemployment Insurance Act of 1927 was before the House, an Amendment moved by the Labour party was the Amendment, in essence, that is now before us. It was moved by the present Minister of Health, who has proved so expert in disappointing the widows of this country—[ Interruption. ] Surely hon. Members do not maintain that they have carried out their pledges? When the Minister of Labour in the Conservative Government of that day ventured to make the kind of speech which has been made tonight by the right hon. Lady, and to say that there were difficulties in the way, what was the reply of the right hon. Gentleman who is now the Minister of Health? He said: number of persons in this House who are genuinely disquieted about this Clause and its urgency. We were told that the real need of this country was work, and if work could not be found the next need lay in providing the bread-winners with the means of sustaining their homes. This proposal does neither of those two things, and it merely lowers by one year the age at which a boy shall be stamped with industrialism.
Does it do that for the boy's benefit? The urgency is that a profit is going to be made out of the boy. The right hon. Lady was asked how many boys of 15 would benefit under a Clause like this, and she said that her Department could not furnish any statistics. The Government Actuary can be a little more precise about the effect of this Clause, and he says that on the assumptions adopted he estimates that the inclusion of boys and girls under 16 will benefit the fund to the extent of £500,000 for the year commencing April, 1931. The Actuary goes on to describe the various figures of the profits that will accrue in subsequent years. You are taking money from these young people. What this Amendment asks is, "Will you not give them something for it?"
If the right hon. Lady had consistency enough to accept this Amendment she would conciliate the feelings of a great many persons who do not approve of this Clause. There would be some justification for it if you gave these children something in return for the money you are taking away from them The right hon. Lady talks about financial difficulties. I think it is a scandal that in the centre of a great Empire like this we should be discussing the lowering of the age at which a child should come into insurance, instead of providing that child with equipment which is more valuable than 6s. a week. There is no obligation on the child to do anything with that 6s. per week. It is a free gift of 6s. I would willingly support a proposal of that kind as a maintenance grant for a needy parent.
I think this is one of the most reactionary proposals ever introduced in the House of Commons by anybody in its long history. We are not now reducing unemployment benefit by 1s. or 2s. per week, as hon. Members did in the last Parliament. Here we are dealing with something more precious—we are dealing with the children. There is a neutral ground between education and industry. The child is standing there. On one side you have the gentle Muses beckoning. They have a great deal to offer, although not so much in the shape of immediate cash. On the other side you have the haggard and grimy figure of industry grabbing for the child. What the right hon. Lady says to industry is, "God speed; take the boy, and do what you like with him." That is the message of the right hon. Lady, and that is why we intend to go into the Lobby in favour of an Amendment which was supported in the Election programme of the party opposite, by every hon. Member who was in the last Parliament, and who belongs to the party which now constitutes the Government of this country.
The hon. Member for Devonport (Mr. Hore-Belisha) is under a complete misapprehension as to what the Minister of Labour said, and he appears to have shown an entire inability to understand what she means. I have been in this House for a number of years, and I confess that I do not remember ever hearing before such a contemptible case put forward on such flimsy material. The Minister of Labour met this Amendment in a spirit of co-operation, stressing her own limitation under the powers she possesses. She stated that during the next 12 months we might be able to provide the necessary finances to set up the machinery which has been asked for. The hon. Member for Devonport is speaking for the "Western Morning News." I want to tell the hon. Member, when he flings that accusation at hon. Members on this side, that we can fling it back again with two-fold force. I may inform the hon. Member that I was selling the "Western Morning News" before he left home to go to school.
Now you are selling the children.
If the hon. Member will go into the Division which I was in 28 years after leaving school he will find two classes being taught in the room where one class was taught before. I think the hon. Member for Devonport had better apply his mind to this problem instead of using arguments like that.
There will be three classes in that room after the raising of the school age.
I made a statement during the election that by two years of hard Parliamentary work we might be able to get our people back to the position they occupied when Labour last laid down its tools. Everything that is being said this evening is making that perfectly plain. The lack of provision made by the education department under the last Government has created the very difficulties with which we are now being faced. There are the names of three hon. Members attached to this Amendment; one of them went to the same school as I did and his name is on the Honours Board of that school—I refer to the hon. Member for Bodmin (Mr. Foot). Perhaps the hon. Member for Bodmin will explain who is going to foot the bill, because that has not been explained.
I should like to congratulate the hon. Member for Devon-port (Mr. Hore-Belisha) upon his eloquence, but I must sympathise with him, because I feel sure that he must fully appreciate the bitterness of sitting behind leaders who do not keep their pledges. I think the hon. Member would do well to form an organisation to keep the Members of the Front Benches in order.
On a point of Order. May I ask if all this has any connection whatever with the Amendment we are discussing?
I will mot pursue that point. We have sat here for several hours listening to a very great deal of unnecessary talk, and surely we are entitled to allude to some of the arguments which have been used. I want to explain why I object to this Amendment, much as I should like to support its principle. Although I admit this Amendment is almost identical with the principles I urged on the platform at the election in my Division, I cannot go into the Lobby in support of it because, when I was urging that something like this should be done, I was not contemplating a Bill of this nature. If hon. Members had laid down that this Amendment should be the only condition for the receipt of unemployment benefit I might have supported them. I think hon. Members opposite would be well advised to withdraw this Amendment, and bring forward a better Amendment on the Report stage. Much depends upon the decision at which the Committee arrives later on.
I hope the hon. Member will keep to the Amendment before the Committee.
I want to make it perfectly clear why I am not supporting this Amendment. I am resisting this proposal because of the strain it would put upon the young people, and I shall continue to resist it until I find that it can be imposed without placing any additional burdens upon the young people.
May I point out to the right hon. Lady that the Committee are practically unanimous in approving of the principle of the Amendment, and that no valid objection has been raised against it. I attach so much importance to this Amendment that I strongly urge the right hon. Lady to accept it, as I fear that if it is not inserted in this Bill now unemployment benefit will be paid to young persons whether they attend courses of instruction or not for all time. If, as she fears, it is not practicable to form these classes in the 18 months or two years which are available before the Clause becomes operative, she, or whoever occupies her position, could easily bring in a short amending Bill postponing the operation of this Clause. The principle of this Amendment is a vitally important one, and I am quite certain that not only in this House but in the country there will be a feeling of resentment if the Amendment is not accepted.
8.0 p.m.
From the outset, I was impressed with the importance of this Amendment, and was strongly in favour of it. I have followed closely all that has been said, and I noticed that at the outset of the explanation given by the right hon. Lady the Minister of Labour, she said that we were not far enough advanced for this step. I thought that that was a very important deliverance from a representative of a Labour Government. Further evidence has been submitted by hon. Members opposite of very marked inconsistency as regards under- takings clearly given to the electorate by large numbers of Labour Members; but having come to that understanding, I certainly feel that there is something very wrong if this position is to be emphasised as regards a Labour Government. I submit that it is of the utmost importance to preserve continuity with these young people, and to have them well employed in receiving education in their young days which will further their interests. That there should be a proposal emanating from the Liberal benches which exactly coincides with what was put forward by the Labour party when in opposition, is a position which I am baffled to explain on behalf of the party. I do not require, of course, to explain it on behalf of the party, but nevertheless as a supporter of the Labour Government, I do not think the Government is doing justice to the cause which it represents in such circumstances.
I followed closely the explanation of the difficulties. I recollect, as has been pointed out from the Liberal benches, that means of overcoming those difficulties were explained by those who were then representing the Opposition and are now Members of the Government. Not only the right hon. Lady herself, but the Minister of Health, too, gave a very emphatic pledge that those difficulties could be overcome, and within a very much shorter time than is now spoken of. Now I know that the position of the Government when difficulties occur in that way is the usual thing, the course which was adopted in the last Parliament: they simply lie low and say nothing. That position is not at all satisfactory to those outside this House. I think that there is a very grave responsibility upon us, as Members of the House of Commons of whatever party, if we have been giving people to understand on so momentous an issue that the position was to foe taken up and that an advance was to be made.
I do not find that any of the difficulties, even those which have been explained by the right hon. Lady, are other than simple. I think they could be confronted and I submit that they could be overcome. To ensure that these young folk while out of work shall be given instruction which will be helpful to them in future times, is an emphatic answer to the line of argument which has been put so frequently, and will yet be put on later stages of the Bill, about the alleged demoralisation of our young people. There is no doubt about the tendency towards deterioration if young people are out of employment, especially if they are not finding some useful way of occupying their time. I do earnestly appeal, especially to those who, with myself, have identified themselves with certain Amendments which do not quite meet with the approval of the party or of the Government, to realise that here is an excellent opportunity for us to show that we are not simply partisans, but are supporters of a movement which is helpful to those who elected us to this House.
I do earnestly hope that the Minister of Labour will reconsider her attitude in this respect. I can assure her that this Amendment is not moved with any desire to embarrass the Government. It is a perfectly bona-fide Amendment, and it never occurred to us that there would be any resistance to it on the part of the Minister of Labour. I cannot comprehend her attitude. I am not now by way of taunting her, or taunting right hon. and hon. Members on the benches opposite, about pledges. From the point of view of debate that would be useful and very pleasant, but we want to get on with business, so I am not taunting her with pledges which she has given or with the attitude which she adopted in 1927, except from this point of view: that she herself has admitted that this Amendment represents her own attitude at the present moment. If that be the case, why does she throw away this opportunity of giving effect to something in which she generally believes, something which is incorporated in the programme of her party, something which she urged upon right hon. Gentlemen who formed the Government in the last Parliament, and I think actually carried to a Division, with, I believe, the support of a great many Members here? We adopt exactly the same attitude as we did when right hon. and hon. Members on this side of the House took the course which she is now taking. I do urge her to accept this Amendment. It is in accordance with the advice which was given to her by a report to which attention has already been called, by her as well as by others, the report of the National Advisory Council for Juvenile Employment. Conditions were recommended there with regard to the reduction of the age for unemployment benefit, and the majority of that council say that they would not have signed that report had it not been for those conditions. What is one of those conditions?
I am very much surprised at the attitude of the Government, and of hon. Members opposite. This seems to me to be their opportunity for impressing their views upon the Government. I was here when the Prime Minister said, "Let this be a Council of State." If it is to be a Council of State, it means that we are to express our opinions very freely, and make our contributions to the discussion, and that every Member here is to treat himself as a counsellor of the Government and to act accordingly; but, if hon. Members opposite are always going to say that whatever a Minister proposes shall be supported and whatever the Minister opposes shall be opposed, without reference to their own individual view, they will simply destroy the appeal which was made by the Prime Minister to convert this House into a Council of State. If that is the example which they are going to set us, then it ceases to be a Council of State from that moment. I know their views. They have expressed them already, when they were in a position of greater independence. They expressed them not merely on the platform, but in considered opinions which they put before the country. They now say that they believe simply that there has been a little chicanery—very little, like that of which the hon. Member for Peckham (Mr. Beckett) had given an exhibition to the House of Commons, when he said that he would have supported this Amendment but for the fact that there was something else later on. Let him oppose that later on on its merits, and let him vote for this Amendment on its merits. I was amazed to hear an hon. Member who represents teachers actually opposing this Amendment.
I appeal to the right hon. Lady in the interests of progress with this Bill, and in the interests of convincing the House that she is prepared to meet reasonable criticism and to accept reasonable suggestions, to say here and now that she is prepared to accept this Amendment; and, if she finds on the Report stage that there is something which requires alteration, or some words to be added, I can assure her that we will treat any proposal which she makes for alteration on the Report stage, reasonably and in a spirit of fair play. I appeal to her now to accept the Amendment.
It goes to my heart to have a discussion like this on this subject. I do not mind what bitter things may be said by hon. Members about delay and all the rest of it; they cannot be feeling more strongly about it than I feel myself, and I want to respond at once to the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) and to point out exactly why I cannot say straight off that I can accept the wording of this Amendment. The position in regard to the matter with which we are dealing is that there is a partnership between the Minister of Labour and the education authority. We believe that that is a healthy partnership; we believe that it is the right line of development that we should keep the education authority closely in touch with the juvenile centres. The Act of 1927, under which I am working, gives me power, out of the Insurance Fund, to provide part of the cost of the centres. I have to meet the other part in some way or another. We are making arrangements to pay, in certain cases, 75 per cent. of the cost of instruction centres, and we do so in some districts. The national advisory council have made a recommendation—and I have accepted the report of the national advisory council—that as from the 1st January that should be the normal position with regard to all those centres; but I think I am bound to say that I have not the power to say here and now that I can provide all the money necessary, or that I can ensure that the education authorities will provide all the money necessary, for this particular purpose; but what I will say is that I will most certainly take this point into consideration, and I will see what we can do on the Report stage to meet the obvious wish of the Committee.
There is the other point—a technical point—on the Amendment. The Amendment makes attendance at the course of instruction a condition of receiving benefit up to the age of 18 years. That is a very serious matter. I do not think I can say that I can provide for all young men under 18, who may be out of work three weeks, instruction during those three weeks. That is not obstruction; it is a real technical difficulty which I am in. If, in the light of that explanation, it will be understood that I am going to try to meet the intention of the Amendment—
May I be quite clear what that means? Does that mean that the right hon. Lady is prepared to introduce a provision into this Bill that, where facilities are provided, attendance will be a condition?
Yes.
It will be a condition that they shall attend an approved course of instruction?
Yes, that is my firm intention—that where facilities are provided it shall be a condition—
I am sure the right hon. Lady does not wish to mislead the Committee. Already where facilities are provided, it is a condition. That will be no concession at all to us.
Perhaps I have misunderstood the right hon. Gentleman's point.
My point is as to whether the right hon. Lady will make it a condition, and whether she will provide facilities.
I will see whether it is possible to frame words which will place in the Bill the power that I now possess to make conditions as to benefit.
No; the point is whether the right hon. Lady will undertake—this is the substance of it; the wording is a different matter—that she, after consultation with the Board of Education, will ensure that the courses of instruction are available. There are two conditions—firstly, that she will ensure that the courses are available, and, secondly, that she will make it a condition of the receipt of unemployment benefit that they shall attend those courses.
Of course, the right hon. Gentleman must know that it is impossible for me at this stage to say that I can ensure that courses shall be available after consultation with the Board of Education. I will do my best to meet the intention of the Amendment, but what I am being asked is more than it is within my power to do.
I think it is quite clear that the Minister of Labour has entirely failed to meet, either in spirit or in letter, the Amendment which has been moved from below the Gangway. I am not going to dilate upon the administrative difficulties, although we on these benches recognise the administrative difficulties, and the Amendment that we have drafted is specifically designed to meet those administrative difficulties. Our Amendment later on the Paper only deals with the question of the young persons who are being brought into insurance by this specific Measure. I agree that it is a searching and far-reaching Amendment. It brings in those who are already in receipt of benefit, and imposes new conditions upon them. But the hon. and right hon. Members who have moved this Amendment obviously have not done so without serious consideration of the point which they are bringing to the notice of the right hon. Lady, and it is idle to say that the Minister of Labour will be perfectly content to put into the Bill the powers which she already possesses. That is no concession to the House. It is not meeting the spirit of the House for the right hon. Lady to say that she has not had time to consider this point. It appears in her own election manifesto; it is in the Report of the Shaftesbury Committee; it has been on the Paper in the names of hon. and right hon. Gentlemen both above and below the Gangway on the Opposition side.
