Skip to main content

Commons Chamber

Volume 308: debated on Thursday 13 February 1936

House of Commons

Thursday, February 13, 1936

The House met at a Quarter before Three of the Clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.

Private Business

Provisional Order Bills (No Standing Orders applicable),

Mr. SPEAKER laid upon the Table Report from one of the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, That in the case of the following Bills, referred on the First Reading thereof, no Standing Orders are applicable, namely:

Ministry of Health Provisional Order (Saint Albans Joint Hospital District) Bill.

Ministry of Health Provisional Order (Mid-Sussex Joint Hospital District) Bill.

Ministry of Health Provisional Order (Bedford Joint Hospital District) Bill.

Bills to be read a Second time tomorrow.

Private Bill Petitions [ Lords ] (Standing Orders not complied with),

Mr. SPEAKER laid upon the Table Report from one of the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, That in the case of the Petition for the following Bill, originating in the Lords, the Standing Orders have not been complied with, namely:

Yorkshire Electric Power Bill [ Lords ].

Report referred to the Select Committee on Standing Orders.

Great Western Railway (Additional Powers) Bill (by Order),

Read the Second time, and referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills.

London Midland and Scottish Railway Bill (by Order),

Second Reading deferred till Wednesday next, at Half-past Seven of the Clock.

Standing Orders,

Resolution reported from the Select Committee;

"That, in the case of the Cirencester Gas, Petition for Bill, the Standing Orders ought to be dispensed with:—That the parties be permitted to proceed with their Bill."

Resolution agreed to.

Oral Answers to Questions

Unemployment

Juvenile Instruction Centres

asked the Minister of Labour whether he will give particulars of the measures under active consideration for the improvement of the physical conditions of juveniles attending juvenile instruction centres; and when it is proposed to bring those measures into operation?

These matters are still under consideration, and any statement, at the present stage, would be premature.

I cannot say. There are several matters to be considered in connection with the subject of the hon. Member's question.

Can the Minister not give us some idea of how long this consideration will take, as it has been going on for a long time?

Unemployment Assistance Board (Report)

asked the Minister of Labour when the report of the board under Part II of the Unemployment Insurance Act will be laid before the House?

I understand that the annual report required by Section 35, Sub-section 4, of the Unemployment Assistance Act is in preparation. It will be laid before the House as soon as it is completed.

Transference

asked the Minister of Labour the number of men transferred to the Kent coal mines through the Whitehaven Employment Exchange during the three months ended 31st January, 1935; and the number of men returned home during the period mentioned and the causes of their return?

During the three months ended 31st January, 1936, 35 men transferred from Whitehaven to vacancies in the Kent coal mines and 30 men, including seven who had transferred before the beginning of the period mentioned, returned to Whitehaven. In 22 cases the cause of the return was sickness or inability to stand the heat and depth of the Kentish mines, and in most of Ate remaining cases it was sickness at home or other domestic circumstances.

Is the Minister aware that in many Employment Exchanges in the mining areas in the North vacancies are notified when actually there are no vacancies at all; and will he have inquiries made into the matter with a view to putting a stop to such notifications?

Can the Minister say whether these men are only examined when they get to the Kent coalfield and would it not be better to have them examined before they leave?

Assistance

asked the Minister of Labour whether, in view of the increase in the cost of living in the country generally, and the distressed and special areas particularly, he will take the steps necessary to increase the existing scales of unemployment benefit and allowances paid under the Unemployment Assistance Board in order to meet such increases?

I do not think that there is any ground for supposing that there has been any such change in the cost of living as to justify action of this sort.

asked the Minister of Labour whether he is aware of the number of fireside deaths caused by fire; and is he prepared to make free provision of fireguards to unemployed applicants?

Has not the Unemployment Assistance Board power under what is called the "pot and pan system"; and is it not the fact that cases under the Board can get Poor Law relief? Is it not also true that if these people have no fireguards and if death should take place they can be brought before the magistrates? Surely something can be done.

May I then ask the Minister, in view of the clause which has been mentioned in this House and which has been called the "pot and pan" Clause, how that can be said?

If the hon. Member has any point which he would like me to put to the Board, I will gladly do so.

Statistics

asked the Minister of Labour the number of people in the country who would, in a normal state of trade and industry, be expected to be in employment on 1st November, 1931; and the numbers, taking into consideration population increase, who would be expected, under the same conditions, to be employed on 1st November, 1935?

In the absence of any generally accepted definition of the conditions which may be regarded as constituting a "normal" state of trade and industry, I am afraid that no estimate can usefully be made of the numbers of persons who might, in such conditions, have been expected to be in employment in November, 1931, or in November, 1935. The numbers of insured persons actually in employment at the two dates will be given in reply to the hon. Member's next question.

asked the Minister of Labour the total numbers employed and unemployed on 1st November, 1931 and 1935, respectively; the numbers of persons of both sexes in receipt of unemployment or other State benefit, apart from old age pensions, etc.; the number of persons receiving able-bodied public assistance relief at the same dates; the number of persons receiving ordinary public assistance relief on the same dates; the total number of juveniles registered at the juvenile bureaux or Exchanges as unemployed on the same dates; and also the total number of juveniles known to be unemployed in England and Wales?

23rd November, 1931.

25th November, 1935.

Estimated number of persons, aged 16–64 years, insured against unemployment in Great Britain.

12,620,000

12,840,000

Number of insured persons in employment in Great Britain.

9,522,000

10,537,000

Numbers unemployed, aged 14 years and over, on the registers of Employment Exchanges, etc., in Great Britain.

2,615,115

1,918,562

Numbers with claims admitted for unemployment insurance benefit, and for transitional payments or unemployment allowances, in Great Britain:—

Males

1,916,456

1,316,777

Females

362,301

223,256

Numbers of unemployed boys and girls, under 18 years of age, registered at Employment Exchanges and Juvenile Employment Bureaux:—

Great Britain

113,594

110,351

England and Wales

94,954

86,980

The available statistics in respect of persons in receipt of outdoor poor relief are given in the following table. The figures exclude persons in receipt of outdoor medical relief only and casuals (vagrants in Scotland).

Numbers in receipt of Outdoor Poor Relief.

England and Wales.

Scotland.

November, 1931.

November, 1935.

November, 1931.

November, 1935.

Persons ordinarily engaged in some regular occupation, and their dependants:—

Destitute able-bodied

340,920

506,194

66,966

133,013

Others

36,150

79,643

All other persons in receipt of outdoor relief, including dependants.

507,179

635,390

87,547

119,452

Note.

The figures for England and Wales are averages for the month, those for Scotland relate to the 15th of the month.

Separate figures in respect of able-bodied persons in receipt of relief are not available for England and Wales.

Vacancies

asked the Minister of Labour whether he will issue instructions to branch exchange managers that in all future vacancies notified they shall be filled by unemployed persons who have had the longest period of unemployment?

It has always been the practice of the Employment Exchanges, when vacancies are notified, to

I am circulating a table of these particulars so far as they are available.

Following is the table:

select those persons on the register, whatever their period of unemployment, who appear most nearly to satisfy the employer's requirements. Any departure from this practice would, I think, be impracticable and undesirable.

On a point of Order. May I ask whether the Minister of Labour need speak quite so fast? We cannot hear what he says.

Arising out of the original question may I ask the Minister whether, if he cannot do this in the case of private employers, he will at least do something in cases where Government contracts have been let out to sub-contractors who are doing the work; and in those cases in which the Government have some interest, does he not think that this could be done with advantage?

Is the Minister aware that in a great many industrial areas unemployed men who are qualified for these jobs in those areas are not given them; and when one tries to find out the reason from the Employment Exchange the officials say that they cannot give the reason because the employers will not tell; and has not the Minister power to get that information?

The hon. Member will understand that we cannot fill the vacancies unless the applicants concerned are selected by the employers concerned.

Is it not rather unfair that the Employment Exchange representing the Government and its system of insurance should be subject to these conditions inside a works where it may be not the employer but an overman who decides?

Insurance

asked the Minister of Labour whether, when he is considering the extension of unemployment insurance, he will give consideration to the case of private gardeners and grooms, who, at present, are outside any scheme?

I am considering what action should be taken upon the position of private gardeners in relation to the Unemployment Insurance (Agriculture) Bill. As at present advised I do not think that it would be in order to include grooms in the Bill.

Would the Minister, if he cannot include grooms, consider accepting an Amendment to include private gardeners?

I am afraid they would be outside the Title of the Bill. They come within the category of domestic servants.

It will depend entirely on whether they come within the definition or not. I rather think they do.

asked the Minister of Labour whether the statutory committee under the Unemployment Insurance Act, Part I, are considering a recommendation for a reduction of unemployment insurance contributions, in view of the accumulating surplus in the Unemployment Insurance Fund?

asked the Minister of Labour whether, seeing that the report of the Unemployment Insurance Statutory Committee shows that the fund is more than sufficient to cover the liabilities, he will consider the introduction of legislation as soon as possible reducing the provision that at least 30 contributions must have been paid to 20, and abolishing the waiting period?

I have just received a report from the Unemployment Insurance Statutory Committee on the financial position of the Unemployment Fund, and I would ask hon. Members to await publication of this report.

asked the Minister of Labour whether in view of the representations made by the Club Stewards Union and other organisations for the inclusion of club stewards in unemployment insurance, he proposes to refer the question to the Unemployment Insurance Statutory Committee for consideration?

asked the Minister of Labour whether he has yet decided to make regulations under Section 3 (2) (b) of the Unemployment Insurance Act, 1935, for the purpose of including pit-head bath attendants within the scope of the unemployment insurance scheme?

Yes, Sir, these regulations were made on 10th February, and will come into operation on Monday, 2nd March, 1936. Printed copies of the regulations will be available in the course of the next few days.

Juveniles (After Care Committees)

asked the Minister of Labour how many after care committees in connection with the juvenile transference scheme have been set up and how many friends have been appointed, as recommended in the scheme; and whether such committees exist in connection with the Wolverhampton exchange?

After care committees for the special purpose of dealing with juveniles transferred under the juvenile transference scheme have been set up in 43 districts to which considerable numbers of juveniles have been transferred, and the necessity for the establishment of further similar committees is under consideration. In a number of areas to which only a small number of juveniles have been transferred, the after care arrangements made by existing juvenile advisory and employment committees are considered to be adequate. The number of friends appointed in each area by the advisory committee is dependent upon local conditions and upon the numbers of transferred juveniles living in the area. I am unable to state the number of such appointments throughout the country. At Wolverhampton the work in connection with juveniles is the responsibility of the local education authority, who exercise powers under Section 81 of the Unemployment Insurance Act, 1935. The number of juveniles transferred to this area has, up to the present, been negligible and the necessity for setting up special after care arrangements has not, therefore, arisen.

Employment Exchanges (Accommodation)

asked the Minister of Labour how many Employment Exchanges there are in the north-western area; and how many of these Exchanges are provided with lavatory accommoda- tion, men and women separately, for the persons using the Exchanges; and what he proposes to do to provide suitable accommodation where it is non-existent?

There are 87 Employment Exchanges and 19 employment offices controlled by the North-Western Divisional Office; this does not include branch employment offices. Some of these Exchanges are in two or more sets of premises. As regards the second and third parts of the question, it is not the practice to provide lavatory accommodation for members of the public at Employment Exchanges.

Is the Minister aware that at a number of these Exchanges people have to wait for a considerable length of time, and does he not think that some provision of this kind ought to be made?

This is a very difficult question. It has been examined by successive Governments and the present practice has been the practice from the beginning. Each Government that has considered the question has found formidable difficulties in the way of meeting the hon. Member's desire?

Does the Minister's explanation mean that it is impossible to provide that accommodation?

asked the Minister of Labour whether his attention has been called to the conference held at Black-pool on Saturday, 8th February, 1936, of the Labour Staff Association, and where it was stated many Exchanges lacked the accommodation desired; and will he state his proposals to meet this complaint?

A programme for re-housing the Employment Exchanges, wherever necessary, has been in hand for a number of years, and is proceeding according to plan.

Certainly. In 1931, there were 37 schemes; in 1932, there were 18 schemes, including two leased buildings; in 1933, there were 15 schemes; in 1934, there were 15 schemes including three leased buildings; and in 1935 there were 37 schemes including two leased buildings.

Are we to take it that there have been any representations from this Association to the Minister?

Is it not a fact that in Blackpool, where the largest crowds meet, there is less accommodation of the kind indicated than in almost any other town in England?

If the hon. Gentleman desires information about Blackpool, I shall be glad to try to obtain it.

Special Areas (Commissioners' Reports)

asked the Minister of Labour when the next reports of the Commissioners for the special areas will be available?

I anticipate that the reports of both Commissioners will be available this evening.

1932.

1933.

1934.

1935.

Estimated Numbers, aged 16–64, insured

171,440

160,780

150,660

147,990

Numbers recorded as unemployed

106,490

96,450

74,230

63,560

Estimated Numbers, aged 16–64, in employment.

64,950

64,330

76,430

84,430

Agriculture

Children (Employment)

asked the Minister of Labour whether anything prevents the ratification of the International Labour Convention on the minimum age for admission to agriculture; whether legislation will be introduced for this purpose; and when it is intended to ratify the Convention?

The Convention concerning the age for admission of children to employment in agriculture requires that no child under 14 years of age should be employed in agriculture within the hours fixed for school attendance. It is

If and when the reports are issued is it the intention of the Government, owing to their importance, to have them discussed in this House at an early date?

The hon. Member will understand that he must put that question to another Minister.

Shipbuilding and Ship-Repairing (Employment Statistics)

asked the Minister of Labour the number of persons empoyed in ship-repairing and in dry docks during 1935 and the three previous years?

As the reply contains a table of figures, I will, if I may, circulate a statement in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

Following is the statement:

The available figures relate to the shipbuilding and ship-repairing industry as a whole, separate statistics not being compiled for ship-repairing or dry docks. The estimated numbers of insured persons, aged 16–64, in the shipbuilding and ship-repairing industry in employment in Great Britain at the end of June each year from 1932 to 1935 were as shown below:

not possible for His Majesty's Government to ratify the Convention at present, since education authorities in Scotland possess the power to exempt children over the age of 12 years from school attendance for the purpose of employment. The Education (Scotland) Bill now before Parliament provides that as from 1st September, 1939, exemption shall not be given to children under 14 years of age, and should this proposal become law the question of ratification of the Convention will be further considered.

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he will consider the advisibility of extending the terms of reference of the Departmental Committee of inquiry into the employment of young persons in unregulated occupations to employment in agriculture?

I would refer the hon. Member to the first part of the reply which I gave to the hon. Member for West Fife (Mr. Gallacher) on Monday last, of which I am sending him a copy.

Food Consumption

asked the Minister of Agriculture whether he can give any reason for the delay in the publication of the report of the Market Supply Committee of its investigation into food consumption at different income levels; and whether, as that report was completed eight months ago, and in view of the importance of making known the facts about the serious under-consumption of milk, fruit, butter and meat at the lower income levels, he can expedite publication of the report?

I think the right hon. Gentleman is under some misapprehension. There is no report of the Market Supply Committee dealing with this question. It may be that he has in mind a survey of existing statistical information on this subject which was delivered before the Agricultural Economics Society by the secretary to the Market Supply Committee, in a private capacity, last December. This will be published in the proceedings of the society in due course.

Field Drainage, Scotland

asked the Minister of Agriculture the amounts of the grants for field drainage made to Scottish farmers for the years 1933–34 and 1934–35; how many acres of arable and pasture are estimated to have been improved by these grants; and, since grants for this purpose are available in Scotland, will he also make them available where they are greatly needed south of the Border?

I am informed by my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Scotland that grants for field drainage amounting to £7,834 and £7,371 were made by his Department in the years 1933–34 and 1934–35 respectively, and that it is estimated that 16,150 acres of arable land and 104,500 acres of pasture were improved as a result. As regards the last part of the question, I must remind my hon. Friend of the substantial land drainage grants being made in England to Catchment Boards for arterial drainage, and regret that I am not able to make further sums available for the purpose suggested.

Tithe Commission (Report)

asked the Minister of Agriculture whether it is intended to alter the text of the report of the Tithe Commission as the result of any conversations such as those now taking place with the Archbishop of Canterbury; and, if it is not intended to make such alterations, whether he will publish the report forthwith?

There has not been and could not be any question of altering the text of the report as received from the Commissioners. As I have stated in reply to previous questions, the report will be published with a statement of Government policy as soon as possible.

Attested Herds

asked the Minister of Agriculture how many herds in England and Wales have now been attested under the Tuberculosis (Attested Herds) Scheme; how many of these herds were previously licensed as Grade A (T.T.), or certified herds; and what the total costs have been to date in administration and in the payment of the premium of 1d. per gallon?

Sixty-five herds have been attested in England and Wales under the Tuberculosis (Attested Herds) Scheme. Of these, 22 are herds licensed to produce Grade A (T.T.) and certified milk. The total cost of administering the scheme to date, including £1,485 in respect of the expenses incurred in a course of training of the Ministry's inspectors in the uniform application of the tuberculin test, and £1,430 in experimental investigations for improving and perfecting the technique and material used in the application of the test, is £9,600. A further sum of £715 has been paid in respect of the premium of 1d. a gallon for milk sold from attested herds through the Milk Marketing Scheme.

Meat Imports (Agreements)

asked the Minister of Agriculture if he is in a position to state the result of the discussions with meat-exporting countries regarding the quantities of beef and veal to be imported into the United Kingdom during the first half of this year?

Agreement has been reached with the Governments of Australia and New Zealand, and also with the Government of Argentina, on a programme whereby total arrivals of beef and veal in the United Kingdom from those countries, during the six months to the end of June next, will not exceed the quantities imported in the corresponding period of 1935. As regards the arrivals from the smaller Empire sources of supply, it is expected, in this case also, that arrivals during this period will not exceed those arranged for the first half of last year.

In view of the recent reports of the serious under consumption of meat, is it still the policy of the right hon. Gentleman to procure a shortage and a scarcity?

Certainly not to procure a shortage and a scarcity, but to ensure that trade overseas and production in this country go on.

Police Station and Court House, Scunthorpe

asked the Home Secretary what steps, if any, have been, or are being, taken by the Lindsey Standing Joint Committee to replace the out-of-date police station, cells, and court house at Scunthorpe, which have been condemned in the reports of his inspectors?

I understand that the Standing Joint Committee are in negotiation with the Scunthorpe Urban District Council for a site, and I have no reason to doubt that due regard will be paid by the Committee to His Majesty's inspector's recent representations.

Scheduled Poisons (Pyeamidon)

asked the Home Secretary whether his attention has been called to the increase of deaths by poisoning due to pyramidon; and whether steps are to be taken to ensure that this will be classed as a poison at the earliest opportunity?

Yes, Sir. Under the new Poisons List and Rules which are to come into operation on 1st May next, this drug (which is more correctly described as amidopyrine) will be scheduled as a poison, and its sale to the public will be unlawful except on medical prescription.

All-In Wrestling (Sunday Exhibitions)

asked the Home Secretary whether he proposes to consider the alteration of the law permitting all-in wrestling on Sundays, especially in view of the prohibition on that day of Shakespearean and high-class dramatic performances?

No, Sir. I apprehend that all-in wrestling is an entertainment or amusement, and I am advised that the provisions of the Sunday Observance Act, 1780, apply to all houses, rooms or other places which are opened or used for public entertainment or amusement on Sunday, and to which persons are admitted by the payment of money or by tickets sold for money, except those places which come within the scope of the Sunday Entertainments Act, 1932.

Have any instructions been given for prosecutions to be undertaken in cases of all-in wrestling?

If there is any breach of the law, a prosecution would normally take place, but I am not aware that there has been such a breach.

Does the right hon. Gentleman's answer apply to entertainments in an open field?

Has the Minister heard of the prosecutions recently in cases of all-in wrestling?

No, Sir. What I have observed in the Press is a report of civil actions by a common informer.

Police Cars (Accidents)

asked the Home Secretary whether, in view of a recent accident in which a member of the public was killed by a police motor-car, he will consider issuing instructions to all drivers of police motor-cars in the Metropolitan Police area that fugitive motor-cars must not be rammed unless the street is clear of traffic; and will he further arrange that in future all police motor-cars shall be fitted with a special warning bell or distinctive hooter that can be used by the police drivers of same in case of necessity or special emergency?

Police motor-cars are already fitted with gongs, but the question of an improvement in the type of gong is now under consideration. As stated in the answer which I gave on the 6th instant, the whole matter of the action that should be taken by police in motorcars in regard to fugitive motor-cars is now receiving the close attention of the Commissioner of Police.

I must ask for notice of that question. My impression is that there is some provision concerning them in the Statute.

Aliens

Passports

asked the Home Secretary the number of persons convicted of entering the country with forged passports in each of the last three years?

The information asked for is not available, and in any event it would not cover the cases of persons who are found to be in possession of passports obtained by false representations. If an alien is found on arrival at a port in the United Kingdom to be in possession of an irregular passport or one to which he is not entitled, the usual practice is to impound the document and refuse leave to land. No separate record is kept of these cases, and the number which have occurred during the last few years could not be ascertained without detailed examination of the records.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that there is a genuine feeling throughout the country that a good many undesirable aliens are getting in?

Coloured Residents, Cardiff

asked the Home Secretary the number of coloured men, women, and children of established British nationality resident in Cardiff; the number of coloured men, women, and children who are British protected subjects also resident in Cardiff; and the number of alien coloured men, women, and children similarly resident in Cardiff?

The only available information regarding coloured persons resident in Cardiff relates to those who are seamen and are registered under the Special Restriction (Coloured Alien Seamen) Order, 1925. According to the latest return furnished to the Home Office on 1st January last there were in Cardiff at that date 2,319 coloured alien seamen; it is not possible to state how many of these are British protected persons.

Cannot my right hon. Friend say what number of alien coloured seamen are resident in Cardiff? Surely the police have some record of aliens, whether they are coloured or white?

I do not think there is a record—there certainly is not in my Department—of the number of aliens or coloured persons in any given place at any given time?

Is it not a fact that in order to comply with the law aliens resident in a city must make themselves known to the police authorities; and in view of that fact, surely the police authorities in Cardiff will have the information?

I have had careful inquiries made in order to satisfy as far as possible the request for information by the hon. and gallant Member, and the answer I have given is the result of those inquiries. If he has some further point to make and will communicate with me, I will have further inquiries made.

Is it not a fact that aliens stay here for a time, get married and acquire British citizenship and then leave the country?

Prison Service

asked the Home Secretary how many hours per day or night do quasi-permanent prison officers, or other temporary officers, work; and will he consider putting these officers on an eight-hour day or night and thus help to relieve the unemployment problem?

The Prison Commission informs me that the hours of duty for quasi-permanent officers employed on night patrol are six shifts of ten hours each a week; for stokers, not less than 48 hours' duty a week; and for other temporary officers, 96 hours a fortnight. I do not think the course proposed could be made to contribute to the relief of the problem of unemployment.

Oxford Prison (Escape)

asked the Home Secretary whether there are any sworn statements and, if so, how many, that support the assertions of the two ex-prison officers at Oxford prison that the prisoner Sullivan did not escape till after 8.30 a.m. on 30th September, 1935; if any official or officials made rebutting statements; and, if so, were the statements made before a magistrate of a commissioner for oaths?

Sullivan escaped on 30th September, 1933, and in November, 1933, immediately after his recapture, he made a statement—not on oath—to the effect that his escape was effected at about 7 a.m. He confirmed this by a later statement written and signed, and there is no reason why he should have said what was untrue. Early in 1935, long after the case of the ex-prison officers had been dealt with, he and a fellow prisoner made statutory declarations to the effect that the escape was not effected before 8.30 a.m. There is no dispute that at 7 a.m. Sullivan was in the prison yard and if, as the two ex-prison officers assert, he was subsequently in his cell, he must have been let into the prison hall from the yard between 7 and 7.50 a.m. by a member of the staff. But from inquiry made, at 9.30 a.m. on the day of the escape, of the whole of the staff on duty, it was ascertained that no one had admitted him. If the suggestion is that statements made by prison officers at the time in the ordinary course of a prison inquiry without the administration of an oath, are of less value than the statutory declarations made by two prisoners 15 months later in contradiction of what one of them had asserted at the time, I cannot accept that suggestion.

Does the right hon. Gentleman consider it reasonable for secret and unsworn statements to be accepted against the sworn evidence of the other side?

No, Sir; but that is not the position at all. I have looked into this case myself. Those two ex-officers were heard at the time, the case was explained to them and their statements were considered without any prejudice at all. Those who conducted the inquiry came to a certain conclusion which has been carefully reviewed in the Home Office, and I do not see any reason to interfere.

Jewish Shopkeepers, Shoreditch (Fascists)

asked the Home Secretary whether he is aware that Jewish shopkeepers in Shoreditch are being subjected to Fascist intimidation and in some cases have had their windows smashed; and whether he will see that the full protection of the law is given to these citizens?

I have been in communication with the Commissioner of Police of the Metropolis, who informs me that this matter is receiving the close attention of the police in this district where, from time to time, many allegations are made of provocative conduct by Fascists against Jews. Special steps have been, and are being, taken to keep order in the district, and the police will take action in any case which comes to their notice and in which sufficient evidence to justify proceedings can be obtained. The answer to the last part of the question is in the affirmative.

Would the right hon. Gentleman be good enough to satisfy himself that there is no justification for the view held generally in the East End of London that breaches of the law by Fascist organisations are looked upon indulgently by the police?

There is certainly not the slightest justification for that view, and I am obliged to the hon. Gentleman for giving me this opportunity of making a flat denial.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the chief man of the Fascist organisation is a Jew, and can he give any reason why he is persecuting his own nationality?

Prosecutions (Old Street Police Court)

asked the Home Secretary how many persons were charged as suspected persons, and subsequently acquitted, at Old Street Police Court during the last 12 months?

Statistics for the complete year 1935 are not yet available, and I can only give those for the nine months ended 30th September, 1935. During that period, 92 persons were proceeded against at Old Street Police Court for being suspected persons loitering with intent to commit felony, and of these, 23 were discharged.

Education

Dietary

asked the President of the Board of Education what effective amendment of Circular 1437, respecting school meals administration, is made by Circular 1443?

The primary purpose of Circular 1443 was to remove misunderstanding which had arisen in regard to the Board's policy. Among other things, it explains the Board's attitude in regard to interim arrangements for the immediate feeding of children recommended for meals, and as to the conditions under which children should be removed from the feeding list.

May we take it that the demand that school children shall show signs of physical damage before school meals may be supplied is ended?

asked the President of the Board of Education whether he has considered the report of the League of Nations' health organisations on diet and health; and what action it is proposed to take?

As the answer is somewhat lengthy, I shall, with the hon. Member's permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

Following is the answer:

I assume that the hon. Member refers to the Report on the Physiological Bases of Nutrition made by the Technical Commission appointed by the Health Committee of the League of Nations. The Board of Education are in agreement with the recommendation of the Commission regarding the provision of milk for children. The practice of providing milk free or at a reduced price, which is recommended by the Commission, is already in operation in this country, and arrangements are also frequently made by local education authorities for the provision of cod liver oil. The recommendations of the Commission as to the need for variety in diet and the importance of fresh vegetables and fruit are borne in mind by the Board's medical officers in investigating the dietary at feeding centres and in residential schools.

asked the President of the Board of Education whether in any and if so, how many, rural districts school children are supplied with raw ungraded milk when quantities of certified milk are produced in the same districts?

I regret that I have no information on this subject. Where raw ungraded milk is supplied under the scheme, the source and quality of the supply must be approved by the county medical officer.

Why should not the best milk be given to children everywhere?

School-Leaving Age

42 and 43.

asked the President of the Board of Education (1) the number of additional certificated teachers, handicraft teachers, and domestic-subject teachers who will be required in the elementary schools of England and Wales during the first year of the rais- ing of the school-leaving age, assuming that the Education Bill is passed into law in its present form;

(2) the number of additional certificated teachers, handicraft teachers, and domestic-subject teachers who will be required in the elementary schools of England and Wales during the third year after the raising of the school-leaving age, assuming that the Education Bill is passed into law in its present form?

I have estimated that, during the third year, about 5,000 extra teachers will be required, but at present it is not possible to divide these into the three categories suggested. I should expect that the average number required during the first year after the appointed day would not exceed one-half of that figure.

Has the right hon. Gentleman had any communication with the authorities for higher education in regard to the desirability of having these teachers trained?

Is the Minister aware that at the present time there is a very great dearth of this class of teacher?

Will he endeavour to provide accommodation for the teaching of such subjects?

All these matters will, of course, have to be considered in connection with the raising of the school-leaving age.

asked the President of the Board of Education in which three elementary education areas in England and Wales in which the present school-leaving age is 14 years the highest average leaving age after 14 is attained, giving the average in each case; and also the three similar areas in which the lowest similar average is attained, giving the average in each area?

I regret that the statistics available do not enable me to give even an approximate answer to the hon. Member's question in the time at my disposal, but I would draw his attention to the Board's List 45, of which I am sending him a copy.

asked the President of the Board of Education the compulsory age for entering school in the various countries in which the compulsory leaving age is above 14 years?

In the countries in which the compulsory leaving-age is above 14 years, the compulsory age for commencing full time attendance at school is eight years in Norway, six years in Switzerland, seven years in Canada and South Africa, and, in the United States of America, six years in two States, seven years in 30 States and eight years in 16 States.

Grants

asked the President of the Board of Education whether, in view of the improved financial position of the country, he can now give an undertaking to restore to local education authorities the minimum grant of one-half of the net expenditure on education which is guaranteed by Section 118, Sub-section (2), of the Education Act, 1921?

Is the Minister aware of the hardship caused to many local education authorities owing to this cut not having been restored, and that in some cases it amounts to as much as three-pence in the pound on the rates; and as this is the only cut still outstanding, will he look into the matter?