These are the purposes for which a Minister exists in the House of Commons—to consider amendments put down by various hon. Members, and not simply to come down and say, "My technical advisers say it is very difficult, and I am not going to do it." The purpose of the House of Commons, and not merely of a Council of State—we may not, perhaps, rise to that—the purpose of the House of Commons is that hon. Members who put Amendments on the Order Paper may have reason to suppose that the Minister has considered them in consultation with his or her technical advisers, and is able to give a pronouncement on the subject when they are tabled. No answer has been made to this Amendment. This is the second occasion on which the Minister of Labour and the Government benches have sat dumb. We certainly are going to vote for the Amendment, and, what is more, when our Amendment is moved, the right hon. Lady will not be able to get out of it by the many arguments which she has advanced to destroy the Amendment which has been moved by hon. Members below the Gangway. I hope we shall be able to come to a decision here and now, and go into the Lobby and record our votes and see the party opposite once more eating its words in public.
rose —
Divide!
I shall detain the Committee only for a few moments. I must express surprise at the observation which fell from the hon. and gallant Gentleman who has just resumed his seat, that the Treasury Bench has remained dumb, as describing its attitude towards this Amendment. After the two moving and eloquent speeches of the Minister of Labour, it is a grotesque misdescription of what has happened. I rise simply for the purpose of seeing whether something cannot be done to meet and give effect to the intention of this Amendment. As it stands, it calls for two things—firstly, the provision of courses of instruction; and, secondly, for the requirement, as a condition of receiving benefit, of attendance at an approved course of instruction.
My right hon. Friend the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) cannot doubt that, for myself, I am in complete sympathy with the intention of this Amendment. [HON. MEMBERS: "Vote for it!"] I hope hon. Members will not get excited. It is nearly 20 years since the first effort to obtain vocational instruction was started under the late Lord Haldane and all the Gentlemen who sit on the Front Bench were associated with Lord Haldane, as I myself was, in trying to bring about that object. I believe that the right hon. Gentleman and his friends are absolutely sincere in their effort to ensure that, as these young persons are brought within the area of insurance, it shall be made a condition of their receiving insurance benefit that they attend some approved course of instruction. If that be so, I want to suggest to my hon. Friends opposite that the first part of this Amendment is a burdensome condition to put upon the Ministry of Labour. The essential part of it is to ensure that attendance at an approved course of instruction shall be made a condition of receiving benefit. I suggest to my hon. Friends opposite that, if the Minister of Labour gives an undertaking that there shall be attached to the receipt of unemployment benefit, by the young persons who are now for the first time brought within the area of insurance, a condition that they attend an approved centre of instruction—if the right hon. Lady accepts that—[HON. MEMBERS: "Supposing that there is not one?"]—if the right hon. Lady accepts that, a substantial part of this Amendment will be conceded.
No!
I have tremendous sympathy with the idea that lies behind this Amendment, and I expressed myself in that sense on more than one occasion when I was on the opposite side of the House. I am in favour of a great deal more than is contained in this Amendment, but I do not think that the Amendment clearly defines what is in the mind of its Mover. My difficulty is the enormous obstacles that have been in the way of applying this idea. I cannot understand how instructional centres are going to be established profitably for boys who may be in and out of work regularly, or who may be out of work for small periods of time, such as a week or 10 days—
May I explain that there are already 38 local authorities who provide them, and there are 87 in existence at the present time?
I do not suggest that they are not of very great value; I think they are. I think, myself, that what we ought to do is to review the whole situation of the adolescent—the youth, the boy or girl—[ Interruption. ] I am very keen upon vocational instruction. I am very keen upon giving boys and girls facilities for learning to do things. I do not believe that education consists of the three R's. I do not believe that education consists of going to universities. I think that a university man who can do nothing with his fingers is only a half-educated man. I think that education that teaches you to do things is as valuable as that which teaches you to think, and that is the kind of thing that I would like to strive for. I do not, however, think that this Amendment is in that direction. I sympathise entirely with the idea behind it. I do not know, but it seems to me that the cost cannot be very great, and I do not see why the Amendment could not be accepted. The right hon. Lady has shown that she is sympathetic to the idea, and why she
cannot go the extra inch or two necessary to accomplish the idea of the Amendment I really do not understand. It is a desirable thing in itself and in the end, I have no doubt, we shall evolve out of it something that will be of educational benefit.
I only rise to secure elucidation as to the working out of the application of the Amendment. The boys in the coal mines who will probably, as they have been in the past, be working three shifts per week, the youths in the glove factories at Yeovil and, in our district, in the boot factories will at least have contributed by the age of 17 a year's insurance, and will have been in receipt of benefit. We are all committed to this and we desire to carry it out, and the first part of the Amendment would have my approval in the Division Lobby were it not for the fact that the implication of it will entail loss of benefit on workers on short time. In the textile districts they are absolutely predestined to a trade and in the scattered agricultural districts you are putting an obligation to pay upon thousands of youths and maidens who will never be able to participate until they are over 18 years of age. On those grounds I should resist the Amendment, but I would ask the Minister to see whether on Report stage she cannot meet the intention of the first part of the Amendment, and meet our working difficulties as well, and devise a scheme which will help us to face these youths who pay and are entitled to benefit under these circumstances
That is what I have undertaken to do.
Question put, "That those words be there inserted."
The Committee divided: Ayes, 167; Noes, 237.
Division No. 56.] AYES. [8.30 p.m. Acland-Troyte, Lieut.-Colonel Bowyer, Captain Sir George E. W. Cockerill, Brig.-General Sir George Ainsworth. Lieut.-Col. Charles Boyce H. L. Collins, Sir Godfrey (Greenock) Aske, Sir Robert Bracken, B. Courtauld, Major J. S. Atholl, Duchess of Brass, Captain Sir William Courthope, Colonel Sir G. L. Atkinson, C. Briscoe, Richard George Cowan. D. M. Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley (Bewdley) Brown, Ernest (Leith) Crookshank, Cpt. H. (Lindsey, Gainsbro) Balniel. Lord Brown, Brig.-Gen. H. C. (Berks, Newb'y) Davies, Dr. Vernon Beaumont, M. W. Burgin, Dr. E. L. Davies, E. C. (Montgomery) Berry. Sir George Burton, Colonel H. W. Davies, Maj. Geo. F. (Somerset, Yeovil) Birchall, Major Sir John Dearman Butler, R. A. Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) Birkett, W. Norman Carter, W. (St. Pancras, S.W.) Dawson, Sir Philip Blindell, James Carver, Major W. H. Duckworth. G A. V. Boothby, R. J. G. Castle Stewart, Earl of Dudgeon, Major C. R. Bourne, Captain Robert Croft Cautley, Sir Henry S. Eden, Captain Anthony Bowater, Col. Sir T. Vansittart Cayzer, Sir C. (Chester, City) Edmondson, Major A. J. Elliot, Major Walter E. Liewellin, Major J. J. Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth) Elmley, Viscount Locker-Lampson, Rt. Hon. Godfrey Russell, Richard John (Eddisbury) Erskine, Lord (Somerset, Weston-s.-M.) Lymington, Viscount Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Evans, Capt. Ernest (Welsh Univer.) Macdonald, Sir M. (Inverness) Samuel, Rt. Hon. Sir H. (Darwen) Everard, W. Lindsay Macdonald, Capt. P. D. (I. of W.) Sandeman, Sir N. Stewart Ferguson, Sir John Maclean, Sir Donald (Cornwall, N.) Scott, James Foot, Isaac Maitland, A. (Kent, Faversham) Scrymgeour, E. Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Makins, Brigadier-General E. Sinclair, Sir A. (Caithness) Ganzoni, Sir John Mander, Geoffrey le M. Skelton, A. N. George, Rt. Hon. D. Lloyd (Car'vn) Margesson, Captain H. D. Smith, Louis W. (Sheffield, Hallam) George, Major G. Lloyd (Pembroke) Marjoribanks, E. C. Smith, R. W. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dine, C.) George, Megan Lloyd (Anglesea) Mason, Colonel Glyn K. Smith-Carington, Neville W. Glassey, A. E. Meller, R. J. Smithers, Waldron Glyn, Major R. G. C. Millar, J. D. Somerville, A. A. (Windsor) Gower, Sir Robert Mond, Hon. Henry Somerville, D. G. (Willesden, East) Grace, John Monsell, Eyres, Com. Rt. Hon. Sir B. Spender-Clay, Colonel H. Graham, Fergus (Cumberland, N.) Moore, Sir Newton J. (Richmond) Stanley, Lord (Fylde) Granville, E. Morris-Jones, Dr. J. H. (Denbigh) Stanley, Maj. Hon. O. (W'morland) Gray, Milner Morrison, Hugh (Wilts, Salisbury) Stuart, J. C. (Moray and Nairn) Grenfell, Edward C. (City of London) Morrison, W. S. (Glos., Cirencester) Thomson, Sir F. Griffith, F. Kingsley (Middlesbro' W.) Morrison-Bell, Sir Arthur Clive Titchfield, Major the Marquess of Gunston, Captain D. W. Muirhead, A. J. Todd, Capt. A. J. Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Zetland) Nicholson, O. (Westminster) Train, J. Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Nicholson, Col. Rt. Hn. W. G. (Ptrsf'ld) Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement Harris. Percy A. Nield, Rt. Hon. Sir Herbert Turton, Robert Hugh Heneage, Lieut.-Colonel Arthur P. Ormsby-Gore, Rt. Hon. William Wallace, Capt. D. E. (Hornsey) Hennessy, Major Sir G. R. J. Owen, H. F. (Hereford) Walters, Rt. Hon. Sir J. Tudor Hills, Major Rt. Hon. John Waller Peake, Capt Osbert Ward, Lt.-Col. A.L.(Kingston-on-Hull) Hore-Belisha, Leslie Penny, Sir George Warrender, Sir Victor Howard-Bury, Colonel C. K. Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) Waterhouse, Captain Charles Hunter-Weston, Lt.-Gen. Sir Aylmer Peters, Dr. Sidney John Wells, Sydney R. Hurd, Percy A. Power, Sir John Cecil White, H. G Iveagh, Countess of Pownall, Sir Assheton Wilson, G. H. A. (Cambridge U.) Jones, Sir G. W. H. (Stoke New'gton) Purbrick, R. Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George Jones, Rt. Hon Leif (Camborne) Pybus, Percy John Winterton, Rt. Hon. Earl Kedward, R. M. (Kent, Ashford) Ramsay, T. B. Wilson Womersley, W. J. Kindersley, Major G. M. Rathbone, Eleanor Wood, Major McKenzie (Banff) Knox, Sir Alfred Rawson, Sir Cooper Wright, Brig.-Gen. w. D. (Tavist'k) Lamb, Sir J. Q. Remer, John R. Young, Rt. Hon. Sir Hilton Law, Sir Alfred (Derby, High Peak) Reynolds, Col. Sir James Leighton, Major B. E. P. Rothschild, J. de TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Lewis, Oswald (Colchester) Runciman, Rt. Hon. Walter Sir William Edge and Dr. Hunter. NOES. Adamson, Rt. Hon. W. (Fife, West) Chater, Daniel Hastings, Dr. Somerville Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock) Church, Major A. G. Haycock, A. W. Addison, Rt. Hon. Dr. Christopher Clarke, J. S. Hayday, Arthur Alpass, J. H. Cluse, W. S. Hayes, John Henry Ammon, Charles George Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R. Henderson, Right Hon. A. (Burnley) Angell, Norman Cocks, Frederick Seymour Henderson, Arthur, junr. (Cardiff, S.) Arnott, John Cove, William G. Henderson, Thomas (Glasgow) Ayles, Walter Daggar, George Henderson, W. W. (Middx., Enfield) Baker, John (Wolverhampton, Bilston) Dallas, George Herriotts, J. Baldwin, Oliver (Dudley) Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton) Hirst, G. H. (York W. R. Wentworth) Barnes, Alfred John Day, Harry Hirst, W. (Bradford, South) Batey, Joseph Denman, Hon. R. D. Hoffman, P. C. Beckett, John (Camberwell, Peckham) Dickson, T. Hopkin, Daniel Bellamy, Albert Dukes, C. Horrabin, J. F. Benn, Rt. Hon. Wedgwood Duncan, Charles Hudson, James H. (Huddersfield) Bennett, Captain E. N. (Cardiff, Central) Ede, James Chuter Isaacs, George Bennett, William (Battersea, South) Edmunds, J. E. Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath) Benson, G. Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) John, William (Rhondda, West) Bentham, Dr. Ethel Edwards, E. (Morpeth) Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown) Bevan, Aneurin (Ebbw Vale) Egan, W. H. Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly) Bondfield, Rt. Hon. Margaret Freeman, Peter Jowett, Rt. Hon. F. W. Bowen, J. W. Gardner, B. W. (West Ham, Upton) Jowitt, Rt. Hon. Sir W. A. Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Gardner, J. P. (Hammersmith, N.) Kelly, W. T. Broad, Francis Alfred Gill, T. H. Kennedy, Thomas Brockway, A. Fenner Gillett, George M. Kenworthy, Lt.-Com. Hon. Joseph M. Bromfield, William Gosling, Harry Kinley, J. Brooke, W. Gossling, A. G. Kirkwood, D. Brothers, M. Gould, F. Knight, Holford Brown, C. W. E. (Notts. Mansfield) Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton) Lang, Gordon Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Graham, Rt. Hon. Wm. (Edin., Cent.) Lansbury, Rt. Hon. George Buchanan, G. Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan) Law, Albert (Bolton) Burgess. F. G. Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Law, A. (Rosendale) Buxton, C. R. (Yorks. W. R. Elland) Groves, Thomas E. Lawrence, Susan Buxton, Rt. Hon. Noel (Norfolk, N.) Grundy, Thomas W. Lawrie, Hugh Hartley (Stalybridge) Caine, Derwent Hall- Hall, F. (York, W. R., Normanton) Lawson, John James Cameron, A. G. Hall, Capt. W. P. (Portsmouth, C.) Lawther, W. (Barnard Castle) Cape, Thomas Hamilton, Mary Agnes (Blackburn) Leach, W. Carter, W. (St. Pancras, S. W.) Hardie, George D. Lee, Frank (Derby, N. E.) Charleton. H. C. Hartshorn, Rt. Hon. Vernon Lee, Jennie (Lanark, Northern) Lees, J. Oldfield, J. R. Spero, Dr. G. E. Lewis, T. (Southampton) Oliver, George Harold (Ilkeston) Stamford, Thomas W. Lindley, Fred W. Palin, John Henry Stephen, Campbell Lloyd, C. Ellis Perry, S. F. Stewart, J. (St. Rollox) Longbottom, A. W. Pethick-Lawrence, F. W. Strauss, G. R. Longden, F. Phillips, Dr. Marion Sutton, J. E. Lovat-Fraser, J. A. Picton-Turbervill, Edith Taylor, W. B. (Norfolk, S. W.) Lowth, Thomas Pole, Major D. G. Thomas, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Derby) McElwee, A. Potts, John S. Thurtle, Ernest McEntee, V. L. Price, M. P. Tout, W. J. Mackinder, W. Quibell, D. J. K. Townend, A. E. McKinlay, A. Raynes, W. R. Trevelyan, Rt. Hon. Sir Charles Maclean, Nell (Glasgow, Govan) Richards, R. Turner, B. MacNeill-Weir, L. Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Vaughan, D. J. Malone, C. L'Estrange (N'thampton) Riley, Ben (Dewsbury) Viant, S. P. Mansfield, W. Riley, F. F. (Stockton-on-Tees) Walker, J. March, S. Ritson, J. Wallace, H. W. Marcus, M. Roberts, Rt. Hon. F. O. (W. Bromwich) Wallhead, Richard C. Markham, S. F. Romeril, H. G. Watkins, F. C. Marley, J. Rosbotham, D. S. T. Watson, W. M. (Dunfermline) Mathers, George Rowson, Guy Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda) Matters, L. W. Samuel, H. W. (Swansea, West) Wellock, Wilfred Maxton, James Sanders, W. S. Welsh, James C. (Coatbridge) Melville, Sir James Sandham, E. West, F. R. Messer, Fred Sawyer, G. F. Westwood, Joseph Middleton, G. Scurr, John Whiteley, Wilfrid (Birm., Ladywood) Mills, J. E. Sexton, James Whiteley, William (Blaydon) Milner, J. Shaw, Rt. Hon. Thomas (Preston) Wilkinson, Ellen C. Morgan, Dr. H. B. Shepherd, Arthur Lewis Williams, David (Swansea, East) Morley, Ralph Sherwood, G. H. Williams, Dr. J. H. (Llanelly) Morrison, Herbert (Hackney, South) Shield, George William Williams, T. (York, Don Valley) Morrison, Robert C. (Tottenham, N.) Shillaker, J. F. Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe) Mort, D. L. Shinwell, E. Wilson, J. (Oldham) Moses, J. J. H. Simmons, C. J. Wilson, R. J. (Jarrow) Mosley, Lady C. (Stoke-on-Trent) Smith, Alfred (Sunderland) Winterton, G. E. (Leicester, Loughb'gh) Mosley, Sir Oswald (Smethwick) Smith, Frank (Nuneaton) Wise, E. F. Muggeridge, H. T. Smith, H. B. Lees (Keighley) Wright, W. (Rutherglen) Murnin, Hugh Smith, Rennie (Penistone) Young, R. S. (Islington, North) Naylor, T. E. Smith, Tom (Pontefract) Newman, Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Snowden, Rt. Hon. Philip TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Noel Baker, p. J. Sorensen, R. Mr. Allen Parkinson and Mr. Paling
I beg to move, in page 1, line 13, to leave out from the word "from," to the end of Subsection (2), and to insert instead thereof the words
"the beginning of the insurance year next following the thirtieth day of June, nineteen hundred and thirty-one."