I cannot accept my hon. Friend's statement. If he looks through the list of the authorities who are affected by this matter he will find that they are among the most prosperous, and not among what I would call the depressed authorities.

Is the Minister aware that the withdrawal of the 50 per cent. guaranteed minimum was part of the temporary economy cut of 1931, and that the maintenance of the cut is a breach of faith with the local authorities?

No, Sir. The right hon. Gentleman knows quite well that I do not admit that that is so, as I have explained to a deputation.

I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether he is aware that the clerk to the London County Council, who was then Education Officer, has stated specifically that what I have stated is the case?

I was not aware of the fact, but, even so, it would not alter the opinion I have formed upon the evidence which has been supplied to me.

Is not the right hon. Gentleman aware that the towns and education authorities who are suffering are often the well-conducted and not the wealthy ones, and was there not an undertaking that the cuts should be restored when the finances of the country permitted?

No, Sir. It is as well to make it quite clear that that is not the case. If I had in my possession £1,000,000, not to expend on educational improvements but to go into relief of education rates, the towns I should select, and which I think the House would want selected, would be those in the depressed areas rather than the others.

Would not the right hon. Gentleman agree that, on that view of the case, he is trying to relieve the depressed areas at the expense of other local authorities instead of the Treasury?

Would it not have been better if the Government had considered this question of education before giving another £3,000,000 to sugar beet?

Necessitous School Children

asked the President of the Board of Education whether it is the intention of the Government to institute legislation which will enable education authorities to provide clothing and footwear for necessitous school children?

The whole question of the provision of clothing and footwear for necessitous children was raised by a deputation from the Association of Education Committees which I received on 16th January, and I am at present considering it.

Machinery of Government

asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been directed to a report of a speech delivered in Manchester by the Lord President of the Council in which he declared that one of the great problems we shall shortly have to face is that of the reconstruction of the machinery of government; whether this represents the opinion of the Government; and whether he will take the House into his confidence?

The speech to which the hon. Member refers was not made in Manchester, but in London. As was evident from its context, the statement was not made on behalf of the Government, but was purely an expression of the personal opinion of my right hon. Friend the Lord President of the Council, whose great experience of the conduct of government naturally gives special value to any observations he may make on this subject.

Do we understand from that answer that when the Lord President of the Council said "we" he meant himself?

I read the rather truncated report of the speech and the word "I" was far more prominent than "we." Ministers suffer from many disabilities, and I am sure that the hon. Member would be the last to wish to deprive them of the power of giving expression sometimes to their personal opinion. If I may take him into my confidence, I would suggest that if he desires further information a friendly talk with the Lord President of the Council might satisfy him.

When the Lord President of the Council made reference to having new proposals up his sleeve for dealing with the coal industry, are we to understand that he was speaking entirely for himself?

Housing

Associations

52, 53 and 54.

asked the Minister of Health (1) what arrangements are being made to grant subsidy and rate-relief to local authorities who refuse to become part of a housing association but are prepared to undertake the work set forth in the 1930 to 1935 Housing Acts;

(2) whether he will state, in the case of local authorities agreeing to come into the housing association, what is to be the position of the existing staffs;

(3) whether he will state, in the event of the dissolution of a housing association, what will be the position regarding houses completed under the scheme; and whether any burden will be placed on the local authorities after the review of 1937?

The amount of Exchequer assistance for local authorities in the discharge of their obligations under the Housing Acts and the amount of contributions from the rates, are determined by the Acts. When a local authority are able to make arrangements with a housing association there is no obligation on them to make any contribution from the rates, and the terms of the arrangements are a matter for agreement between the authority and the association, with my approval. Any changes in staff would be a question for the consideration of the authority. The review of 1937 will not affect houses completed before the date fixed in that review.

Are we to understand from that reply that local authorities who are not connected with a housing association will not be responsible for the £3 per house?

Flats (Balconies)

asked the Minister of Health whether he is satisfied that the balconies of new blocks of flats that have been erected provide sufficient protection for children against accidents; and, if not, whether he will consider legislation to enforce better protection than now exists?

I have no reason to suppose that balconies to flats are not normally so constructed as to be quite safe for children. If my hon. Friend has any specific case in mind where he thinks insufficient protection is provided, perhaps he will let me have particulars.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that, within a few weeks of one of the new blocks of flats at Sheffield being tenanted, a painful accident occurred; and does he not think that the whole position should be investigated with regard to these blocks of flats?

That is, perhaps, an illustration of the need for inquiry, and I will have inquiry made.

Schemes (Amenities)

asked the Minister of Health whether, in giving his approval to large housing schemes, he will make it a condition that facilities are to be provided for the usual amenities of a community, such as schools, public meeting places, maternity and child welfare centres, and school clinics?

I am anxious to see that every large housing estate should possess facilities of the kind mentioned by the hon. Member, but the matter can, I think, best continue to be dealt with by urging upon local authorities the desirability of such facilities, both in connection with existing estates and with those yet to be laid out.

Fire Protection, London

asked the Minister of Health whether his attention has been called to the increasing fire peril which exists in a large number of old buildings and houses in London; and whether he will consider introducing legislation to amend the London Building Act, 1930, so as to give local authorities power to introduce regulations to bring all buildings erected before 1906 within its provisions?

I would refer the hon. Member to the reply given to a similar question recently put by the hon. Member for Shoreditch (Mr. Thurtle), of which I am sending him a copy.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that many places in the West End have very unsafe fire escapes at the present time, and that the local authorities have no power to take any action?

No, Sir. If the hon. Gentleman will refer to my answer, he will see in it a statement of the powers that the London County Council have.

But is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the smaller councils have no power to take action against the landlords; and, as these fire escapes are unsafe, will he consider introducing legislation or altering the regulations so that they may be made safe?

I have received no representations from the London County Council as to the absence of any powers.

Public Health

Vaccination (Lymph)

asked the Minister of Health whether rabbits are still used in the Government lymph establishment in connection with the production of calf lymph, notwithstanding the opinion of certain vaccination experts that the use of rabbits is probably the cause of the cases of post-vaccinal encephalitis which have followed the use of such lymph in recent years?

Yes, Sir. I am advised that there is no valid evidence to suggest that the use of rabbits in the preparation of lymph has any influence on the occurrence of post-vaccinal encephalitis.

Will the right hon. Gentleman now consider the advisability of closing down this Department of work?

Is it not most undesirable that the vaccine should be transferred from calves to rabbits, in view of the fact that this entirely changes its nature and vastly increases its virulence?

Ambulances

asked the Minister of Health in what circumstances the ambulances of local authorities are permitted to be used for the conveyance of sick persons not suffering from any infectious disease, as well as for cases of acute surgical and medical emergency; whether his attention has been called to the absence of such permission in the case of the Enfield ambulance service; and whether this matter can be reviewed?

A local authority which has provided an ambulance for the conveyance of persons suffering from infectious disease has power to use it for the conveyance of other sick persons with suitable precautions. In Enfield the power of providing ambulances for infectious disease vests in the Joint Hospital Board, and not in the urban district council, and I understand that the council are actively considering means of getting over this difficulty. The Departmental Committee on the Consolidation of the Law relating to Local Government and Public Health have considered the question of the provision of ambulances by local authorities, and have recommended a simplification of the law.

Has the Minister's attention been drawn to the fact that an ambulance was refused to a woman in Bethnal Green, and she had to take her dead baby in a perambulator from her home to the mortuary?

Insanity (Statistics)

asked the Minister of Health the number of persons per 10,000 of the population who were certified insane in the years 1900, 1920, 1930 and 1935, respectively?

The numbers of persons per 10,000 of the population who were certified insane, that is to say, admitted under reception orders, are as follow:

The figure for the year 1935 is not yet available.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say what is the percentage on the Government benches?

Anaesthetics

asked the Minister of Health whether there are any statistics available which show the difference in the mortality rate where gas and oxygen are used as the anaesthetic as against the use of chloroform and ether in municipal and voluntary hospitals?

I am not aware that any statistics of this character are available. Certain information in regard to deaths during or connected with the administration of anaesthetics of all kinds is contained in the Text Volume of the Registrar General's Statistical Review for the year 1933.

asked the Minister of Health, in what number of municipal hospitals and voluntary hospitals, respectively, is gas and oxygen anaesthesia used as a routine anaesthetic for major operations and for midwifery?

Nutrition

asked the Minister of Health whether, in accordance with the resolution on nutrition adopted by the Assembly of the League of Nations on 27th September last, His Majesty's Government has been approached to give particulars as to the measures taken in this country for securing improved nutrition; and, if so, what reply has been sent?

Yes, Sir. A memorandum giving the desired information has been prepared by my Department, in collaboration with the other Departments concerned, and has been sent to the League of Nations.

Is it the intention of the right hon. Gentleman, through his Department or the Government, to publish the report on this matter which was furnished to the Government some time ago?

If the hon. Gentleman is referring to this particular memorandum, I shall be glad to make it available in the Library.

I am referring to the report submitted to the Government by the Advisory Committee.

If the hon. Gentleman wishes to know about another report, perhaps he had better put a question down.

There is no hesitation; I only desire that the hon. Gentleman should be precise in his question.

National Health Insueance

asked the Minister of Health whether his attention has been called to cases in Wiltshire in which doctors have issued certificates without seeing the patients, and chemists have issued deficient prescriptions to members of approved societies; and what action the Wiltshire Insurance Committee and his Department, respectively, have taken in these cases?

In the last three years one case of a doctor who had issued certain certificates without seeing the patient, and six. cases of chemists whose dispensing of test prescriptions was found to be inaccurate, have been reported by the Wiltshire Insurance Committee. The doctor's case has not yet been decided. As to the chemists, in four cases sums varying from 5s. to £2 have been withheld as recommended by the committee, and in the other two cases sums of £l and £2 have been withheld without any such recommendation.

May I take it that the Ministry is reversing in any sense the action of the local insurance committee?

I am not aware of that. If my hon. Friend attaches importance to it, perhaps he will put a question on the Paper.

asked the Minister of Health whether it is his intention to bring within the provisions of the Health Insurance Acts and Pensions Act small shopkeepers, now excluded; and when this is likely to be done?

It is the intention of the Government to introduce a scheme of pensions insurance on a voluntary basis for the benefit of certain classes, including small shopkeepers, who are outside the scope of the existing scheme. As regards the date of introduction of legislation for this purpose, I would refer the hon. Member to the statement which I made in this House on 10th December last, of which I am sending him a copy.

Old Age and Contributory Pensions

asked the Minister of Health whether, in view of the anomalies caused by the operation of the Widows' and Old Age Pensions Act, he will now make arrangements for a review of the whole question of old age pensions; and whether he will consider setting up a committee to inquire into the matter?

No, Sir. The conditions on which old age pensions are payable under the Widows', Orphans' and Old Age Contributory Pensions Acts were carefully defined by Parliament in the Acts themselves, and I do not consider that there is any present necessity for an inquiry into the matter.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that many Government candidates at the last Election pledged themselves to do what they could to remove these anomalies; and will he not, in the interests of the people concerned, consider setting up a committee?

Is not the Minister aware that complaints are coming from all over the country that wives under 65 do not get the pension at the same time as their husbands?

That may be so, but I am asked to appoint a committee of inquiry, and I do not see how that will help.

asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware that Mr. A. H. Bilke, a former principal officer in His Majesty's prison service, case R.O.A. 25,571 and C.A.P. 04,414,237, was accepted as a voluntary contributor by the Civil Service Health Insurance Society, on 17th February, 1930, paying his contributions since that date, and has been recently refused the old age pension at 65; and what were the grounds for refusing the pension, having regard to the fact that he was accepted by the approved society?

It was ascertained, in connection with his claim to an old age pension, that Mr. Bilke had never possessed the statutory qualifications for voluntary insurance, and that his approved society had admitted him in error. In the circumstances I had no option but to reject his claim on the ground that he was not an insured person on attaining the age of 65. The contributions paid in error will be refunded to Mr. Bilke, subject to a deduction for expenses necessarily incurred in connection with his health insurance.

Does the Minister know the grounds upon which the contributions were held to have been paid in error?

asked the Minister of Health whether he will consider the advisability of introducing legislation to provide for the cases of widows who find themselves without a pension through the omission of their husbands to make the necessary payments, by making the woman responsible for that portion of the contribution covering liability for her old age and widow's pension?

The hon. Member is under a misapprehension. The liability to pay contributions arises from employment, and rests on the employer, not on the employed person.

If hardship arises in cases of this kind, will not my right hon. Friend bear it in mind for early attention in some way?

Will the Minister, if he does consider this question, consider the difficulty of making women liable for these payments, in view of the fact that most married women have not a penny in the world except what their husbands choose to dole out to them?

asked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury whether, in the case of an old age pensions officer recommending the payment of a pension, and the pension being subsequently withdrawn or reduced by his Department, the pensions officer is called upon to repay the difference between the figure in his recommendation and that fixed by the Ministry of Health?

I am afraid I do not understand what precisely the hon. Member has in mind. If he will give me full particulars, I will have inquiry made.

Rates (Durham)

asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware of the apprehension in Durham County owing to the burden of local rates; that the rate for public assistance is now nearly 10s. in the £; and what steps the Government propose to take to relieve this depressed area of some of the charges directly attributable to excessive unemployment?

The estimated requirements of the Durham County Council for public assistance in the year 1935–36 is equivalent to a rate of 8s. 6½d. The local authorities in the County are receiving block grants towards this and other expenditure equivalent to a rate of about 10s. 10d., and the further relief to the county council under the Unemployment Assistance Acts is estimated to 'be equivalent to a rate of 1s. 4d. In all, Government grants amount to nearly two-thirds of the total income from rates and grants of the local authorities in the administrative County. Government assistance is also available under the Special Areas (Development and Improvement) Act, 1934.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the public assistance general rate in Durham is much in excess of that in other parts of the country, and will he not consider the provision of a block grant?

As a matter of fact, the block grant is now being considered by the authorities concerned and I have no doubt that Durham County will take steps in that direction.

If they take steps and make their submission, will the right hon. Gentleman give it sympathetic consideration?

Will my right hon. Friend urge the Socialist Durham County Council to be less extravagant?

Public Assistance (Secondappointed Day)

asked the Minister of Health in view of the difficulty which is being experienced by county and county borough councils in framing their public assistance estimates for the ensuing financial year owing to their ignorance of the intentions of the Government with regard to the fixing of the second appointed day, whether he can give any information upon the subject?

Grants are being paid to county and county borough councils which put them as nearly as may be in the same financial position as if the second appointed day had not been postponed. These authorities in framing their public assistance estimates for the ensuing year will, no doubt, be justified in assuming that they will be substantially in the same financial position whatever action is taken in regard to the second appointed day.

Trade and Commerce

Imported Matches

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether his attention has been drawn to the increasing imports of Russian and Belgian matches; and is he prepared to take special steps to restrict imports during the continuance of the price war between those two countries?

My attention has been drawn to this matter, but I am not in a position to take special steps to restrict imports of matches from the countries referred to, other than an alteration of the rates of duty on imported matches. This, however, would be a matter for the Budget, and my hon. and gallant Friend will not expect me to anticipate my Budget decisions.

Paper and Paper Products

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he can arrange to publish a report with regard to the imports, exports, and production of paper and paper products since the conclusion of the trade agreements with the Scandinavian paper-producing countries?

The second part of the report on the Import Duties Act Inquiry (1933), which will be issued early next month, will contain particulars of the production in this country in 1933 of various classes of paper, including wallpaper but no other paper products, with statistics of imports and exports in the same year. Corresponding particulars of production in the year 1934 have been collected and will be published in the course of the next few months. Particulars of the overseas trade in paper and paper products during each of the years 1933, 1934 and 1935 are set out in considerable detail in the issue for December last of the monthly Trade and Navigation Accounts.

Will the right hon. Gentleman arrange for statistics to be published rather more promptly?

Income Tax

Macmillan Committee's Report

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer when the report he has received of the Macmillan Committee on the simplification and codification of the Income Tax law is to be published; and will this report be available to Members before legislation is introduced?

The Committee has not yet reported, but hopes to do so next month; publication of the report will follow in due course. The answer to the last part of the question is in the affirmative.

Am I to understand that the report will be available very shortly after it is published?

Arrears

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether his attention has been called to a recent case in bankruptcy in which arrears of Income Tax and Super-tax payments were stated as being £16,081; whether he can give for 1932–33, 1933–34 and 1934–35 the losses to the revenue due to the inability of the Inland Revenue to recover tax due; whether the number and amount of such failures tend to increase or otherwise; and whether he is satisfied with the procedure of collection?

My attention has been drawn to the case to which the hon. Member refers, though I understand that the amount which the Inland Revenue will claim in bankruptcy will be considerably less than the figure he mentions. The amounts of tax under the administration of the Board of Inland Revenue which are written off annually as irrecoverable on the grounds of bankruptcy or liquidation are set out in the reports of the Comptroller and Auditor-General on the Revenue Departments Appropriation Accounts, to which I would refer the hon. Member. The number of cases of bankruptcy and liquidation will inevitably vary from time to time, but I am satisfied that the Board of Inland Revenue are taking all possible steps to secure the collection of tax at the earliest possible date.

Statistical Information

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he will consider the publication of a statistical monthly journal recording the main current data concerning economic and social affairs, thus supplying in a single publication up-to-date statistical information relating to public well-being obtained or prepared by the respective Government Departments?

I will consider the hon. Member's suggestion, but the arrangements for the publication by the responsible Departments of the various categories of statistics are already extensive and their range is, I think, well known. The publication of a comprehensive monthly abstract would involve considerable duplication and might present some practical difficulty.

Beer

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer the number of bulk and standard barrels of beer pro- duced and retained for consumption in England and in Scotland, respectively, during the calendar year 1935; and also the number of bulk and standard barrels of beer imported into and retained for consumption in the United Kingdom during the same period?

As the answer consists of a statement of figures, I will, with the hon. Member's permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

Following is the answer:

The number of Bulk and Standard Barrels of Beer produced (i.e., charged with duty) in England and Northern Ireland and in Scotland, respectively, during the calendar year 1935 was:

England and Northern Ireland:

15,075,000 Standard Barrels.

20,267,000 Bulk Barrels.

Scotland:

1,179,000 Standard Barrels.

1,538,000 Bulk Barrels.

The number of Bulk and Standard Barrels retained for consumption in the United Kingdom was:

15,968,000 Standard Barrels.

21,509,000 Bulk Barrels.

(NOTE.—Information as to the quantity of home-made beer retained for consumption in England and Northern Ireland and Scotland separately is not available.) The number of Bulk and Standard Barrels of Beer imported into and retained for home consumption in the United Kingdom during the calendar year 1935 was:

Imported:

1,365,000 Standard Barrels.

1,416,000 Bulk Barrels.

Retained for Consumption:

1,327,000 Standard Barrels.

1,384,000 Bulk Barrels.

Minister Without Portfolio

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer on what Vote the salary of the Noble Lord the Member for Hastings (Lord E. Percy) will be borne?

As was the case this year, provision in the new financial year for the salary of the Minister without Portfolio will be made in the Vote for the Treasury and Subordinate Departments.

Government Contracts (Fair Wages Clause)

asked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury whether the terms of the Fair Wages Resolution, passed in the House of Commons in 1910, are applied by his Department to all Government contracts and sub-contracts?

All contracts let by Government Departments to contractors in this country for the supply of stores and the execution of services include a clause embodying the Fair Wages Resolution of the House of Commons of 10th March, 1909, which provides that the contractor, in addition to himself observing the obligations specified in the resolution, shall be responsible for its observance by sub-contractors.

Aviation

Night-Flying Instruction

asked the Undersecretary of State for Air whether any British pilots have been sent by either the Air Ministry or by Imperial Airways to Germany to be taught by German pilots night-flying for air-line operations?

I understand that Imperial Airways have arranged for two of their pilots to go to Berlin to study the methods of operation employed by the Deutsche Lufthansa on night mail services.

Are any facilities for the training of civil pilots in night-flying provided by the right hon. Gentleman's Department?

Imperial Airways ("City of Khartoum")

87 and 88.

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Air (1) the total amount of subsidy paid to Imperial Airways during 1935; and whether he is satisfied that this company possess a sufficient number of flying boats to operate their Mediterranean services;

(2) whether he is aware that the Imperial Airways flying boat "City of Khartoum" was wrecked on a flight from Mirabella to Alexandria, resulting in several passengers being drowned, and that on the same evening a sister flying boat the "City of Stonehaven," flying also from Mirabella to Alexandria, arrived at her moorings with only enough petrol in her tanks for 12 minutes flying after a journey which usually takes about 5¼ hours flying; and whether it is the usual practice for Imperial Airways to work on this narrow margin on all their services, including their Paris to London service?

The total amount of subsidy paid in the calendar year 1935 was £446,000. As regards the remaining points, I would refer my hon. Friend to the replies I gave on the 6th instant to my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Penrith and Cockermouth (Captain Dower), and on the 12th instant to my hon. Friend the Member for Frome (Mrs. Tate).

Am I to understand that a full explanation of this lamentable accident will be laid before the House in due course?

Can my right hon. and gallant Friend say whether the evidence itself will be available as well as the conclusions?

Only the conclusions, as is the case with other accidents in this country.

Will my right hon. Friend, in view of the public misgivings which may or may not be justified in this case, reconsider the usual rule of procedure and publish the evidence?

I think that this accident will be treated like any accident over this country. All accidents are very serious.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that, owing to the state of misgiving, this accident is not regarded by the public as an ordinary accident, and therefore in justice to the company itself, if it is not guilty of any carelessness, will he reconsider the matter in this particular instance?

I quite see the point of my hon. and gallant Friend, but I cannot say anything, more at this moment while the matter is still sub judice.

Will my right hon. Friend be in a position later to answer this question and other questions tabled on this point?

High Court of Justice (Official Shorthand Writers)

asked the Attorney-General whether any decision has been reached as to the appointment of official shorthand writers in the High Court of Justice, as recommended by the Royal Commission on the Despatch of Business at Common Law, in paragraph 254 of their report?

I have been asked to reply. The Lord Chancellor is arranging for the appointment of a small committee to deal with what the Royal Commission described as the "technical and administrative problems to be solved. "The composition of the committee will be announced as soon as replies have been received from those who have been invited to serve upon it.

Business of Courts Committee (Patents)

asked the Attorney-General whether it is proposed to set up a committee, as recommended by the Business of Courts Committee, at paragraph 36 of their final report, to consider whether want of subject matter should be a statutory ground of objection to the grant of a patent?

I have been asked to reply. My right hon. and learned Friend does not read the recommendation of the Business of Courts Committee on this matter to be that a committee should be set up to deal with it. The Lord Chancellor is in communication with the Board of Trade upon this and such other questions arising upon the report of the committee as concern the Board of Trade.

Company Promotion

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether his attention has been drawn to the recent case of Maurice Singer; and whether he will take steps to make the employment of the designation bank by company promoters illegal?

My attention has been drawn to the case to which my hon. and gallant Friend refers. The question of imposing restrictions on the use of the word "bank" in the title of a company has been noted for investigation when the amendment of the Companies Act is under consideration.

Mercantile Marine

British Shipping (Assistance) Act

asked the President of the Board of Trade the names of the vessels in respect of which subsidies have been paid under the British Shipping (Assistance) Act, the names of their owners, and the amounts of subsidies, respectively?

The payments of subsidy made to date are interim payments only. I am considering in what form information as to the distribution of the subsidy can be best made public when the final payments have been made.

Ships (Transference)

asked the President of the Board of Trade what number of British ships have been transferred to the German flag within the last six months; and whether he is aware that pressure is being brought upon the owners of British ships engaged in German trade to make such transfers?

The number of vessels transferred from the British to the German flag during the six months, August, 1935, to January, 1936, was two. The answer to the second part of the question is in the negative.

Business of the House

May I ask the Prime Minister whether he will state the business arranged for next week?

Monday. Committee stage of the Milk (Extension of Temporary Provisions) Money Resolution, and, if there is time, Committee stage of the Unemployment (Northern Ireland Agreement) Money Resolution; and Second Reading of the Pensions (Governors of Dominions, etc.) Bill.

Tuesday. Second Reading of the Education (Scotland) Bill; and Report stage of the Milk (Extension of Temporary Provisions) Money Resolution.

Wednesday. Private Members' Motions.

Thursday. Second Reading of the British Shipping (Continuance of Subsidy) Bill, until 7.30 p.m.; and afterwards, Second Reading of the Milk (Extension of Temporary Provisions) Bill.

Friday. Private Members' Bills.

On any day, if there is time, other Orders may be taken.

Can my right hon. Friend give us some information about the course of the Debate to-morrow. At what point in the Debate do the Government propose to give their guidance to the House?

Friday, of course, is private Member's day, and the Government would wish to hear the views of hon. Members as to the proposal which will then be under discussion. My right hon. Friend the Minister without Portfolio will speak for the Government, and will intervene in the Debate at a time which appears to be most convenient to the House.

May I remind my right hon. Friend that the character and course of the Debate will be extensively affected by the view which the Government take of the proposals, and will he not consider whether it would not be fair to the House to let them know the view of the Government before the Debate is too far advanced?

With his long experience of the House, my right hon. Friend will understand my reluctance on a Debate to pin myself down to a particular hour, but when I tell him my views I think he will be satisfied. I always regard the Debate on private Bills as one in which the private Member should first of all state his views and then, without too long an interval, if it be a matter of policy, the Government should express their view on the main question at such time as will leave ample time for further speeches by private Members.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether he has received any indication that the right hon. Member for

Epping (Mr. Churchill) will speak in the Debate to-morrow.

Is it not an unusual procedure for private Members to ask the Government when they are to reply on the Debate, and also will hon. Members in future be allowed to put the same question for guidance on other private Bills?

Motion made, and Question put,

"That the Proceedings on Government Business be exempted, at this day's Sitting, from the provisions of the Standing Order (Sittings of the House)."—[ The Prime Minister. ]

The House divided: Ayes, 280; Noes, 133.

Division No. 40.]

AYES.

[3.50 p.m.

Acland-Troyte, Lt.-Col. G. J.

Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston S.

Guest, Maj. Hon. O.(C'mb'rw'll, N. W.)

Adams, S. V. T. (Leeds, W.)

Clarke, F. E.

Guinness, T. L. E. B.

Agnew, Lieut.-Comdr. P. G.

Clarry, Sir R. G.

Gunston, Capt. D. W.

Albery, I. J.

Cobb, Sir C. S.

Guy, J. C. M.

Allen, Lt.-Col. Sir W. J. (Armagh)

Colfox, Major W. P.

Hamilton, Sir G. C.

Amery, Rt. Hon. I. C. M. S.

Collins, Rt. Hon. Sir G. P.

Hanbury, Sir C.

Anderson, Sir A. Garrett (C. of Ldn.)

Colville, Lt.-Col. D. J.

Hannah, I. C.

Anstruther-Gray, W. J.

Cooke, J. D. (Hammersmith, S.)

Hannon, Sir P. J. H.

Apsley, Lord

Cooper, Rt. Hn. A. Duff (W'st'r S. G'gs)

Harbord, A.

Assheton, R.

Cooper, Rt. Hn. T. M. (E'nburgh, W.)

Hartington, Marquess of

Astor, Visc'tess (Plymouth, Sutton)

Courtauld, Major J. S.

Harvey, G.

Astor, Hon. W. W. (Fulham, E.)

Craddock, Sir R. H.

Haslam, H. C. (Horncastle)

Atholl, Duchess of

Cranborne, Viscount

Heneage, Lieut.-Colonel A. P.

Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

Crooke, J. S.

Hepburn, P. G. T. Buchan-

Balfour, G. (Hampstead)

Crookshank, Capt. H. F. C.

Hepworth, J.

Balfour, Capt. H. H. (Isle of Thanet)

Cross, R. H.

Herbert, A. P. (Oxford U.)

Balniel, Lord

Crowder, J. F. E.

Herbert, Major J. A. (Monmouth)

Baxter, A. Beverley

Cruddas, Col. B.

Hills, Major Rt. Hon. J. W. (Ripon)

Beaumont, Hon R. E. B. (Portsm'h)

Culverwell, C. T.

Holmes, J. S.

Beit, Sir A. L.

Davies, Major G. F. (Yeovil)

Hope, Captain Hon. A. O. J.

Bennett, Capt. Sir E. N.

Davison, Sir W. H.

Hopkinson, A.

Bernays, R. H.

De la B ère, R.

Horsbrugh, Florence

Birchall, Sir J. D.

Denman, Hon. R. D.

Howitt, Dr. A. B.

Bird, Sir R. B.

Denville, Alfred

Hudson, Capt. A. U. M. (Hack., N.)

Blair, Sir R.

Despencer-Robertson, Major J. A. F.

Hudson, R. S. (Southport)

Blindell, Sir J.

Dodd, J. S.

Hulbert, N. J.

Borodale, Viscount

Donner, P. W.

Hume, Sir G. H.

Bossom, A. C.

Dorman-Smith, Major R. H.

Hunter, T.

Boulton, W. W.

Dower, Capt. A. V. G.

Jackson, Sir H.

Bowater, Col. Sir T. Vansittart

Duckworth, G. A. V. (Salop)

James, Wing-Commander A. W.

Bower, Comdr. R. T.

Duckworth, W. R. (Moss Side)

Jarvis, Sir J. J.

Bowyer, Capt. Sir G. E. W.

Dugdale, Major T. L.

Joel, D. J. B.

Boyce, H. Leslie

Duncan, J. A. L.

Keeling, E. H.

Boyd-Carpenter, Major Sir A. B.

Dunglass, Lord

Kerr, H. W. (Oldham)

Briscoe, Capt. R. G.

Dunne, P. R. R.

Kerr, J. Graham (Scottish Univs.)

Brocklebank, C. E. R.

Elliot, Rt. Hon. W. E.

Kimball, L.

Brown, Rt. Hon. E. (Leith)

Ellis, Sir G.

Kirkpatrick, W. M.

Brown, Brig.-Gen. H. c. (Newbury)

Elmley, Viscount

Knox, Major-General Sir A. W. F.

Browne, A. C. (Belfast, W.)

Emmott, C. E. G. C.

Lamb, Sir J. Q.

Bull, B. B.

Emrys-Evans, P. V.

Lambert, Rt. Hon. G.

Bullock, Capt. M.

Entwistle, C. F.

Latham, Sir P.

Burghley, Lord

Errington, E.

Leckie, J. A.

Burgin, Dr. E. L.

Evans, Capt. A. (Cardiff, S.)

Leech, Dr. J. W.

Caine, G. R. Hall-

Everard, W. L.

Leigh, Sir J.

Campbell, Sir E. T.

Findlay, Sir E.

Lennox-Boyd, A. T. L.

Cartland, J. R. H.

Fraser, Capt. Sir I.

Levy, T.

Carver, Major W. H.

Fremantle, Sir F. E.

Lindsay, K. M.

Cary, R. A.

Ganzoni, Sir J.

Llewellin, Lieut.-Col. J. J.

Cautley, Sir H. S.

Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir J.

Lloyd, G. W.

Cazalet, Thelma (Islington, E.)

Glyn, Major Sir R. G. C.

Locker- Lampson, Comdr. O. S.

Cazalet, Capt V. A. (Chippenham)

Goodman, Col. A. W.

Loder, Captain Hon. J. de V.

Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. Sir A. (Br. W.)

Graham, Captain A. C. (Wirral)

Loftus, P. C.

Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. N. (Edgb't'n)

Grattan-Doyle, Sir N.

Lumley, Capt. L. R.

Channon, H.

Gretton, Col. Rt. Hon. J.

MacAndrew, Lt.-Col. Sir C. G.

Chapman, A. (Rutherglen)

Grigg, Sir E. W. M.

MacDonald, Rt. Hn. J. R. (Scot. U.)

Christie, J. A.

Grimston, R. V.

McEwen, Capt. H. J. F.

McKie, J. H.

Ponsonby, Col. C. E.

Stanley, Rt. Hon. Lord (Fylde)

Maclay, Hon. J. P.

Power, Sir J. C.

Stanley, Rt. Hon. Oliver (W'm'l'd)

Macnamara, Capt. J. R. J.

Preston, Sir W. R.

Stewart, J. Henderson (Fife, E.)

Magnay, T.

Purbrick, R.

Strauss, E. A. (Southwark, N.)

Maitland, A.

Raikes, H. V. A. M.

Strauss, H. G. (Norwich)

Makins, Brig.-Gen. E.

Ramsay, Captain A. H. M.

Strickland, Captain W. F.

Manningham-Buller, Sir M.

Ramsbotham, H.

Stuart, Hon. J. (Moray and Nairn)

Margesson, Capt. Bt. Hon. H. D. R.

Ramsden, Sir E.

Sueter, Rear-Admiral Sir M. F.

Mason, Lt.-Col. Hon. G. K. M.

Rathbone, Eleanor (English Univ's.)

Sutcliffe, H.

Maxwell, S. A.

Rathbone, J. R. (Bodmin)

Tasker, Sir R. I.

Mayhew, Lt.-Col. J.

Rayner, Major R. H.

Tate, Mavis C.

Mellor, Sir J. S. P. (Tamworth)

Reed, A. C. (Exeter)

Taylor, C. S. (Eastbourne)

Mills, Sir F. (Leyton, E.)

Reid, Sir D. D. (Down)

Taylor, Vice-Adm. E. A. (Padd., S.)

Mills, Major J. D. (New Forest)

Remer, J. R.

Thomas, J. P. I. (Hereford)

Mitchell, H. (Brentford and Chiswick)

Rickards, G. W. (Skipton)

Touche, G. C.

Mitchell, Sir W. Lane (Streatham)

Robinson, J. R. (Blackpool)

Tree, A. R. I. F.

Mitcheson, Sir G. G.

Ropner, Colonel L.

Tryon, Major Rt. Hon. G. C.

Moore, Lieut.-Col. T. C. R.

Ross Taylor, W. (Woodbridge)

Tufnell, Lieut.-Com. R. L.

Moore-Brabazon, Lt.-Col. J. T. C.

Rowlands, G.

Turton, R. H.

Moreing, A. C. Morgan, R. H.

Ruggles-Brise, Colonel Sir E. A.

Walker-Smith, Sir J.

Morgan, R. H.

Runciman, Rt. Hon. W.

Wallace, Captain Euan

Morris, O. T. (Cardiff, E.)

Russell, A. West (Tynemouth)

Ward, Irene (Wallsend)

Morris-Jones, Dr. J. H.

Russell, R. J. (Eddisbury)

Warrender, Sir V.

Morrison, G. A. (Scottish Univ's.)

Salmon, Sir I.

Waterhouse, Captain C.

Morrison, W. S. (Cirencester)

Salt, E. W.

Wayland, Sir W. A.

Muirhead, Lt.-Col. A. J.

Samuel, Sir A. M. (Farnham)

Wedderburn, H. J. S.

Munro, P. M.

Samuel, M. R. A. (Putney)

Wells, S. R.

Neven-Spence, Maj. B. H.

Sandys, E. D.

Wickham, Lt.-Col. E. T. R.

Nicolson, Hon. H. G.

Sassoon, Rt. Hon. Sir P.

Williams, H. G. (Croydon, S.)

O'Neill, Major Rt. Hon. Sir Hugh

Savery, Servington

Willoughby de Eresby, Lord

Ormsby-Gore, Rt. Hon. W. G.

Scott, Lord William

Wilson, Lt.-Col. Sir A. T. (Hitchin)

Orr-Ewing, I. L.

Shute, Colonel Sir J. J.

Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel G.

Palmer, G. E. H.

Simon, Rt. Hon. Sir J. A.

Wood, Rt. Hon. Sir Kingsley

Patrick, C. M.

Sinclair, Col. T. (Queen's U. B'lf'st),

Young, A. S. I. (Partick)

Peake, O.

Smith, Sir R. W. (Aberdeen)

Percy, Rt. Hon. Lord E.

Somervell, Sir D. B. (Crewe)

TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—

Perkins, W. R. D.

Somerville, A. A. (Windsor)

Sir George Penny and Lieut.-Colonel

Pickthorn, K. W. M.

Southby, Comdr. A. R. J.

Sir A. Lambert Ward.

Pilkington, R.

Spender-Clay, Lt.-CI. Rt. Hn. H. H.

NOES.

Acland, R. T. D. (Barnstaple)

Hall, G. H. (Aberdare)

Owen, Major G.

Adams, D. (Consett)

Hall, J. H. (Whitechapel)

Paling, W.

Adams, D. M. (Poplar, S.)

Hardie, G. D.

Parkinson, J. A.

Adamson, W. M.

Harris, Sir P. A.

Pethick-Lawrence, F. W.

Alexander, Bt. Hon. A. V. (H'lsbr.)

Henderson, J. (Ardwick)

Potts, J.

Ammon, C. G.

Henderson, T. (Tradeston)

Price, M. P.

Anderson, F. (Whitehaven)

Holdsworth, H.

Quibell, J. D.

Attlee, Rt. Hon. C. R.

Holland, A.

Richards, R. (Wrexham)

Banfield, J. W.

Hollins, A.

Riley, B.

Barr, J.

Jagger, J.

Ritson, J.

Batey, J.

Jenkins, A. (Pontypool)

Roberts, Rt. Hon. F. O. (W. Brom.)

Bellenger, F.

Jenkins, Sir W. (Neath)

Roberts, W. (Cumberland, N.)

Benson, G.

John, W.

Rowson, G.

Bromfield, W.

Johnston, Rt. Hon. T.

Salter, Dr. A.

Brooke, W.

Jones, A. C. (Shipley)

Seely, Sir H. M.

Brown, C. (Mansfield)

Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly)

Sexton, T. M.

Buchanan, G.

Kelly, W. T.

Shinwell, E.

Burke, W. A.

Kennedy, Rt. Hon. T.

Short, A.

Charleton, H. C.

Kirby, B. V.

Silverman, S. S.

Chater, D.

Lansbury, Rt. Hon. G.

Sinclair, Rt. Hon. Sir A. (C'thn's)

Clynes, Rt. Hon. J. R.

Lathan, G.

Smith, Ben (Rotherhithe)

Compton. J.

Leach, W.

Smith, E. (Stoke)

Cove, W. G.

Lee, F.

Smith, Rt. Hon. H. B. Lees- (K'ly)

Daggar, G.

Leonard, W.

Smith, T. (Normanton)

Dalton, H.

Leslie, J. R.

Stephen, C.

Davidson, J. J. (Maryhill)

Logan, D. G.

Stewart, W. J. (H'ght'n-le-Sp'ng)

Davies, D. I. (Pontypridd)

Lunn, W.

Taylor, R. J. (Morpeth)

Davies, R. J. (Westhoughton)

Macdonald, G. (Ince)

Thorne, W.

Davies, S. O. (Merthyr)

McGhee, H. G.

Thurtle, E.

Day, H.

McGovern, J.

Tinker, J. J.

Dobble, W.

MacLaren, A.

Viant, S. P.

Dunn, E. (Rother Valley)

Maclean, N.

Walkden, A. G.

Ede, J. C.

MacNeill, weir, L.

Walker, J.

Edwards, A. (Middlesbrough E.)

Mainwaring, W. H.

Watkins, F. C.

Edwards, Sir c. (Bedwellty)

Mander, G. le M.

Watson, W. McL.

Evans, E. (Univ. of Wales)

Marklew, E.

Welsh, J. C.

Fletcher, Lt.-Comdr. R. T. H.

Marshall, F.

Westwood, J.

Foot, D. M.

Mathers, G.

White, H. Graham

Frankel, D.

Maxton, J.

Williams, E. J. (Ogmore)

Gallacher, W.

Greenwood, Rt. Hon. A.

Williams, T. (Don Valley)

Gardner, B. W.

Messer, F.

Wilson, C. H. (Attercliffe)

Gibbins, J.

Montague, F.

Woods, G. S. (Finsbury)

Green, W. H. (Deptford)

Morrison, Rt. Hon. H. (Ha'kn'y, S.)

Young, Sir R. (Newton)

Grenfell, D. R.

Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.)

Griffiths, G. A. (Hemsworth)

Oliver, G. H.

TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—

Mr. Whiteley and Mr. Groves.

Members Sworn

Several Members took and subscribed the Oath.

Message from the Lords

That they have passed a Bill, intituled, "An Act to empower voluntary hospitals in pursuance of Orders of the Charity Commissioners to provide accommodation and treatment for paying patients." [Voluntary Hospitals (Paying Patients) Bill [ Lords. ]

Selection (Standing Committees)

Standing Committee A

Sir Henry Cautley reported from the Committee of Selection; That they had added the following Twenty-five Members to Standing Committee A (in respect of the Unemployment Insurance (Agriculture) Bill): Mr. Acland, Duchess of Atholl, Brigadier-General Clifton Brown, Mr. Ernest Brown, Mr. Cape, Lieut.-Colonel Colville, Major Dorman-Smith, Lord Dunglass, Captain Gunston, Major Herbert, Mr. Hunter, Sir Percy Hurd, Mr. Jenkins, Sir Joseph Lamb, Mr. Law-son, Lieut.-Colonel Muirhead, Dr. Peters, Mr. Price, Mr. Ramsbotham, Sir Thomas Rosbotham, Colonel Sir Edward Ruggles-Brise, Mr. T. Smith, The Solicitor-General, Mrs. Tate, and Mr. T. Williams.

Standing Committee D

Sir Henry Cautley further reported from the Committee; That they had discharged the following Member from Standing Committee D: Sir Alfred Beit; and had appointed in substitution: Mr. Charles Taylor.

Sir Henry Cautley further reported from the Committee; That they had discharged the following Members from Standing Committee D (added in respect of the Sugar Industry (Reorganisation) Bill): Sir John Ganzoni and Mr. Thurtle; and had appointed in substitution: Mr. Boulton and Mr. MacLaren.

Reports to lie upon the Table.

Standing Orders

Resolution

"That, in the case of the Cirencester Gas, Petition for Bill, the Standing Orders ought to be dispensed with: —That the parties be permitted to proceed with their Bill."

Resolution agreed to.

Orders of the Day

Education Bill

Order for Second Reading read.

I beg to move, "That the Bill be now read a Second time."

Hon. Members will recollect that before the General Election the Government issued a long and detailed manifesto setting out their programme with regard to education. In that manifesto is was possible for them to deal with the whole field of education, with medical services and physical training, with nursery schools and classes, with the provisions for technical education and with secondary and adult education. It was possible then, when presenting a programme, to present it as a coherent whole. It is unfortunate that now, when it comes to the implementing of that programme, it is no longer possible to present it as a whole and to give an opportunity to the House to debate it as a general plan. Those parts of the programme which were administrative in character can, of course, be, and have in fact been, done by Circular. Those parts which require fresh powers must, of course, receive the legislative assent of this House. With regard to the administrative part I have already issued two Circulars, a general Circular No. 1444, and a Circular dealing with physical training, and I think I can say without fear of contradiction that the policy initiated in these Circulars has been welcomed by those responsible for education administration throughout the country. What remains to be done now is that part of the plan which cannot be done by administrative means and which requires legislative sanction.

This Bill falls naturally into four parts. One part deals with the actual raising of the school age; the second with the provisions with regard to non-provided schools; the third relates to certain provisions with regard to religious instruction; and the fourth part consists of machinery Clauses necessitated by the passage of the Bill. I propose, and I think it will be for the convenience of the House, to deal separately with each of these parts, because although there is a thread of connection running through them they lend themselves to separate treatment. I shall be as short as possible, but there is a great deal of ground to be covered, a great deal of explanation to be given, and I hope, therefore, that the House will be patient with me.

First, I deal with the first six Clauses of the Bill, which relate to the actual raising of the school age. Here it is relevant to make a preliminary comment. I have seen in some newspapers, not, I must own, papers that I ever suspect of undue regard for accuracy, that the provisions of this Bill are in some nature a breach of the Government's pledge at the Election. There could be no statement made with regard to the Election programme and the subsequent performances of the Government which could be made with less foundation than is that statement. The principles which govern the first part of this Bill were set forth not only in the Government programme but in the education manifesto which accompanied it, with the utmost detail and clarity. Every principle set out in that manifesto is reproduced in this Bill, and it is idle to say that we are not carrying out both the letter and the spirit of that pledge. In fact, I would say the contrary, that if we were to introduce any other Measure, if we were to adopt suggestions made by hon. Members opposite, there are many hundreds of thousands of electors who could say, and say with justice, that we were not being true to the pledges that we had given.

Let me now turn to the Bill itself. The first Clause starts with the necessary provisions for the raising of the age in the Education Act from 14 to 15 years. In doing so, the principle is established and for the first time placed upon the Statute Book, of 15 as the statutory age in this country. Of the benefits of that and of the historic effect I will speak later. There is one passage in Clause 1 to which I should draw attention. Sub-section (4) lays down that the raising of the age is not to apply to children born before 1st December, 1925. The reason for that is quite obvious. Some provision of that kind would have had to be put in whatever the date fixed for the coming into effect of the Bill, in order to make certain that a child who perhaps had left school for six or nine months before the date of the Bill coming into operation but who was still under the age of 15, was not suddenly brought back to school under the operation of the Bill.

The actual date inserted depends, of course, upon the date fixed for the bringing into operation of the provisions of the Bill. Therefore, it may be convenient if I deal now with the date that has been fixed and the reason for so fixing it. The date fixed is 1st September, 1939. If hon. Members will look at Clauses 14 and 15 they will see it set out there. The reason for fixing that date, after a very considerable delay—a delay which was foreshadowed in the Election programme of the Government, because we did not intend in any way to deceive the electors on the point—is obvious to anyone who has had experience of educational administration. I do not believe that it would be possible for the vast majority of education authorities, especially those who are faced with the more difficult problems—it is obvious that in fixing a date we cannot consider only those, whose problems can be dealt with most quickly —to be ready for the raising of the age before that date. First of all there is the task of the provision of buildings. That in itself, in the case of many authorities with small staffs who are not able to carry out a lot of building at the same time, is a task of very considerable magnitude.

Then there is the question of the training of teachers. At Question Time to-day questions were put to me by an hon. Member who is particularly experienced in these matters—questions which showed the magnitude of the problem which faces them. In my answer I estimated that as soon as the Act came into operation we should require something like 2,500 additional teachers and that within a year or two of its coming into operation that number will be doubled. Hon. Members will realise that it is not just teachers we want. It is teachers who are trained for the particular job they will have to do, teachers who are competent and fit for the senior school and for the older age. The task of training that extra set of teachers is in itself one of considerable importance. Then, thirdly and by no means the least important, is what I believe to be the vital necessity not for completing but at any rate of going a very long way towards the completion of the reorganisation of senior schools before the school-leaving age is raised. I think it is the opinion of most people interested in education that the addition of an extra year to the school age without reorganisation is of very little educational advantage.

In that connection, in these problems, particularly those of the provision of buildings and reorganisation, when considering the length of time it will take to complete them it is relevant to consider the position of the voluntary schools and the part that they have to play in the preparation for the raising of the age. If hon. Members will look at Clause 7, Sub-section (2) they will see set out the time-limit for the preparation, the agreement on schemes submitted by the non-provided schools for this purpose. On going into the matter, I felt that it was impossible to provide a period of less than three years if the voluntary schools were to make effective use of the assistance which this Bill is intended to give them before the date on which the school age was to be raised. The period which had to be allowed to them was divided into two parts. You must first of all give them time to think out their proposals, to make their plans and to submit them to the local authorities. You must then have a substantial period of time for negotiation between the local authorities and the managers, for agreement upon the proposals submitted, and finally for progress to be made and the actual work begun and completed. I am sure that it would be impossible for voluntary schools to make any effective use of the assistance under the Bill in a shorter period than that which I have named. But the House, of course, will realise that the date of the operation of this Clause is the date upon which all authorities must bring into force the provisions of the Bill. There is nothing to prevent any authority whose preparations are completed before, whose problems are easier or whose performance of their duties is more swift, using the bylaw procedure to bring the raising of the school age into operation in their area at an earlier date. I have already received, since notice of the Bill was given, an application from an authority to do so, and it will be the policy of the Board to encourage any authorities who desire to make use of that procedure to give them permission so to do if we are satisfied that the necessary preparation has been made.

I come now to what, I believe, is by far the most contentious part of the Bill, and that is Clause 2, which deals with the whole problem of exemptions. I propose to deal at a later stage in my speech with the principle underlying exemptions and the reason why this is the method which the Government have adopted. At this point I only want to explain the provisions of the Clause and detail to the House the machinery by which these exemptions are to be worked. First of all I should like to make this general explanation—that the exemption for employment which is proposed is to be a particular exemption, that is to say, it is not a general exemption for children in general and for employment in general. It is to be given to a particular child for a particular employment. That is to be done after consultation with the Juvenile Employment Committee and done, of course, by the education authority, which has already in its possession the school medical history and report upon the child and its capacity. I emphasise that a local authority in this capacity will he acting in a quasi-judicial manner. It will not be possible for a local authority to act on its own political ideas or its own educational ideas, either to give a general issue of exemption certificates or to make a general refusal to give them. Each case will have to be considered and judged on its own merits.

I do not think that the term "beneficial employment" is difficult to define and understand. The term "beneficial employment" is not new. Anyone who studies the numerous bylaws made in the pre-1918 period, when exemptions were permissible under the school-leaving age of 14, will find that the term "beneficial employment" was generally used and generally administered, and, as far as I know, without great difficulty, certainly with the result, as everyone knows, of a progressive reduction in exemptions and finally in the abolition of exemptions altogether. But I can see that there is a serious controversy, and one which has got to be seriously met, as to the method you should adopt in dealing with the question of beneficial employment. Should you adopt the method which we have adopted in the Bill of leaving it undefined but setting out the considerations which local authorities should have in their minds when coming to a decision as to whether a particular employment is beneficial or not; or should you adopt the method of trying to give some central definition, or at any rate some statutory guidance, as to the particular jobs of employment which should or should not be regarded as beneficial? It is clear that there is a great deal to be said for both arguments, and that it is one upon which we have to make up our minds.

The difficulty that I feel, and the reason therefore why I have not adopted the method of central definition and statutory regulation is this: We are dealing here with the case of the individual child and the individual job, and in the majority of cases the decisive factor as to whether the particular employment is beneficial or not is not the classification of the job but its conditions; not what the job is called, but whether it leads to further opportunities for the child, what are the conditions of hours and wages and the opportunities for recreation, leisure and education. I believe that you find very few jobs which you would never in any circumstances be able to say were beneficial. In almost every instance it would depend upon the particular conditions and prospects which it offered for the future. Take what are loosely called blind-alley jobs. You cannot define a blind-alley job as a particular trade. In the same trade, in the same job, in one factory it might be a blind-alley occupation, and in the other might lead to regular and permanent work. It does not depend on the classification of the job but much more on the organisation of the factory, the number of adult jobs available and the probability of the child progressing from the job as a juvenile to permanent employment as an adult.

It is the same with what are loosely called unregulated trades. The trades are not in themselves bad, but they are unregulated. It is not the work done which is the cause of complaint; it is the hours that are worked and the opportunities a child gets for leisure and recreation. Under this particular Clause local authorities will have power to see that no trade into which a child is allowed to enter is any longer an un- regulated trade, because as a condition of exemption the local authority will be able to regulate its conditions and wages. Although that is not a strictly educational point, yet as a by-product of this Bill a good many authorities will welcome the power which the Clause will give them to deal with what in some of our great cities has been the crying evil of unregulated employment. It would be perfectly possible to make a list of employments which were bad in all circumstances. There is such a list in existence; some employments are prohibited to all children while still at school, but that list would be short, and I do not contemplate that there is any local authority in the country who, whether that list was in the Bill or not, would ever grant exemptions for employment in these particular trades. But there is this great danger about putting in a list; a danger which is known at the Bar as inclusio unius exclusio alterius —the inclusion of one leading people often to believe that the others are excluded. There is a great danger that if you include in the Bill a list of this kind as employment which must not be regarded as beneficial, authorities will tend to regard anything which does not fall within that list as beneficial and, therefore, employment for which exemption can be given. Quite frankly, it is because I thought the inclusion of such a list would react not to the advantage but to the disadvantage of those who want to see this exemption Clause carefully scrutinised and restricted that I have adopted the method which is found in the Clause.

Let me say a word about two points of machinery in the Clause. One is the proviso to Sub-section (2). Under that it is possible for a local authority, even when it is satisfied that the employment for which exemption has been claimed is beneficial and that a certificate ought to be granted, to hold up the certificate until the end of the term. There are, of course, many who say that this is not quite fair, that exemptions, if they are granted, should never be granted in term time. But there is this difficulty, that if you adopt the principle of exemption, if you hold, as we do, that in certain circumstances exemption should be given for beneficial employment, the difficulty is that in the middle of term the one job which is the most beneficial might come along. It might really give a chance of further training, might be a benefit to the child, and yet the local authority would have to refuse the child permission, the job would be lost to the child, and a fortnight later, when the term is over, the child might take a job which was on all grounds not as desirable as the one they had refused. On the other hand, we want t) do everything we can to encourage the orderly entry of recruits into industry, to encourage the much more careful planning which is now being done by industry of their future requirements of labour, and to do nothing which will tend to get us back to the haphazard method of olden times. That is why we think it is necessary in this case to give power and discretion to the local authorities.

The other point is in Sub-section (6). It has always been a complaint under the by-law procedure by local authorities that it has been impossible for them effectively to administer their by-laws, because they are an oasis of educational progress in an educational desert, that the jobs which they refused to allow their children to enter were immediately filled by children from surrounding areas. Under Subsection (6) we have provided machinery to protect the jobs in one area against the incursion of children from another area. If any local authority is asked for exemption for employment in an area other than its own, it has to refer that inquiry to the area where the employment is to be found, and the local authority of that area can put a veto on the exemption if the employment is such that this authority would not give an exemption at all. I think that provides a real safeguard for areas against the operation of other local authorities contiguous to them.

I will now deal with the question of varying standards. The Clause regarding this matter is really the highly controversial part of the Bill. It lays down both the principles and the effective machinery for exemptions under the Bill. The principle of exemptions was put before the country at the General Election, and is one for which, if ever it can be said that a party gets a mandate for a particular thing, we got a mandate. [ Interruption. ] I will quote from what we said:

I turn now to the remaining Clauses of the Bill. Clause 3 deals with the machinery we have adopted. The exemption for a particular job and the certificate of exemption will lapse on the completion of the employment for which it is given. Similarly, if any of the conditions on which the exemption is granted are broken, the certificate may be withdrawn. Clause 4 provides for cases in which certificates have been withdrawn or have lapsed. It provides that the child can either return to school or be trained in other educational establishments by the local authorities. I do not think there will be many cases of that nature, because I do not think the local authorities will give an exemption unless they are convinced that the job is a permanent one. It is clear, however, that although it might be possible for a child who has been in industry only for a week or so to go back to school, it would be impossible for a child who has been out for six or nine months to return to school for the two or three months that remain. I do not think any teacher would like to see a child return in those circumstances. We have, therefore, given power to the local authorities to provide alternative educational training.

Clause 5 deals with a different point, the release of children, under exceptional circumstances, for assistance in the home. Hon. Members will realise that this Clause does not involve any question of employment for wages. I agree that this provision does not appear in the existing law up to the age of 14, but there is nobody who has had any experience of educational administration who does not know that in fact it happens. These cases of exceptional hardship arise and the local authorities deal with them simply by turning a blind eye to them. I felt that if that happens, as we all know it does, and if it is going to happen, as we all know it will, it is much better to have formal recognition by law than to make the local authorities turn a blind eye to their statutory duties in order to meet cases which arise. Clause 6 deals merely with the machinery for carrying out the provisions of ' the Children Act in the case of those children who have fallen out of employment.

The financial effects of the Bill are clearly set out in the Financial Memorandum which it attached to it, but it is clear that before any estimate of the financial effects of the Measure can be arrived at, there must be some estimate of its general effect upon the school-leaving age. I will tell the House the basis upon which the estimate at which we have arrived has been worked out. First of all, we compared those areas where the school-leaving age has been raised by by-laws with the general average of the country. In reply to the hon. Baronet the Member for South-West Bethnal Green (Sir P. Harris), before Christmas I gave some figures with regard to the percentage of exemptions. Hon. Members will realise that those figures do not give a true or accurate picture of the effects of the raising of the school-leaving age, because they take no account of the period of the year at which the exemption is granted. Whether the exemption be granted during the first days or during the last days of the year, it still counts as one exemption when the percentage of employment is reckoned.

The fairest way is to compare the effects of the raising of the school-leaving age in the by-law areas with the general average in the country by taking the average leaving age of the children in the schools. The average school-leaving age for children all over England and Wales is 14 years three months. Taking the bylaw areas of East Suffolk, Cornwall, Plymouth, Chesterfield and Bath—which are the only ones for which I have figures for the complete year—and leaving out Carnarvon, which would have given an unfairly favourable result from my point of view, we find that in the five areas in question the average school-leaving age is 14 years 6 months, compared with 14 years 3 months in the country as a whole. The raising of the school-leaving age in those five areas has therefore had the effect of raising the average by three months. Hon. Members will realise, however, that the by-law procedure and the machinery with which the by-law areas work is very different from, and in many cases less stringent than, the provisions of this Bill. For instance, in those areas exemptions may be given for any class of employment, there is no definition, and there is not even an indication of what the authorities are to have in mind. No protection is granted to the area against surrounding areas, as is given in the Bill, and there is no power to suspend exemptions, as is given in the Bill. Two other facts have also to be taken into consideration in estimating the general effects in comparison with the effects in the by-law areas. The first is that the five areas to which I have referred are areas in which employment is comparatively good; at any rate, they do not include any of the really depressed areas where employment is bad, where beneficial employment will be hard to find and where exemptions will consequently be numerous.

I am obliged to the hon. Member. The second fact is the incentive and the assistance which are being given by the Bill and the administrative measures to reorganisation, and to the profound effect which I believe that will have upon the number of children who stay until a later age. Therefore, we estimate quite fairly that the age, which is 14 years 3 months in the country as a whole, and which in the bylaw areas has become 14 years 6 months, will be raised by the provisions of this Bill, when applied to the country as a whole, to an average of 14 years 9 months. Despite any criticism that may be made as to the effectiveness of this Bill, I believe that a Measure which increases by six months the average school-leaving age of 500,000 children, and brings that average age up to 14 years 9 months, is not only a substantial measure of educational progress in itself, but comes very near to the 15 years which hon. Members have in mind.

I should like now to deal briefly with the objections to the Bill. There are two classes of objectors. In the first place, there are those who say that the whole thing is reactionary, that it is a backward step in education, that there is nothing of any merit in it, and who oppose it root-and-branch. I do not think I need waste much time on objectors of that kind. First, such objections are quite contrary to the facts. If anybody wants to see what can and what has been done in a by-law area, I would advise him to read an article which appeared in the "Schoolmaster" of 23rd January, 1936, by the Education Officer of Chesterfield, an area where the by-law has been in operation. That gentleman would prefer a general raising of the school-leaving age, with maintenance allowances. It is for that reason that I attach even more importance to his account of what has and what can be done under the bylaw, because he approaches the question with impartiality and without bias. In that article hon. Members will find a very definite refutation of the charge that this Bill will not mean any educational advance. In any case, if the objections to which I have referred are justified, why are they being put forward only now? The by-law procedure has been in operation for some years. I have looked up a great many Debates in this House on education, and I have read speeches on education which have been made elsewhere, and their whole trend has been to put pressure on local authorities to make use of the by-laws, to adopt the principle of raising the school age with exemptions, and to ask the Board to encourage them and to accept their proposals.