The reason for putting down this Amendment is that as the Clause stands it gives an absolutely blank cheque so far as the date when these Measures are to be introduced is concerned. The insurance year starts on or about the 1st July in each year, and therefore I have put down this Amendment which is to the effect that it shall take effect at the beginning of the insurance year next following the 30th day of June, 1931. Many of us here feel that this legislation which is to be passed in advance of the promised Education Bill, is of much too vague a nature to be submitted to the House. It is for that reason, and in order that the country shall know exactly on what date this provision shall take effect, that I have moved this Amendment.
On a point of Order. Before you put this Amendment, Mr. Dunnico, I should like to call your attention to a manuscript Amendment which I have handed in, and to ask if you will put this Amendment in such a way as to safeguard my manuscript Amendment.
May I say, briefly, that this is a technical point? The insurance year begins in July, and it would be the intention of the wording of Subsection (2) to make the 1st July after the passing of the Act the beginning of the new arrangement. Therefore I could not accept the Amendment, because that date is an incomplete one.
It says the beginning of the insurance year next following the 30th day of June, which is exactly what the right hon. Lady wishes.
The point is that it assumes the date of the passing of the other Act. The reason why I am not more precise in the Bill, is that I must see the other Act passed before I put this provision into operation.
This is again a hypothetical business, which makes it impossible for any definiteness to occur in the Statute here. Surely the whole argument has been that the new Act is going to come into operation in 1931 and that local authorities should be acquainted with this because of their large commitments. As a definite new date has been laid down for the education half of this policy which is adumbrated in the Clause to come into effect, all that my hon. Friends desire to see, if I understand the position, is that the time shall be the insurance year following the 30th day of June. The insurance year begins in July, and it is for that reason they say the year following the 30th day of June. It cannot possibly conflict with the beginning of the insurance year. That cannot begin until after the date specified in the Amendment. This would give a greater definiteness to the Statute of which, I do not think it is an exaggeration to say, it stands rather in need.
It is only a hypothetical risk which the right hon. Lady is running, and even so, it is only on the basis that they are going to bring this change into operation before 1931. Surely that is not her policy. There is no suggestion of the bringing in of the change—the altering of the school age—before this date. The only reason for resisting this date is that the change might be made before, but the local authorities have been informed that the change will not be made before that date and they are all working to that date. Surely it would be reasonable in this Measure for the Minister of Labour to recognise the other part of the policy which has been laid down by her right hon. Friend the President of the Board of Education.
It is contingent upon the other Act being passed. I cannot in this Act guarantee that the other Act will be passed by a specific date. I have every reason to believe that the 1st day of July, 1931, will be the date. I cannot accept the Amendment.
Amendment negatived.
I beg to move, in page 1, line 14, to leave out from the word "as" to the end of the Clause, and to insert instead thereof the words, Resolution of both Houses of Parliament is inconceivable, and I should not have suggested putting it into this Clause but for the uncertainty of the Clause. The Minister of Labour has told us that she cannot guarantee that the Act to raise the school age will, in fact, be in operation on the date which she hopes. Earlier this evening we had a discussion as to what was meant by elementary instruction, and she was unable to give any information to the Committee. This is one of the cases where Parliament should not part with control. We are here dealing with a Clause in a Bill which is to come into operation when another Act, which we have not seen, the date of the introduction of which we do not know, becomes law. We do not know when it is to come into force, yet the Government are asking Parliament to give a blank cheque on a mere hypothetical state of affairs.
We frequently hear complaints about legislation by reference, but this is far worse; it is legislation on a hypothesis, where we are in complete ignorance as to what may be the terms of that hypothesis. We have not even the proposals of the Bill for raising the school age before us. We have no idea what its terms may be. We do not know what it may or may not contain in regard to the definition of elementary education, and all efforts to obtain information from the Government to-night have been met with a blank negative. In these conditions I submit strongly that before this Clause comes into operation—it is a Clause to which many hon. Members on this side have great objections, for other reasons—we should have a chance of discussing it if and when the proposed Act dealing with education is on the Statute Book. If that Bill becomes a Statute we shall then know what the conditions are with which we are dealing, and which children at the age of 15 or over will be affected, which we do not know at present. We have absolutely no knowledge whom this Clause will affect and under what conditions, and whether some will go to a form of education no longer elementary and, therefore, will not come under the wording of this Clause.
It is only fair to Parliament that we should have an opportunity of reconsidering the whole position when the Bill which has been foreshadowed by the Government, and about which we can obtain no information, has become law. Then we shall be in a position to judge whether this Clause will be put into force, and under what conditions. As it is, we are being asked to give a blank cheque to the Minister of Labour to carry out something the conditions of which neither she nor anyone else can specify at this moment. It is a complete usurpation, and asks us to regard our rights and duties as Members of this House as merely negative.
The Government cannot accept this Amendment, for the simple reason that it would appear to delay matters. The policy of the Government is quite clear, that the lowering of the age of insurance is to be timed for the raising of the school age. Here and now, while we are dealing with this Bill, the question of whether children shall be insured at the same time as they leave school must be settled by the House of Commons. To leave the matter to Regulations or to a Resolution of both Houses of Parliament is simply to leave it in that indefinite state about which hon. Members have been complaining and in regard to which they have been making charges against us.
The reply of the Parliamentary Secretary shows how little Members of the Government have realised the far-reaching nature of the proposals contained in Clause 1, and in what almost unprecedented haste these proposals have been rushed upon the country and the House. I do not believe that the speed with which this whole question has been brought forward and the Bill drafted and presented in its various stages has yet quite dawned upon the House or the country. The proposal for lowering the insurance age will affect profoundly, at the most plastic time of their lives, all but a small minority of the children in this country. I wonder if the Committee know what small consideration these proposals seem to have had. The Minister of Labour, in her speech on the Second Reading of the Bill, a speech on which she was rightly complimented for its lucidity, made an obvious omission. She omitted to give any reasons why the Bill contained Clause 1. In referring to Clause 1 she was content to rely entirely upon the resolutions of the National Advisory Councils for England and Wales and for Scotland, respectively. She allowed herself a gibe at references which we made to this Clause in our reasoned Amendment, but she adduced no reasons of her own for bringing this very important Clause into the Bill.
I would ask the Committee to allow me to analyse the recommendations made by the English and Scottish councils, which are apparently the only grounds on which the right hon. Lady has included this Clause in the Bill. The first thing I want the Committee to realise is the little time that has been given to the consideration of this Clause by either of these councils. It was well on in July when the President of the Board of Education announced his intention to raise the school age as from April, 1931. If we look at the correspondence at the end of their Report, we find that in August the Scottish national council received a letter from the chief officer of the Employment Exchanges in Scotland asking that if possible more than one meeting should be held to consider this subject. Imagine the possibility of a council discussing, and disposing of so important a subject as this at one meeting! In fact, I believe that the council did not consider the principle of this Clause at more than one meeting. Two meetings were held, but the principle was decided at one meeting, and at a meeting at which seven members of the council, including some important representatives of education authorities, were absent out of a total membership of 17. That is the Scottish national advisory council. The right hon. Lady has prided herself this afternoon, as well as in her Second Reading speech, on the fact that the report of the Scottish council was unanimously in favour of lowering the insurable age, and said that they came to a conclusion quickly because the Salvesen Committee had already decided the question.
I should be very sorry if any council, set up as this council was by the ex-Minister of Labour, in consultation with the ex-President of the Board of Education, and appointed to consider various other recommendations, should be content to accept the recommendation of any other Committee. They were set up to do their own thinking and their own work, and hon. Members opposite know that the Salvesen Committee did not recommend a lowering of the insurance age, but a system of working certificates, and that a council such as the national council should be set up. It cannot be too clearly understood that the Scottish national council has had only two meetings to consider the subject, and at the meeting, when the principle was adopted, there were seven absentees out of a total membership of 17, including members representing educational interests. I turn to the English national advisory council. I understand that they did not hold more than three meetings on the subject. This very important question has only occupied the council on three occasions. I ask the Committee whether it considers that three meetings of the council for England and Wales and two meetings of the council in Scotland, at which nearly 50 per cent. of the members were not present, is sufficient and proper consideration for a subject like this, whether it is mature and long enough to justify the right hon. Lady basing her case for this Clause on the recommendations they have made?
Will the Noble Lady inform the Committee how many meetings she considers necessary before any question can be decided?
It is difficult to find out what Amendment we are discussing; we have not got it before us. I think the question before the Committee is not whether the age should be lowered, but when it should take place.
I did not wish to interrupt the Noble Lady, but it seemed to me that the simple question at issue was the time when the age should be lowered. If I thought there was a possibility of discussing the questions raised by the Noble Lady, I should have had much more to say, but it seemed to me that the only issue before the Committee is the question of time. I should like, Mr. Deputy-Chairman, to have your Ruling upon that.
I respectfully submit that I put reasons for this Amendment which were not based on the question of time. No question of time entered into the subject at all.
Is it not the fact that the Noble Lady is discussing the whole principle on which the Clause is based. We can judge that by our own intelligence, but that seems to me to be exactly what she is doing. She is trying to prove that the matter has not been properly considered.
9.0 p.m.
I submit that on a former Amendment the Minister of Labour herself ranged over the whole merits of this Clause. I am not doing that, and I do not propose to do so. I was simply addressing myself to the reasons why we feel that this subject has received so little consideration that the Committee should be protected by the Amendment which my hon. and gallant Friend has moved. I return to the question of the value of the recommendations which the right hon. Lady has received from these two councils in favour of this Clause. I have made quite clear what little time has been given to the consideration of this question; now I ask the Committee to examine more closely the signatures to these Reports. I say emphatically that it is obvious to anyone who has studied the reports that the only signatures representative of any body of opinion are those which are attached to the minority report of the English council; the dissenting report signed by Mr. Spurley Hey in his capacity as representative of the Association of education committees in England and Wales. He tells us expressly that his dissenting Report has been before the executive committee of that association and has received their assent by a considerable majority.
Since this report was placed in the hands of hon. Members we have learnt that the Association of Municipal Corporations has also unanimously adopted the dissenting Report signed by Mr. Spurley Hey, as the representative of the Association of Education Committees. Therefore, the three signatures which are attached to this Report have behind them the opinion of all the urban educational committees of England and Wales, all the urban district councils, and a considerable number of the county councils of England and Wales. Further, this dissenting Report is also signed by the representative of the Association of Principals in Technical Institutes, the Association of Teachers in Technical Institutes, and the Art Masters' Associa- tion. This dissenting Report, therefore, which represents very carefully thought out reasons against lowering the insurable age, has behind it the whole weight of the opinion of educational authorities in England and Wales.
On a point of Order.
Order, order! In so far as the Noble Lady is submitting reasons for a postponement of the date she is in order, but she is not in order in going over the whole gamut of the Clause. That will come up later when the question is put "That the Clause stand part of the Bill."
The Noble Lady has made certain statements as to the representative character of these bodies—
I cannot prevent hon. Members from making statements. All I have to do is to listen, and if I discover that their statements are out of order, to prevent them going further. Therefore, it does not follow that other hon. Members may proceed to deal with statements which have been ruled out of order.
Is it not possible to have statements corrected which are incorrect and misleading? I was going to ask the Noble Lady if she knew that the County Councils' Association of England and Wales this week confirmed the report.
Are we not to have some opportunity of correcting in some way the statement which the Noble Lady has made? She has been speaking now for some time and analysing the representative character of these bodies.
May I ask if it is not perfectly in order for my Noble Friend to give the reasons why she wants to provide for a Resolution of the House of Commons before this proposal comes into force. She can do that by showing that the proposal has been put forward on insufficient information.
The reason I allowed the Noble Lady to proceed was that I assumed she was introducing these matters as illustrations in order to show that action ought not to be taken rashly or hastily on this question. In so far as her argument was in support of that view, I could not rule that out of order, the reasons submitted in favour, but this is not an opportune moment for a general discussion on the merits of the Clause.
I have no wish to embark on a general discussion of the merits of the Clause. I am endeavouring to show how hastily constructed, and, as I think, flimsily supported, is the foundation on which the Minister tells us she is relying in introducing this Clause, and I have no desire to go beyond that point. I have shown how representative are the signatures attached to one of the dissenting reports of the English Council, and if we turn to the signatures of the majority report we find that, though many of the signatories are persons who were appointed to the Council as representatives of associations, they all assure the Minister that they sign only in their individual capacities. I ask what weight are you to attach to these signatures—
On a point of Order. May I point out that the Noble Lady is raising a very important matter in so far as she is questioning the value of these reports. The Government are in a position not only to rebut those arguments, but to give abundant evidence in support of these reports, and may I ask you, Sir, at what point in this Debate are these arguments to be rebutted. It is only fair to the people who sign these reports that at any rate we should get right down to a discussion on this matter and give both sides, or else all reference to the matter ought to stop here and now.
I think that any general discussion would have been better on the Question "That the Clause stand part of the Bill," but the Noble Lady, in so far as she is producing arguments in support of the proposal in the Amendment, is not out of order. I have no power to prevent her in such circumstances from raising these matters, but I must rule that if those arguments which are incidental are to be carried on as a main issue, they must cease. Hon. Members will certainly be allowed to reply to the statements of the Noble Lady.
In view of your ruling, Sir, perhaps hon. Members oppo- site will allow me to proceed. I wish to say that everyone recognises the public spirit and disinteredness of the persons who serve on councils such as these, and we recognise the experience of all the persons appointed to this council. But I think that when persons are appointed to a council as representatives of various bodies, and yet feel that they can only sign the report in their individual capacities, it very greatly diminishes the value of their signatures, and that is, in fact, the case with all the signatories of the majority report. Then we come to the Scottish council, and we find that the report is signed only by the Chairman. We are therefore left very much in the dark. Anyhow, we know that on that council the proposal had very little consideration, and it seems abundantly clear that the associations of education authorities have not been consulted in any part of Great Britain.
I would like to mention to the Parliamentary Secretary that I was looking up the Debates of five years ago referring to the proposal made by a former Labour Government in regard to lowering the age of insurance to 14. I found in the course of my researches that the Minister of Labour at that date was obliged to admit, in reply to a question, that he had not consulted the educational bodies before he introduced the proposal. Yet his successor has forgotten the lesson which she must have learned from the events of 1924. The Minister of Labour then overlooked educational opinion and suggested the lowering of the insurance age to 14, but he was obliged to withdraw his proposal. The right hon. Lady has not learned from his experience which was also her own experience because she was then Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry. She has repeated his mistake, and I shall be very surprised if we do not find a great outpouring of hostile opinion on this Clause from educational bodies all over the country.
I have no wish to detain the Committee further. I have not entered into the merits of the Clause. I have only tried to indicate how little consideration this proposal has received at the hands of the Councils on whom the Minister is relying, and how little weight can be attached to the signatures on the majority report of the English Council, since the signatories only sign in their individual capacity. I submit that these facts, coupled with the Minister's statement that she relies on the recommendations of these Councils in bringing forward this proposal, show that there is every reason for this House and another place to safeguard their powers through some procedure such as is suggested in the Amendment.
I desire to put in their true perspective the facts with regard to the weight of the signatures attached to the majority report. As a matter of fact, all the representatives of the teaching profession signed the report in favour of lowering the school age to whatever school-leaving age would be embodied ultimately in the Act. I do not wish to go into political affiliations of the various individuals, but it is a fact that the representatives, for instance, of the National Union of Teachers were not of the political party which sits on this side. I happen to know them individually, and the representatives on the national advisory council belong to the Liberal party and the Conservative party, and they signed the recommendations embodied in Clause 1. Therefore, it is clear that the National Union of Teachers have, through their representatives, shown themselves to be in favour of the Government proposal for the lowering of the insurance age. When I turn to the representatives of the local education authorities, I want to say, quite emphatically, that there is at least as much weight on the side of the Government as there is against. It is true that Mr. Spurley Hey, a highly respected director of education in Manchester, to whose opinion we attach a great deal of weight, signed a Minority Report, but it is equally true to say that the director of education for London, Mr. Gater, and Mr. W. Byng Kenrick, hailing from Birmingham, who represented the education authority, signed the Majority Report.
These signatures were given subject to juveniles being required to attend courses of instruction, a proposal which the Government have just refused.
No. Might I refer the Noble Lady to the exact words, which are: "Where it is normally possible to establish juvenile employment centres." That means, as a matter of fact, that they agree with the policy which the Government have put forward, and which I support. Let us look a bit further. Mr. Salter Davies, director of education for Kent, has signed the Majority Report, and Mr. Rhys Elias, representing in this case Wales for the education committees, has signed the Majority Report; and, therefore, if you take it altogether, you will find that the vast majority of representative teachers are behind the proposal, and that the majority of the representatives of the education committees are also behind it. I need not go into the inner history of this business. I have been closely associated with the whole thing as it has gone through, and I know for a fact that this business has entailed, not one meeting but many meetings, and that there has been the most close and prolonged discussion of the whole question.
So far as the Scottish side is concerned, I readily admit that I am not so conversant with the exact details of what has taken place, but the Salvesen Committee has already gone into this matter and has had its endorsement by Lord Elgin's Committee. They took it as satisfactory that the Salvesen Committee had gone into the whole business, and the Salvesen Committee was strongly in favour of raising the school age and so on. Therefore, we, on this side, can rest quite content that the representatives of the teaching profession, organised as it is through the National Union of Teachers, the representatives of the local education committees in a vast majority, and representatives of the county councils are all in favour of what is proposed by the Government, and we need not fear that we shall have any educational reaction against this proposal. It is true that I myself, in 1924, opposed the lowering of the insurance age, with the full weight of the teaching profession behind me. I equally to-day support it with the full weight of the teaching profession behind me, for the simple reason that the Government have gone a step forward and are prepared to raise the school-leaving age by one year; and on that account we accept this as a reasonable compromise. We are prepared to fill the gap in this way, since the Government have given us the raising of the school age to 15.
I would like to take up one point in the speech of the hon. Member for Aberavon (Mr. Cove). Let us be quite clear what the Majority Report of the Shaftesbury Committee did say. Their words were not those used in the hon. Member's speech, but were as follows:
In view of the fact that all the members of these important Committees were given no time to consult their constituent bodies, but were rushed, between the declaration at the beginning of the holidays or at the end of the Session in July and the Autumn, to give an opinion on this all-important point, and were urged to commit themselves to a principle before they had any clear idea as to what the raising of the school age in practice was going to involve, and before there has been adequate time between the First Reading of this Bill and the discussion of this vital educational point in Committee for any educational opinion to have an opportunity of expressing itself—I say that for these reasons it is essential that Parliament should retain in its hands power to control the Executive before it puts into force a hard and fast application of what is called filling the gap. How does the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Labour know that in any Act raising the school age to 15 there will not be, as I hope there may be, a series of provisions which do not involve the mere raising of the school age to 15, but which involve the whole reconsideration of the educational structure for young persons of that age?
I am convinced that the attempt to legislate in a hurry, as the Government are doing now, on this important question of juvenile unemployment insurance, on the hypothetical basis that some educational reform will come into operation in 1931, is bound to result in endless administrative difficulties and administrative chaos, and in a most unsatisfactory handling of the whole situation. Consequently, I hope the Amendment will be pressed to a Division, to ensure that Parliament will have an opportunity of reviewing the matter when it sees what is the form of the Government's proposed legislation in regard to raising the school age and the corollary and necessary reorganisation of the educational system of the country which that will involve.
I do not wish to say more than a few words, and I would not have risen at all but for the reference made to the discussions which took place, and the action which followed them when the Insurance Bill was introduced in 1924. It is a remarkable thing to reflect on what an amazing change has taken place in the atmosphere since that time. The Noble Lady who has just spoken said that there would be surprise if opposition was not aroused from local authorities up and down the country In 1924, when this proposal was made, as far as I can remember, it was not made with any greater warning or preparation than the proposals in this Clause, but the opposition then was immediate; it was almost instantaneous and it was unanimous. It was reflected in the action of the majority of this House. If all that can be said against the operation of this particular Clause now is that at some future time there will be opposition—and it should be remembered that the education authorities are amongst the keenest advocates and reflect public opinion in this matter—if that is all that can be said, then I think it is a most remarkable indication of the changed opinion. There are other reasons, but the main reason is that the passage of this Clause will lay the foundations upon which we can build and co-ordinate the relations between industry and education. Therefore, I cannot support this proposal.
The hon. Member for Aberavon (Mr. Cove) tells us that he speaks with the whole weight of the teachers' opinion behind him. I suppose he was speaking with that weight of opinion behind him when he said on 13th November:
"It must be definitely understood … that we are not prepared to see the lowering of the insurance age unless we are definitely certain that the school age will be raised."—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 13th November, 1929; col. 2084, Vol. 231.]
I interpret that as meaning that the teaching profession was determined to see that the lowering of the insurance age did not precede the raising of the school age. Is that correct? I have always understood that that was the view of the teaching profession, that the insurance age must not be lowered until the school age is raised. If the hon. Member will look at Clause 1 he will see that the Minister can, by Order, appoint a day on which this change, the lowering of the insurance age, shall come into force, and that that date must not be later than the beginning of the insurance year next following the insurance year in which an enactment requiring parents to cause their children to receive efficient elementary instruction up to the age of 15 or some higher age, comes into force. It says "not later." The Minister may appoint a day much earlier. Is that realised? She may, under this Clause, appoint a date for instance, for the beginning of the next insurance year, namely, the 1st of July, 1930.
Is it not a fact that by Clause 2 the school age must be raised before the insurance age is lowered? It says:
"the insurance year next following the insurance year in which an enactment requiring parents to cause their children to receive efficient elementary instruction up to the age of 15 years, etc."
As I understand it, the school age is going to be raised first.
The hon. Member is incorrect. We have here the President of the Board of Education, but not the Law Officers, and so we speak in the presence of laymen. The Clause says:
"This Section shall come into operation as from such date as the Minister may by order appoint."
That is clear up to that point. There is this limitation:
"not being a date later than the beginning of the insurance year next following the insurance year in which an enactment requiring parents to cause their children, etc."
It says "not being later."
It says it must not be later than the beginning of the year following the year in which the enactment comes into operation. The beginning of 1932 obviously comes after the end of 1931.
May I ask the hon. Member this? If I say to him "Will you come to dinner with me, not later than 8 o'clock?" and the hon. Member comes at 7 o'clock, I have got no right to complain.
If the Noble Lord asks me to come to dinner not later than 8 o'clock on the day following the day that I leave here, that proves my point.
I think this is getting even more complicated than the Bill. Seriously I do not think the Government Front Bench would deny that, as the Bill is drafted, the Minister of Labour has the power to appoint any day after the passing of this Act, so long as it is not later than the beginning of the insurance year following the coming into force of the raising of the school age. That is precisely the thing that the teaching profession have said they will not have, and that is the point that I want to put to the Committee. It does reinforce the feeling that we have on this side. After all, you are putting a grave burden on the citizens and on the most helpless people, the young. Why should not Parliament have an opportunity of saying what is the moment at which we can fairly put on that burden? Nobody supposes that sufficient school accommodation can be provided by April, 1931. There has been a great deal of argument as to whether the County Councils Association or the Association of Education Committees or this or that organisation agrees with the lowering of the insurance age. There is no doubt about this, that the County Councils Association have clearly stated—according to this morning's papers— that there is no chance of the school accommodation necessary being provided, so far as the counties are concerned by April, 1931.
Will the noble Lord give his authority for that statement? I was at the meeting and nothing of that kind took place. They carried a resolution endorsing everything that had been promised, and said they would be ready, with a few possible exceptions.
Is the hon. and gallant Member referring to the meeting yesterday?
I am referring to a meeting on a Wednesday.
My information is simply the information in this morning's Press, and if the hon. and gallant Member will look at "The Times" he will see it.
I was present at the meeting.
I will ask the President of the Board of Education, is it not a fact that the County Councils Association passed a resolution appealing to the President of the Board of Education to extend the period of the special building grants, because they did not think that there was any prospect of being able to complete the work in the required period?
I have not seen it.
Will the Noble Lord take it from me that they withdrew that resolution at the Executive Council yesterday?
Then there was a resolution—
But you said it was passed.
The hon. Member must not indulge in accusations across the Floor of the House on insufficient grounds.
I am in the recollection of the Committee when I say that the Noble Lord has just made a statement that this resolution was passed.
I have not made any controversial statement. At any rate, there is very grave doubt and division of opinion as to whether the work will be done or not, and whether the accommodation will be provided. The President of the Board of Education has said in this House that he has information from inspectors that about half the local education authorities are producing schemes which will supply sufficient accommodation, but he has not been able to tell us that it is accommodation which will be built within the time.
The Noble Lord is going beyond my ruling. I have already definitely ruled that arguments in favour of postponing the operation of the Clause until it has been again endorsed by Parliament are in order, but the Noble Lord is now discussing the whole educational policy of the Government.
There is grave doubt whether the school accommodation will be available. If the accommodation is not provided by the date when the school age is raised, there will, of course, have to be large exemptions. I do not know what the contents of the Government's Bill will be as to authorising exemptions—
Have you not been consulted?
No, nor indeed has any member of the party opposite. We are all in Cimmerian darkness, and sometimes I think that the Government are in the darkness themselves; but whether or not the Government provide for large exemptions, there will, if the schools are overcrowded, be large exemptions. There will be refusals to prosecute, and so on. It is quite obvious that in the view of the teachers and of the educational reformers this lowering of the insurance age must come into force not earlier than the other Act comes into force, and not earlier than that Act becomes really effective and when there is a general system over the whole country applying to every child staying at school until 15. There has been no assurance whatever that that will be the case at the beginning of the insurance year next following the Act raising the school-leaving age coming into force. We know that there is no prospect of the raising of the school-leaving age being generally effective for all children throughout the country on 1st April, 1931. I think that we know that perfectly clearly. At any rate, there is sufficiently serious doubt about it to make—
Is that your hope?
The hon. and gallant Gentleman knows the situation in the Rhondda better than I do, and he knows how ludicrous it is to suppose that they can provide sufficient accommodation by 1st April, 1931.
They will. I will give the Noble Lord my guarantee on that.
If the hon. and gallant Member gives me his guarantee that he will get all the accommodation in the Rhondda Valley which is at the present moment needed, even on the basis of the present age, he will guarantee more than he can possibly perform.
I will undertake it.
There is sufficiently serious doubt about this to make it absolutely necessary that the House of Commons should have an opportunity of saying when we can enforce this measure of compulsion without injustice. Why do you want to withdraw that opportunity from the House of Commons?
The Noble Lord has made great play with the fact that the teachers would not have agreed to this Clause had they not had a guarantee that the school-leaving age would be increased. As a matter of fact, if he looks at Sub-section (1) he will see that it is quite clear that it is not at all possible for this Clause to come into operation, even if the Minister wished it, until such time as the school age is raised.
Why?
Let me read the Subsection:
"The minimum age for entry into insurance under the principal Act shall, instead of being the age of 16, be the age when a person attains the age at which under the law for the time being in force his parents cease to be under an obligation to cause him to receive efficient elementary instruction or the age of 15, whichever is the higher."
It seems to me that that is quite clear, and disposes altogether of the Noble Lord's contention that there is any power on the part of the Minister to bring this Bill into force before the school-leaving age is raised.
Let the hon. Member read the Section again—
"The minimum age for entering into insurance … shall, instead of being the age of 16, be the age when a person attains the age at which under the law for the time being in force his parents cease to be under an obligation to cause him to receive efficient elementary instruction"—
Go on!
I want to stop there to say that these words exactly describe a particular age at the present moment in the law for the time being in force, which says that a child shall remain at school until the term following the age of 14. Then the Sub-section goes on:
"or the age of 15, whichever is the higher."
Therefore, the Minister of Labour might possibly to-morrow appoint the day on which the minimum age for insurance shall be the end of the term following the fourteenth birthday, or he can tomorrow appoint a day when the minimum insurance age will be 15. It is perfectly obvious—[ Interruption ]. Send for the Attorney-General, please!
Neither the Noble Lord nor myself is a lawyer, and I think we can leave this thing to the good sense of the Committee. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh!"] The most important part of the argument used to-night in support of the Amendment has been that the National Advisory Councils for Juvenile Employment in England and Scotland had not sufficiently long to consider their position. I suggest to the Noble Lady who raised that point that, in view of their inquiries and investigations and the bodies represented on the Scottish Advisory Council, that is a very poor ground on which to question their report. It is scarcely fair to the Committee to question their report merely on the ground that they had had just one meeting. We shall be able to give full details regarding this when we come to the real Debate upon this Clause, but meanwhile let me call attention to the fact that the report of the National Advisory Council for Juvenile Employment in Scotland was signed by the representatives of education authorities in Scotland, by employers' representatives, by the representatives of the teaching profession, by the representatives of the Glasgow Juvenile Advisory Council and other juvenile advisory committees in Scotland, and by the representatives of the Ministry of Labour.
Does the Parliamentary Secretary say that the representatives of the Ministry of Labour can be taken to be independent representatives similar to the other representatives?