A year or two ago the hon. Baronet the Member for South-West Bethnal Green, a man with very long experience in education and a very keen interest in it, introduced in this House a private Member's Bill which contained the principle of raising the school-leaving age with exemptions. The hon. Member who is going to wind up spoke on that occasion. He said that half a loaf is better than no bread, and he advised hon. Members behind him to support the Bill in the Lobby, and, with their usual loyalty to party discipline, they all did so. In fact, I am certain that if the Government had decided that they were going to do nothing at all towards raising the school-leaving age, and some hon. Member, say, on that side had been lucky in the ballot for a Friday and was introducing the Bill which we are now discussing, which the Government were resisting, there is no hon. Member opposite who would not at the conclusion of the Debate be found trooping into the Lobby in support of it after protests against the reactionary Government which had refused this measure of educational progress.

But the second class of objector is much more difficult and much more formidable, because much more restrained in his arguments, and he is one therefore who has to be met with careful argument in return. He is the man who admits that this Bill contains possibilities of substantial educational advance. He admits that the establishment of the principle is in itself a great gain and that the lengthening of the average school life of so many children is in itself a great gain, and he believes that the ladder upon which we are now setting our foot must end, and inevitably end, in the complete raising of the age. He admits all these things, but he says we ought to go far beyond this, that the time is ripe, not for a partial advance, but for the whole journey. I have indicated the three arguments upon which I have relied. I would have dealt in ordinary circumstances with the question of maintenance allowances, but that was discussed in the House yesterday, when arguments against it were advanced and the decision upon it was taken, and I will only say that I, personally, do not hold the view that it is practicable or possible to have an immediate, complete raising of the school age with no maintenance allowances and no exemptions.

The second argument I have used is that this raising of the school age immediately, however desirable it may be, does involve great social as well as great industrial changes. It does mean that in millions of homes the whole basis upon which their economies are to be planned, and upon which they will be looking to the future is suddenly altered, and it does, of course, mean that, in so far as industry is concerned, a whole year of recruitment is suddenly removed, that the real problem of recruitment arises, and that in some areas and some industries problems of real magnitude and difficulty have to be faced. It is the fact that this sudden shock is involved in the raising of the school age which I believe explains the measures which have always been adopted in the past when an occasion has arrived for the school age to be raised. It has never been done by one sudden, single step. From the, first establishment of compulsory school attendance the age has always been raised by exactly the methods which are adopted in this Bill, the principle of raising the age with exemptions, and of those exemptions gradually getting less and less until the age becomes completely accepted —first of all the age of 13 with exemptions only after 11, and then only after 12; then the age raised to 14, still with exemptions after 12; till finally, in the Fisher Act, those exemptions were abolished and the age was left at 14.

No, because by that time the age had been raised 18 years before with exemptions, and those exemptions gradually got less and less until, in the Fisher Act, they were abolished. The fact that it has always been done that way is one of the explanations why never before have we heard this argument for maintenance allowances in connection with the raising of the school age. It is quite possible that by that method we have managed to reduce the gap which has always existed and which exists to-day between the opinion of educational experts and the general public opinion in the country.

The third argument I should advance would be an educational argument. Perhaps hon. Members will think I am rash, and I know they will be able to oppose to me the opinions of educational administrators, of teachers, and of educational publicists. On my side I must confess that I have never taught anybody and possibly have not learned very much, but perhaps it is the same in education as elsewhere, that the outsider, if he does not see most of the game, at least does get a wider view of the field. I will admit the administrative argument. I will admit that to raise the school age without exemptions is, from the point of view of administration, much easier, much neater, and presents many fewer difficulties and problems, but I do not think we can take administrative convenience as the only argument that ought to be used. It is not a bad thing if we remember sometimes that administration exists for the people and not the people for administration. I will admit too that statistically the success of such a measure must be complete. All those who measure the educational advance purely in terms of statistics would be satisfied. Every child under 15 in the country would be in some sort of school doing something or other.

I agree that my way is not so easy, is not so neat, is not so quick, but it is going to be a great deal more worth while. It is after all a challenge to education. The possibility of the success of the scheme depends on being really able to convince the parents of what I do not believe at the moment they are convinced, that in many schools with many curricula that extra year between 14 and 15 is really worth while, that it is really going to make a permanent effect upon the future lives and prospects and happiness of their children. You may, of course, be able to buy off their opposition with maintenance grants—it depends how big they are and how widely they are distributed—but I do not believe that, even so, they are going to regard this extra year as something which is really beneficial to the child. Many people must know schools in which the education is such, in which the facilities are such, that they would not conscientiously go to a parent and tell him that an extra year in that school was going really to be of lasting benefit to the child.

We, the Board of Education, are prepared and anxious to help in that task by increasing the grants for building and for transport, by pressing on in every way we can the work of reorganisation. We want to help the authorities in that way. I believe that that challenge can be met now, as it has been met in the past. I believe that the parents can be convinced that this method can succeed. Raise the school age by your way, and you will have the children in schools, kept there by the school attendance officer and the magistrate; raise it by our way, and you will have them kept there by the wishes of the parent and the interests of the child.

Now I want to pass—and I apologise to the House for what is, I am afraid, a lengthy explanation—to the very important question of the non-provided schools. Many memories, perhaps, in this House can go back to the terrible controversies on religious education in 1902, and many will remember the storms of that year. For many years since, the position which was reached in 1902, if not agreed to, has been largely acquiesced in by the interests concerned, but of late years two new factors have emerged. Each in itself would have been important, but the fact that the two have come together is what has created an emergency, and the two factors are this new system of reorganisation into junior and senior schools and this question of the raising of the school age. That such an emergency existed was recognised by my predecessor, Sir Charles Trevelyan, when he was dealing with this similar matter in the period of the Labour Government. I do not want to recall the controversies of those few months. Suffice it to say that Sir Charles Trevelyan tried for agreement between the respective interests. He tried energetically and sincerely, but without success. He did leave to any successor whose unfortunate duty it should be to try to tackle this problem again an invaluable legacy.

That legacy was the report of a conference held at the Board of Education between all the interests concerned in January, 1931, to try to hammer out some proposals upon which they could all agree. Proposals were submitted to them, they were amended, and they have finally been published in a White Paper which is available to all hon. Members. It is true that though no complete agreement was reached, yet to those proposals representatives of the Church of England, the Roman Catholic Church, the local authorities, and the teachers set their hands, not in complete agreement, but providing, as they said, a plan which they believed would be acceptable to the interests which they represented. The Government have had the advantage of those proposals. My predecessor and myself have had the advantage of talks with the various leaders of the various interests, and with that knowledge at our disposal, knowing, as everyone must know, the difficulties and the demands, knowing what everybody wants, and believing that they know what people are prepared to accept, the Government have taken the responsibility themselves of putting forward a plan which is believed to be fair and just to the parties concerned, which they do not pretend to be a great new solution to this problem, but which they say can and will meet the sudden emergency which has arisen; and they submit it to the House hoping that it will be possible for agreement to be found upon this Measure and that the educational progress which has only too long been held up by these unfortunate differences, however sincerely held they may be, may now take place.

This plan is set out in Clauses 7 and 8 of the Bill. It will be sufficient, I think, if I say that they are based in general upon the plan of this White Paper, that powers are given to make agreements between local authorities and the managers of non-provided schools, that those agreements must be confined to provision for senior children necessitated either by the raising of the school age or by reorganisation, that there are only two differences between the plan of the Bill and the plan of the White Paper on which the Church of England, the Roman Catholics, and the local authorities at any rate agreed—first, that this provision is in certain circumstances extended to new schools under limited conditions, and secondly, that, as I have already explained to the House, it is limited to an emergency period within which proposals can be submitted and agreement can be arrived at. Clause 8 deals with some of the conditions which may be inserted in the agreement. The most important of them, of course, is that which deals with what is called the reserved teacher, that is, the teacher who is fit and competent to give religious instruction. The agreement may specify how many there are to be and what posts they are to hold.

In Clause 9 we see what is the effect of the reservation of teachers. The Clause sets out the position of the teacher when this agreement has been arrived at. When a grant is given the teacher comes into the service of the local education authority, and if he is a reserved teacher in accordance with the terms of the agreement, he can only be appointed after consultation with and after satisfying the managers of the school. I have in this Bill chosen the middle of three alternatives which were actually given in the White Paper proposals. I have done that because I am advised that it is on this one of the three alternatives that probably nearly all agreements will be concluded. With regard to dismissal, there again the managers have the right, with regard to reserved teachers, of approaching the local authority; and in cases of disagreement, both on appointment and dismissal, there is power of reference to the Board, which can decide on appeal. Clause 10 deals with a compensation which, important in itself, is more of a committee point.

Clauses 11 and 12 make certain alterations in the provisions with respect to religious instruction. Both these Clauses are based upon proposals in the White Paper, and it is interesting to note that they were not included in the proposals as originally put before the conference by the Board of Education, but were added by the conference itself. Although that conference was confidential and I do not know what went on there, one is entitled to assume that the churches which were present added these provisions as a token of good will to each other. It is important to note that Clause 11 is not a Clause of general application, but one which applies only to what we call single school areas, that is, an area in which there is a school to which a child must go because there is no other to which its parents can conveniently send it. It provides that in a single school area where there is a denominational school, if the parents of the child express a desire for undenominational religious instruction, that instruction shall be given by the managers, or, if the managers for some reason find themselves unable or unwilling to provide it, the local authority shall do it themselves.

Let me make again this point. This is the result of a voluntary agreement between the churches at this conference, and it applies only to the single school area, which is a problem mainly of Church of England schools because, so far as I can ascertain, there are only about 12 or 13 Catholic schools in single school areas affecting 500 or 600 children.

The hon. Member is wrong. This agreement is included in the White Paper, to which, on behalf of the Catholics, the late Cardinal, the Archbishop of Cardiff, Mr. Scurr and Mr. F. Blundell set their names as being an agreement they were prepared to recommend to their constituents as a reasonable settlement. Clause 12 is an extension of the Anson by-law. I need not explain what that by-law is to members who are so familiar with it. It is a by-law which can at present be adopted by local authorities. This Clause makes its adoption compulsory on all authorities. I need not deal with the other Clauses. They are machinery Clauses and Clauses consequential on those with which I have dealt, and any points of detail on them can be dealt with in Committee. There is only this further point I want to make about the provisions for voluntary schools and religious instruction. If this scheme is to work, it can only work by the good will of the people concerned, by a mutual good will and a mutual desire to get these things done for the benefit of the children. Whatever people's feelings or desires, I do hope that during the progress of the Bill nothing will be said or done to arouse the old bitterness, to leave that bitterness lingering after the passage of the Bill and to defeat, therefore, the very ends for which this Bill is intended.

I recommend the Bill to the House because I believe that it plays an important part in the important plan of a general educational advance which has been presented by the Government. It may not go as far as some people wish. It certainly does not go so far as some of us see as a future hope and ideal, but it does make a real and substantial step in educational progress. Is it not on the whole rather wonderful that, in the circumstances of the world to-day, we should be discussing such a thing here? If we were to leave these shores for Europe or Asia or Africa or America, and visit the cabinets and chambers and hear their discussions and debates, we should hear a lot about wars and revolts, we should hear a lot about restrictions and retrenchment, about crises and censorship, but I wonder where else we should find a discussion on an educational advance? It is something, indeed, of which to be proud that we should find that discussion here, under a democracy, under a Parliament and under a National Government.

5.8 p.m.

I beg to move, to leave out from "That" to the end of the Question, and to add instead thereof:

I now come to the Amendment and to the fundamental feature of the Bill. The right hon. Gentleman made a speech which was a work of art, and he referred to the Government's election manifesto, which, I agree, contained a great many elevating sentiments. There is no subject which lends itself with such fatal facility to eloquent disquisitions as education, and I am going to try to show that if you take the general tone of the Government's manifesto and compare it with the contents of the Bill, you see how wide a gap there is between election rhetoric and reality.

This Bill, I suppose, has been looked forward to by practical educational administrators with more eagerness than any other similar scheme for years. Now that it has appeared, I do not think it can be denied that it has been received by administrators with disillusionment and dismay, which now really amount to disgust. We do not speak in the same light-hearted way as the right hon. Gentleman of the views of men and women who devote the whole of their lives to educational administration. We on this side are here as spokesmen of Labour, but we are also the spokesmen of the vast majority of educational opinion throughout the land. There was a meeting last Monday of the Association of Education Authorities, which, I believe, was unprecedented in our educational history. This Association contains far more Conservatives than Labour men, and at the meeting of 450 representatives, with only 16 dissentients, it passed a resolution supporting the principles of our Amendment, thus showing that in the educational world the Government stand for a minute reactionary minority.

The right hon. Gentleman kept on saying that these proposals for exemptions were put before the country at the General Election, but the Election manifesto did not describe the kind of conditions under which the exemptions were to be given. It merely said that they were to be given in cases of employment where such employment might start a child on a permanent career. Certainly if you define your exemptions on that basis I can understand that the number of exemptions will represent a comparatively small proportion. As a matter of fact, in spite of that definition, it was noticeable that by far the most experienced administrators in this country stated—I think the very first to say so was Sir Percy Jackson—that they were convinced that when this Bill was operated the number of exemptions that would have to be granted would be sc great as to defeat its main purpose. Now that the Bill is before us we are in a position to examine which of those two anticipations is more likely in the end to be right.

As the right hon. Gentleman said, there is no definition in the Bill of "beneficial employment." There are laid down, I think eight different principles, but as he frankly said, the definition is being left to each local authority to settle for itself. The Government estimate that under those conditions 50 per cent. of the children will obtain exemptions from local authorities. But when you have given exemptions to 50 per cent. of the children how are you going to stop it at that point? There will be jealousy among parents. There will be competition among parents. I am talking about the normal parents. The right hon. Gentleman referred to parents who care for their children, and I can understand parents making sacrifices, if it were universal, if it were the same all round. But when a father sees his neighbour's son bringing home each week from 12s. 6d. to £1, when he sees the son of his neighbour perhaps getting the job which he would like his own boy to have, when he sees that exemption is a kind of privilege, how are you going to prevent parents, far outside the range of 50 per cent., putting in applications? How do you answer the statement of practical administrators that when they are faced with that situation in the localities they will find the pressure almost irresistible?

I noticed the right hon. Gentleman's explanation of the difficulty with regard to neighbouring authorities, but I do not think that is going to overcome the difficulty of varying standards between local authorities and the temptation to a child who is under an authority with a high standard, to go across the road to an authority with a lower standard. The right hon. Gentleman does not meet that difficulty at all. Early in his remarks he made some statements which showed that the actual practical difficulty of local authorities in administering this Bill is going to be greater than they have up to the present anticipated. He was careful to point out that there must be a particular exemption for each particular child and that no general principles must be laid down. In London, the Education Committee, in, consultation with their officials, have made a calculation that if the Act is going to be administered in this way, if the eight tests in the Bill have to be met, and these eight different conditions fulfilled, they will have to examine how far these eight tests apply in each case to about 40,000 children, a year. In those circumstances, apart from the appointment of the enormously increased number of officials which will be necessary, I do not believe the Bill is going to be administratively practicable.

I do not wish to deal with this subject merely in a debating spirit, but I am bound to say that practically the whole of the right hon. Gentleman's speech was answered from the Treasury Bench in the Debate of two years ago by the late Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Education, who, if he had not been transferred to another office would, I suppose, have been compelled to answer his own speech to-night. I cannot read the whole of the speech of the former Parliamentary Secretary to the Board but let me point out to the House some of the passages in it because they supply a- complete answer to the speech of the right hon. Gentleman to-day. He said: and satisfactory according to the ordinary ideas of the area. That is what will happen, whether that employment is in a laundry, or in domestic service as a maid-of-all-work, or in a shop, or in a mill, or in a coal-mine. I do not think the right hon. Gentleman will deny that that is what will finally happen. That is, as a matter of fact, the explanation which he himself gave when he was asked by his own constituents what all this really meant. This is how he reduced the Act to ordinary working, and I read it because it seems to be a sensible reply to the question:

Taking all this into account, I think it fair to argue that the calculation of the very careful educational correspondent of the "Times" on this Bill, which is that the proportion of exemp- tions will be 85 per cent., is likely to be truer than the calculation of the right hon. Gentleman. If the calculation of the "Times" is right, I ask hon. Members to note the position which we have reached. The right hon. Gentleman said that in the past proposals to raise the school age had always been accompanied by a provision for exemptions. What a handicap those provisions have always proved. Consider the time it has taken to carry out those proposals—a generation in some cases. All experience shows that once the principle of exemption has been admitted it becomes increasingly difficult to get parents to give it up. The history to which the right hon. Gentleman has referred us shows that where exemptions have been begun, it has taken over 30 years before an Act has finally been passed for the clean raising of the school age without the impediments of exemptions.

We can understand then why local education authorities look upon the Bill with dismay. They see a Bill which is going to raise the school age for a minority of children and as the demand for child labour increases and as suitable jobs grow more numerous, for a dwindling minority of children. In return for that the Bill is accompanied by these exemptions, which put off the full fruition of this reform, according to the previous experience of this country, for a full generation. The right hon. Gentleman referred to the provisions of the Bill which enable a local authority to "regulate," as he called it, the employment of juvenile labour throughout its area. I am not sure that the local authority will be able to do it. Has a local authority to inspect all industries to see that each of these eight provisions has been carried out in the case of every child employed? In that case how many more officials will have to be appointed? So far as that part of the Bill is concerned, we are glad to see it, but this is not a Bill for the regulation of juvenile employment but an education Bill, and the right hon. Gentleman is not entitled to use one series of very vaguely-defined reforms in order to limit another reform for which the demand is just as great.

The second part of the Amendment deals with the Hadow Report, and says that the principle of secondary education for all is not carried out. The Hadow Report lays down the doctrine that in these new senior schools the education, though it may be different in kind, should be equal in quality to the education in secondary and grammar schools. The Bill makes no financial provision for that at all, even including the administrative changes which the right hon. Gentleman mentioned. It will still remain in fact that, roughly, the expenditure per head per child in a senior school will be about half that in a secondary school, and the expenditure on equipment will be about a quarter.

The Hadow Report dealt specially with a class of children to whom the Government's Election manifesto referred, children who are below the average—I do not mean mentally deficient children. The manifesto says that such children might be better out of school, might do better if given employment at the age of 14. That is utterly at variance with the spirit of the Hadow Report. The Report insists that the proper way of dealing with children of varying capacity is not to turn some of them out of school at an age when they are physically undeveloped and not fully equipped intellectually, but to give them teaching of varying types, and say that that can be done in a good modern school.

Will the right hon. Gentleman say where in that manifesto there is any mention of the desirability of getting backward children out of the schools?

As I said, this was an Election manifesto. Let us turn it into real terms. What can be plainer than this?

"For many children retention in school is not necessarily the best thing."

Finally I come to the heart of the Hadow Report, the fourth year. The whole intention of the Hadow Report was that the fourth year at school should be the culmination, the climax, of the child's career. As they believe, and as every teacher says, that last year is more important and more valuable than any other year in the school life. Now the children are to have a fourth year; but what kind of a fourth year will it be? To begin with, I doubt whether, with the number of children left in the schools, we can even put them into a new class unless we are to have a system which is very inefficient economically. Teachers tell me that children of that age do not think they are getting on unless they are put into a new class. Apart from that, education is a thing of the spirit, and unless children of this age—fairly mature, 14 to 15—take to school with willingness and zest school life becomes a burden. What kind of willingness is a boy left at school likely to show when he sees his friend earning 12s. 6d. to £l a week? His friend gets a suitable job, but he does not. What kind of spirit will there be in a school when those who are left see the class dwindling out of existence term after term as children pass into beneficial employment? We are only justified in asking the children and their parents to make a sacrifice of this extra year if we give them an adequate return at school, and that means that the fourth year ought to be the best, but under this Bill it will be the most worthless of all.

There was a discussion yesterday of maintenance allowances, and we expressed our opinion on State maintenance allowance, but I understand that we are in order in dealing with the special case raised by the decision of the Board with regard to Barrow. Under Section 24 of the Act of 1921 local education authorities have the right to give maintenance allowances to children between 14 and 15 years of age. That right was exercised by Carnarvonshire. The school age was raised by by-law some years ago and Carnarvonshire exercised that right. Barrow raised the school age by by-law and proceeded to exercise the same right, but were told by the Board of Education that they would not be eligible for grant; so, by administrative decree, the Board have now decided not only to oppose State maintenance grants but to prevent local authorities, at their own discretion, giving maintenance grants.

In the discussion yesterday a good many rather ingenious arguments were used to show that it was anomalous to give maintenance allowances in the case of compulsory education. Here is a serious argument which was not met yesterday. We are, for all practical pur- poses, giving maintenance allowances for extended education to the children of the comfortably off and the wealthy, but refusing it to the children of the workers and the poor. That is the greatest anomaly of all, far greater than these theoretical anomalies about compulsory extension and voluntary extension which were raised yesterday. I suppose that four-fifths of the Members of this House have received maintenance allowances for the education of their children, and just about the same amount as was proposed in Sir Charles Trevelyan's Bill. Those who pay Income Tax get an exemption on £50 of income in respect of a child up to 16 years of age. If the child's education is continued after it is 16 that exemption is continued so long as the education goes on. It is an exemption of 4s. 6d. in the £, and it comes to between 4s. and 5s. a week. The working classes cannot get exemption in this way, because they do not pay Income Tax, though they pay a very large proportion of taxation. A man with £3 a week pays a larger percentage of taxation than a man with £500 a year, but he pays through Customs and Excise Duties and taxes on food. The only way of putting the two men in the same position is by giving the maintenance allowance which we propose.

I think the position with regard to this Debate and the question of maintenance allowances ought to be made clear. When the right hon. Gentleman rose I thought he wished to discuss a certain point of administration under the existing law, but we must remember that yesterday the House, by a positive Resolution, decided that no State maintenance allowances should be granted. I am afraid that every Member of the House must be bound by that decision, and that it will not be in order to do more than make a passing reference to State maintenance grants.

I have covered the ground of the Amendment which we proposed. Finally, I would say that I suppose that all of us who have taken any interest in this Bill have met with educational administrators who have given their whole lives to education and who, for years, have been looking forward to this Bill. I have had more conversations with Conservative education administrators than with those who support this party, and I have found that, although a man's political outlook may be very different from my own, when he is dealing with the education of children he becomes mellowed, because he finds that children in the mass are about the only cheerful and cheery element left in this increasingly insane world. They have been men who cared about the future of the country—and the future of the country is in His Majesty's elementary schools—and it is on their behalf and in their name that we act as spokesmen in this Amendment, which expresses dismay at the tragic anticlimax of the Bill.

5.47 p.m.

After the very learned and instructive explanation given by the right hon. Gentleman the President of the Board of Education and the equally interesting speech delivered by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Keighley (Mr. Lees-Smith), I rise with a great deal of diffidence to address this House for the first time. I sincerely trust that my interest in education and my real concern for its beneficial development will ensure for me that sympathetic consideration which the hon. Members of this House ever extend to new Members. As one who has been for many years both member and chairman of an education authority, and as a member of the executive of the Association of Education Commitees of England, Wales and Northern Ireland, I cordially welcome the Bill, because I feel that it is an important step forward in the educational history of this country. The statutory recognition of the raising of the school age to 15 is one of those great steps which will mean much in the history of this country. I welcome also the developments which lie about this Bill. In the 12 months' additional education for young people there is great social and educational promise.

I regret—indeed, I deplore—that so many of these benefits will be taken from countless numbers of children by reason of the exemption Clause in the Bill. I fear that the area of benefit will be contracted to very small dimensions by the operations of this Clause. In industrial areas when there is a shortage of juvenile labour, I fear that the exemptions will be so great that huge crowds of children will be under grave disadvantage compared with the children of other areas. Whatever definition of beneficial employment may be reached, the administration of that Clause will bring tremendous difficulty to administration by the educational authorities, but the greatest difficulty of all will be the consideration of those innumerable cases in which a so-called beneficial employment may be offered to the child when his real and permanent interests lie with his continued, education at school.

Between the years 14 and 15, critical ages in the life of a child, it is very much better that children should be under the supervision of those who are responsible for the educational, cultural and spiritual direction of their young lives. Thousands of parents, in harsh economic conditions at the present time, will feel that they are compelled to sacrifice the future benefit of their children for the pressing needs of the present. I am profoundly sorry that the policy of the Bill does, in effect, disable local authorities from coming to the rescue with maintenance grants for children for whom continued education is the real and permanent good and present employment their future ill.

I would like to draw the attention of hon. Members to the fact that as far back as 1907 an Administrative Provisions Bill was passed by this House which gave the power to local authorities to administer maintenance grants to parents of necessitous children from the age of 12 upwards. That Administrative Provisions Act has been incorporated in every subsequent Education Act, and it no v appears on the Statute Book as Section 24 of the Education Act of 1921. Those who are interested in education know that successive Governments and succeeding Presidents of the Board of Education have, by a series of instructions and regulations, caused Section 24 of the 1921 Act to become virtually a dead letter. I would plead that if the Government are not prepared to impose a general obligation to attend school up to 15 years and to provide maintenance grants to enable necessitous children to have the benefit of this continued education, they should make it possible for Section 24 of the 1921 Act to live, to function, and to perform the service for which this House placed it on the Statute Book. I can imagine no better Amendment to this Bill, short of the general elimination of the exemption Clause, than a provision which would enable local authorities to award such maintenance grants in cases where the lasting benefit of children lies in their continued education. If the Government should become partners with the local authorities in the provision of money for this purpose, they would be united in a great humanitarian cause.

This is the weak part of the Bill. This is the part of the Bill which, in my conviction as a loyal supporter of the Government, will, I regret to say, largely cancel the benefits and the good intentions with which the Government started out on their educational policy. I want them to remember that these children are taken from school between 14 and 15 years of age to employment which is not so beneficial, in most cases, as their remaining under the supervision of the education authorities. Those children will never have a chance of making up for that loss of education, because the stream of life will have passed the mill. The Association of Education Committees, which numbers 270 of the 300 educational authorities of the country, has, time and again and with complete unanimity, declared itself in favour of the raising of the school-leaving-age to 15 without exemption. I would like to read a resolution which was passed by that body on Monday last. It is as follows:

I congratulate respectfully the President of the Board of Education on the proposals for further aid for the development of non-provided school buildings. I congratulate him with even more fervour on the very bold yet reasonable proposals relating to the appointment of teachers in non-provided schools. In these respects the Bill will be an admirable contribution to the solution of the very real financial troubles which beset the managers of non-provided schools, and will enable them to put their buildings into such order that they will be able reasonably to fall in with that advancement of the cause of education which I hope will be rapid when this Bill becomes law.

I am glad that reference is made in the Bill to the question of religious instruction in schools, because I am convinced that we require a broader interpretation of the teaching of religion in our schools, and it is here that the non-provided schools have done such an enormous and lasting good to this country. I am afraid that, if we do not permit the varying shades of religious conviction to be dealt with in our schools in a much wider manner than is the case at the present moment, there will be a great danger of our becoming like the totalitarian States of Germany and Russia, with a kind of rigid State code of ethics, which I think is devastating to the morals of the children. May I also say that in the appreciation of the spiritual matters taught in the school lies a strong barrier which will prevent the growth—the increasing growth, I am sorry to say—of juvenile delinquencies, which are giving very serious thought to all who are interested in the young life of the country. In the large cities and urban districts, where there are many non-provided schools, religious difficulties are not so much of an obstacle to the development of which I am speaking, but in the little village school, the small school in a rural area, with a little common sense and sweet reasonableness a good many of these obstacles can be overcome.

I should like to draw the attention of the House to the fact that many of the Anglican Church people and many of the Roman Catholics are taking up an attitude in relation to this Bill which seems to them to be a little unfair, and I am going to leave this matter for the consideration of the House, because I think it is of importance in connection with the success of the Bill. One of the chief bones of contention seems to be that a non-provided school must provide Cowper-Temple religious instruction while no equivalent regulation is laid down that a council school must provide denominational instruction where no denominational school is available. Logically it seems to me that there is something in this position—that what is fair to one is fair to another, and what is unfair for one is unfair for another. I do, however, congratulate the President of the Board of Education on the strong advancement in education that is enunciated in this Bill. I am strongly in favour of a diversity of type of instruction fitted to the varying needs of our growing population—a variety of type both in secular and in religious instruction; and I welcome the Government's action in putting education in the forefront of their programme. I thank you, Sir, and I thank the House, for the kind consideration with which you have listened to my maiden speech.

6.6 p.m.

:It is my duty and my great pleasure to congratulate the hon. Member for Moss Side (Mr. W. E. Duckworth) on his interesting and important maiden speech. He speaks with great knowledge of this subject, and he has the great advantage of practical experience as an administrator. Moreover, his speech showed originality of thought, independence of judgment, and a wide comprehension of the difficulties of carrying out the Bill. My only regret is that, although the President of the Board of Education is now in his place, he had not the advantage of hearing the hon. Member's speech. He would certainly have profited by it. I hope that he will study it carefully to-morrow morning in the OFFICIAL REPORT. It will show him that this Bill, which he so eloquently explained to the House, is not beyond criticism. It may be simple and easy in theory, but, as the hon. Member for Moss Side, as an administrator, has pointed out, it will be extraordinarily difficult to carry out. Like-the hon. Member, I wish the right hon. Gentleman well. I have watched his career with great interest. He has held a great variety of offices. I much regret his apparent failure as Minister of Labour, because I consider that he was made responsible for an Act of Parliament of which, really, he was not the author. We know that it largely broke down, not in theory but in practice, owing to the difficulty of carrying out the regulations. I am most anxious that the right hon. Gentleman should not be the whipping boy, the scapegoat of the Government.

I am glad that he has had an opportunity of dealing with this extremely difficult problem and of giving his name to an Act of Parliament on education, but I am afraid he is walking on very thorny ground. I thought that the strongest part of his case was his claim to have built up his Bill largely on a modest effort of mine some three years ago. It is extraordinary how hon. Members in search of fame always incline to come to this modest little Bench. Apparently my Noble Friend the Minister without Portfolio also wishes to claim some credit, but the President of the Board of Education was good enough to give me the full credit; at any rate I was partly responsible. I had the honour of bringing that Bill forward, and apparently the right hon. Gentleman said that, if it was good enough for the hon. Member for South-West Bethnal Green, it must be good enough for the House of Commons. I would remind my right hon. Friend, however, that I was very much limited. I was then, and am now, a mere private Member, and I was confined by the Standing Orders of the House, which are very strict. I could introduce no Bill that involved a charge on public funds. It is no use the right hon. Gentleman shaking his head; that is a favourite trick of his in trying to scare nervous inexperienced people; but, although I may be inexperienced, at any rate in this House, I am not going to be put off by a shake of his head. I maintain that I was strictly limited by the Standing Orders of the House, and could introduce no Bill that added to the financial charges.

That was the real secret of my Bill. I wanted to make a demonstration, a step forward if possible, and that was the only form of Bill that I could introduce. That was in 1933, at a time of great financial stringency, and things do not stand still. What was good in 1933 is not necessarily good enough in 1936. But the Bill was examined, it was put under the microscope by the very experienced and able colleague of the right hon. Gentleman, who, for some reason or another, has now been transferred to a pleasanter and happier field, having been pushed out of the Board of Education into the Ministry of Agriculture. He advised the House to reject my Bill because he was convinced, or his officials were convinced, that it was unworkable. He described it in the following very pregnant phrases:

The President, with great ingenuity, has endeavoured to explain those percentages away and by some acute calculation has been able to show that really, because the ages are spread over a long period, in actual practice the exemptions are not so large. But these are pioneer districts which are very keen on raising the school age and which must have had a strong public opinion. It is no use the Noble Lord shaking his head. I have had as much practice in local administration as he has. It is reasonable to assume that those areas had a strong public backing for the change. The authorities were responsible to the local electorate and, therefore, there was a real likelihood of the percentages being as low as in any other part of the country. But in actual practice what happens? The great majority of parents must have endeavoured to take advantage of the exemptions. The hon. Member who spoke last referred to the universal opinion of all local education authorities. We cannot ignore the administrators. The right hon. Gentleman will sit in comfort in the board room at Whitehall, and send out various circulars giving instructions, but he will not have the carrying out of the Bill. That will be for the local education authorities. They will have to bear the brunt of it. They will have to face the electorate, and we cannot ignore the fact, that whatever their political complexion, they will say almost unanimously that this will be very difficult to administer and, when it comes into practice, will either lead to almost complete exemptions or will break down.

We had a very interesting report from Barrow. If ever these exemptions should work easily and smoothly it would be at a unit like Barrow, where you have a general shortage of work among the adults. But even there it is pointed out by the local authority that the exemption claims have been so great that the by-law has practically broken down. If it breaks down in a case like Barrow, what is likely to happen in a great industrial area like Greater London, with 7,000,000 or 8,000,000 of population and 30 different local education authorities, all with different standards, different ideas, different ideals and of different sizes. Worse than that, in places like Lancashire and the mining districts you have just one or two industries. It is quite easy for the education authorities to assess the economic needs of the market and the possibilities of beneficial employment with good wages. In London, with 1,000 different industries of great variety, not only in quality and character but in size, with big and small factories and workshops, big hotels and lodging houses, it is almost beyond the wit of man to say which particular job is suitable for a particular boy.

I am assured by competent people who have given the matter careful study that in London at any rate—and that is not an inconsiderable portion of the country —chaos will ensue when we start to put these complicated provisions into actual practice. The life of a Member of Parliament, so much competed for, will not be a happy one when these exemption Clauses come into operation, and we shall find our letter boxes crammed with correspondence and our difficulties increased manifold. I have had some little experience in administering a small thing like detaining children over 14 at special schools—a most desirable thing. I had numbers of letters from people who got jobs for their children asking for exemption. It is very difficult to refuse when you consider the economic needs of the family. There is never a great popular demand for an educational advance. There never has been and, under the present economic stress, there is not likely to be. If the law is universal and applies equally it may be grumbled at, but sooner or later the law-abiding sense of our people will accept it, if it presses evenly on all alike, but the very fact of these exemptions will cause irritation and a sense of hardship and friction and, far from the advance being accepted, it will become unpopular and be the cause of electoral controversy, an important thing which we have to try to prevent.

There has been a demand for a definition of beneficial occupations, and I think the right hon. Gentleman was clever not to attempt to do it. It would probably be beyond the wit of man. But I do not think it is quite fair to push the whole burden on to the local education authorities. If he was going to do this, if he wished to steal my thunder, it might have been better to follow the example of my Bill and to put the obligation on the Ministry of Labour to assist in that work and give directions as to the kind of trades that come under the definition of "beneficial." Actually in London there are just three industries which have been indicated in the administration of the Children Bill, but there are many difficult problems. What is going to be the real test? Is it going to be the character of the occupation or the wages? Is it to be the need of the child or the need of the parents—the economic condition of the home? We are entitled to know that. The provisions of Sub-section (2) ( a ), ( b ) and ( c ) are good, that local authorities should be required to bear in mind the wages and hours. That will be a step forward, but if he wanted to protect the hours of juvenile labour, it would have been far simpler to introduce a Bill imposing a 40-hour maximum on all child labour between 14 and 16 than putting on the local authority the difficult obligation of finding out what are the hours of labour. It will be one thing to find them out, but it is going to be very difficult for the education authorities to find out whether they are adhered to, at any rate in London, because it is not their duty to inspect factories and workshops.

I will not dwell on the great issue of maintenance allowances. The hon. Member for Norwich (Mr. H. Strauss) made an excellent maiden speech yesterday and put up a very logical case against maintenance allowances for children required to go to school. You may build up a case against maintenance allowances when all children are required to go to school, but not when you permit exemptions. What will inevitably happen is that a boy in a good home, well fed and well clothed, will present himself for a job. He will have more chance of getting it than a boy from a poor home who is under-nourished and badly shod. Obviously the jobs will go to the families that are best off, to the children of men enjoying good wages. What a sense of injustice that will bring about. I can visualise in a narrow street in any part of East London two homes, in one a man earning good wages and a sure job. His boy gets beneficial employment. His next door neighbour may be engaged in unskilled labour or on half-time. His boy is required to go to school. That will cause a real sense of injustice. The only way to make it work is to provide maintenance allowances to level up the income of the family that keeps the boy at school and the family whose boy hopes to get a job.

The right hon. Gentleman must reconsider his attitude. We are rather inclined to forget that maintenance allowances are part of the law of the land, thanks to a Liberal Government nearly 30 years ago. The only thing we ask the right hon. Gentleman is, if they do give them under the Act of 1907, will the Government undertake to bear their share and give 50 per cent.? It does not require legislation. We shall not be able to move Amendments in Committee. If the right hon. Gentleman is prepared to do that, I believe he will conciliate the hon. Member opposite who made his maiden speech, and will remove a great deal of opposition. That is the only chance we have of making these complex provisions work.

I congratulate the right hon. Gentleman on his bold attempt to settle the religious controversy. Nearly every Bill has broken on that one issue. Minister after Minister has failed because of this unfortunate, bitter, religious issue. The Home Secretary was an active fighter in that great cause. Mr. Birrell failed, Mr. McKenna failed and Sir Charles Trevelyan failed. I believe I am speaking for all my hon. Friends when I say we do not want to open that old controversy. We want to have the interest of the child alone considered so that the whole of the children of the country, irrespective of the religious opinion of the parents or the character of the schools they attend, shall have equal opportunities. We do not intend to let that issue influence us on this Bill, and we shall vote for the Amendment because we are not satisfied. I admit that I should be sorry to see the Bill wrecked, but as at present advised, if the Government are not prepared to give the percentage of maintenance allowances to all the exempted children on the same basis as is now employed in central and senior schools in various parts of the country, I am afraid that the Bill will not meet the case and, therefore, I support the Amendment.

6.31 p.m.

I should like to join with the hon. Baronet the Member for South-West Bethnal Green (Sir P. Harris) in congratulating the hon. Member for Moss Side (Mr. W. R. Duckworth) for the delightful speech with which he charmed the House, and which was informative and instructive. I am sure that the House will welcome his assistance in future Debates. I do not quite follow the attitude of the hon. Member for South-West Bethnal Green, which is, apparently, to give two wel- comes to the Bill, and one final kick. He began his speech by congratulating the Minister upon following the precedent which he had laid down. He congratulates him upon extending the age to 15 and upon his gallant attempt to settle the religious problem, and then says that, in spite of that fact, "I shall do my best with my vote to wreck the Bill," having at the same time said, "I should hate to see it wrecked." That is a position which I find difficult to appreciate.

I welcome the Bill and propose to vote for it, because of the extension of the school age, and, like the hon. Baronet, I welcome it because of the attempt being made in the Bill to resolve the very difficult religious question. I welcome it also because of the assistance that is now to be given to the non-provided schools in certain circumstances, but having said that I am afraid that my enthusiasm has evaporated. I do not like these exemptions, and I hope that they will disappear during the Committee stage. [HON. MEMBERS: "Come over here."] It would be very much better if hon. Members opposite joined me on this side of the House, so that things might be done, and not merely talked about. In 1929 hon. Members opposite had their opportunity and did not take it. I feel that the time will surely come when somebody will be bold and strong enough to do away with this dual system of education which still persists in this country, and has persisted for so many years, being continued even after the great controversy of 1900. I cannot see why the education of children should be sacrificed because we cannot agree on the question of religious differences—why one set of children should be provided with every facility, with proper schools, instruments and books, and another set of children should not have the same facilities. But the time, apparently, is not yet. I think that, when in later years they come to discuss the position of this generation and what they have done, they will marvel at the great advance that this generation has made compared with the generations of the Victorian era, and at the way in which we have eased the social position of the people, attempted to deal with unemployment and old age pensions, and to extend education, but they will marvel still more that, having done so much, we continue to allow certain traditional considerations to hamper and to cripple the progress that we ought to have made, and still can make. If we are to raise the school age to 15—and it is readily admitted by everybody that it should be raised—why not raise it universally and make a clean sweep of it?

The Minister has told us of what happened in the past. What happened in the past was wrong. The Government of the day were wrong in not extending the school age to 15 when they had an opportunity. They only extended it to 14, and then came the Fisher Act, but it did not go as far as it should have done. I do not like the wording that is used at the present moment. There ought to be a better definition. If there are to be any exemptions, it is the interest of the child that should be considered. What is beneficial to the child? Who are to be the judges, and how are they going to judge it? One might say that it would be beneficial to the child if he were earning money or that he would be having a better living if he were earning, but I doubt whether that would be beneficial to the child in the long run. I believe that it would be more beneficial for the child to remain in school. If these exemptions are to be continued, the only benefit to be considered should be the educational benefit to the child. I deeply regret the passing of the old apprentice system and that we are losing not merely artisans, but artists in their work. The only work that I should like to encourage these children to attend is that which would be beneficial in the use of their hands and the extension of their culture. That is the only exemption that I would allow.

The educational system in this country is supposed to be national; it is nothing of the kind. It is to a large extent based upon the opinions and the experience of industrial and urban areas, and very little consideration is given to the rural areas, which suffer very considerably. The cost of education falls partly upon the national Exchequer and partly upon the rates, and under this new scheme there will be new costs put upon the rates. Already local authorities are called upon to reorganise and to arrange for transport. Far be it from me to stop progress in that way. It is only right that there should be better schools, and that the children should be transported to those schools, but the position in rural areas is that they cannot afford it and the Exchequer must come to their assistance. In my own county of Montgomery, which is entirely agricultural and covers a very wide area, a rate of a penny in the pound brings in only £650, and without the assistance that is given by the Exchequer a rate of a penny in the pound provides barely the salary of two teachers. If we have two extra teachers, it will mean a penny in the pound upon the whole of the county. The result is that our schools are not properly equipped, we cannot extend them as we should like to do, and I very much doubt whether we could get the very best type of teachers. I am informed that in the county there are still 18 uncertificated teachers. I understand that the only qualifications for an uncertificated teacher are that he must be 18 years of age and vaccinated. Apart from that he need not know much, and certainly need not have passed an examination. The position of Montgomery is also the position of three other counties in Wales. There is Cardigan, Merioneth and Anglesey, in respect of which a penny rate 'brings in less than £600. There are only two counties in England which receive less than £1,000 from a penny rate—the small county of Rutland and the county of Huntingdon.

I realise that our position is, to some extent, due to the De-rating Act, for which others were responsible in the Parliament of 1929. We have to face up to the facts of our present economic position. I want to know from the Minister whether he will give some assistance to these poverty-stricken rural areas. It is quite easy to get more assistance for distressed areas in urban districts. There are plenty of people who will stick up on their behalf, but we are in the position of being not a distressed area, but permanently poverty-stricken and unable to give the advantages to our children that we should like to give. I understand that the cost of transport in my county will come to about £1,500, which would very nearly amount to a threepenny rate on the whole of the county. Even with such a provision, many of the children will have to walk miles. I remember that, during the time I was attending the county council school, I had to walk two miles there and two miles back every day. We are liable to forget what the conditions are in our country areas. Among the hills from the beginning of November to March the weather is usually rough and wet, and the children get to school about nine o'clock and have to remain in their wet clothes until four o'clock in the afternoon without any opportunity of having their clothes and boots dried. They have to remain like this for all those hours, and they have to eat their small sandwiches under these conditions. We cannot improve the position as long as the money that we have is so small and the contribution made from the Exchequer is so niggardly. The rural areas, after all, are supplying the life-blood of the urban areas, and it is only right that the urban areas should come to our assistance if we cannot afford to educate our children and make provision for their needs. I hope that the Minister will in future give more assistance to these rural areas. I end as I began by saying that I welcome the Bill for extending the school ago and for bringing such benefits as I hope will accrue from it.

6.45 p.m.

I rise to make my maiden speech in support of the Amendment. So much has been said by certain hon. Members about their real desire to sustain and maintain child welfare and child life, that one becomes bewildered as to why the Bill was not drafted differently, especially when behind those responsible for the Government there are so many expressions of sympathy for the child. One hon. Member who made his maiden speech said that he would support the Bill, but he gave us some remarkable information and reasons why the Bill should be opposed. In spite of the Government testimony that in their manifesto and pledge at the General Election they stood for the issue set forth in the Bill, an examination of Election addresses throughout the country would show that the issue was dodged by the National Government candidates.

What do the exemptions proposed in the Bill really mean? Their effect, if put into operation, will certainly be serious. I was not brought up at Oxford. I have been through the mill in life, and I can understand precisely the grave difficulties that will be experienced by local authorities in attempting to work the instructions in the Memorandum of the Bill, when the Bill becomes an Act of Parliament. How can it be determined that a certain situation is beneficial to the child? It is impossible to say by any test of measurement what is beneficial employment for a child. Only the teacher who comes into contact with the child day by day can judge as to its capacity in regard to work or business. Up to the tender years before 14 its capacities have not been developed to such an extent that a sound judgment can be arrived at as to what the child should do in business.

Let me warn the sponsors of the Bill what they are really doing. They are starting the introduction of cheap labour into industry by this Measure. Facts and figures can demonstrate that in many industries children who leave school at the age of 14, drift into what is called a job, either by persuasion or by the help of friends, and the percentage of those children who are put on the scrap-heap at 16 is very considerable. There are many industries in this country which exploit viciously child labour at 14 and lay it down as a business principle that at 16 the child is to be put on the scrap-heap of unemployment. In our great cities we have only to look at the applicants for work at the juvenile centres to realise the seriousness of the position. To any thinking man or woman it must be a matter of remorse to see these children day after day and month after month standing outside in the cold in winter and standing in the sunshine in the summer seeking work. They have started work at 14 and left work at 16, and they are seeking work now. I wish the Minister would reconsider the question of exemptions. He put his case clearly from his point of view, but if he would consider some relaxation or some amendment of the exemption Clause he would win a popular vote from his own side as well as from parties on this side of the House. I appeal to him to see what he can do along those lines.

As a novice in Parliament but a veteran in local government, I should like to compliment the right hon. Gentleman on the attempt that he has made to deal with the very vexed question of non-provided schools. I hope that during the Debate not one word will be said or one note will be struck which will interrupt the harmony that the Minister appears to have brought about on this question. It has been pointed out how previous Ministers of Education have finished their careers as educationists on this very complicated issue. I hope that the attempt of the present Minister to deal with it will be successful. Certainly his efforts ought to be applauded. His proposals in the Bill in regard to this particular question are a step forward, and we must hope for bigger things in the future.

The remarks of one of my hon. Friends on the Front Bench were rather humorous. He said that he was sorry that the old apprenticeship days had gone and had not come back. Surely, he must be living in an age in which he has forgotten in regard to child labour that at the age of 14 the machine has come into operation. I had to serve seven years apprenticeship to my trade at a time when it was handicraft, but to-day the machine is on top. Even the little silkworm is on the dole. It has been removed out of business. Wood pulp and calico have taken the place of that very active little creature. I am satisfied that the child of 14 will be exploited in this great machine age. It can be proved from figures in my own trade union organisation that it is a growing principle adopted by certain firms to thrust children on the scrap heap at the age of 16. From the trade union point of view we are trying our best to stop that vicious system by fighting it on every possible occasion, and the help of the Minister would be welcome if he abolished the exemptions. I must support the Amendment. I stand now as I stood during my election campaign for the raising of the school leaving-age immediately to 15, with no exemptions and with maintenance allowances.

6.55 p.m.

As a member of the Church of England and a strong supporter for many years of church schools, I give very qualified support to the Second Reading of the Bill. I hope that certain important Amendments may be made in the Committee stage which will make the Bill more satisfactory to those who support the church schools. Hon. Members will recollect the efforts made by Mr. Fisher when he was President of the Board of Education, which resulted in what was known as the introduction of the Davies Bill to find a solution of the religious difficulty in the schools. Those efforts failed. Later, in 1930, Sir Charles Trevelyan again tried and made a very gallant effort to settle this religious question by general agreement. Unfortunately, he failed. I hope that my right hon. Friend the present Minister of Education will succeed where his predecessors failed.

Since the previous efforts at a solution a very great change has come over public feeling on the subject of religious education. One hardly ever hears to-day any defence of purely secular education. I entirely agree with what was said by one of my hon. Friends in his maiden speech when he referred to the appalling condition of children in Russia and Germany, which may be traced very largely to the secular education upon which they have been brought up. We realise to-day that education as a whole is not mainly for the purpose of imparting information, not merely for the purpose of developing the mind of the child, not merely for the bodily development of the child. It is all those things, but it is not mainly for those purposes. The main object of education is the formation of character and personality. Unless our education results in the formation of the character and personality of the children, then to a large extent it must fail. I might put it in another way. Our education must train the very inner being of the child; in other words, the soul of the child must be the care of our educationists. If that be so, surely our education must have a religious foundation, otherwise it will not produce even a good citizen, let alone a good Christian.

I am not one of those who disparage the religious education which is frequently given in our council schools. Where-ever it is given by men or women who sincerely believe what they teach and regard it as a great privilege to teach it, that religious education must have a very good effect upon the lives of the children; but there is no guarantee in the council schools that that is so. I am sorry to say that there are black spots where it is certainly not so. Recently there took place in one of the great new cities that are forming outside London, an examination of a large number of children. One of the questions asked was as to the reason why Good Friday was commemorated. Not one child could answer the question. The only child who tried to answer said that it was in memory of a general holiday. That incident points to the fact that religious education in some areas is not what everyone would wish it to be.

Many religious syllabuses are beyond all praise, and where they are carried out effectively they no doubt do create a change in the character and the personality of the child. Unhappily as the child grows the religious influence brought to bear becomes less. The secondary schools, I understand, do not give that important place to religious instruction which it deserves. The newer universities neglect the subject altogether, and in most of the training colleges the subject, instead of being the most important that is learned, is crowded out because it is not recognised for examination purposes. It is a sad commentary that the most important work of the teacher should be crowded out of his training, but unfortunately it is frequently so to-day. In claiming that religious instruction should be the foundation of all education I believe and hope that I have the support of most hon. Members, but in going one step further I may not carry their support.

I suggest that religious instruction in schools, however good, is not enough, and that a child wants something more. That something more comes from definite attachment to some religious organisation whether Church of England, Roman Catholic or Free Church I care very little; but I believe it is eminently for the benefit of the future of the child to be attached to some body of men and women who can help him through his difficulties, on, whom he may rely in his troubles. I believe that will have a permanent effect on his life, and that if he is thoroughly grounded in the principles of religion he will benefit still more from that definite attachment. It is for that reason, more than any other, that those who have supported the voluntary schools in the past have done so. It has not been to defend any system of privilege, still less to defend property, nor even a desire to force our views on parents who do not desire them for their children. Most supporters of church schools will support Clause 11, in which the right of entry is to be given in single school areas for the purpose of teaching what is known as "syllabus religion" in that school. I believe that no diffi- culties will be made, but I would suggest to the Minister that it is only fair that if these privileges are given in Church Schools in single school areas, there should be a corresponding privilege given in council schools in single school areas for the children of church parents, if they desire it, to receive church instruction.

I would ask the House to remember that the Church and those who support voluntary schools have been asked to make a great sacrifice in the appointment of teachers. In the past the only security they have had has been the appointment of teachers, and now they are to lose that. Though I believe the system will work well where the education authority is sympathetic and anxious to carry out the spirit of the Act, there may be areas in which that spirit of sweet reasonableness does not hold, and where there may be difficulties. I suggest that there should be some right of appeal on the part of voluntary bodies in cases where local education authorities fail to carry out the spirit of the new Measure.

There is one blot on the Bill which í hope to see remedied. It is that it refers entirely to senior children and to senior schools. I am not sure why that limitation is to be found in the Bill, because it seems to me that in certain cases junior schools may be put to large expenditure to carry out the Hadow reforms, but they have no claim for the grant because they are junior schools. If a school is put to large expenditure in order to carry out a great educational reform, surely that school is entitled to the same consideration as a senior school. I hope these two or three Amendments may receive sympathetic consideration. So far as the Second Reading is concerned, I believe this Bill will have the effect of emphasising the importance of the religious side of education, of religion as the foundation of all true education, and to that extent I desire to give it my support, and I shall vote for the Second Reading.

7.8 p.m.

To the general sentiments expressed by the last speaker I think I can give the general approbation of this side of the House. We here are not desirous of having the old controversy raised, and while I cannot say anything official in this respect as far as the teachers are concerned, I know that there is a large measure of agreement among teachers that the time has come when religious controversy should not prevent the child getting the school amenities it should have. I hope the hon. Member who has just sat down will not raise some of the issues he indicated, because I am certain that he, like myself, desires a rather smooth passage for that part of the Bill. But if he raises some of the issues that he has mentioned, I aim afraid that the harmony we all desire will not be achieved. I had a lurking suspicion that he still has in his mind that there is some reality in the old slogan of the "godless council school." If he makes an assertion of that kind he does not know the council schools of this country. I would only suggest now that, for the sake of what we all desire, he will reconsider some of these points and will make up his mind that instead of achieving harmony they may arouse acute controversy.

I have often had the impression that there is a general feeling among Members of this House that an education debate is a debate for pedants and experts, that it is a question outside the range of the ordinary experience of a large number of hon. Members. In my judgment there is hardly any more vital issue to-day than that of education. It is not only a question with technical aspects and within narrow confines, but it is one of immense social, technical and industrial implications. I believe that you cannot achieve a real and true democracy unless there is equality of opportunity in the educational sphere, and I therefore approach this Bill asking myself, "Does it help forward to any appreciable degree the realisation of equality of opportunity? Is it a step along the road to that?" Frankly, I do not see that step there. I am one of the Minister's less dangerous opponents. I am one of those who want to make a direct attack on this Bill because I see in it not only principles but methods and machinery for reaction, and not for progress.

From 1870 to 1918 every Education Bill provided means of some sort for exemptions. I have been reading the speeches made on the Second Reading of the great Education Bill of 1918. Almost the first point Mr. Fisher made about that Bill was that it made history because for the first time in education legislation there were no exemptions provided. That was a remarkable advance not only educationally but socially. At last it was clear-cut that up to 14 plus the first claim upon a child was the claim of education and not the demand of industry. This Bill not only reverts to the vicious principle of exemptions from the age which was attained in the Fisher Act, but it actually lowers the age from which exemptions might apply. At the moment no exemptions can be obtained until after 14 plus. Now it is proposed in the Bill that children may be exempted at 14.

The hon. Member is quite wrong. It is not true that they can be exempted at 14. That only takes place at 14 plus.

In order that there may be no misunderstanding let me say that there can be no exemption until after 14 plus. After 14 plus the exemption can be given at any time, but the authorities can suspend it until the end of the term. There can be no exemption until after 14 plus.

I am glad to have that statement from the Minister because the Bill has been generally interpreted that exemptions can apply at the age of 14—immediately a child becomes 14.

I can give a complete assurance to the House that that is not so. No exemptions can be given until after 14 plus.

Is it possible for a child whose fourteenth birthday falls in the middle of a term to have exemption immediately it reaches the age of 14?

He cannot get exemption until he reaches the end of the term during which his fourteenth birthday takes place.

May I refer the hon. Member to the 1918 Act in which it is stated clearly that the age is not to be deemed to be attained until the end of the term?

I am glad to have the assurance of the Minister because I have been told by many people who are experienced administrators that we were now to have exemption at the age of 14. The broad highway for the educational advance of children is towards secondary schools and schools of a secondary character in amenities and status. As I understand the Bill, a child may leave school and get work. He then loses his employment, and is out of work after having left school. The alternative course may then come in, and the alternative course can be the juvenile instructional centre. It appears to me that the linking up of the ordinary education system with juvenile instruction centres under the terms of the Bill will strengthen and spread the provision of education by juvenile instructional centres and that in itself is a very retrograde step. I unhesitatingly declare that juvenile instruction centres are unsatisfactory units of educational administration. They are not the kind of organisation we want. You cannot plan educational schemes for children who are in and out, for children whose minds are upon work. In the future not only with those who are 14 plus and in the juvenile instructional centres have their minds on work, but under the Bill other children will also have their minds on work. The Minister has said that every child has an individual right to exemption, that there can be no exemption for general industry; it is an individual right. I think it is impossible to calculate how many children will remain in school and how many will get beneficial employment.

From the point of view of educational administration this is an impossible Bill. Administrators are being asked now to provide for an unknown quantity of children who may enter their schools in 1939, three years hence. That fact alone shows the false basis of the Bill. What education authorities, what managers of denominational schools, are going to sit down within the next year or two and plan a system of senior schools supposed to have a little approximation to secondary conditions, adequate in size, in order to meet a condition which may arise under the provisions of this Bill in 1939? It is an impossible and preposterous proposal to ask local authorities to face. The tragic thing is that the problem from the social and industrial side of unem- ployed children, which an education Bill should meet, is not a problem of unemployed children between 14 and 15 years of age. I would it were. If the problem was the incidence of unemployed child life at 14, even this Government would be moved to raise the school age. But the problem of unemployment between 14 and 15 is not a problem of unemployment alone but of cheap labour, and this Bill is founded upon the principle of cheap labour and blind-alley occupations.

Every principle of exemption embodied in the old Acts was based on child labour. I, myself, was the subject of this vicious principle of exemption. I happened to be the eldest of a large family in a working class home, and I knew that if I passed the labour examination I should be exempt from school and go to work. I had a sneaking idea even then that it was not the fellow who worked who got the most money. I remember very well that an examination was held in the centre, to which we all marched down, and to this day I can remember thinking as I was going down, shall I try to pass the test or fail? One moment I said that I would try to pass, and then I saw the colliery in front of me. The next moment I said I would try to fail, for then I should remain at school. It so happened that by the luck of the examination I was the only one to pass, I suppose because I had had better coaching. Under that system of exemption because I had passed the test I had to go to work, and the boys who could not pass it remained in school for another year. That is your system of exemptions. Why was I pushed into taking advantage of a system of exemption? Because behind me there was a large family, a miners' home, with poverty driving me to take the test; and I say that under this Bill you will soon be driving our children into the factories and workshops.

Cheap labour! It is tragic, it is even silly, that an intelligent nation should allow its children between 14 and 18 years of age to enter blind-alley occupations as cheap labour, and at the same time see on its streets unemployed between 18 and 24 years of age, hundreds and thousands of young men and women of this country. I have been reading Mr. Hilton's evidence before the Royal Commission. It is not only the numbers of unemployed in this country that is so serious. There is something else, and that is the age distribution of the unemployed. I find from the evidence given by Mr. Hilton that the percentage of unemployed in 1927 in those from 16 to 17 years of age was 1.5, and then there is a big jump. In those from 18 to 24 years of age the percentage is 21.5. The percentage with regard to those from 25 to 29 years of age is 14.9. In 1931 the percentages were, from 16 to 17 years of age 1.8, but in those from 18 to 24 years of age it was 22.3. You have a banking up of unemployment between the ages of 18 and 24, when these young men ought under a rationalised system to be acquiring skill and knowledge which would give them some hope in the future. Is it not reasonable to say that to deal with this problem in a proper way we should have to say that no child of the age 14 to 15 shall enter industry? As the Bill now is, what happens is that on Friday afternoon Johnnie goes up to the teacher and says, "Please sir, I am leaving next week." The teacher says, "Why are you leaving, Johnnie?" Johnnie replies "My brother has had the sack and the manager has told my father that I can have my brother's job." In a Bill on education we ought to make a contribution towards meeting that problem.