I will not argue that point, but I submit that the names of these people, who came to this unanimous report, and the organisations they represent, would be accepted without question by any assembly in this country. Is it suggested that the representatives of the education authorities in Scotland do not know their business? They signed this report. Is it suggested that the employers do not know their business? They also signed this report. As to the English report, all I have to say is that it is true that Mr. Spurley Hey is a very eminent authority in the realms of education, but I submit that other people who are also eminent in educational affairs signed the report. The most significant thing about that English report is that, while the majority signed it, the chief signatories of the minority report were the English employers, who based their objection to the lowering of the age of insurance purely on the ground that they would not be able to get juvenile labour. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh, no!"] That was the chief basis of the objection on the part of the English employers. While it is quite true that there are those who object to the lowering of the age of insurance on the ground that there is no guarantee of training, while there are those who object on the ground that they are afraid of interfering with the school age being raised, I venture to say that the chief objection to this particular Clause is on the ground that there is not likely to be cheap juvenile labour.
I am in no way hostile to this Clause, but while I do not favour the Amendment and shall vote against it, I think the Noble Lord the Member for Hastings (Lord E. Percy) has pointed out a defect in drafting. The Bill as it stands does not seem to carry into effect what is the real desire of the Committee. The desire is that the school age shall be raised one year and the insurance age lowered subsequently. They desire that the insurance age should be lowered first and the school age raised afterwards, but on looking at these subsections very carefully it does appear that that is not the effect of them. It has been assumed by the Committee that the school age will, in fact, be raised in 1931. That is undoubtedly the intention of the Government, but one cannot be absolutely certain that that will necessarily be so. Some quite unforeseen circumstances may occur. The House has to legislate on the assumption that that date does not come into effect. It is because that date is not now definitely fixed, that no definite date can be put into this Clause. Let us assume for the sake of argument—I do not say it is desirable—that for some reason at present unforeseen the school age is not raised until 1933. There is nothing in this Clause to prevent the Government from lowering the insurance age next year. The first sub-section does not prevent it, and the second sub-section says that the date when the insurance age is to be lowered must not be later than a certain date, but does not say that it must not be earlier. What the Clause really intends to say is, I think, that the Minister may by order lower the insurance age subsequently to the raising of the school age, and not more than a year later.
The Amendment before the Committee raises the question whether the operation of this Clause shall come into effect before a Resolution has been passed in both Houses of Parliament authorising it.
I am dealing with the speech of the Noble Lord the Member for Hastings and the reply of the
Parliamentary Secretary, which were regarded as in order.
Arguments would be in order only in so far as they are for or against the Amendment. We cannot have a general discussion at this stage on the question of age.
I wonder whether I could shorten this Debate by saying that while I am advised that the words carry out the intention of the Minister, I will undertake to communicate this point to the Minister with a view to its investigation, in order to see whether there is any validity in the contentions which have been put forward.
That is all I was going to suggest. If the hon. Member undertakes that I have nothing further to say.
May I refer for a moment to the argument of the Parliamentary Secretary. He was very favourable towards the Scottish report, because it backed up what he wanted, but when he came to the English report he was inclined to be critical, first of all, of Mr. Spurley Hey. He may not be aware that Manchester has one of the most progressive education authorities, and this gentleman was director of education there and has a world-wide reputation for his educational activities. I wish to protest against the reflection which the Parliamentary Secretary has made upon the Committee. I understood him to say that the Committee wanted cheap labour, but that is not so. I think the Parliamentary Secretary was a little unfair in saying that all the Committee were thinking about was cheap juvenile labour.
Question put, "That the words proposed to be left out to the word 'order,' in line 14, stand part of the Clause."
The Committee divided: Ayes, 274; Noes, 123.
Division No. 57.] AYES. [9.57 p.m. Adamson, Rt. Hon. W. (Fife, West) Ayles, Walter Bennett, William (Battersea, South) Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock) Baker, John (Wolverhampton, Bilston) Benson, G. Addison, Rt. Hon. Dr. Christopher Baldwin, Oliver (Dudley) Bentham, Dr. Ethel Alexander, Rt. Hon. A. V. (Hillsbro') Barnes, Alfred John Bevan, Aneurin (Ebbw Vale) Alpass, J. H. Batey, Joseph Birkett, W. Norman Ammon, Charles George Beckett, John (Camberwell, Peckham) Blindell, James Angell, Norman Bellamy, Albert Bondfield, Rt. Hon. Margaret Arnott, John Benn, Rt. Hon. Wedgwood Bowen, J. W. Aske, Sir Robert Bennett, Captain E. N. (Cardiff, Central) Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Broad, Francis Alfred Hudson, James H. (Huddersfield) Pybus, Percy John Brockway, A. Fenner Hunter, Dr. Joseph Ouibell, D. J. K. Bromfield, William Isaacs, George Ramsay, T. B. Wilson Bromley, J. Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath) Rathbone, Eleanor Brooke, W. John, William (Rhondda, West) Raynes, W. R. Brothers, M. Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown) Richards, R. Brown, C. W. E. (Notts. Mansfield) Jones, Rt. Hon Leif (Camborne) Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Brown, Ernest (Leith) Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly) Riley, Ben (Dewsbury) Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd) Riley, F. F. (Stockton-on-Tees) Buchanan, G. Jowett, Rt. Hon. F. W. Ritson, J. Burgess F. G. Jowitt Rt. Hon. Sir W. A. Roberts, Rt. Hon. F. O. (W. Bromwich) Burgin Dr. E. L. Kedward, R. M. (Kent, Ashford) Romeril, H. G. Buxton, C. R. (Yorks. W. R. Elland) Kelly, W. T. Rosbotham, D. S. T. Buxton, Rt. Hon. Noel (Norfolk, N.) Kennedy, Thomas Rothschild, J. de Caine, Derwent Hall- Kinley, J. Rowson, Guy Cameron. A. G. Knight, Holford Russell, Richard John (Eddisbury) Cape, Thomas Lang, Gordon Samuel, Rt. Hon. Sir H. (Darwen) Carter W (St. Pancras, S. W.) Lansbury, Rt. Hon. George Samuel, H. W. (Swansea, West) Charleton, H. C. Law, Albert (Bolton) Sanders, W. S. Chater, Daniel Law, A. (Rosendale) Sandham, E. Church, Major A. G. Lawrence, Susan Sawyer, G. F. Clarke, J. S. Lawrie, Hugh Hartley (Stalybridge) Scott, James Cluse W. S. Lawson, John James Scurr, John Clynes, Rt. Hon. John R. Lawther, W. (Barnard Castle) Sexton, James Cocks, Frederick Seymour Leach, W. Shaw, Rt. Hon. Thomas (Preston) Cove, William G. Lee, Frank (Derby, N. E.) Shepherd, Arthur Lewis Cowan, D. M. Lee, Jennie (Lanark, Northern) Sherwood, G. H. Daggar, George Lees, J. Shield, George William Dallas, George Lewis, T. (Southampton) Shillaker, J. F. Davies, E. C. (Montgomery) Lindley, Fred W. Shinwell, E. Davies, Rhys John (Westhoughton) Lloyd, C. Ellis Simmons, C. J. Denman, Hon. R. D. Longbottom, A. W. Smith, Alfred (Sunderland) Dudgeon, Major C. R. Longden, F. Smith, Frank (Nuneaton) Dukes, C. Lovat-Fraser, J. A. Smith, H. B. Lees (Keighley) Duncan, Charles Lowth, Thomas Smith, Rennie (Penistone) Ede, James Chuter McElwee, A. Smith, Tom (Pontefract) Edge, Sir William McEntee, V. L. Snowden, Rt. Hon. Philip Edmunds, J. E. Mackinder, W. Sorensen, R. Edwards, E. (Morpeth) McKinlay, A. Spero, Dr. G. E. Egan, W. H. MacNeill-Weir, L. Stamford, Thomas W. Elmley, Viscount Malone, C. L'Estrange (N'thampton) Stephen, Campbell Evans, Capt. Ernest (Welsh Univer.) Mander, Geoffrey le M. Stewart, J. (St. Rollox) Foot, Isaac Mansfield, W. Strauss, G. R. Freeman, Peter March, S. Sutton, J. E. Gardner, B. W. (West Ham, Upton) Marcus, M. Taylor, R. A. (Lincoln) Gardner, J. P. (Hammersmith, N.) Markham, S. F. Taylor, W. B. (Norfolk, S. W.) George, Major G. Lloyd (Pembroke) Marley, J. Thomas, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Derby) George, Megan Lloyd (Anglesea) Mathers, George Thurtle, Ernest Gill, T. H. Matters, L. W. Tout, W. J. Gillett, George M. Maxton, James Townend, A. E. Glassey, A. E. Melville, Sir James Trevelyan, Rt. Hon. Sir Charles Gosling, Harry Messer, Fred Turner, B. Gossling, A. G. Middleton, G. Vaughan, D. J. Gould. F. Millar, J. D. Viant, S. P. Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton) Mills. J. E. Walker, J. Graham, Rt. Hon. Wm. (Edin., Cent.) Milner, J. Wallace, H. W Granville E. Morgan, Dr. H. B. Wallhead, Richard C. Gray Milner Morley, Ralph Walters, Rt. Hon. Sir J. Tudor Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan) Morris-Jones, Dr. J. H. (Denbigh) Watkins, F. C. Griffith, F. Kingsley (Middlesbro' W.) Morrison, Herbert (Hackney, South) Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda) Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Morrison, Robert C. (Tottenham, N.) Wellock, Wilfred Groves, Thomas E. Mort, D. L. Welsh, James C. (Coatbridge) Grundy, Thomas W. Moses, J. J. H. West, F. R. Hall, F. (York, W.R., Normanton) Mosley, Lady C. (Stoke-on-Trent) Westwood, Joseph Hall, Capt. W. P. (Portsmouth, C.) Mosley, Sir Oswald (Smethwick) White, H. G. Hamilton, Mary Agnes (Blackburn) Muggeridge, H. T. Whiteley, Wilfrid (Birm., Ladywood) Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Zetland) Murnin, Hugh Whiteley, William (Blaydon) Hardie, George D. Naylor, T. E. Wilkinson, Ellen C. Harris, Percy A. Newman. Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Williams, David (Swansea, East) Hastings, Dr. Somerville Noel Baker, P. J. Williams, Dr. J. H. (Llanelly) Haycock, A. W. Oldfield, J. R. Williams. T. (York, Don Valley) Hayday, Arthur Oliver, George Harold (Ilkeston) Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe) Hayes, John Henry Owen, H. F. (Hereford) Wilson, J. (Oldham) Henderson, Right Hon. A. (Burnley) Palin, John Henry Wilson R. J. (Jarrow) Henderson, Arthur, junr. (Cardiff, S.) Paling, Wilfrid Winterton, G. E. (Leicester, Loughb'gh) Henderson, Thomas (Glasgow) Palmer, E. T. Wise, E. F. Henderson, W. W. (Middx., Enfield) Perry, S. F. Wood Major McKenzie (Banff) Herriotts, J. Peters, Dr. Sidney John Wright, W. (Rutherglen) Hirst, G. H. (York W. R. Wentworth) Pethick-Lawrence, F. W. Young, R. S. (Islington, North) Hirst, W. (Bradford, South) Phillips, Dr. Marion Hoffman, P. C. Picton-Turbervill, Edith TELLERS FOR THE AYES— Hopkin, Daniel Pole, Major D. G. Mr. Allen Parkinson and Mr. Hore-Belisha, Leslie Potts, John S. Charles Edwards. Horrabin, J. F. Price, M. P.
NOES. Acland-Troyte, Lieut.-Colonel Graham, Fergus (Cumberland, N.) Power, Sir John Cecil Ainsworth, Lieut.-Col. Charles Grenfell, Edward C. (City of London) Pownall, Sir Assheton Atholl, Duchess of Gunston, Captain D. W. Purbrick, R. Atkinson, C. Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Remer, John R. Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley (Bewdley) Heneage, Lieut.-Colonel Arthur P. Reynolds, Col. Sir James Balniel, Lord Hennessy, Major Sir G. R. J. Rodd, Rt. Hon. Sir James Rennell Beaumont, M. W. Herbert, S.(York, N.R., Scar. & Wh'by) Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth) Bellairs, Commander Carlyon Hills, Major Rt. Hon. John Waller Salmon, Major I. Birchall, Major Sir John Dearman Howard-Bury, Colonel C. K. Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Bourne, Captain Robert Croft Hunter-Weston, Lt.-Gen. Sir Aylmer Sandeman, Sir N. Stewart Bowater, Col. Sir T. Vansittart Hurd, Percy A. Savery, S. S. Bowyer, Captain Sir George E. W. Iveagh, Countess of Skelton, A. N. Bracken, B. Jones, Sir G. W. H. (Stoke New'gton) Smith, Louis W. (Sheffield, Hallam) Brass, Captain Sir William Kindersley, Major G. M. Smith, R. W. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dine, C) Brown, Brig.-Gen. H. C.(Berks, Newb'y) King, Commodore Rt. Hon. Henry D. Smith-Carington, Neville W. Burton, Colonel H. W. Knox, Sir Alfred Smithers, Waldron Butt, Sir Alfred Lamb, Sir J. Q. Somerville, A. A. (Windsor) Carver, Major W. H. Law, Sir Alfred (Derby, High Peak) Somerville, D. G. (Willesden, East) Castle Stewart, Earl of Leighton, Major B. E. P. Spender-Clay, Colonel H. Cayzer, Sir C (Chester, City) Llewellin, Major J. J. Stanley, Lord (Fylde) Cazalet, Captain Victor A. Locker-Lampson, Rt. Hon. Godfrey Stanley, Maj. Hon. O. (W'morland) Cockerill, Brig.-General Sir George Long, Major Eric Stuart, J. C. (Moray and Nairn) Conway, Sir W. Martin Lymington, Viscount Sueter, Rear-Admiral M. F. Courtauld, Major J. S. Macdonald, Capt. P. D. (I. of W.) Tinne, J. A. Courthope, Colonel Sir G. L. Maitland, A. (Kent, Faversham) Titchfield, Major the Marquess of Crookshank, Cpt. H. (Lindsey, Gainsbro) Makins, Brigadier-General E. Todd, Capt. A. J. Davies, Dr. Vernon Margesson, Captain H. D. Train, J. Davies, Maj. Geo. F.(Somerset, Yeovil) Marjoribanks, E. C. Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement Davison, Sir W. H. (Kensington, S.) Mason, Colonel Glyn K. Turton, Robert Hugh Dawson, Sir Philip Meller, R. J. Ward, Lt.-Col. A. L.(Kingston-on-Hull) Duckworth, G. A. V. Mond, Hon. Henry War-render, Sir Victor Eden, Captain Anthony Monsell, Eyres, Com. Rt. Hon. Sir B. Waterhouse, Captain Charles Edmondson, Major A. J. Moore, Lieut.-Colonel T. C. R. (Ayr) Wells, Sydney R. Elliot, Major Walter E. Morrison, Hugh (Wilts, Salisbury) Wilson, G. H. A. (Cambridge U.) Erskine, Lord (Somerset, Weston-s.-M.) Morrison, W. S. (Glos., Cirencester) Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George Everard, W. Lindsay Morrison-Bell, Sir Arthur Clive Womersley, W. J. Ferguson, Sir John Muirhead, A. J. Wood, Rt. Hon. Sir Kingsley Fielden, E. B. Nicholson, O. (Westminster) Wright, Brig.-Gen. W. D. (Tavist'k) Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Nield, Rt. Hon. Sir Herbert Young, Rt. Hon. Sir Hilton Ganzoni, Sir John Ormsby-Gore, Rt. Hon. William Glyn, Major R. G. C. Penny, Sir George TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Grace, John Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) Sir Frederick Thomson and Captain Wallace.
I beg to move, in page 1, line 14, to leave out the word "order" and to insert instead thereof the word "regulation."