It may be said that the raising of the school age to 15 will not appreciably affect unemployment, but I am quite certain that if boys and girls are in schools they will not be on the streets, will not be unemployed and will not be putting their brothers and sisters out of work. This system of exemptions is a vicious one. Educationally it is impossible to administer, it breaks the symmetry of the school and it prevents the Hadow scheme having its full effects in the schools. After all, the basis of the Hadow scheme is a complete four-years period without exemptions. There can be no approach to secondary school conditions as long as exemptions are applied, and I therefore say that exemptions are educationally and socially vicious.

Will any education committee dare to say that one of the basic industries of the country does not provide beneficial employment? Will the local authority in Lancashire proscribe the cotton industry and say that children shall not enter it? Will the coal and shipbuilding industries be proscribed? Of course they will not, for the authorities will not dare to do it. Yet the striking fact is that our great staple industries have become blind-alley occupations. The references in the Bill to beneficial employment are meaningless and hypocritical, because the Government must have known the facts and must have regard to future prospects. Let hon. Members read the university and other reports, and they will see that children are pouring out from the schools into the cotton industry, for instance, and when a certain age is reached they are pouring out at the other end. There is no assured progressive employment in the cotton industry and it has become a blind-alley occupation. Where is assured progresive employment to be found in the coal industry? Again, there is a blind-alley occupation. But what authority will give a certificate to say that these industries do not provide beneficial employment? [An HON. MEMBER: "What about agriculture?"] That is another blind-alley occupation.

In one sense the spread of the distributive trade is probably an evidence and a symptom of our greater productive power. The distributive trades take as many children from the schools as any other five industries together. I am sometimes inclined to think—although I may be wrong—that under modern conditions there is in the distributive trades even more security for children, owing to the fluidity of those trades, than in the basic industries. Why do we not take advantage of the great productive power that modern science and technique have placed in our hands? It is because in our educational system we are still governed by class ideas. Will any hon. Member opposite say to his own children that if they cannot find beneficial employment they can remain in school, but that if they can find such employment they can leave school? No. At Harrow, Winchester and Rugby they are paying £200 a year for their children. I know there are additions to that. Only £12 a year-is spent on a child in the elementary school. I would ask hon. Members opposite whether by a system of exemptions they are providing conditions under which properly organised and systematic education can be given? Certainly they are not, and there is not a single educational administrator who will defend the Bill on those grounds.

Are the needs of the nation being met by this Bill? I am not now taking a Socialist standpoint. I should have imagined that enlightened capitalism would have said that, after all, it is better that the children should be, given in the schools the training which the loss of apprenticeship has meant in a large number of cases, and that the schools should bring back some of the technical equipment that has been lost in industry. I should have thought that the nation and the Government would have realised that properly educated children are a national asset. I say that it is the right of every child to be properly educated. The Minister boasted in his opening remarks about the similarity of this Bill with the manifesto issued at the time of the Election by the Government. When I read that manifesto I began to think it was a Socialist manifesto; but I am rather inclined to think, although I do not like saying it, that there is some deception in the whole matter. What more beautiful sentiments could one have than these?

The school age must be raised as a contribution to educational advance and in the interests of social well-being and industrial progress. It must be raised as an act of justice for the children and for their parents. There must be maintenance grants. You must feed and clothe a body in order that it may be receptive to the best educational endeavour of the schools of our country.

7.43 p.m.

I should like to say a few words on the matter under discussion, first because I have had a life-long interest in the elucational system, and secondly because, as a Roman Catholic, I consider that anything which appertains to the voluntary, or, as they are now called, non-provided schools, must be a question of paramount importance. I would like to say at once that I welcome this Bill as a first step in the right direction. It reduces, or attempts to reduce the inequalities which we, in conjunction with the great body of the Church of England community and the Jewish faith, have been pressing the authorities to abolish for many years. I should not be frank, however, if I did not say that I think that in the Bill which has been introduced there has only been a small movement towards that end. We have been led to believe that a real and a comprehensive effort was to be made to solve these questions of inequality, and we were heartened in that idea by a speech of the late Minister of Education in another place, in which he said that "the great denominational bodies have laid the cause of British education under a great debt and have a great contribution to make, and that it is both policy and wisdom for the State to encourage and assist them to, make it."

Personally, I have never seen any real reason why any question of religous bitterness should be introduced into matters of education. The parental right of insisting that a child shall be brought up in the atmosphere desired by the parents is surely conceded by all right-minded people. Education, as I see it, is not a matter merely of acquiring knowledge for the purpose of worldly gain or financial profit. I take it to be, rather, the process of producing a complete man or woman who will worthily fill the place which he or she has to occupy in this world. But this cannot be assured unless the moral and spiritual side is actively taught and engendered in the young mind. To arrive at this end, it has always seemed to me essential that such teaching should be in the hands of those who themselves implicitly believe in and practise the doctrines which they are to inculcate. I have made many appearances on platforms, long before I ever anticipated entering the political arena, to speak entirely on this question, and I have always said to whatever audience was listening to me that there was nothing that we claimed for our Catholic schools or our Catholic children that I would not be prepared to claim on any platform in any place for any religious body or sect in the kingdom if they desired me so to do; and I maintain the same position to-day.

However, I do not wish to go over the general question of the Bill; I only wish to draw attention to the Clauses which relate to the non-provided schools. As I said, I fear those Clauses will cause grave disappointment to those who had hoped for a real settlement of the education question. Unhappily, under this Bill many inequalities will still remain. Some classes of His Majesty's subjects will still be compelled, for conscientious reasons, to raise heavy sums with which to provide schools, while others will obtain all that they need at the public expense; and until this is put right, there can be no permanent settlement which will be accepted by all classes in the nation. Again, a preference for a certain type of religious teaching is not only continued but emphasised in some of the Clauses. Nevertheless, I have to admit that if the Bill is fairly worked, much good may be done and many hardships may be alleviated.

I am quite sure that the Minister has a real desire to do justice all round, but that for the moment circumstances have been too powerful for him. At the same time I submit for his consideration that certain points must be amended if even a provisional settlement of this question can be made on a fair basis. In the first place, the Bill may fail where perhaps it is most necessary that it should succeed. There is no guarantee whatever, as I see it, that a new senior school, whatever the case for its establishment, will be provided if opposed by a hostile local authority. I cannot understand why the existing procedure for new schools cannot be applied to the present emergency. Let the persons who wish to provide the school obtain the assent of the local authority if they can; if, however, there is a case of dispute, let there be a local inquiry and let the Board of Education finally decide.

The second point I wish to make is that the reserved teachers must include the head teacher. This should be specified in the text of the Bill. Obviously, if it is not, the whole character and spirit of the school might be changed and, whatever the trust deed may say, the school cease to be what it professes to be. I have no right to speak on behalf of my Anglican or Jewish friends, but I feel sure that in regard to Roman Catholic schools no agreement with a local authority will be considered as satisfactory which does not provide for the reservation of the whole teaching staff for these schools.

Thirdly, Clauses 11 and 12 present the strangest of anomalies. Under Clause 11 a minority of children can claim at the public expense, within the school buildings, the precise kind of religious teaching that they desire; under Clause 12, however, there is no corresponding obligation for others. Under Clause 11 any amount of dogmatic teaching is possible so long as a special catechism is not used; under Clause 12, if teaching deemed essential by the parents of the children, according to their convictions, is demanded, the children are cast out of the school premises to find such accommodation as can be obtained. Further, in Clause 11 there is considerable ambiguity in the expression "reasonable convenience," and it must be made clear that the interpretation of these words is not left to the decision of the local authority.

We are desperately desirous that the non-provided schools should take their full and adequate share in this forward move in education. I realise that the Minister is governed by no other thought than what is fair and just to the community as a whole. I know he has been faced with difficulties, which I have no desire to minimise, but I am devoutly thankful—and I am glad to have it from the hon. Member for South-West Bethnal Green (Sir P. Harris)—that a new spirit is abroad to-day and that the old cries that divided us in the past are no longer heard or, if they are, that they are not as strident as of yore. I trust, therefore, that it may be possible for a clear adjustment to be found on the points which I have brought to the Minister's notice. To sum up, for the good in the Bill I am prepared to vote for the Second Beading, but I am obliged to say, at the same time, that whether it is possible to support the Third Reading or not remains to be determined by the shape that the Bill takes later, and in any case I cannot regard it as a fair or final settlement of our claims.

7.53 p.m.

I support the Bill as a whole very heartily indeed, and I particularly congratulate the Minister on his provisions in regard to the religious question. But I do not think the Bill will work from the point of view of the exemptions. Under Clause 5, where the local education authority are satisfied that by reason of circumstances existing in the home of a child of 14 exceptional hardship would otherwise be caused, they may give permission to the parent to withdraw the child. I take it that that means a case where, say, a poor woman is left a widow with three or four young children. In order to maintain them, she has to go out to work, and she has to withdraw the eldest child from school to be a little mother to the other children. That, I think, is a humane and proper provision, and I am prepared to accept it, but with regard to Clause 2, when it comes to the question of certificates for employment, that is a different matter. I have the very gravest doubt whether employment is beneficial in any sense, strictly speaking, to any boy or girl of 15, and I certainly think that, if there is going to be a difficulty about it, it would be preferable to raise the school age universally to 15 without any exemptions at all, on the ground of employment, that 1s.

The Bill, I think, would be almost impossible to work on the two grounds which have already been mentioned several times, namely, the different interpretations which will be put on Clause 2 by contiguous authorities which have children on one side of the road exempted and on the other side not exempted. That will lead to all sorts of troubles and jealousies and make it very difficult to work. Then also it will be almost impossible to give effect to the conditions that have to be attached to the employ- ment certificate. I think, therefore, we must regard these exemption Clauses as very harmful indeed, and although I am very much in favour of the Bill and heartily welcome it in principle, I hope very much indeed to see these exemption Clauses for employment absolutely taken out of the Bill. I do not myself see how they are going to be altered, but it may occur to some more astute-minded person how to put them right. Personally, I prefer them to go altogether rather than to stand as they are, but with this reservation I support the Bill.

7.57 p.m.

I have yet to hear a Member of the House support this Bill. I remember a French friend of mine once trying to quote Shakespeare, and he said that he had praised somebody with faint damns. I think it must be admitted that the Government's Bill has not had even as much praise as that this evening. I am really surprised that the Noble Lord the Minister without Portfolio is supporting the Bill at all. After all, he does not believe in raising the school-leaving age by compulsion. When the hon. Member for South-West Bethnal Green (Sir P. Harris) was speaking here in 1930, he twitted the Noble Lord with running away from what he thought were his Lordship's principles, and his Lordship got up and interrupted him saying:

"I really must ask the hon. Member to believe me when I make a statement. I say that I have always been against raising the school leaving age by compulsion, at any time, and I still am."—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 6th November, 1930; col. 1114; Vol. 244.]

The Noble Lord's name is on the hack of this Bill. What better proof could there be that this is not a Bill for raising the school-leaving age? I do ask the Noble Lord to recollect the difficulties which he has placed upon us in administering the Measure, and to-morrow my authority is going to place his wife on its education committee.

And I hope it will be good for the Noble Lord, too. We have 90,000 children in our schools, and—

May I ask my hon. Friend if his vote to-morrow will depend upon my reply to-night?

Oh, no. I would not condemn any woman because of her husband, not even the Noble Lady opposite.

We have 90,000 children in our schools, and with the nine-year school life that means we have 10,000 children in each year of school life. We are by no means the largest authority, but we are a large authority, and we deal with practically V00 square miles of territory. The right hon. Gentleman the President of the Board told us this afternoon that we are to act in a quasi -judicial capacity with regard to every application for exemption. That is a task of the most considerable magnitude. The bigger part of our population is in the Greater London area, where we are one of the 33 local education authorities that are supposed to make up the local government of Greater London. We shall need to have for a great number of our children negotiations with the neighbouring Part III authorities and with the County Council of London. I want the Noble Lord to help me with one particular point. This Bill gives no definition of the place of employment. In a large number of trades into which children want to go, an employer has two or three places of business, and it is not difficult in the county which I have to administer to find an employer having places of business in London and in three of the Part III authorities, namely, Kingston, Richmond and Wimbledon as well as in the county.

I understand the idea is that the authority which is educating the child is to have the first word in regard to exemption. If however the desire expressed by the employer at the time of application is to employ the child within the area of some other authority, the educating authority's certificate cannot become valid until it has virtually been confirmed by the authority where the place of business is situated. Is the child, therefore, in a business which has branches, to be confined to employment in that place and in none of the other places? Because it is clear that by getting employment in one of the other places, it might be getting employment that would not be allowed to a resident child. That is one of the difficulties which is bound to arise in an area like Greater London, and it must arise in Lancashire and every other place where there are a substantial number of education authorities. That is one reason, I admit, for reducing the number of education authorities, and while the Government are putting one hand into the hornets' nest of religious controversy, they might have put the other hand into another nest and abolished Part III authorities, and thus reduced the problem to that extent.

With regard to the religious Clauses of the Bill, I want to say no word that will make the task of the Government more difficult. I believe that, as far as the great local authorities and the denominations are concerned, it will be quite possible to work the Clauses of this Bill if the right hon. Gentleman and his friends can get agreement on them in a way that will help the children of the schools, who, after all, are the first concern in this matter. We have no right to penalise a child because of the faith of the managers of the school he happens to attend and if I can be assured that any settlement that is placed in the Bill when it comes before us for Third Heading represents an agreement between the denominations, the local authorities and those who speak for the teachers, I shall not be inclined to examine it too critically to see whether it coincides with certain dogmas that were very firmly held by undogmatic people 30 years ago.

The right hon. Gentleman the President of the Board of Education told us that "beneficial employment" was no new term. After all, every Education Act that has been in front of this House for a century and a quarter has always involved this particular controversy, and no employment has ever been recognised by this House that was not believed to be beneficial. There were serious arguments a century and a quarter ago, and people claimed then that the labour of children in the mines was beneficial— beneficial to the child and to the home, and, what was more, beneficial to the State. The President of the Royal Society of those years was in the House, and in the ninth volume of the earliest edition of Hansard is a speech which he made on this problem of taking children out of industry and putting them into schools. This is what he said: them. In the majority of our best elementary schools the best they can do for them is to take them through the course at a slightly slower speed so that their minds, which do not so readily absorb and accept things, may be convinced as they ought to be convinced. I fear, however, from my knowledge of what went on in the old labour examination days, that these are just the type of children who will be exempted. My hon. Friend the Member for Aberavon (Mr. Cove) appears to have lost his chance through his indecision on the way to the place of examination. I know many children who were exempted at 12 on a very insufficient test who would have been a great deal better intellectual assets to the nation if they had had the addition of two years at school. I regret that we are not going to raise the age to 15 without exemptions because my experience of those days was that exemptions became infectious. One boy got exemption and the parents of a boy round the corner said, "Why should not our boy be exempt?" Exemption became a sort of privileged position for a child, and many a child was withdrawn who need not have been because of the qualification of the exemption. I am sure that the same kind of thing will happen under this Bill. In counties like Surrey the effect may very well be in our central schools that we shall have fewer children beyond 14 than we have now in some areas where the percentage staying is very high indeed.

I want to deal with the question of Clause 5, because I do not share the view that has been expressed in many parts of the House that, as drafted, it is a humane and reasonable Clause. In practice the case affected will be a girl who will be exempted to undertake household duties. I do not think it will be the case that the hon. Member for Cambridge University (Sir J. Withers) mentioned of the child who has lost her father; it is more likely to be the oldest girl in the family of a widower. While under Clause 2 exemption is safeguarded and there are the various points set out to which the local authority are to have regard in granting a certificate of exemption, under Clause 5 there is not a word for the protection of the child. There is no requirement that there shall be opportunities for further education or for recreation. The child will become, as those who have been practically acquainted with the problem know, at the age of 14 the drudge of the home who will have all the responsibilities of a grown woman and will sometimes be expected to lay out as much of the family income as the father allots to her.

There is no provision that I have been able to discover to enable the local authority to safeguard the position of that child, except such protection as may come from the National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children. I am advised that there is no power under the Clause to withdraw the child if that permission is abused. There is an assumption that that may be done but, on the analogy of other pieces of local government law, I am advised that if the local authority is to have power to withdraw the permission, such power must be expressly included in the Measure. I assure the Noble Lord, the Minister without Portfolio, that I am not making this point frivolously and I am sure he will agree that it is a good point. I am sure also that if the Law Officers of the Crown were to advise him that such is the effect of the Clause, the Government would be prepared to give local education authorities power to withdraw this permission in cases where it is abused.

This Bill is not really a Bill for raising the school-leaving age. It is a Bill for regulating the entry of children into employment and it was mainly as such that the Minister attempted to justify it this afternoon. [ Interruption. ] I am sorry that I cannot hear what the Noble Lady the Member for the Sutton Division of Plymouth (Viscountess Astor) has to say. I am not sure whether she is interrupting me or I am interrupting her, but that often happens when I am speaking and when she is in the House. She has got one good listener at any rate. I was about to say that if this Bill related to the year from 16 to 17 in the child's life nothing could be better in my opinion and if the policy of this party is implemented and the school-leaving age raised to 16, this might very well be a useful addition to such a Measure. But, as it is, this is a Measure which purports to raise the age to 15 and, in effect, as I say, merely enables local education authorities to regulate entry into employment during that period.

I feel, as many Members have felt this evening, that the changed circumstances of industry ought not to be without their effect on our educational legislation. More and more the machine is taking the place of the craftsman. I recall when I was a boy 45 years ago the magnificent wagons drawn by splendid horses that the millers used to have. In a village adjoining the town in which I was born there was one of those mills. A history of that mill has recently been written and this is a passage from it:

I had hoped that as a result of the Government's Measure we would be able to make of the last year of the Hadow scheme, for all children in schools, a real finish to the academic side of their education, equipping them for the work that lay ahead of them and instilling a spirit and a courage that would enable them to face properly the heavy tasks that would confront them. This Bill makes education not the partner but the servant of industry. I desire to see education becoming more and more the partner. I could have wished that the Government had kept to the age of 15 without exemptions, and so enabled us to carry on the partnership which in some parts of the country has happily been growing. I join with all the other Members who have spoken this evening in condemning the Bill. I believe it to be a Bill that will be very difficult to work in practice; that it will achieve no great educational advantage, but will on the contrary retard the work of getting a properly correlated four-year scheme under the Hadow Report. For those reasons I am bound to vote against it.

8.23 p.m.

It is always good to listen to my hon. Friend the Member for South Shields (Mr. Ede) when he speaks on education because he has real knowledge of and sympathy with the child. But he is rather unkind to his own profession in saying that the teacher is often destructive of the brilliant mind. It is to some extent true that the business of the teacher is to make the best of the average mind or the mind that is a little below the average. The brilliant mind will look after itself to a large extent. I am reminded of a story that is being told about Rudyard Kipling. When he was a small boy, his father sent him to an old friend who was to talk with him and then advise his father what to make of him. The verdict of the friend was "Make nothing of him; he will make himself." That is usually true of the brilliant mind.

My hon. Friend is going to vote against the Second Reading, but I am glad to hear that he does not wish to put any great difficulties in the way of its working and that he is even prepared, as I gather, to abstain from opposition on its Third Reading. He said he had heard no one support the Bill. I suppose he meant that he had heard no speech that accepted the Bill without reservation. But in spite of the sound and fury of the hon. Member for Aberavon (Mr. Cove) the general reception of the Bill must have been very encouraging to the President of the Board of Education. It is, I think, admitted that it is a real step forward in the progress of education and it has the merit of being, as the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Keighley (Mr. Lees-Smith) said, an Education Bill. I do not know whether the right hon. Gentleman and I interpret those words in quite the same way but that is its chief merit in my eyes.

It is a real education Bill. Too often education Bills have been made the means of advancing certain policies, of dealing, for example, with employment or unemployment, but this marks a real step forward in education. Within the last five years we have had three education Bills. There were two in 1930, introduced by Sir Charles Trevelyan. The first of them, in the middle of the year, nearly got through, but it was wrecked upon religious differences. The progress of that Bill was marked by certain valuable admissions on the part of the Minister of Education. He practically applied a means test. I know that we can make only a passing allusion to maintenance grants, but in advocating them he applied a means test. He also laid it down as an axiom that it was useless to think of abolishing the voluntary schools, that the country could not do without them, and, therefore, it was necessary to make provision for them. He made a gallant effort to get an agreement between the voluntary schools and the general system in the country.

We know that the country cannot do without the voluntary schools and now the Government call upon the voluntary schools to make a certain great effort. The voluntary schools cannot, unaided, make that effort, and, therefore, it is obvious that the Government must help them. The offer of the Government is fairly generous. The third of the Bills in the last five years was originally produced by my noble Friend the Member for Hastings (Lord E. Percy). That was adopted by the hon. Member for South-West Bethnal Green (Sir P. Harris) and that provided for exemptions. It made a certain provision for the voluntary schools. They were to get a grant not to exceed 70 per cent. The present Bill goes further than that and provides a maximum of 75 per cent., which is fairly generous. It is quite true that my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for North-East Leeds (Sir J. Birchall) finds that the provisions in the Bill do not go far enough to meet the demands of the Church of England, and that the hon. and gallant Member for the Exchange Division (Sir J. Shute) has grave misgivings with regard to the Roman Catholic Church, but they are both going to vote for the Second Beading.

It was more than two years ago since the third of the three Bills was introduced. Those two years has not been wasted. Reorganisation under the Hadow Report has proceeded. The number of schools on the "black list" has been greatly diminished, as well as the number of classes with more than 50 pupils. In answer to a question recently by the Noble Lady the Member for Perth and Kinross (Duchess of Atholl) as to the progress of the Hadow reorganisation in public elementary schools we were told that the number of departments with older children organised on Hadow lines was 4,048 and that the number of pupils—13 and under 14—concerned was 329,890. Departments that had not been organised on Hadow lines— mostly smaller departments—numbered 13,208 and the number of children involved was 261,722. That applies only to public elementary schools, council schools. If we add to those numbers the figures for the Church schools it will be seen how absolutely necessary it was to allow a considerable interval before the school age was raised.

Now we have this Bill and, as one would expect, the Opposition have fastened on the exemptions, and as an old teacher I am bound to say that I have considerable sympathy with them. I think an effort should be made to prevent exemptions interfering with the homogeneity of the classes, that we should try to avoid a dropping fire of pupils leaving the classes, and I should like to see an Amendment introduced into Sub-section (2) of Clause 2 at line 29 deleting the words: the end of the term. However, we have to have exemptions. The question was put before the country at the last election and the country approved of the principle of raising the school age with exemptions. In answer to another recent question as to the provision made for exemptions in other countries we were given a list of 58 countries and states and in only four of those was there no provision for exemptions. Therefore it is common throughout the civilised world to provide exemptions.

I should like to say, particularly on behalf of rural constituencies—and my own constituency is largely agricultural —that it is absolutely necessary to have exemptions. A great many of the schools in those constituencies are not yet reorganised. There is not the teaching which is fitting to a raising of the school age. Education is not merely book learning. Education is the result of every influence that is brought to bear upon the child. It is better to have a boy on the land learning farm work, having a number of land influences bearing on him, getting a love of the land—all making him more likely to stay on the land, as we want boys in the country to do. In many cases it is very much better that the boy should be working on the land than be in school. I dare say that teachers would not agree with me in that, but that is probably the case.

The Bill of 1930 was wrecked on the question of the religious agreement. The President of the Board of Education has told us that that Bill left behind it, owing to the good work of Sir Charles Trevelyan, an invaluable legacy. It outlined the basis upon which agreement might be made. In this Bill we have that agreement. I would like to retain the present system with regard to the appointment of teachers, but when you get larger sums of public money you must expect to submit to a larger amount of public control. In the present system, the managers of the voluntary schools appoint and the local education authority approves. Now the local education authority will appoint and the managers will approve, in the case of the reserved teachers. In the vast majority of cases I believe that that system will work.

It is satisfactory, in the present state of world affairs when other countries are in such difficulty, that we should be discussing a great forward step in education. Why are we able to do it? Because we have a good Government that has been steadily improving the conditions of the country. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh."] Yes. The teachers' cut has been restored and the question of the cuts in pensions has been satisfactorily adjusted. It is not too much to expect that the spirit that animated the speech of the hon. Member for South Shields should animate every Member of the opposite benches. As the Bill goes through its various stages, I believe that approval of it will grow until finally, when it comes into operation, it will be found to be a blessing to education.

8.38 p.m.

I congratulate the hon. Member for Windsor (Mr. A. Somerville) on standing by himself in this House. He is the only one so far who has given unstinted praise to the Bill. The remarkable fact is that no other speaker on either side of the House has been able to give such unstinted praise. It might be of interest and of some help to hon. Members in coming to a decision if I refer briefly to the manner in which exemptions have been carried out under a by-law of the Act of 1921. The county which I represent was one of the earliest to adopt a by-law under the Act of 1921 raising the school-leaving age to 15, and to get permission for it from the Board of Education. That by-law came into operation on 1st January, 1925.

The length of experience of the working of the by-law is almost equal to the length of time for which I have represented the constituency, and I can speak with some knowledge and experience of the way in which it has worked. Exemptions have been granted, and the principle on which the exemptions committee have worked during the period has been to grant exemptions where further attendance at school would create hardships and where suitable employment has been found. The fact that a parent could find suitable employment for his child did not of necessity procure a certificate of exemption. During last year, 361 exemptions were granted in that county.

From a practical administrative point of view, I would like seriously to draw the attention of the House to the great dissatisfaction that has been created by the decisions of the exemptions committee. That committee has acted with the greatest fairness and impartiality, but nevertheless instances of dissatisfaction are constantly occurring. I warn my fellow Members from experience, such as very few of them have so far had, that their postbags will be considerably heavier if the exemption Clause of the Bill is allowed to remain. Instances of the following kind have occurred: Two quarry men, earning the same wages and with the same number of children in the family, apply to the exemptions committee for exemption for a child. The application of A is granted, but the application of B is refused. This is a concrete case. B immediately says that the committee is unfair because it has shown partiality to A, although B may not have the information which the committee may have had about A. Nevertheless the feeling is produced.

What is the effect upon the boy or girl concerned? A boy in one house is granted exemption. His father finds him work in the quarry, and he begins his apprenticeship. The boy next door has had exactly the same kind of life, has attended the same school and played the same games, but his father's application for him to work in the quarry is refused. What is the attitude of this boy? He becomes discontented, and does not want to go to school because he considers it a waste of time. He would rather be earning money. The effect of that is bad, and it affects the discipline of the school. It creates a bad atmosphere all round.

What is the effect upon the committee? I know the chairman very well. He is an excellent man who has been performing an unpleasant job for quite a long time. Every member of the committee feels exactly the same, and every one is asking when he is going to be able to get rid of this unpleasant job. They have been kept quiet so far by the promise that before long the school-leaving age throughout the country would be raised to 15 without exemption. The Bill will perpetuate their difficulty. I warn the Minister that it is not fair, right or just to expect local committees to undertake this unpleasant task, which the Minister will not face himself.

May I interrupt my hon. and gallant Friend for a moment? I was chairman of a committee for six years, with the local schoolmaster and two other members, and I can assure my hon. and gallant Friend that we never found the job an unpleasant job, and I never had the least difficulty. I am not discussing the point that he is now raising, but I only want to point out that, as chairman of a local committee for six years, I never had any difficulty.

The hon. Gentleman represents Lowestoft, where they have been granting exemptions wholesale; everyone who asks is granted an exemption. Of course the matter is perfectly easy in those circumstances. But here is a committee which asks the Board of Education to allow it to adopt the bylaw because it desires to give better education to the children under its control. It did not adopt this by-law in. order to grant exemptions wholesale; that was the last thing that it desired. There are cases in this country where local education authorities and exemption committees have allowed as many as 96 per cent. of the applications. The figures range from 79 per cent. to 96 per cent. The only exception is the local education authority in Carnarvonshire, where the percentage is not 37—the figure that was stated the other day—but 27 per cent.

There you have an authority which is endeavouring to carry out a process whereby the children will have a decent education and will remain at school until they are 15 years of age. But even that committee does not always find itself capable of meting our fairness and justice. That committee sitting to-day will refuse practically all applications for exemption; sitting a few weeks later it will grant the majority. What is the reason? It may depend on the chairman. I know of an instance where the chairman was present during the first half of the committee meeting, and very few exemptions were allowed. He had to go away during the second half, and practically every application was granted. You have to depend on this human element in the committees, and you are asking too much from them. It is not fair that this very onerous and unpleasant task should be placed on the shoulders of people who give voluntary work in the service of their country.

Unlike most authorities, we in Carnarvonshire have had maintenance grants. The Noble Lord the Minister without Portfolio was, I think, President of the Board of Education at the time when, in 1928, the local education authority in Carnarvonshire was given permission to pay maintenance grants in necessitous cases. By what authority that was done I do not know, unless it was by the authority implied in Section 24 of the Act of 1921. The result has been that the numbers of exemptions have gradually gone down. In the first years the numbers were high, but gradually they have become less, for the simple reason that where there was real hardship the committee was able to grant a maintenance allowance of 3s. a week, which was a flat rate for everyone. Last year £1,808 was paid out. The average cost per child is about £3 3s. per annum. But the Board of Education regarded it as approved expenditure, and therefore the education authority was entitled to a 50 per cent. grant from the board. What is going to be the position of that authority under this new Bill? It seems to me that the Bill will deprive that authority of the grant of 50 per cent. towards maintenance grants, and I should like an answer from the right hon. Gentleman on that point. He does not even shake his head now. Is he going to shake his head and give his assent to the continuance of this grant, or will he shake his head as a negative? We should like to know, but apparently there is no answer—

I am very glad to hear that there will be, and I am quite prepared to wait. There is, I think, a very simple way out. Under Section 24 of the Act of 1921 there is authority to pay maintenance grants where the local authority recommends it. All bursaries and scholarships are given under that Section, and the Board of Education has always regarded this as approved expenditure. On the other hand, I understand that Barrow-in-Furness made an application that their expenditure on maintenance grants should be regarded as approved expenditure, and it was refused. What authority has the Board of Education in one case to regard this as approved expenditure and in another case not to allow it as approved expenditure? I believe it is possible, and I believe it was the intention of this House when it passed the Act of 1921, for maintenance grants to be given and to be regarded as approved expenditure, but the Department has chosen to take another interpretation.

So far as the county which I represent comes into the question, it seems to me that this Bill does not mean that we are going forward in a progressive manner, but that we shall be retrogressive, because, quite honestly, I do not think it is possible for a committee to refuse to grant applications for exemptions if parents come to them and say that, owing to the hardship, they cannot afford to keep their children at school any longer, and ask the committee to come to their assistance and give them a maintenance grant. The result will be far more exemptions. The figures given by the right hon. Gentleman the other day with regard to these exemptions show quite clearly that where no maintenance grants are given the number of exemptions is extraordinarily high. Where maintenance grants are given—

I do not know if the hon. and gallant Gentleman was in the House earlier, when I pointed out that yesterday the House came to a Resolution that no maintenance grants should be given. He must not develop that argument over again.

I had no intention of developing it as a general argument. I think it is most important that this question should be cleared up. It is not a question of the decision of the House at all. It has already been decided. There is an Act of Parliament already and, as far as I know, it has not been superseded by any other Act. I know something about education and the teaching of children. I know something about the conditions under which they are brought up. Honestly, I cannot believe that it is possible for beneficial employment to be found for boys or girls under 15. They are too immature to be put on the labour market, they are too young to be taken from the care and guidance of their teachers and they are too young and immature to be without the assisance of the school medical officer. I appeal to the Minister to take a broad and a humane view of this question. I would agree then with an appointed day 3½ years hence but, as it is, the appointed day is not going to be of the slightest good to local authorities.

The right hon. Gentleman tried, by very clever manipulation of figures, to make out that there would be an additional nine months required of places in the schools. He does not know. He will not know, neither will the local education authorities, until the exemption committees are appointed, and they will not be appointed until after the appointed day. It is no help to the authorities to put the date forward to 1st September, 1930, so long as exemptions are allowed. If exemptions were not permitted, they could prepare, make out their costs and submit their schemes; they would know how many places would be required and exactly how many teachers would be required. The right hon. Gentleman said he would not dare to give the figures for Carnarvonshire because they were too favourable. Too favourable to whom or to what? I could not understand. They were too favourable to the child. Carnarvon has proved definitely that, if this is administered properly, you can reduce the number of children leaving school and make life easier and pleasanter for them. I earnestly ask the Minister to reconsider the question. Let it be a fixed time for every child. It will help administration, it will help the future of the children and will be a blessing to the country.

8.59 p.m.

I should like to join in the congratulations to the Government which have come from hon. Members on this side on the introduction of the Bill. I believe it to mark an epoch in education. It is true that it does not show the whole policy of the Government. It is unfortunate that we cannot discuss along with the Bill their administrative policy as outlined in Circular 44. If that were possible, we should see what a large series of measures they are taking to raise the educational standard of the country. Any one who does not understand it, reading the Bill, is naturally disappointed because there is no mention of the great developments which are foreshadowed in that Circular. They are not included because they do not require legislation. The Bill, however, is intimately connected with and lays the foundation of many of these welcome developments that are going to take place. The provisions for building grants for non-provided schools seem to me the main outstanding feature of the Bill, because they will at last enable the developments of post-primary education on Hadow lines to be completed. What has prevented the Hadow scheme from being carried out is the inability of the managers of non-provided schools to do their part on account of financial stringency. It is to be hoped that those responsible for these schools will, as soon as the Bill is passed, embrace the splendid opportunity that they have of putting the coping stone on the Hadow reorganisation scheme throughout the country, and especially in the country districts.

The Bill, taken in conjunction with the Board of Education programme, is a great advance, and I, for one, am very grateful indeed to have it. But I am disappointed with the reception that has been given to it from the Labour benches. Their Amendment is purely destructive and not at all helpful. I feel that on a question like this, in which party politics should not enter to any extent, it is a pity that they should not have taken a larger view of the situation. Their Amendment refers to the Hadow Report. The primary object of the Bill is to enable the Hadow scheme to be fully developed by the provision of many new senior schools, so that boys and girls up to the age of 15 may secure the finest education possible. The Amendment complains that the Bill ignores the recommendations outlined in the Hadow Report for the provision of secondary education for all. Those words sent me to the Hadow Report itself and, after having looked carefully through it, I cannot find anything in it to justify the statement. It envisages not secondary but post-primary education for all, which is a very different thing. I would refer any one who wishes to follow it up, to paragraphs 89 and 90, and he will see that what I say is quite correct. I feel that the Bill provides the means for the first time of carrying out the great extension of post-primary education foreshadowed in that report and that is why I, in common with most educationists, welcome it.

I intend to vote for the Bill, but I am bound as a practical educationist to refer to what we regard as two blots on it, the provision for exemption and the absence of maintenance allowances. I too, like the hon. Member for Moss Side (Mr. W. R. Duckworth), am a member of the Executive Committee of the Association of Chambers of Commerce. The views of this association were placed fully before the President of the Board while the Bill was being drafted, and they were gone into in great detail. I regret that he was not able to see his way to meet the views of the association on these two points.

I have, I think, something fresh to say about exemptions because I can speak from practical experience, having served on our local education authority for over 30 years. It has been brought home to me that any exemptions, except in very exceptional circumstances, render administration very difficult indeed. Exemptions are bad for the children and for the school. It seems to be forgotten that exemptions between the ages of 13 and 14 were tried out in the early years of this century and proved a disastrous failure. Tremendous difficulties were caused through pressure being brought to bear on council members of education committees by their constituents, differences in standards of neighbouring areas, and complaints of inconsistent treatment. I remember that in those days exemptions were dragged even into municipal elections. I recall one councillor who gained much popularity by advocating exemptions for practically every child, and he was returned to the council largely on the strength of that argument. Much of the time of the education committee was taken up with appeals for exemptions, and the whole thing became so hateful that everyone, including the parents themselves, rejoiced when exemptions were finally done away with in the year 1918. Surely, we do not want to go back to those bad old days. If the Bill passes as it is, I can visualise the whole trouble arising again in an aggravated form, but I am glad to think that since those days the attitude of parents with regard to education has changed. Parents are far more anxious to see that their children obtain a good education. All that they want is a fair deal and strict equality of treatment.

The introduction of exemptions will recreate the spirit which existed in former days. The year from 14 to 15 is the most important in a child's life. It is worth two years of any other period, for it is when boys or girls are at the adolescent stage that they begin to think for themselves, feel their individuality and realise that they have responsibilities. Exemptions during that last year would, I am convinced from experience, strike a vital blow at what all educationists are aiming at. Imagine the effect in the top form of a school in which there is a properly prepared syllabus if, term after term, perhaps a quarter of the whole class is permitted to leave, until in the last term of the session, perhaps only a quarter of the original number remain. Think of the disorganisation of the class itself. The children, instead of concentrating on their lessons, would, along with their parents, be trying to find suitable jobs, and their thoughts would not be in school but on the work they were trying to obtain. Think of the effect upon the teacher. Even with the best will in the world he would be fighting against impossible odds. Surely, the Minister can see from an educational point of view how fatal any such arrangement would be.

The other difficulty in the Bill is the absence of maintenance grants. I understand that I must go very carefully over this matter, and I will endeavour to do so. I was very glad the House rejected the latter part of the proposal last night for State maintenance grants, but the maintenance allowances advocated for many years by education committees, by the Association of Education Committees and also by the National Union of Teachers are only to be given to enable necessitous children to continue in attendance at school during this extra year. Personally, I have in mind, as many other educationists have, similar maintenance allowances to those that are already granted by education committees to necessitous children above the age of 14 who have been transferred to secondary schools and have become entitled to maintenance grants during their attendance there. I cannot follow the argument which I heard in the House that there is any real difference between these two cases—between the maintenance allowances that are being given to secondary schools and the maintenance allowances for which educationists in this House are asking to-night. The Board of Education pay 50 per cent. of the cost in the case of secondary schools, and in justice to elementary school children I think that they should be placed on the same basis as far as these allowances are concerned.

I welcome the encouragement given to the clever child who gains a scholarship in the secondary school, but in my education work, I am even more concerned with the ordinary boy or girl in our elementary schools. They deserve as good an education as the clever children, and I object to any discrimination which would put the ordinary child in our schools in an inferior position. I hope that even yet the Government will think better of these two points and meet the demands which are coming from every quarter. There is one consolation, that it will no doubt be within the power of the Government later on to deal with the question of maintenance allowances by administrative action without bringing it before Parliament, and the Government have still a long time in which to consider the question of exemptions before September, 1939. I am convinced that the continued pressure which will come from all parts of the country will enable them to see the error of their ways in this direction before the Act comes into operation. At the same time, I welcome the Bill and sincerely hope that it will be passed to-night by a tremendous majority and that it will emerge from the Committee stage even a better Bill than it is to-day.

9.15 p.m.

I am very gratified that I have the chance to take part in the Debate. I remember an occasion, some five years ago, when a very interesting discussion took place on one of the subjects raised by the present Bill. The present Lord President of the Council was the Prime Minister and I was one of the Tellers in connection with the Division that took place. There was a majority of 33 on what was known as the Scurr Amendment, dealing with the vexed problem which we had tried to settle by negotiation. It was my first appearance at the Table as a Teller, and I asked one of the hon. Members on my side of the House where I was to go. He said: "Go to Hell." Hon. Members will note the friendly relations that existed at that time between myself and some of my colleagues. There is a different atmosphere in the House now, but if there happened to be no difference of atmo- sphere and I was told to go to the same place again it would not make any difference to my attitude on this question.

The Minister of Education to-day made a definite statement and I intervened. I said, "Do you mean that they have come to an agreement with the Catholic schools"? He said, "Yes." I said, "Is that so?" He replied, "Yes." He read out certain names that appeared in a White Paper. Fortunately, I was able to get a copy of that White Paper, and I find that no such agreement had been arrived at. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh!"] I am not making any statement which I cannot prove. Certain people were present at a conference, and as I have been concerned in the discussion inside and outside the House I know something about this subject, in regard to which I came to this House. We were told that arrangements had been arrived at. I take it that the right hon. Gentleman was referring to the White Paper dealing with the conference on the 13th and 14th January, 1931. There were present at that conference, along with other representatives, Cardinal Bourne, the Archbishop of Cardiff, F. E, Blundell, and John Scurr. The White Paper states: cussion took place and no decision could be arrived at, and we did take our Amendment to the Floor of the House. We put it forward on the 21st January, 1931. John Scurr sat next to me. That proves conclusively that there had been no arrangement arrived at. There was nothing that any section representing the non-provided schools could come to agreement about. The Minister could not make up his mind. He did not know where he was. The result was that we had a rift in our ranks because the Minister was not able to let us know how the position stood. The matter was pressed to a Division, and when the question of resigning was put forward the Prime Minister said, "What is the trouble? I accept it, and we will include it in the Bill, on the decision of the House." Those are the facts, which are well known to me.

To-night I am asked to consider a certain proposal in the present Bill dealing with this matter, but I am too old a customer in regard to Parliamentary statements which are not implemented in a Bill to accept anything that comes from any bench, whether from our own bench or the Government Bench. Unless I am able to see the thing implemented in the Bill I cannot accept it, because in this House I find that things move so quickly that people come and go almost before you know that they have been in the House. Therefore, I am going to exercise a little canniness and to be true to the promise I gave to those who sent me here. I am not concerned with the opinions of any man in regard to what I have to say, because I feel that the coming and the going and the passing out is of very little consequence unless one is true to one's self.

We are faced in this Bill with expediency in regard to the question of reorganisation of schools and the position of non-provided schools. I am sorry that I have to introduce something that may appear to be a discordant note, but I must remind the Minister that whilst we have had political speeches to-night, when this Bill goes into Committee we shall be faced with the very problem with which I am now dealing. We shall be confronted with opinions from up and down the country on this question when people realise what is meant. I know something of what I am saying. I know something of the constituency in which I live and the people who surround me there, and I know what the opinions will be when it dawns upon them what is likely to happen under this Bill.

There never was and there never can be any solution of this problem—it was the same right through the regime of the Irish party—until we realise the sanctity of the non-provided schools in regard to the religion taught there and the environment in general in those schools. We speak of character and education. Certainly the formation of character in a boy or girl makes a man or a woman of him or her, but the important thing is the moral and the religious teaching. I have little regard for monetary matters but I have great regard for the moral issue. I am not concerned about things that are of very little value. I place more value on eternal things, on the knowledge of God, than I do on specious arguments that may be raised in this House. On the previous occasion I had to speak against my own colleagues. The right of conscience was allowed to me then by my comrades, and although it may have been thought that I was not true to them on that occasion I felt that I was doing the right thing, although I was doing them a great injury.

Is it to be said to-night that I have got to be false to the people outside who sent me here, who have not departed one iota from the principles they held sacred when I took my stand in 1931? When this matter comes to be debated up and down the country this is going to be a very difficult Measure. I am truly thankful to the Deputy-Speaker for giving me an opportunity to put a point of view which I am most anxious that the country should be able to read and understand. I have in my hand the agreement which was entered into and on which only a basis of any settlement could be arrived at. This was definitely laid down by the hierarchy, and as far as I know it is their attitude now—that we cannot consider relinquishing the rights of managers of any private schools with regard to the appointment and dismissal of teachers except in the case of a satisfactory national settlement.

This is not a national settlement. If it were, there would be something to be said for a National Government. I say to my colleagues of the Labour party that it is going to create a difficulty for them to face when this Government have shuffled off the coil of office. It is very strange to me that when the powers began to move the Labour party had to get a move on and indicate what their attitude was. Hon. Members opposite were willing to co-operate with me in the defeat of the Labour party. They are willing to do all they could to force the issue in 1931. But there has been no effort since 1931, although hon. Members were most anxious, as they said, to do their duty. But with the greatest majority of modern times they sat on those benches for four years and never made a move to deal with the problem.

If I could damn this Bill to-night I should do so, because it has nothing of a national character in it. This Bill does not settle the difficulties of the various bodies concerned. It is a continuation of the agreements that were made with Sir Charles Trevelyan. There has been no real solution. I trust that there will be a change. My policy in this House, to be true to myself, must be to be against anything which I feel is not the right or correct thing. The Minister has an opportunity such as was never given to any young man, if he has courage, strength and power and not partisanship, to show that he truly understands the educational problem. Ministers come and Ministers go, but some Minister some day must settle this problem. A conference round the table would be much better than a repetition of the struggles of the past, but I hold myself in reserve when this matter comes before the Committee to have the right of bringing my Amendments forward. Therefore I must vote against the Bill to-night.

9.34 p.m.

The hon. Member has recalled to us who were in that Parliament memories of those days. If anything were needed to make me vote for this Bill it would be the speech to which we have just listened. I do not think that he has treated Sir Charles Trevelyan with the generosity which he deserved. The solution which Sir Charles Trevelyan sought to give was one which appealed to a great many both inside and outside the House.

As far as Sir Charles Trevelyan is concerned, he was the wrong man in the office. He did not know his job. That is my opinion, and I will say it before his face if you bring him here.

If any further arguments were needed to induce hon. Members to support the Bill, I think they have been supplied by the speech of the hon. Member. The Opposition, in moving their Amendment, are sincerely desirous of defeating the Bill. If it were in their power they would prevent the Second Reading being passed. I ask them now, in the face of the memories of previous Education Bills, whether they really want the present Bill to be defeated. Let me remind them of one simple fact in connection with our educational progress, and that is that throughout this century not a single major Education Bill has been passed by any party of the Left. That is a remarkable fact. The parties of the Left are not less enthusiastic about education than parties of the Right, and yet they have never been able to pass a major Education Bill, and the speech to which we have just listened supplies one of the reasons. There are probably not many hon. Members here to-day who sat through the various stages of the 1918 Education Bill, but it took a great war and a National Government to pass that Measure. It was the biggest educational Measure since the Education Bill of the Conservative party in 1902. I welcome this Bill because I think it is a step in the progress of education. It is not all that I want, or all that hon. Members opposite want, but it marks a substantial progress on the road, and the longer I am in Parliament and in politics, the less sympathy I have with those who so curiously decline to go four miles in a progressive direction because they cannot go five.

There has been a great deal of criticism on both the principle and practice of exemptions. I want to say one word on the principle and a less favourable word about the practice. I believe that a system of exemptions is going to be a solution of the problem of entry into industry. We have had 25 years' experience of the work of juvenile employment committees, who have been performing very admirable voluntary work in giving advice in the choice of employment to children leaving school. They have no powers of any sort other than to give advice in regard to employment, but under the exemption scheme as developed in the Bill they are, for the first time, going to have real power and also the duty of seeing that a child who is exempted is in an employment which satisfies certain standards. That seems to me to be a great advance in principle in regard to the method of passage from education to industry. Hitherto we have had children stopped suddenly at the age of 14 and thrown into the labour market; effective contact between education and industry lost— perhaps it never existed. The essential problem of the future is that there shall be some intelligent process between education and industry so that they shall not be wholly independent activities, almost unconscious of each other, but that they shall work in harmony so that the child and industry may be in some measure adapted to each other.

There is no Member of this House who will assert that there is any sanity in the theory that at one given moment all children attending elementary schools have ceased their elementary education and are ready for the industrial market. Equally, there is no hon. Member who will say that all different activities are equally ready for children at the same time. Both children and industry need different moments when the child should enter industry and when the industry is able to take the child. I believe that a system of exemptions is the method by which this bridge will ultimately be constructed. But I deplore that 14 should be the age at which the bridge is to end. I deplore it because I want the age to be higher, but I support the Bill wholeheartedly because of the very definite reason given by the President of the Board of Education that the policy of the Bill was put forward with such precision and clarity at the General Election. The right hon. Gentleman's argument on that point is cast-iron and quite unmistakably he could not possibly extend the age beyond 15 without a breach of faith with the electors.

I accept the Bill as the necessary result of the Election. We may not like the theory of mandates, the theory that the electorate can bind the Government with undue precision, but in this case we were given a programme with quite exceptional definiteness and it was endorsed by the electorate. But I should like to obtain, and I think we shall ultimately, a position when the age of exemption will not be 14, but 15. I do not believe that children are ripe for industry at the age of 14. Those who are teachers have more experience of children than I can have myself, but I can picture a boy of 14 of good physique enjoying a useful life in agricultural work; a child well grown and healthy entering into that extremely useful educational work of agriculture, although at the same time I should do anything to prevent my own child going into the ordinary avocations of daily life at 14 not because I have any particular enthusiasm for book education, but because I believe it is a pity to deprive a child unnecessarily of its last year of childhood. That is a great thing. I think the system of exemptions will work, and that ultimately the age of 15 will be to the advantage of this country.

Therefore, I support these exemptions, but I hope the Government will accept Amendments to make beneficial employment a reality. It can be made a reality if we add a certain amount of decision to the Bill. There are three points that require consideration. One of them does not need legislation at all, but I think that in some way or other we must be sure that no one is able to say that employment is beneficial because the child is getting more food and better clothing than he would if he stayed at school. Secondly, the Bill asserts that proper regard shall be had for education and recreation. I ask the House to insert, when we come to Committee, a very simple provision which will make that a practical proposal. I want the House to assert that no child shall be put into a job which occupies more than 44 hours a week. I quite agree that 44 hours is too much, but surely no one is so utterly unpractical and so unaware of existing law and practice as not to realise what a big advance 44 hours would constitute. If we laid down that no employment could be deemed to be beneficial if the hours exceeded 44 a week, that would indeed be making a revolution in many branches of juvenile employment.

Thirdly, there is the question of the end of the term. The President of the Board of Education asserted that it was important or desirable to allow exemptions in the course of the term because jobs might arise at any moment during the term. The same problem was before us in 1918, when we passed Section 138, according to which the child was deemed to attain the age at the end of the term. At that time it was also stated that jobs would not wait until the end of the term, but they have waited, as we have seen during these 17 years. If the President of the Board of Education investigates the matter he will find that if industries know they cannot get their supply until the end of term, they will adjust themselves to the situation. Very little adjustment is necessary, for all that is involved is the holding over of a vacancy for a few weeks. We all know that it is an adjustment which takes place in the case of public schoolboys, and if it happens in their case, I see no reason why it should not happen in the case of elementary school children.

There is one other point to which I would like to refer. Could not the Minister allow the date to be brought forward where that is reasonably practicable? I asked a director of education in a very difficult county, where the distances are great and the schools far apart, how long it would take him to carry put the reorganisation involved by the Hadow Scheme, which presented very difficult problems of transport, and he told me it would take him three years to have the organisation complete. Since that time, the Hadow reorganisation has made great progress, and, although my right hon. Friend has knowledge which no one else in the House can pretend to have, I think he will find that with a little urging the great mass of authorities can easily be ready sooner. I would ask him rather to reverse the process, to make those who come in early the general rule, with exceptions for the few who, for exceptional reasons, are prevented from completing their reorganisation in time. If he will do that, I think he will be conferring a great benefit upon the children of this country. I want this Bill to become an Act soon, because I believe it will confer a very real boon on the children of this country, and I believe it will be followed in due course by another Bill that will complete the process. It is because I believe that, that I thank the right hon. Gentleman for introducing this Bill, and thus undertaking the extremely thankless and very stormy voyage that is involved. I thank him and wish him a safe entry into port.

9.50 p.m.

In all the speeches which I have heard in this Debate, or, at any rate, in most of them, I have been struck by the fact that with two exceptions—the one by an older Tory, if he will forgive my calling him that, and the other by a newer Tory-there has been no unqualified support of the Bill. If the right hon. Gentleman the President of the Board of Education will forgive my saying so, even he seemed to carry very little conviction in presenting the Bill. Earlier in the day we had some discussion, which was initiated by the right hon. Gentleman himself, as to whether this Bill may be regarded as a fulfilment or otherwise of the Government's electoral promises. Last night I referred to the fact that, furiously enough, before the 1929 election, the then Conservative Government thought fit to issue a separate educational manifesto. On the last occasion the National Government also issued one, and I think I should be right if I said —I want to be fair in my statement of it—that the general impression created by the Government's manifesto on education was that they proposed in the realm of educational effort to realise, so far as was possible in the time at their disposal, an equality of opportunity. I believe that is a fair statement of the impression created by their manifesto, and I think that was the impression the Government desired to create. I would like to support that contention by referring to the last paragraph of the manifesto, which reads:

"Brains are the prerogative of no single class. They are as likely to be found in the poorest as in the richest homes, and wherever they are found it is essential, in the interests of the State as well as of the individual, that they should be given every opportunity of development."

That was the Government's statement of their general object, and I therefore would wish to ask this question: Can it be contended that this Bill does redeem the implied promise that they would secure equality of opportunity for children of the age-range 14–151 There are two main subjects discussed in this Bill. There is the subject of the raising of the school-leaving age, and there is the subject of the provision for non-provided schools. It is not necessary this evening to dwell upon that second subject. I am interested, I must confess, as one who took some small part in connection with the 1930 Bill, in the reactions of this House to this problem to-day, and I make bold to say that I am exceedingly glad for myself to see that, almost without exception, each of the speakers has said he is anxious to see this educational opportunity of the child redeemed from the somewhat shameful battle of the churches. I may be pardoned if I point this out, that though our Bill of 1930 had some points in it different from this Bill, in the main its proposals concerning non-provided schools were not very much unlike those in this Bill. We proposed to raise the school-leaving age universally, without exemptions, and we proposed to grant maintenance allowances. I therefore think I can quite fairly recall to the Members opposite that they defeated that Bill and by defeating it, either here or elsewhere—it was the same party anyway—

The Bill, which had not any reference to the non-provided schools at all, was withdrawn by the hon. Member himself.

No. The Bill was defeated in the other place, and the consequence was that the children of the age-range 14 to 15 might have had educational opportunities which now will never return to them, and, after all, if we deprive children of an educational opportunity of one year, we deprive them of it practically for ever, for we only pass from the schools once in our lifetime. However, let us hope we have passed away from that controversy, and there is some prospect presumably that we shall on this occasion be able generally to agree upon some potential solution of the problem.

I turn, if I may, from that aspect of the problem to the problem of the school-leaving age itself, and I venture to say at once that I find the case as presented by the Minister to be singularly unconvincing. As I see it, this Bill in fact makes very little difference in the situation as we now have it. It does, of course, apply the situation as we find it in bylaw areas throughout the country, with this exception, that it extends the idea of exemptions in this way: Exemptions under the old situation were largely permissive, but under this Bill they become obligatory under certain conditions. May I stop for a minute to ask this question? What do we mean by an exemption? An exemption surely implies a departure from a general rule. The general rule which is propounded in this Bill is only nominally a rule. The Bill, in point of fact, faces both ways. It says in one breath to the child, "You must remain at school from 14 to 15 years of age, an extra year," and the moment it has said that it turns to the local authority and says, "You must exempt this child from attendance at school."

The right hon. Gentleman the President of the Board has given us a standard by which we may judge the merits of any Bill raising the school-leaving age, fur, speaking at the Church Congress at Bournemouth, he used these words: look, or to forget, or to ignore those varying economic, political, or other conditions and insist upon some sort of uniformity. Secondly, the objection was this:

Let me turn to the problem of how the exemptions will actually work. There is to be no general rule laid down to guide the administrators of education. Indeed, the right hon. Gentleman said this afternoon that the consideration as to beneficial employment must not be a general consideration at all, but must be particular to every child. What does that mean? I understand that in the London area there will be something like 40,000 to 50,000 children who will be retained at school. What will be the effect on the London authorities? To begin with, they have no rule to guide them, and probably every one of them will have a different interpretation of the meaning of the word "beneficial." There will be almost as many varying opinions as members of an education committee as to what is beneficial employment. The right hon. Gentleman made it quite clear this afternoon. The education committees will have to determine what they are to do in regard to these 50,000 children. Their first problem, therefore, is to examine, not the whole of the mass, but each separate individual occupation of the 50,000. They will consider the 50,000 applications and determine, first, whether their applications for employment are in respect of beneficial jobs. They must then send out a number of scouts to various parts where the potential employers are, and those scouts must bring back a report as to the character of each employer, something of his record as an employer, something as to the nature of the employment, information as to the hours worked, and information as to the amount of leisure available to the children if sent to work.

Innumerable inquiries will have to be made in respect of the 50,000 children. When they are allowed to go to their work, is that the end of it? No, because it may well be that a child, having got into a job, may find itself in great difficulty. The employer may become bankrupt after two months. Back the poor child goes to the local education authority, which has to decide whether the child should go to the junior instruction centre or return to school. The child stays either at the centre or at school for a period, and once again there is a chance of employment. I ask the right hon. Gentleman and his colleagues whether they really suppose that it is a fair thing to ask administrators to be constantly sitting evening after evening, as they must do in big areas, going through thousands of applications such as this, watching over each individual case and always be face to face with the problem, not of how they will develop the educational service of the child, but always of the child's employment.

I will say this by way of commendation. We are all acquainted with the old trouble of the by-law area caused by one area availing itself of a by-law while a contiguous area is not so doing. I believe that an effort has been made to enable contiguous areas to arrive at regional agreements, but however much we may establish regional agreements or a common standard within the region, there must be areas on the confines of that region where different standards will prevail. That shows that the only way in the long run of solving the old problem of the by-law area is to solve it nationally. The right hon. Gentleman has not done that in this Bill. We have to ask the local education authorities to determine whether a given employment is beneficial or not, and the right hon. Gentleman said candidly that a job in one area might be deemed to be beneficial, but in another area it might not be deemed to be beneficial. He said that a blind-alley occupation in one place may not be beneficial, but that the same occupation in another place may be beneficial.

Really, therefore, the same trade has to be examined according to the point of view of different and separate authorities. In an agricultural area the education authority is mainly operating in a single industry area, and this covers a very big portion of England. Do you expect an education authority composed mainly of agriculturists to declare that their own industry is not a beneficial one? In a mining area like mine, do you expect people to determine that mining is not beneficial? If we do, we are expecting an almost impossible thing. We know that it has almost been a traditional thing in this House for those who represent agricultural areas to oppose the extension of the school-leaving age. I heard it argued here on a smaller Bill two years ago that it was right and proper for a child to go to school at 8.30 or 9 o'clock in the morning and equally fit and proper that a child should go to the fields and hoe potatoes at 6 o'clock in the morning before going to school. Clearly, in such areas agriculture will be deemed to be beneficial employment, and the consequence will be wholesale exemptions.

Take the case of areas in which industry is divided. I understand that in one of the Yorkshire towns, in Leeds I believe, juvenile workers are almost at a premium. They are employed to the tune of 100 per cent. There will be pressure in those areas to give exemptions and once you grant exemptions to the principal trade there, you must give it to all, because all the children can get jobs. In the distressed areas there is a different problem. But even there, as long as the parents and the children know that jobs are available and that if the children can get employment, they can leave school, the competition to secure exemptions will be intense. It is a fair point to make that instead of directing the child's mind, during the period from 14 to 15, to the business of education this Measure will have such an effect that during that period his sole thought will be how quickly he can get a job. His mind will be removed from his school work and his studies and diverted to questions of employment and such distractions.

The right hon. Gentleman quoted an authority which I recognise as influential, as to the value of the exemptions given in I think the Chesterfield area. Those acquainted with the work of the director of education in that area know that he is a high authority but I may quote on the other side another director of education as showing the value of a by-law raising the school-leaving age from 14 to 15 in relation to juvenile employment. I quote from the "Journal of Education" of 17th December, 1935, in which Mr. J. H. Willis, Director of Education for Barrow, says: there, that the secondary schools is of a better type than the higher elementary school? I hate that distinction. I say it is a monstrous distinction to perpetuate. We ought to insist that all schools taking children from 11 years of age upwards should cater for all children academically minded or mechanically minded and that all those schools should be on the same basis from the standpoint of the Government. If we give these exemptions we shall ruin that conception of equality for both types of schools.