This may seem rather a narrow difference, but I submit that it is a point of some considerable substance, for this reason: The Minister can write an order in the privacy of her own office, of her own motion, and without previously informing anybody; but a regulation is subject to a provision of the Act of 1920, which provides that it is to be laid before each House, and either House may within 20 days present an Address to His Majesty praying that it may be annulled, and if such an Address is presented, the regulation becomes void. It happened only last night that such an address was moved by an hon. Member. I submit that in a case of this sort it is most important that there should be some measure of control left to this House. If I may give an analogy, we are accustomed at question time to questions which are of a hypothetical nature being disallowed; we are accustomed also to strong exception being taken to legislation by reference. This is the first instance that I can remember, in my 11 years' experience of this House, of legislation by hypothesis. In other words, we are passing legislation which depends on something taking place in a year or 18 months' time.
I suggest that there is very strong reason why this House should keep a measure of control over such legislation as this, because it is legislation by hypothesis in the future. My last Amendment was designed to stop what I called undated cheques being given to the Minister of Labour, payable in a year or two's time; this Amendment means that those cheques, which the House has agreed may be undated, should not be left blank. It is most important that when this regulation or order is made by the Minister, this House, and another place, should have an opportunity of saying within 20 days whether in the altered conditions which may prevail in a year, two years, or three years—because there is no date whatever to it— that regulation or order should become effective. It is most important that the Minister of Labour, sitting in Montagu House, should not have the power of signing an order against which this House would not have an opportunity of protesting by presenting an Address; and therefore, though this may seem a small point, I submit that it is a point of substance. I move this Amendment in order to keep a measure of Parliamentary control, which will not be kept as the Clause stands at present.
I think there is very good reason why this Amendment should be accepted. If the Clause provided merely that the Minister should have power to make such an order in circumstances which had been approved by the House, I should not think the Amendment necessary, but because it is very clear that as the Clause stands it gives power to make an order in circumstances which the House has never approved, I think it is fair to ask that at any rate Parliament should have the opportunity of considering any order that may be made. It is certain that if the Committee passes the first Clause of this Bill, it will be passed upon the assumption that it is to come into force after the school-leaving age has been raised to 15. The whole argument upon it has been that the object of the Clause is to bridge the gap, and therefore it is fair to assume that what we are really doing is authorising the Minister to make an order which will bridge that gap, and which will come into force only when the school-leaving age has been raised to 15. It is equally clear that under this Clause as drawn, the Minister will have power to make that order even while the school-leaving age is only 14, when the gap would not be bridged, and in circumstances in which the House would never have approved the lowering of the age of entry into insurance.
One has only to look at the Clause to see what might happen. Certain words in the Clause have already been pointed out, but the last words, "whichever is the higher" show that 15 years may be higher than the school-leaving age. Suppose, for example, that the school-leaving age is raised only to 14½ years, or suppose it is left where it is; the insurance age can still be reduced to 15, still leaving a gap. Sub-section (2) makes it doubly clear that there is nothing to prevent the Minister making an order the day after this Bill becomes law. I am perfectly certain that every hon. Member will agree that if that were done they would say to themselves, "We never really meant that; we approved that Section only on the basis of the school-leaving age being raised to 15"; so that that order would be made in circumstances never contemplated by this Committee or this House. Therefore if this Clause is left as it is, giving the Minister power to make that order the day after this Bill becomes law, I submit that there is very good reason for saying that there ought to be an opportunity for considering the order, and that it ought to be made in the form of a regulation so that this House would have an opportunity of expressing an opinion upon it.
May I say that it is quite clear that both hon. Gentlemen are right in saying that this Order might come into operation at once, while a Regulation would have to lie on the Table for 20 days? The Minister has no particular objection to that, and she therefore accepts the Amendment, but I would point out that probably some adaptation will be necessary in the wording in order to meet that point.
Amendment agreed to.
The next Amendment on the Paper, standing in the name of the hon. Member for the Button Division of Plymouth (Viscountess Astor) and other hon. Members—in page 1, line 20, at the end, to add the words:
"Provided that no payments shall be made to boys or girls under 16 unless they are attending a suitable course of instruction"—
seems to have been largely covered by a previous Amendment, but, if there is a point of difference, and if the discussion can be confined to that, I have no objection to it being taken.
I beg to move, in page 1, line 20, at the end, to add the words: fectly true that we have had a thorough and, indeed, somewhat heated and oratorical discussion upon the larger question of making it essential that training should go with unemployment benefit paid to all young persons under 18. In the course of that discussion we have covered most of the general considerations that would be applicable to this Amendment, but I hope to be able to show the Committee, first of all, that this Amendment is substantially different from that which was moved by hon. Gentlemen below the Gangway. The difference has been made because we realised exactly what the reply of the Minister would be to the Amendment moved by the hon. Member for South-West Bethnal Green (Mr. Harris). We realise quite clearly the administrative difficulties in carrying out that Amendment, and, even though hon. Members opposite may have made it their policy, and even the right hon. Lady herself, when she was in Opposition, drew attention very strongly to the advisability of combining training with benefit, yet we realise that there are difficulties such as have been mentioned to-night, as, for instance, the case of people on short time, where it is very difficult to say that, because a young man of 18 is out of work, he must therefore have a course before he can draw any benefit. But the crass that is covered by this Amendment is not nearly as big as that covered by the Amendment of hon. Gentlemen below the Gangway. We are only asking that the principles advocated by the right hon. Lady herself, laid down unanimously by the Blanesburgh Committee, and put in the forefront of their election manifestoes by hon. Gentlemen opposite, should be applied, not to the whole range of unemployed juveniles, but to that particular section of that range which hon. Members opposite are responsible for bringing into insurance for the first time.
There was undoubtedly much colour in the argument put forward by the right hon. Lady in resisting the Amendment of hon. Gentlemen below the Gangway. She said, "These young men of 18, for whom I am asked to provide training centres, were not created by me; they were a legacy that I took over from my predecessor; and it does seem unreasonable to ask me suddenly to extemporise and create a vast machinery of training centres to deal with people whom I took on as a legacy of unemployed from those who went before me." There was some force in that. The only remark one can make on it is that it is a pity that these administrative difficulties were not foreseen by hon. Members opposite before they made their promises. But still, dealing with the matter, as we are to-night, as a Council of State, one has to admit the great force that there was in the argument of the right hon. Lady. That argument, however, does not apply to this new class which she is bringing in—these children below 16 years of age. She did not inherit these. This class has been created by hon. Gentlemen opposite by their own Bill, and, surely, it is reasonable to ask hon. Members opposite, and to ask the Government, to apply their principles to a new class of unemployed which they themselves are creating for the first time. That is the first direction in which the Amendment differs considerably from, that moved below the Gangway. Those administrative difficulties of which we heard so much in connection with the last Amendment, do not apply to anything like the same extent to this class of young person who is unemployed. The class is not nearly so big for one thing. It is quite a small class.
We are told by the right hon. Lady that the reason why the minimum age for entry into unemployment insurance is being reduced to 15 is simply in order to keep control of these children between the time when they leave school and the time they enter into unemployment insurance. What is the purpose of keeping them under control? Surely it is to give them some training, otherwise there can be no purpose in including them in the scheme at all. If it were the intention of the Government to bring these young people into insurance for the first time in order to give them benefit, their case might stand on a different ground, but we have been told so often, and it has been reinforced by so many arguments, that the sole justification for dropping the minimum age is that we want all the beneficent activities of the Ministry of Labour to be turned on to those young people so that the gap may be bridged, so that they shall be under a benevolent survey from the school into industry, and that is the only reason anyone can possibly put forward for bridging the gap. There is no justifica- tion at all if you are simply going to pay them unemployment benefit and leave them alone. It has been demonstrated clearly that these boys and girls under 16 are being brought in, as far as financial considerations are concerned, in order to strengthen the scheme and not in order that they may receive unemployment benefit. I ask the Committee in all seriousness if these young people are not going to get training, what benefit at all are they going to receive? They receive no money benefit. The whole idea of bridging the gap goes by the board unless you admit that benefit must be conditional and, what is far more important, not only in my mind but in that of the right hon. Lady, the question of training and fitting them for the battle of life. I would ask the Committee very carefully to consider whether the real reason for the uneasiness with which large sections of people of all parties regard this Clause is not that we object to them getting a few shillings a week but that the supposed object is to bring them into training, and if you give them a few shillings without the training, that will have the effect of preventing them from getting that very sort of training which they would have got by going into industry under ordinary circumstances.
I ask the Committee to consider the question of this blind-alley occupation from a practical point of view. One of the great tragedies of juvenile unemployment is this question of blind-alley occupation, a boy instead of entering into an industry which could make a career taking up some temporary job as errand boy or golf caddie or something like that, which at 17 or 18 will leave him stranded without a trade and without any preparation for life. The steadier trades, which require application and learning to master them, do not give the wages right away and the good time that an errand boy or a boy who sells chocolates on the station platform gets. If you make it possible for young boys to know that they can take a temporary job like that for a few weeks or months and then draw benefit for a considerable period, you are putting an additional attraction upon the blind-alley occupation—an attraction which otherwise would not exist. I ask the Committee to ponder, and to ponder very carefully, whether it is not betraying the interests of these boys and girls to let them have this unemployment benefit without giving them something in return for their contributions, something which will do them a bit of good. I know that in putting forward these sentiments I have the full sympathy of the right hon. Lady. I could quote what she has said not only in the Blanesburgh Report, but questions she asked in the minutes of evidence running right through that Report, showing that she made a constant drive to see whether she could not make certain that every young person got training. It is an idea which she has done a great deal to popularise.
I ask her not to be terrified at the trivial administrative difficulties which would lie ahead of the acceptance of this particular Amendment. After all, it must be remembered that this entry into insurance only takes place, as I understand it, from the time that the school-leaving age is raised. That is to say, that the right hon. Lady has exactly the same time in which to make provision for these boys and girls as the right hon. Gentleman the President of the Board of Education has to make provision for the 300,000 children. I remember hearing the right hon. Gentleman explain his policy, and he simply revelled in obstacles. He told us that obstacles were made to be swept aside, and he stood there and inspired the House with the determination with which he was going to get rid of these obstacles. He banged that Box and every thump on that Box was another obstacle overcome. I ask the right hon. Lady to profit a little by that martial ardour which her colleague displayed on that occasion. Let her not be frightened of obstacles. After all, they are trivial obstacles.
I say, with all sincerity, that if the right hon. Lady really means to apply this principle of giving unemployment benefit to juveniles only when they are being trained, there is nothing in the way to prevent her accepting this Amendment. If she asks employers of labour or the trade unions to co-operate with her in working out suitable schemes of instruction there is nothing to prevent such" schemes being founded. We have tried our best, in framing this Amendment, not to embarrass her at all by drawing it too strictly. We do not ask her to build Juvenile Employment Centres for these boys and girls. We only ask her to provide suitable courses of instruction for these children if they are going to draw insurance benefit. I submit that if the right hon. Lady really means—and I know she does—to try to do something for these boys and girls which will enable them to turn out better boys and girls, she can do it by accepting this Amendment, and without impairing the structure of her Bill in the slightest degree.
I should have preferred that my Amendment had been accepted, in order to make a clean job of the whole thing. I apparently persuaded the right hon. Lady of the justice of my Amendment, judging from her sympathetic reply, but she was not prepared to take on the larger proposition. Now, we have to take a less and more modest proposal moved by my hon. Friend. I believe that it would be easier to organise classes and bring them all in; the more the numbers the easier it will be to provide machinery, and to run them. I agree that those below the age of 16 have a far greater claim than the children above 16. The worst of it is that they have never asked, and their parents and the trade unions have never asked or made an outcry for the lowering of the age for entering into insurance. The only justification for it has been the recommendation of those good people who are worried because out of every 100 young people that pass into industry now at the age of 14, ultimately to be 15, only 10 per cent. go into any kind of educational institute in most parts of the country. Therefore, these good people have made an appeal, as an alternative to compulsory continuation schools, that the machinery of Unemployment Insurance should be used to bring pressure upon these young people to go to some form of training centre or educational classes.
The Unemployment Insurance Fund is going to make a very large profit out of this particular class. That is admitted. The Report says that, in the immediate future, there will be a very great shortage of labour of this class; they will have the upper hand and will be able to get good wages and have a selection of jobs. As the Report points out, there are certain "pockets" in different parts of the country where there is real trade depression. To use the words of the right hon. Lady, there are water-logged areas where there is no hope of reviving industry. South Wales and parts of Durham are almost entirely dependent upon mining and in those places there will be large populations of these young people, who are to be insured, who will be for the greater part of the year out of work. It is not an unreasonable thing to say that if these children throughout the country are to be used for helping to bolster up the Insurance Fund, they should be given an opportunity of improving their lot by well-organised training centres and continuation schools.
Someone said to me, I will not mention his name, that this proposal is to make robots; to make machines. That is very far from my idea. We have a Labour President of the Board of Education. He will be in charge of the organisation. Surely, we can trust him to see that these are not merely vocational centres, but real educational training centres for these young people. I should have liked my Amendment to have been accepted, but, failing the acceptance of my Amendment, I would ask the Parliamentary Secretary, of whose good will I am sure, and whose good intentions we all know, to accept the very moderate and modified Amendment which has been moved by my hon. Friend.
If it was possible to give expression to the spirit of this Amendment, I think my right hon. Friend showed that she would do so by her attitude when we discussed the Amendment dealing with persons of 18 years of age. The hon. Member who has moved the Amendment says that we are creating a new class. The Government is not creating a new class; it is recognising a class which has not been recognised hitherto. It is a proof of my right hon. Friend's good will and her deep interest in the problem of the adolescent that she has put in the forefront of this Bill a Clause recognising these boys and girls down to the age of 15. It is quite clear that the same arguments which apply in a general sense to the case of those who are 18 years old apply to the case of those who are 16 years old. I wonder whether hon. Members understand the powers which the Minister of Labour has in this matter. Some of those who have been working in juvenile centres will, perhaps, understand what they are, but in Section 7 of the Act of 1920 it is laid down as a condition of receiving benefit that
"if he has been required by an insurance officer, in pursuance of regulations made under this Act by the Minister after consultation with the Board of Education, to attend at any course of instruction approved for the purposes of this provision under the regulations so made, he proves that he duly attended in accordance with the requirement."
The Minister has power to require attendance at a course of instruction. The interest of my right hon. Friend in this matter is shown by the work that has been done in connection with juveniles and by the action she has taken in recognising this particular class. At the same time the Government's views on the matter should be made quite clear. It would be unfair to some of these boys to lay down as an absolute condition of getting benefit that they should attend at some training centre. It would be a very desirable state of things, if we had accommodation for all boys and girls, because no one desires to see those who are unemployed running about at large without any discipline at all; and those of us who have any knowledge of what my right hon. Friend called the waterlogged areas desire that least of all. But the actual fact is that it is administratively impossible, because here and there you have places where it is impossible to have juvenile training centres. It matters not how active the particular area may be it would not be possible to carry out the intention and the desire expressed in this Amendment. It must also be remembered that there must be consideration and discussion with education authorities on the matter. If it were administratively possible, I am sure my right hon. Friend would not hesitate to consider it, and, of course, she did point out that she was prepared to give serious consideration to this principle later on. I know indeed that this matter has taken up a considerable amount of her time and that she has already been considering how to give the best effect to what is desired by hon. Members who have moved Amendments of this kind. But for the reasons which I have stated and which are substanti- ally those stated by my right hon. Friend in a previous stage of the discussion the Government cannot accept this Amendment.
Really I think that on this Amendment which, as the Mover said, is designed most carefully as to avoid embarrassment to the Government—embarrassment which admittedly might have been caused by the other Amendment—we have a right to expect something better than this blunt refusal given by the Parliamentary Secretary and not even by the Minister. I think we are all disappointed to find that the Minister herself is not present.
May I say that my right hon. Friend is engaged in very important business, which prevents her attendance here.
I do not wish to hamper the Minister, who has enormously important claims upon her time just now, and, no doubt, great negotiations are going on and great interests outside the House of Commons have to be met and in some cases placated. But, after all, this is the House of Commons. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear!"] I am glad that hon. Members opposite recognise the fact. We are engaged on the Committee stage of a very important Measure, and we are now broaching the question of the payment of unemployment benefit, in one form or another, to children under 16 years of age, and I think every Member of the Committee will confess to a certain feeling of disappointment that we have not the privilege of the presence of the responsible Minister in charge of the Bill. [ Interruption. ] I fail to understand the attitude of hon. Members opposite. They seem to think that because other interests have to be considered we have no right even to suggest that we are sorry that the Minister is not here. Since when has it become a crime for anybody to suggest that they regret the absence of a charming lady like the right hon. Lady. It would be less than gallant if we were to say that we were as happy and cheerful, even in the presence of the admittedly happy and cheerful figure of the Parliamentary Secretary, as we would be if the responsible Minister were also with us. We have before us the delightful face of the Secretary of State for War and the saturnine and gloomy visage of the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster—[ Interruption. ] But I leave this question of faces.
On a point of Order. Is it in order for the hon. and gallant Member, inspired by a spirit of jealousy, to pass remarks on the personal appearance of hon. Members on this side?
If these pleasantries are not carried too far, they are not out of order.
The good humour of the Committee is itself a testimony to the friendly way in which the Debate has been conducted, but here is a point of substance. I will not press the point of the absence of the Minister, but a point of substance has been raised. The hon. Member below the Gangway raised the position of juveniles under 18. We, realising the difficulty the Minister would have, raise only the question of juveniles under 16. Again we get the question of sympathy, the question of administrative difficulties, the question of the technical advisers and the bogeys which they have raised before the Parliamentary representative, but surely, when we are dealing with this vitally important departure in the insurance history of our country, and the suggestion is made that, as the Minister for Labour said, when the child enters wage-earning employment the child shall at the same time, the moment it is unemployed, be brought into contact with this sort of machine, we may demand that certain provision should be made for the child which has left school and which obviously, by hypothesis, requires further training and that this further training should be a sine qua non.
The Minister, trying to rebut the argument that funds existed to set up these centres, was led into a very strange argument which she developed on the Financial Resolution. [ Interruption. ] We are more than pleased to see the right hon. Lady with us again now, more particularly as I was about to refer to one passage in her speech on the Financial Resolution, when she said that, in regard to the contribution which was to be exacted from young people, on the whole the Fund was not really going to benefit as a result of the inclusion of this class, because, she said:
Therefore, we say that here is a chance to do something to remove the disquiet felt in the country regarding the Bill and which at any rate is administratively much simpler than the proposals which were previously brought up. This proposal is the minimum that the Committee should be asked to accept with regard to the schemes which the Minister is bringing forward. I therefore ask the Minister to accept our proposal, and, if she does not, I warn her that we shall have no alternative but to carry our protest into the Division Lobby.
If such Conservative Members as are present to-night are in favour of this Amendment and it is supported by those below the Gangway and if the Amendment is a declaration of the policy of the party opposite before the elections, I shall support it. I want to know what is the argument against it. I have not heard that from the Parliamentary Secretary. I have no desire to join in quoting the pledges that have been made, but I think that it is not a fair thing that we should be told by the Parliamentary Secretary that it is administratively impossible to carry out that which was the declared policy of his party before the election. I will quote the words again, for they must have had some meaning at that time. They were not words used in the heat of a party meeting or in a party Debate across the Floor of the House. They were deliberate and calculated words in the appeal made to the country by hon. Members opposite. They are in "Labour and the Nation." It is not in a spirit of party controversy that I quote them, but there is nothing here about it being administratively impossible. It says:
"Unemployment benefit to boys and girls must be conditional upon attendance at a juvenile centre where the disastrous effects of enforced idleness) may be counteracted and skill, ability, and self-discipline fostered by opportunities for training."
They are not our words. There is no proviso there as to it being done "if it should be administratively impossible." There is a very glaring contrast between the lavish and ready promises and the very niggardly statement by the Minister. I ask for an explanation. In the course of her reference to this Clause, the right hon. Lady alluded to the national advisory council. I do not think that she is entitled to make reference to that council
unless she observes the conditions on which they laid their emphasis. It is quite true that men and women, appointed because of their high qualifications and their experience to discuss and consider these very questions, made their recommendations, but was the right hon. Lady entitled to quote their recommendations unless at the same time she drew attention to the conditions which they laid down. They said:
"We should, however, recommend that, in the case of juveniles, certain specific conditions should be laid down in the Statute, and without these conditions some of us would not have made these recommendations."
Then the specific conditions are set out. [HON. MEMBERS: "What are they?"] The conditions they recommended are (
"Attendance at a junior instruction centre or an alternative approved course of instruction should be the normal condition for the receipt of unemployment benefit by all juveniles."
Would the hon. Gentleman make the children responsible if the institution is not there?
Of course not; the responsibility of putting the institution there rests upon the Minister. If the Minister quotes a Report of her Council and uses the authority of these names, she has no right to invoke the authority of these names unless she applies the conditions to which these names were put.
rose in her place, and claimed to move, "That the Question be now put."
Question put, "That the Question be now put."
The Committee divided: Ayes, 234; Noes, 164.
Division No. 58.] AYES. [10.58 p.m. Adamson, Rt. Hon. W. (Fife, West) Bennett, Captain E. N. (Cardiff, Central) Buchanan, G. Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock) Bennett, William (Battersea, South) Burgess, F. G. Addison, Rt. Hon. Dr. Christopher Benson, G. Buxton, C. R. (Yorks. W. R. Elland) Alexander, Rt. Hon. A. V. (Hillsbro') Bentham, Dr. Ethel Buxton, Rt. Hon. Noel (Norfolk, N.) Alpass, J. H. Bevan, Aneurin (Ebbw Vale) Caine, Derwent Hall- Ammon, Charles George Bondfield, Rt. Hon. Margaret Cameron, A. G. Angell, Norman Bowen, J. W. Cape, Thomas Arnott, John Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Carter, W. (St. Pancras, S. W.) Ayles, Walter Broad, Francis Alfred Charleton, H. C. Baker, John (Wolverhampton, Bilston) Brockway, A. Fenner Chater, Daniel Baldwin, Oliver (Dudley) Bromfield, William Church, Major A. G. Barnes, Alfred John Bromley, J. Clarke, J. S. Batey, Joseph Brooke, W. Cluse, W. S. Beckett, John (Camberwell, Peckham) Brothers, M. Cocks, Frederick Seymour Bellamy, Albert Brown, C. W. E. (Notts. Mansfield) Compton, Joseph Benn, Rt. Hon. Wedgwood Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Cove, William G, Daggar, George Lawrie, Hugh Hartley (Stalybridge) Ritson, J. Dallas, George Lawson, John James Roberts, Rt. Hon. F. O. (W. Bromwich) Denman, Hon. R. D. Lawther, W. (Barnard Castle) Romeril, H. G. Dukes, C. Lee, Frank (Derby, N. E.) Rosbotham, D. S. T. Duncan, Charles Lees, J. Rowson, Guy Ede, James Chuter Lewis, T. (Southampton) Samuel, H. W. (Swansea, West) Edmunds, J. E. Lindley, Fred W. Sanders, W. S. Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Lloyd, C. Ellis Sandham, E. Edwards, E. (Morpeth) Longbottom, A. W. Sawyer. G. F Egan, W. H. Longden, F. Scurr, John Freeman, Peter Lovat-Fraser, J. A. Sexton, James Gardner, B. W. (West Ham, Upton) Lowth, Thomas Shaw, Rt. Hon. Thomas (Preston) Gardner, J. P. (Hammersmith, N.) MacDonald, Rt. Hon. J. R. (Seaham) Shepherd, Arthur Lewis Gill. T. H. McElwee, A. Sherwood, G. H. Gillett, George M. McEntee, V. L. Shield, George William Gosling, Harry Mackinder, W. Shillaker, J. F. Gossling, A. G. McKinlay, A. Shinwell. E. Gould, F. MacNeill-Weir, L. Simmons, C. J. Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton) Malone, C. L'Estrange (N'thampton) Smith, Alfred (Sunderland) Graham, Rt. Hon. Wm. (Edin., Cent.) Mansfield, W. Smith, Frank (Nuneaton) Greenwood, Rt. Hon. A. (Colne) March, S. Smith, H. B. Lees (Keighley) Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan) Marcus, M. Smith, Rennie (Penistone) Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Marley, J. Smith, Tom (Pontefract) Groves, Thomas E. Mathers, George Snowden, Rt. Hon. Philip Grundy, Thomas W. Matters, L. W. Sorensen, R. Hall, F. (York, W. R., Normanton) Maxton, James Spero, Dr. G. E. Hall. Capt. W. P. (Portsmouth, C.) Melville, Sir James Stamford, Thomas W. Hamilton, Mary Agnes (Blackburn) Messer, Fred Stephen, Campbell Hardie, George D. Middleton, G. Stewart, J. (St. Rollox) Hastings, Dr. Somerville Mills, J. E. Strauss, G. R. Haycock, A. W. Milner, J. Sutton, J. E. Hayday, Arthur Morgan, Dr. H. B. Taylor, R. A. (Lincoln) Hayes, John Henry Morley, Ralph Taylor, W. B. (Norfolk, S. W.) Henderson, Right Hon. A. (Burnley) Morrison, Herbert (Hackney, South) Thomas, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Derby) Henderson, Arthur, junr. (Cardiff, S.) Morrison, Robert C. (Tottenham, N.) Thurtle, Ernest Henderson, W. W. (Middx., Enfield) Mort, D. L. Tout, W. J. Herriotts, J. Moses, J. J. H. Townend, A. E. Hirst, G. H. (York W. R. Wentworth) Mosley, Lady C. (Stoke-on-Trent) Turner, B. Hirst, W. (Bradford, South) Mosley, Sir Oswald (Smethwick) Vaughan, D. J. Hoffman, P. C. Muggeridge, H. T. Viant, S. P. Hollins, A. Murnin, Hugh Walker, J. Hopkin, Daniel Naylor, T. E. Wallace, H. W. Horrabin, J. F. Noel Baker, P. J. Wallhead, Richard C. Hudson, James H. (Huddersfield) Oldfield. J. R. Watkins, F. C. Isaacs, George Oliver, George Harold (Ilkeston) Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda) Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath) Palin, John Henry Wellock, Wilfred John, William (Rhondda, West) Paling, Wilfrid Welsh, James C. (Coatbridge) Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown) Palmer, E. T. West, F. R. Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly) Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Westwood, Joseph Jones. T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd) Perry, S. F. Whiteley, Wilfrid (Birm., Ladywood) Jowett, Rt. Hon. F. W. Pethick-Lawrence, F. W. Wilkinson, Ellen C. Jowitt, Rt. Hon. Sir W. A. Phillips, Dr. Marion Williams, David (Swansea, East) Kelly, W. T. Picton-Turbervill, Edith Williams, Dr. J. H. (Llanelly) Kennedy, Thomas Pole, Major D. G. Williams, T. (York, Don Valley) Kenworthy, Lt.-Com. Hon. Joseph M. Potts, John S. Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe) Kinley, J. Price. M. P. Wilson, J. (Oldham) Knight, Holford Quibell, D. J. K. Winterton, G. E. (Leicester, Loughb'gh) Lang, Gordon Raynes, W. R. Wise, E. F. Lansbury, Rt. Hon. George Richards, R. Wright, W. (Rutherglen) Law, Albert (Bolton) Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Young, R. S. (Islington, North) Law, A. (Rosendale) Riley, Ben (Dewsbury) Lawrence, Susan Riley, F. F. (Stockton-on-Tees) TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Mr. T. Henderson and Mr. Whiteley. NOES. Acland-Troyte, Lieut.-Colonel Brown, Brig.-Gen. H. C.(Berks, Newb'y) Eden, Captain Anthony Ainsworth, Lieut.-Col. Charles Bullock, Captain Malcolm Edge, Sir William Albery, Irving James Burgin, Dr. E. L. Edmondson, Major A J. Aske, Sir Robert Burton, Colonel H. W. Elliot, Major Walter E Atholl, Duchess of Butt, Sir Alfred Elmley, Viscount Atkinson, C. Carver, Major W. H. Erskine, Lord (Somerset, Weston-s.-M.) Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley (Bewdley) Castle Stewart, Earl of Evans, Capt. Ernest (Welsh Univer.) Balniel, Lord Cayzer, Sir C. (Chester, City) Ferguson, Sir John Bellairs, Commander Carlyon Cockerill, Brig.-General Sir George Fielden, E. B. Bevan, S. J. (Holborn) Colman, N. C. D. Flson, F. G. Clavering Birchall, Major Sir John Dearman Conway, Sir W. Martin Foot, Isaac Birkett, W. Norman Courtauld, Major J. S. Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Blindell, James Crookshank, Cpt. H. (Lindsey, Gainsbro) Ganzoni, Sir John Bourne, Captain Robert Croft Davies, Dr. Vernon George, Megan Lloyd (Anglesea) Bowater, Col. Sir T. Vansittart Davies, E. C. (Montgomery) Glassey, A. E. Bowyer, Captain Sir George E. W. Davies, Maj. Geo. F. (Somerset, Yeovil) Glyn, Major R. G. C. Bracken, B. Dawson, Sir Philip Gower, Sir Robert Brass, Captain Sir William Duckworth, G. A. V. Graham, Fergus (Cumberland, N.) Brown, Ernest (Leith) Dudgeon, Major C. R. Granville. E. Gray, Milner Maitland, A. (Kent, Faversham) Scott, James Grenfell, Edward C. (City of London) Makins, Brigadier-General E. Sinclair, Sir A. (Caithness) Griffith, F. Kingsley (Middlesbro' W.) Mander, Geoffrey le M. Skelton, A. N. Gunston, Captain D. W. Margesson, Captain H. D. Smith, Louis W. (Sheffield, Hallam) Hacking, Rt. Hon. Douglas H. Mason, Colonel Glyn K. Smith, R. W. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dine, C.) Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Zetland) Metler, R. J. Smithers, Waldron Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Millar, J. D. Somerville, A. A. (Windsor) Harris, Percy A. Mond, Hon. Henry Spender-Clay, Colonel H. Heneage, Lieut.-Colonel Arthur P. Monsell, Eyres, Com. Rt. Hon. Sir B. Stanley, Lord (Fylde) Hennessy, Major Sir G. R. J. Moore, Lieut.-Colonel T. C. R. (Ayr) Stanley, Maj. Hon. O. (W'morland) Herbert, S.(York, N. R., Scar. & Wh'by) Morrison Hugh (Wilts, Salisbury) Stuart, J. C. (Moray and Nairn) Hills, Major Rt. Hon. John Waller Morrison, W. S. (Glos., Cirencester) Sueter, Rear-Admiral M. F. Hoare, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir S. J. G. Muirhead, A. J. Tinne, J. A. Hore-Belisha, Leslie Nathan, Major H. L. Titchfield, Major the Marquess of Howard-Bury, Colonel C. K. Nicholson, O. (Westminster) Todd, Capt. A. J. Hunter, Dr. Joseph Ormsby-Gore, Rt. Hon. William Train, J. Hunter-Weston, Lt.-Gen. Sir Aylmer Owen, H. F. (Hereford) Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement Hurd, Percy A. Penny, Sir George Turton, Robert Hugh Hutchison, Maj.-Gen. Sir R. Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) Ward, Lt.-Col. A. L. (Kingston-on-Hull) Iveagh, Countess of Peters. Dr. Sidney John Warrender, Sir Victor Jones, F. Llewellyn- (Flint) Power, Sir John Cecil Waterhouse, Captain Charles Jones, Sir G. W. H. (Stoke New'gton) Pownall, Sir Assheton Wayland, Sir William A. Jones, Rt. Hon Leif (Camborne) Purbrick, R. Wells, Sydney R. Kedward, R. M. (Kent, Ashford) Pybus, Percy John White, H. G. Kindersley, Major G. M. Ramsay, T. B. Wilson Williams, Com. C. (Devon, Torquay) King, Commodore Rt. Hon. Henry D. Rathbone, Eleanor Wilson, G. H. A. (Cambridge U.) Knox, Sir Alfred Remer, John R. Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George Lamb, Sir J. Q. Rentoul, Sir Gervals S. Wolmer, Rt. Hon. Viscount Law, Sir Alfred (Derby, High Peak) Reynolds, Col. Sir James Womersley, W. J. Leighton, Major B. E. P. Rodd, Rt. Hon. Sir James Rennell Wood, Rt. Hon. Sir Kingsley Little, Dr. E. Graham Rothschild, J. de Wood, Major McKenzie (Banff) Llewellin, Major J. J. Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth) Wright, Brig.-Gen. W. D. (Tavist'k) Locker-Lampson, Rt. Hon. Godfrey Russell, Richard John (Eddisbury) Young, Rt. Hon. Sir Hilton Locker-Lampson, Com. O.(Handsw'th) Salmon, Major I. Long, Major Eric Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Macdonald, Sir M. (Inverness) Sandeman, Sir N. Stewart Sir Frederick Thomson and Captain Macdonald, Capt. P. D. (I. of W.) Savery, S. S. Wallace.
Question put accordingly, "That those words be there added."
The Committee divided: Ayes, 164; Noes, 235.
Division No. 59.] AYES. [11.8 p.m. Acland-Troyte, Lieut.-Colonel Elliot, Major Walter E. King, Commodore Rt. Hon. Henry D. Ainsworth, Lieut.-Col. Charles Elmley, Viscount Knox, Sir Alfred Albery, Irving James Erskine, Lord (Somerset, Weston-S.-M.) Lamb, Sir J. Q. Aske, Sir Robert Evans, Capt. Ernest (Welsh Univer.) Law, Sir Alfred (Derby, High Peak) Atholl, Duchess of Ferguson, Sir John Leighton. Major B. E. P. Atkinson, C. Fielden, E. B. Little, Dr. E. Graham Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley (Bewdley) Fison, F. G. Clavering Llewellin, Major J. J. Balniel, Lord Foot, Isaac Locker-Lampson, Rt. Hon. Godfrey Bellairs, Commander Carlyon Fremantle, Lieut.-Colonel Francis E. Locker-Lampson, Com. O.(Handsw'th) Bevan, S. J. (Holborn) Ganzoni, Sir John Long, Major Eric Birchall, Major Sir John Dearman George, Rt. Hon. D. Lloyd (Car'vn) Macdonald, Sir M. (Inverness) Birkett, W. Norman George, Major G. Lloyd (Pembroke) Macdonald, Capt. P. D. (I. of W.) Blindell, James George, Megan Lloyd (Anglesea) Maitland, A. (Kent, Faversham) Bourne, Captain Robert Croft Glassey, A. E. Makins, Brigadier-General E. Bowater, Col. Sir T. Vansittart Glyn, Major R. G. C. Mander, Geoffrey le M. Bowyer, Captain Sir George E. W. Gower, Sir Robert Margesson, Captain H. D. Bracken, B. Graham, Fergus (Cumberland, N.) Mason, Colonel Glyn K. Brass, Captain Sir William Granville, E. Meller, R. J. Brown, Ernest (Leith) Gray, Milner Millar, J. D. Brown, Brig.-Gen. H. C. (Berks, Newb'y) Grenfell, Edward C. (City of London) Mond, Hon. Henry Bullock, Captain Malcolm Griffith, F. Kingsley (Middlesbro' W.) Monsell, Eyres, Com. Rt. Hon. Sir B. Burgin, Dr. E. L. Gunston, Captain D. W. Moore, Lieut.-Colonel T. C. R. (Ayr) Burton, Colonel H. W. Hacking, Rt. Hon. Douglas H. Morrison, Hugh (Wilts, Salisbury) Butt, Sir Alfred Hamilton, Sir R. (Orkney & Zetland) Morrison, W. S. (Glos., Cirencester) Carver, Major W. H. Hannon, Patrick Joseph Henry Muirhead, A. J. Castle Stewart, Earl of Harris, Percy A. Nathan, Major H. L. Cayzer. Sir C. (Chester, City) Heneage, Lieut.-Colonel Arthur P. Nicholson, O. (Westminster) Cockarill, Brig.-General Sir George Herbert, S. (York, N. R., Scar. & Wh'by) Ormsby-Gore, Rt. Hon. William Colman, N. C. D. Hills, Major Rt. Hon. John Waller Owen. H. F. (Hereford) Conway, Sir W. Martin Hoare, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir S. J. G. Percy, Lord Eustace (Hastings) Courtauld, Major J. S. Hore-Belisha, Leslie Peters. Dr. Sidney John Crookshank, Cpt. H. (Lindsey, Gainsbro) Howard-Bury, Colonel C. K. Power, Sir John Cecil Davies, Dr. Vernon Hunter, Dr. Joseph Pownall, Sir Assheton Davies, E. C. (Montgomery) Hurd, Percy A. Pybus, Percy John Davies, Maj. Geo. F. (Somerset, Yeovil) Hutchison, Maj.-Gen. Sir R. Ramsay, T. B. Wilson Dawson, Sir Philip Iveagh, Countess of Rathbone, Eleanor Duckworth, G. A. V. Jones, F. Llewellyn- (Flint) Remer, John R. Dudgeon, Major C. R. Jones, Sir G. W. H. (Stoke New'gton) Rentoul, Sir Gervais S. Eden, Captain Anthony Jones, Rt. Hon. Leif (Camborne) Reynolds, Col. Sir James Edge, Sir William Kedward, R. M. (Kent, Ashford) Rodd, Rt. Hon. Sir James Rennell Edmondson, Major A. J. Kindersley, Major G. M. Rothschild, J. de Russell, Alexander West (Tynemouth) Stanley, Lord (Fylde) Wells, Sydney R. Russell, Richard John (Eddisbury) Stanley, Maj. Hon. O. (W'morland) White, H. G. Salmon, Major I. Stuart, J. C. (Moray and Nairn) Williams, Com. C. (Devon, Torquay) Samuel, A. M. (Surrey, Farnham) Sueter, Rear-Admiral M. F. Wilson, G. H. A. (Cambridge U.) Sandeman, Sir N. Stewart Thomson, Sir F. Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel George Savery, S. S. Titchfield, Major the Marquess of Wolmer, Rt. Hon. Viscount Scott, James Todd, Capt. A. J. Womersley, W. J. Sinclair, Sir A. (Caithness) Train, J. Wood, Rt. Hon. Sir Kingsley Sinclair, Col. T. (Queen's U., Belfst) Tryon, Rt. Hon. George Clement Wood, Major McKenzie (Band) Skelton, A. N. Turton, Robert Hugh Wright, Brig.-Gen. w. D. (Tavist'k) Smith, Louis W. (Sheffield, Hallam) Wallace, H. W. Young, Rt. Hon. Sir Hilton Smith, R. W. (Aberd'n & Kinc'dine, C.) Ward, Lt.-Col. A. L. (Kingston-on-Hull) Smithers, Waldron Warrender, Sir Victor TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Somerville, A. A. (Windsor) Waterhouse, Captain Charles Major Sir George Hennessy and Sir Spender-Clay, Colonel H. Wayland, Sir William A. George Penny. NOES. Adamson, Rt. Hon. W. (Fife, West) Graham, Rt. Hon. Wm. (Edin., Cent.) Markham, S. F. Adamson, W. M. (Staff., Cannock) Greenwood, Rt. Hon. A. (Colne) Marley, J. Addison, Rt. Hon. Dr. Christopher Grenfell, D. R. (Glamorgan) Mathers, George Alexander, Rt. Hon. A. V. (Hillsbro') Griffiths, T. (Monmouth, Pontypool) Matters, L. W. Alpass, J. H. Groves, Thomas E. Maxton, James Ammon, Charles George Grundy, Thomas W. Melville, Sir James Angell, Norman Hall, F. (York, W.R., Normanton) Messer, Fred Arnott, John Hall, Capt. W. P. (Portsmouth, C.) Middleton, G. Ayles, Walter Hamilton, Mary Agnes (Blackburn) Mills, J. E. Baker, John (Wolverhampton, Bilston) Handle, George D. Milner, J. Baldwin, Oliver (Dudley) Hastings, Dr. Somerville Morgan, Dr. H. B. Barnes, Alfred John Haycock, A. W. Morley, Ralph Batey, Joseph Hayday, Arthur Morrison, Herbert (Hackney, South) Beckett, John (Camberwell, Peckham) Hayes, John Henry Morrison, Robert C. (Tottenham, N.) Bellamy, Albert Henderson, Right Hon. A. (Burnley) Mort, D. L. Benn, Rt. Hon. Wedgwood Henderson, Arthur, junr. (Cardiff, S.) Moses, J. J. H. Bennett, Captain E. N. (Cardiff, Central) Henderson, W. W. (Middx., Enfield) Mosley, Lady C. (Stoke-on-Trent) Bennett, William (Battersea, South) Herriotts, J. Mosley, Sir Oswald (Smethwick) Benson, G. Hirst, G. H. (York W. R. Wentworth) Muggeridge, H. T. Bentham, Dr. Ethel Hirst, W. (Bradford, South) Murnin, Hugn Bevan, Aneurin (Ebbw Vale) Hoffman, P. C. Naylor, T. E. Bondfield, Rt. Hon. Margaret Hollins, A. Newman. Sir R. H. S. D. L. (Exeter) Bowen, J. W. Hopkin, Daniel Noel Baker, P. J. Bowerman, Rt. Hon. Charles W. Horrabin, J. F. Oldfield, J. R. Broad, Francis Alfred Hudson, James H. (Huddersfield) Oliver, George Harold (Ilkeston) Brockway, A. Fenner Isaacs, George Palin, John Henry Bromfield, William Jenkins, W. (Glamorgan, Neath) Paling, Wilfrid Bromley, J. John, William (Rhondda, West) Palmer, E. T. Brooke, W. Jones, J. J. (West Ham, Silvertown) Parkinson, John Allen (Wigan) Brothers, M. Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly) Perry, S. F. Brown, C. W. E. (Notts. Mansfield) Jones, T. I. Mardy (Pontypridd) Pethick-Lawrence, F. W. Brown, James (Ayr and Bute) Jowett, Rt. Hon. F. W. Phillips, Dr. Marion Buchanan, G. Jowitt, Rt. Hon. Sir W. A. Picton-Turbervill, Edith Burgess, F. G. Kelly, W. T. Pole, Major D. G. Buxton, C. R. (Yorks. W. R. Elland) Kennedy, Thomas Potts, John S. Caine, Derwent Hall- Kenworthy, Lt.-Com. Hon. Joseph M. Price, M. P. Cameron, A. G. Kinley, J. Quibell, D. J. K. Cape, Thomas Knight, Holford Raynes, W. R. Carter, W. (St. Pancras, S. W.) Lang, Gordon Richards, R. Charleton, H. C. Lansbury, Rt. Hon. George Richardson, R. (Houghton-le-Spring) Chater, Daniel Law, Albert (Bolton) Riley, Ben (Dewsbury) Church, Major A. G. Law, A. (Rosendale) Riley, F. F. (Stockton-on-Tees) Clarke, J. S. Lawrence, Susan Ritson, J. Cluse, W. S. Lawrie, Hugh Hartley (Stalybridge) Roberts, Rt. Hon. F. O. (W. Bromwich) Cocks, Frederick Seymour Lawson, John James Romeril, H. G. Compton, Joseph Lawther, W. (Barnard Castle) Rosbotham, D. S. T. Cove, William G. Leach, W. Rowson, Guy Daggar, George Lee, Frank (Derby, N. E.) Samuel, H. W. (Swansea, West) Dallas, George Lees, J. Sanders, W. S. Denman, Hon. R. D. Lewis, T. (Southampton) Sandham, E. Dukes, C. Lindley, Fred W. Sawyer, G. F. Duncan, Charles Lloyd, C. Ellis Scurr, John Ede, James Chuter Longbottom, A. W. Sexton, James Edmunds, J. E. Longden, F. Shaw, Rt. Hon. Thomas (Preston) Edwards, C. (Monmouth, Bedwellty) Lovat-Fraser, J. A. Shepherd, Arthur Lewis Edwards, E. (Morpeth) Lowth, Thomas Sherwood, G. H. Egan, W. H. MacDonald, Rt. Hon. J. R. (Seaham) Shield, George William Freeman, Peter McElwee, A. Shillaker, J. F. Gardner, B. W. (West Ham, Upton) McEntee, V. L. Shinwell, E. Gardner, J. p. (Hammersmith, N.) Mackinder, W. Simmons, C. J. Gill, T. H. McKinlay, A. Smith, Alfred (Sunderland) Gillett. George M. MacNeill-Weir, L. Smith, Frank (Nuneaton) Gosling, Harry Malone, C. L'Estrange (N'thampton) Smith, H. B. Lees (Keighley) Gossling, A. G. Mansfield, W. Smith, Rennie (Penistone) Gould, F. March, S. Smith, Tom (Pontefract) Graham, D. M. (Lanark, Hamilton) Marcus, M. Snowden, Rt. Hon. Philip Sorensen, R. Turner, B. Wilkinson, Ellen C. Spero, Dr. G. E. Vaughan, D. J. Williams, David (Swansea, East) Stamford, Thomas W. Viant, S. P. Williams, Dr. J. H. (Llanelly) Stephen, Campbell Walker, J. Williams, T. (York, Don Valley) Stewart, J. (St. Rollox) Wallace, H. W. Wilson, C. H. (Sheffield, Attercliffe) Strauss, G. R. Wallhead, Richard C. Wilson, J. (Oldham) Sutton, J. E. Watkins, F. C. Wilson R. J. (Jarrow) Taylor, R. A. (Lincoln) Watts-Morgan, Lt.-Col. D. (Rhondda) Winterton, G. E.(Leicester, Loughb'gh) Taylor, W. B. (Norfolk, S. W.) Wellock, Wilfred Wise, E. F. Thomas, Rt. Hon. J. H. (Derby) Welsh, James C. (Coatbridge) Wright, W. (Rutherglen) Thurtle, Ernest West, F. R. Young, R. S. (Islington, North) Tout, W. J. Westwood, Joseph Townend, A. E. Whiteley, Wilfrid (Birm., Ladywood) TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Mr. T. Henderson and Mr. Whiteley.
Question proposed, "That the Clause, as amended, stand part of the Bill."
It being after Eleven of the Clock, and objection being taken to further Proceeding, the CHAIRMAN left the Chair to make his Report to the House.
Committee report Progress; to sit again upon Monday next, 2nd December.
The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.
Adjournment
Resolved, "That this House do now adjourn."—[ Mr. T. Kennedy. ]
Adjourned accordingly at Eighteen Minutes after Eleven o'Clock.