I was glad to hear my hon. Friend the Member for South Shields (Mr. Ede) challenge what seemed to be the general notion on the opposite benches that there is some special merit in Clause 5 from the humanitarian point of view. We understand the sympathy which hon. Members opposite feel, the response of their hearts to the case of the child who is called upon to help in a home in difficult circumstances; but let us not forget that we have not provided for that child anything like the guarantees which are provided in the other Clauses for boys who are exempted under other conditions. This little girl who is to be exempted in order to work at home will become a sort of new Cinderella of the home, and there will be no silver slipper of education for her but only a pair of old clogs. If the Government had wanted to show sympathy for a family in those conditions could they not have shown it more completely by providing financial assistance for that home, and so preserving for the child its educational opportunities?

I consider that the Government have missed a great opportunity. Surely they know that local authorities all over the country have pleaded for years for the raising of the school-leaving age, and that they are overwhelmingly in favour of doing so without these exemptions. They know that there would be no opposition in this House to a Bill to do that, and yet, with this unique opportunity before them, they throw away the chance and spoil an educational opportunity which may not arise again for some time to come. I deplore their decision, not on political grounds but on strictly educational grounds. I am not one of those who have argued that the main value of this Bill will be industrial. Its main value for me has always been its educa- tional value. Running as a sinister vein through this Bill is the conception, which we repudiate, that the poor child is destined to go to work while other children, because they are more fortunately circumstanced, need not inherit that calamity. We object to the Bill and we object to exemptions being granted on this wholesale scale, and because we object to it in principle we shall carry our objection to the division Lobby.

10.26 p.m.

It is always difficult, in replying to a Debate like this, to know whether one should reply to the Debate or to the speeches which have been made in the Debate. That is particularly difficult in this Debate because to attempt to answer individually, speaker by speaker, all the points that have been made would be to fail to answer the real case that has been made for and against, and especially against, the Bill. Therefore, while I shall try to deal adequately with almost everything that has been said by individual speakers. I hope that the House will allow me to try to meet the main case against the Bill, and to put the main case for the Bill.

The first thing I would say is that the Debate has served only to strengthen in my mind the realisation that all parties in this House, and all sections in the country, have a common purpose at this moment in education. All over the world in every country, democratic, non-democratic, communistic, conservative or radical, there is a revolt from old standards of education and a passionate desire to found a new education which shall be more closely in correspondence with the facts of life in the modern world. I could not describe that aim better than in the words in which it was described by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Keighley (Mr. Lees-Smith) when he thought he was making a point against our ideas. He laid tremendous stress on the necessity of offering a satisfying form of education to the older children between the ages of 14 and 15. He drew, at any rate by implication, a picture of the kind of satisfaction that any other child could get from the old elementary curriculum at that age, or even from the curriculum of many senior schools at the present moment, and he summed up by expressing—I put it in my own words—the purpose in our minds, the purpose of the Hadow Report and the purpose of all our effort to found something new in education. That is to give these older children a fresh sense of purpose in the world of to-day.

The right hon. Gentleman described what in Central Europe has come to be known as Schulbankmüdigkeit —the deadly boredom of the school bench which drives the older child to try to find reality somewhere else than in the school. He has been progressively brought up, in however good a curriculum—to make toys. An education in school, however, practical you try to make it, must always to some extent be make-believe, and he has reached the age when he no longer wants to make toys, but wants to go out and make real things—to create. It is that demand that you are trying to meet; it is that sense of dissatisfaction that you are trying to remove. The only difference between us is that I have more faith in our power of doing that.

The hon. Member for South Shields (Mr. Ede), and others have revived in this Debate the old bugbear of the machine, which has stamped out skilled labour, which has made apprenticeship impossible. The hon. Member for South Shields drew a pathetic picture of the craftsman who used in the old days to be able to follow from London to Guild-ford the very cart which he had made; and he asks, how shall the present-day craftsman be able to follow the motor car which he has made from London to Guildford? I must not get into educational history but it was that despairing abandonment of the problem which really blanketed the great revolutionary movement in education at the end of the 18th and the beginning of the 19th century—the movement of Rousseau and Pestalozzi and others, which was blanketed by the industrial revolution. It is an attempt to get back to that great movement in education that we are making now.

Those who smile at that should remember this. I do not say that when we started, 11 years ago, the idea of the break at 11 in the senior schools, we had in our minds this ideal of the new education. As often happens in this country, we started on an administrative reform. But to-day the most remarkable thing is that from all over the world nations whom we used to regard, and who used to regard themselves, as far ahead of this country in education, are coming to look at our reorganised schools as representing the nearest approach to what they have been trying to create. It is to maintain this country in that position, as a great pioneer in the new education, that we are introducing this Bill, and that hon. Members opposite are opposing it. Let us recognise, at any rate, our common purpose, and let us not say, as the hon. and gallant Member for Carnarvonshire (Major Owen) said when he sees a boy whose chum has been exempted from school attendance—let us not say that that boy wants to go and work because his chum is earning money. That boy as a matter of fact, as we all know, wants very often to go to work because he wants to be doing something more active and practical than, at the present moment, he feels he can do in the school, It is that boy's demand that we have to satisfy in the school if we are to keep him in the school.

If I have begun my remarks like this, it is to make it clear to critics of the Bill that it is by this high standard that it has to be measured. I do not defend it on the ground that it is a little thing which is the best you can do at the present moment. I defend it on the only ground on which it can be defended, that it is the essential step to accomplish that common end. What is the prime purpose of the Bill? It is to meet the need, to supply the administrative want which has held up reorganisation in a measure for many years past. When we started on this reorganisation policy we found that two administrative measures had to be taken if we were to enable local authorities to reorganise their schools. One was to give the local authorities a date and a standard of accommodation to which they were to build all over the country, and the second was to provide some means by which the non-provided schools could keep pace in reorganisation with the council schools.

Those two primary administrative needs we are supplying in the Bill. Efforts have been made to supply them before. The hon. Member for Caerphilly (Mr. M. Jones) is very sad about the failure of the administrative standard which he sought to apply, namely the immediate raising of the school-leaving age under the Bill of 1930. I feel equally sorry at the partial scrapping of my original standards, which I laid down in 1928, that local authorities should build for a four-year course for the full number of children from 11 to 14 who would be in the schools in 1933, with the calculation that, if they did that, they would have enough accommodation and of the right kind to supply all the needs from 11 to 15 as the school population declined. Equally, if that standard had been maintained, we should be further forward in reorganisation than we are to-day. But one thing is clear—that, after the successive attempts to get local authorities going by purely administrative measures, you have to lay down a statutory basis to which local authorities shall build, and that we are doing in the Bill.

I know it is urged by some of our critics that, while we are fixing the date of September, 1939, we are not really fixing the standard of accommodation, because the local authority will not know how many children to accommodate. That criticism has been answered in advance by my right hon. Friend, but I will answer it again. The unit of school buildings is not the individual child but the class. We agree with the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Keighley that separate classes between 14 and 15 are of the essence of reorganisation, and therefore the standard to which local authorities are required by this Bill to build is the standard of the four-years course to be provided by September. 1939.

Perhaps I may at this stage answer my hon. and learned Friend the Member for Montgomeryshire (Mr. C. Davies). Let me begin by saying in justice to local authorities working under great difficulties, that this reorganisation is already about 56 per cent. completed on an average, taking the country as a whole. But my hon. and learned Friend said, "You are asking the local authorities to do that, but what about the rural areas, the sparsely populated areas like Montgomeryshire?" We are doing something for rural areas because we are doubling the grant for transport and we are more than doubling for this temporary period the grant for building. For the rest, I can only say that at the present moment Montgomeryshire is getting a grant on its education expenditure of, I think, between 56 and 57 per cent. If Montgomeryshire wants more I cannot promise it; I can only suggest that if Montgomeryshire speaks to Westmoreland, it may be a case of deep calling unto deep.

What I have said about exemptions brings me to the main case that I have to meet, the case against exemptions, which has been made from all sides of the House. I will reply to it, but before I do so I will say a word or two about the other main object of the Bill, namely, to ensure that non-provided schools can keep pace with council schools in reorganisation. The proposals on that head in the Bill have been dealt with by a number of speakers representing more or less the religious communities themselves, by my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for North-East Leeds (Sir J. Birchall), my hon. Friend the Member for Windsor (Mr. A. Somerville), and by my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for the Exchange Division of Liverpool (Sir J. Shute). The only discordant note among those speeches was the speech, which I did not hear, but of which I heard, of the hon. Member for the Scotland Division of Liverpool (Mr. Logan). I think that I am right in saying that my hon. Friend the Member for the Exchange Division was speaking more or less officially, and that my hon. Friend the Member for North-East Leeds was also speaking more or less officially on behalf of the churches to which they respectively belong.

I would only say that I deeply appreciate the fair and moderate way in which they have approached these proposals. The Government, to use the words of the hon. Member for the Exchange Division of Liverpool, do not ask the representatives of these communities to accept this as a fair and final settlement. I should be glad if I thought that finality in this matter could be reached by any Bill. What we do ask, and what I understand they are prepared to give, is that they shall accept it as the best practical Measure that can be agreed upon at the present time to deal with an immediate situation. On that basis I feel sure that we shall be able to proceed.

Now let me come to the question of exemptions. To the supporters of the Government who have raised this question— my hon. Friend the Member for Moss-side (Mr. W. R. Duckworth), in a very interesting maiden speech, my hon. Friend the Member for Cambridge University (Sir J. Withers) my hon. Friend the Member for Montgomeryshire and others, I would say this. They have generally said that they welcome the Bill but that they wish that exemptions could be left out of it. That they cannot have. The National Government went to the country with a programme. The right hon. Member for Keighley started to try and prove that this Bill is not in accordance with our pledges, and he made one misquotation from the programme; but he then hastily dropped the subject. I do not think that I need deal further with that matter, for my hon. Friend the Member for Caephilly pinned us to our programme and told us how wrong he thought these things were in our programme. The fact is that they were in our programme, and I do not believe that there are more than half-a-dozen or a dozen hon. Members on this side of the House who could honourably and honestly vote for this Bill on Third Reading if it was a Bill which granted no exemptions whatever. Whether we were right or wrong, that was our programme. I do not mean to say that my Noble Friend the hon. Member for the Sutton Division of Plymouth (Viscountess Astor) is in that position. Her position has always been known and she quite clearly contracted out of that part of the National Government's programme.

Of course, my Noble Friend did, and I am making no criticism of her or of those who are in the same position as the Noble Lady; but for the party as a whole it is quite impossible both to have the Bill and to wipe out exemptions. Let that be clearly understood. That is a word to the supporters of the Government. Now a word to the House as a whole. Let me deal with the criticisms that have been made against the policy of exemptions. I will first say a few words about maintenance allowances. That subject was discussed fully yesterday, and to say more than a few words about it would not be in order. The question has been raised by my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Carnarvonshire (Major Owen) and others with reference to Section 24 of the Act of 1921. Let us be quite clear what that provision 1s. That provision was originally enacted as part of the Administrative Provisions Act, 1907, at a time when the minimum leaving age was 12. It was then laid down that, the minimum age being 12, maintenance allowances could be given. The actual words "maintenance allowances" were not in the original Act, but scholarships and bursaries were, implying selection, and it was provided that they might be granted for children over the age of 12.

It is true that that provision has remained on the Statute Book after the raising of the school-leaving age. But I regard that—I am speaking for myself —and I have always regarded it, as an instance of the leaving of an old provision on the Statute Book after its raison d'etre had lapsed. I have always regarded it as having been the general policy of this country from time immemorial that maintenance allowances should not be given when a general raising of the school-leaving age had taken place. I believe that is the only basis on which you can conduct the administration of elementary education.

The only other word I would say is really an incidental point, but it was made with such fervour by the right hon. Member for Keighley that I must refer to it. Whatever analogy they may draw between maintenance allowances and anything else, I would strongly advise hon. Members opposite not to draw the analogy with Income Tax allowances, the characteristic of which is that relief given in respect of the child is smallest where the income is smallest and rises with the income. If the right hon. Gentleman will work it out with the other reliefs in connection with Income Tax, he will find that a man with an earned income of £235 a year, which may be regarded as the point at which the Income Tax payer joins the mass of the elementary school population, gets only 27s. a year in respect of his child, and that a man with an earned income of £400 gets £6 for his first child and 75s. for his second. I know the right hon. Gentleman was comparing the working class with the £l, a year man, but does he really think that is anything but a dramatic comparison which has nothing to do with the real question of policy?

Can the right hon. Gentleman now give us some explanation or the policy of the Department with regard to acknowledging maintenance allowances in one case as approved expenditure and in another case refusing to do so?

The next point I would ask the House to realise in this, matter of exemptions is the attitude hitherto taken by local education authorities. It seems to have been assumed by many speakers that local authorities who have raised the school-leaving age in the past were forced by some action of the board or some statutory condition to grant exemptions. That is not the case. On the contrary, the Board of Education 10 years ago was most hesitant and reluctant to approve by-laws giving a local authority the power to exempt. What is the history of all these special by-laws in local areas? The history is that every single local education authority which has enacted a by-law has on its own motion pressed to be allowed to give exemptions; that is every local authority except Barrow, and even Carnarvonshire, which protests against exemptions, yet even after being allowed to give maintenance allowance persisted in granting exemptions. When we are told that local education authorities through their associations are taking a progressive line and urging us to grant no exemptions, let hon. Members remember that they are asking this House to impose on the taxpayer something which they have never been prepared to impose on the ratepayer. Why have local authorities while advocating by-laws which raise the school age for everyone, irrespective of circumstances, adopted a policy of exemptions themselves? Why has Carnarvonshire done it?

They waited for 10 years for a lead from the Government, and now come to this House and in the name of all local education authorities say to the Government "Follow our lead," a lead which they have never been willing to give. Let me deal briefly and rapidly with the main criticisms against the Bill. The point taken by the hon. Member for South-West Bethnal Green (Sir P. Harris) about the speech of the then Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Education on his Bill is a debating point, and as I was one of the supporters of that Bill I do not think I am called upon to answer that particular point. The right hon. Member for Keighley unlike the hon. Member for Caerphilly tried to argue that Sub-section (6) of Clause 2 would not work. He seemed to think that a parent would be able to apply to a local authority whose policy was more liberal in order to get an exemption. That is a mistake. A parent can only apply to the local authority in the area in which he resides. Then there is the whole argument about the impossible administrative burden that is placed on the local authority by reason of the fact that it has to make inquiries when applications are made for exemptions. Surely hon. Gentlemen who argue in that way have forgotten the vocational guidance work which is directly or indirectly done by every local education authority in this country. If they will only look at the kind of school reports that are given and the kind of forms that have to be dealt with in London in the case of every child who leaves school, they will see that the bugbear of the administrative burden amounts only to asking education authorities to go a little further in this essential vocational guidance work which they are already discharging.

Criticism has also been based upon the supply of labour, and here it is interesting to observe that in every previous Debate we have been, told from the benches opposite that one of the greatest reasons for raising the school-leaving age was that it would withdraw children from the labour market and thus reduce unemployment. I do not think that argument has been used by a single hon. Member to-night. The right hon. Member for Keighley has said the opposite thing, that the exemption system will break down simply because there will be such a demand for juvenile labour that there will be no juvenile unemployment. I do not believe that to be true. I have not time to go into the whole question of juvenile labour and juvenile unemployment, although there is much I might say about it; but I think those who argue in that manner are really misconceiving what is the actual motive in the mind of the parent in approaching the question of juvenile employment.

We tried to approach the question of exemptions from the point of view of the parent. What is the consideration in the parent's mind? It is quite true—and I admit it freely and frankly—that there are parents who are in the desperate position of having to decide whether they are to make a sacrifice of their children's educational future or a sacrifice of family income necessary to keep the children longer at school. That applies to the secondary school, but does it apply to the extra year in the senior school when that extra year will lead to no leaving certificate and will not radically change the type of occupation into which the child will go when he leaves school? Surely that is not the controlling consideration in the parent's mind? The controlling consideration in the parent's mind is this: "I want my child to be certain of going into employment the moment he leaves school," and, secondly, "I want to get my child fairly securely settled in life at the earliest possible moment."

It is that feeling, that occupational security is better under existing circumstances for the child than six months or a year longer of school life, that you have to convince the parents is a wrong calculation and that the real benefit of that extra schooling is worth the postponement of what appears to be a secure opportunity for employment. It is only by convincing the parents of that by the excellence of your senior school organisation that you will ever get a real national demand for a longer school life. That is the real justification for this Bill, and it is on that basis, and as a fulfilment of the pledges of this Government at the General Election and as a great and necessary step towards the establishment in this country of a new form of education which will make us, as we already are, pioneers in the world of education—it is on those grounds that I recommended this Bill to the House.

11.7 p.m.

I am sorry to detain the House, and those who are making the most noise about my speaking are those who have only just come in. They are not those who have sat here, as I have, through the whole of the Debate. I am aware that it is an unpopular thing to speak late, when Members want to go home, but I am not, as the House knows, a person who cares for what is popular. I am very sorry to have to criticise the Government and to criticise a Bill which, with just a few exceptions, is really a very remarkable Bill, but what I think is so tragic is that the Minister of Education and those who drafted this Bill should have shown so little imagination and understanding of what the country really wants. I have watched Ministers of Education, and I have only seen one who really did seem to have some vision of education and some courage to carry it through, and that was Mr. Fisher, when he was President of the Board of Education. He brought in a great Act, and whenever I think of him and then of the younger men who have followed him, I think it is not the old men that dream dreams and the young men that see visions; it is the young men who are dreaming dreams and the older Minister of Education who had vision.

What I hoped was that the Minister of Education would have come down to the House and made a speech like this: I hoped he would have brought before us and the country certain facts which the House and the country ought to know. He should have said, "We have a great problem, a tremendous problem, in this country. We have 95,000 children who enter our elementary schools physically defective in some way, not in a very great way, but mercifully we have found a way to do away with these physical defects. We know now that open-air nursery schools will guarantee a percentage of perfect health for nearly all the children who have been through them, and we have a great plan for open-air nursery schools." They should have told the House also that nearly 80 per cent. of our school buildings are defective and that nearly half of them ought to be pulled down. They should have said, "We have a great plan for building, not at once, but in the next five or 10 years." Then they should have said, "We are going to take the advice of every committee that has ever sat—" [ Laughter. ] Hon. Members laugh very easily after-dinner in the House of Commons. Every committee dealing with education has asked the Government to raise the school age, and for the first time in the history of England the local education authorities are pressing the Central Government to raise the school age. Every body of people concerned in education has implored the Government to raise the school age. Then the Government ought to have said, "We are going to do that with exemptions for a limited time."

My Noble Friend said he understood my point of view about exemptions. I did not expect that the Government were going to raise the school age at once without exemptions. Many of my friends knew there would have to be exemptions, but we thought they would be for a limited time. We hoped the Government would give exemptions for the first year at 14 and one term, for the second year at 14 and two terms, and the third year no exemptions at all. We tried it at Plymouth and we were doing very well. Then a reactionary group got in and stopped it. May I tell the Minister without Portfolio that that plan was brought up by a Tory with vision and ruined by some Tories with no vision. He need not be so amused by that. The Government are bringing in a Bill that 300 local authorities have told them they cannot administer. 'Whoever heard of a Bill like that? Of course, the Government will have to bring in an Amendment to change this question of exemptions, or there will be chaos throughout the country.

I am not an extremist or a fanatic; I never voted for the maintenance grant yesterday; but I am certain the country will want a fixed time for the school age to be raised definitely. All the teachers want it, and a great many parents want it. When I hear an hon. Gentleman talking about the parents not wanting it, we know that if we consulted all the parents of the country we should still have children in the mines. I was only recently reading of how they tried, in 1836, to reduce the hours of children from 12 to 10, and one of the poor parents came forward and said she could not afford it. There were five in the family and they were working together and only got 24s. 6d. a week, and she could not have her children's hours reduced. She even said she did not want fines and that she would rather have the children beaten than fined. Surely, everybody knows we have passed those days and that if we are to consult all the parents, we shall never get any advance. I warn the Government that they are very much behind the country if they do not realise that the great mass of enlightened parents are eager for this. Why do not Ministers have imagination enough to come to the House and tell us of this new age in which machinery has taken the place of craftsmanship?

The right hon. Gentleman referred to the thousands of children in unregulated trades. Nobody knows better than he does that when in Committee we implored him to bring them into his Children Bill, he did not do it. Why? Not because the country was not behind it, but because a few bad employers did not want it. I am convinced that the majority of the Cabinet do not want children between 14 and 15 to be used for industry. The time for that is past. I hear people saying that it is good for boys to go into certain trades. I heard one Member say that it was better for a boy to be a messenger and to be out in the air than for him to be in school. We who have children know that there is no sacrifice we would not make to keep our children in school from 14 to 16 which is such an important age in a child's life. The Minister said that we must plan for industry. Surely, we ought to plan for education far ahead of our planning for industry. Industry can plan for itself and the industry that is planning to use children of 14 and then turn them out at 18, is an industry to which the House ought to have something to say. The best employers do not want children of 14. The Minister knows that a great many of them prefer children at 15. I am deeply disappointed that so splendid a Bill should be ruined by this system of exemptions. I know it would be difficult but it would not be impossible to do what we ask. It would not cost the country a great deal. I do not press for maintenance grants except in necessitous cases and if you did it gradually, I am convinced that in three or four years people would not think of that so much. I implore the Government to take action on those lines and to hon. Members generally I would say "You changed the mind of the Government once—change it again."

We plan for everything else. Let us have a plan for juveniles. I can give the Government a plan if they have not one, and what is more, I can give them one that would be accepted and welcomed by the country and would not cost any more than the sugar-beet subsidy. We call it a 10-year plan, but at the end of 10 years you would have completely changed the outlook of a generation of our children. When I think of our lost opportunities and of the opportunity we may lose to-night, I feel that I could keep the House until morning talking about it. That I will not do, but I beg of the Government that while they have the chance they will do something in this matter. This is a Government which is unique in the history of the country. It is a Government that is backed by men and women who look to it for a lead. It is a Government that ought to put the welfare of the country at the head of its programme. We ask the Government to amend this Bill in the way I have suggested. We ask them not to mind about the hostile army in front of them as long as they know that they have an enthusiastic following behind them. Every speech has shown that no one is happy about the Bill. We ought to show ourselves worthy of the confidence placed in us by men and women of all sections of the community—Labour voters who would not vote for a Labour Government but voted for us, and Tories who always put in the forefront of their programme the welfare—I will not say the uplift—of generations yet to be born.

I implore the Government not to let this chance slip. When it is said that other Governments are talking of war while we are discussing education, it should be remembered that nearly every Government in Europe is ahead of us in educational policy. Of course they are. I am not talking about Russia. It is not a Government there. This Government, like every democratic Government, knows that we must educate not only for industry but for leisure. That is important in a free country to-day. It is only a question of time before we have a five-day week. Unless we give our children education in the fullest sense of the word, what will they do with their leisure? I should be positively frightened of having great masses of idle people without taste and without occupation. Let me say in winding up— [ Laughter. ] I am delighted to cheer up the Government, because it needs cheering up. Many of us are going to vote for the Bill because we feel that we can depend on the courage of the back bench Members and the wisdom of some of the older men on the Treasury bench to get this changed for the better.

11.23 p.m.

I shall not attempt to follow the Noble Lady at this hour of the night. [ Laughter. ] I am sure the Noble Lady understands the import of my remarks. [ Interruption. ] Perhaps I might be listened to for a moment. I do not like to abstain from voting on such an important Government Measure without saying why. I followed closely the speech of the right hon. Gentleman who commended the Bill to the House for Second Reading. He followed a practice into which the House has lapsed in recent years, of making, on Second Reading, a speech which would be more appropriate to the Committee stage. He expounded and illustrated many of the details of the Clauses and cleared our minds regarding the many points which arise, but I want to call attention to the grave difficulty which causes me to abstain from voting.

I would vote against it with great pleasure but for the fact that the reasons of the Socialist party are diametrically opposed to mine, and if I am not to be misunderstood I have no alternative but to abstain. I find no word in the Bill about parents. I know that the Minister did mention the word "parent," but only in connection with maintenance allowances.

If my hon. Friend had listened to my speech, he would know that I devoted a considerable portion of it to the choice that parents have to make in regard to the education of their children.

I am not unmindful of the words the right hon. Gentleman used, but his reference to parents was principally directed to maintenance allowances. There are no wiser judges than the fathers and mothers, after what we may call the mature age of the child is reached, in the choice of the employment which the child is to follow and the time at which the child should get employment. We have heard nothing about the wisdom of the fathers. They are experts. Close contact in every grade of work, in very poor and humble homes, shows me that in roughly 95 per cent. of the homes of this country you can trust mothers or fathers. If the father is careless the mother is careful, and vice versa. They will say that Tommy ought to be away from school even before he is 14 because he cannot possibly, under any system of compressed knowledge, make any further progress. On the other hand Johnny ought to be allowed to stay at school long after he is 14.

The Bill should be turned round and should be founded on the principle of contracting in after the age of 14, and not on the principle of contracting out. The fullest liberty should be given to parents when their children arrive at 13 years of age, to say which children should be allowed to stay at school till 15. Give the parents responsibility, and many of their children may rise to be great industrial leaders. On the other hand many of them will be crushed by this last unnecessary year at school, during which they can get no educational advantage. An hon. Gentleman opposite said that education was spiritual—something to be drawn out of the individual. Education is not developed by compressing knowledge into a child. I say without fear of proved contradiction that we are an over-taught and under-educated nation. Hon. Members must make their choice whether education is to be of value or is to be merely compressing knowledge into those who can make no possible use of it. At this late hour I shall say no more, but I felt bound to lay before the House certain reasons why, on this important Government Measure, I was unable to vote with the Government.

Question put, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Question."

The House divided: Ayes, 282; Noes, 152.

Division No. 41.]

AYES.

[11.30 p.m.

Acland-Troyte, Lt.-Col. G. J.

Dower, Capt. A. V. G.

Lumley, Capt. I. R.

Adams, S. V. T. (Leeds, W.)

Duckworth, G. A. V. (Salop)

Mac Andrew, Lt.-Col. Sir C. G.

Agnew, Lieut.-Comdr. P. G.

Duckworth, W. R. (Moss Side)

McCorquodale, M. S.

Albery, I. J.

Dugdale, Major T. L.

MacDonald, Rt. Hn. J. R. (Scot. U.)

Allen, Lt.-Col. J. Sandeman (B'kn'hd)

Duggan, H. J.

MacDonald, Sir Murdoch (Inverness)

Allen, Lt.-Col. Sir W. J. (Armagh)

Duncan, J. A. L.

McEwen, Capt. H. J. F.

Amery, Rt. Hon. L. C. M. S.

Dunglass, Lord

McKie, J. H.

Anderson, Sir A. Garrett (C. of Ldn.)

Eales, J. F.

Macnamara, Capt. J. R. J.

Anstruther-Gray, W. J.

Eastwood, J. F.

Magnay, T.

Assheton, R.

Eckersley, P. T.

Maitland, A.

Astor, Major Hon. J. J. (Dover)

Eden, Rt. Hon. A.

Makins, Brig.-Gen. E.

Astor, Visc'tess (Plymouth, Sutton)

Elliot, Rt. Hon. W. E.

Manningham-Buller, Sir M.

Astor, Hon. W. W. (Fulham, E.)

Elliston, G. S.

Margesson, Capt. Rt. Hon. H. D. R.

Atholl, Duchess of

Elmley, Viscount

Maxwell, S. A.

Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

Emmott. C. E. G. C.

Mayhew, Lt.-Col. J.

Baldwin-Webb, Col. J.

Emrys-Evans, P. V.

Meller, Sir R. J. (Mitcham)

Balfour, Capt. H. H. (Isle of Thanet)

Errington, E.

Mellor, Sir J. S. P. (Tamworth)

Balniel, Lord

Evans, Capt. A. (Cardiff, S.)

Mills, Sir F. (Leyton, E.)

Beauchamp, Sir B. C.

Evans, E. (Univ. of Wales)

Mills, Major J. D. (New Forest)

Beaumont, Hon. R. E. B. (Portsm'h)

Everard, W. L.

Mitchell, H. (Brentford and Chiswick)

Beit, Sir A. L.

Fildes, Sir H.

Mitcheson, Sir G. G.

Birchall, Sir J. D.

Findlay, Sir E.

Moreing, A. C.

Bird, Sir R. B.

Fraser, Capt. Sir I.

Morgan, R. H.

Blair, Sir R.

Fremantle, Sir F. E.

Morris, J. P. (Salford, N.)

Blaker, Sir R.

Furness, S. N.

Morris, O. T. (Cardiff, E.)

Blindell, Sir J.

Ganzoni, Sir J.

Morrison, G. A. (Scottish Univ's.)

Borodale, Viscount

Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir J.

Morrison, W. S. (Cirencester)

Bossom, A. C.

Gledhill, G.

Muirhead, Lt.-Col. A. J.

Boulton, W. W.

Glyn, Major Sir R. G. C.

Munro, P. M.

Bowyer, Capt. Sir G. E. W.

Goodman, Col. A. W.

Neven-Spence, Maj. B. H.

Boyce, H. Leslie

Graham, Captain A. C. (Wirral)

Nicolson, Hon. H. G.

Bracken, B.

Gretton, Col. Rt. Hon. J.

O'Neill, Major Rt. Hon. Sir Hugh

Braithwaite, Major A. N.

Gridley, Sir A. B.

Ormsby-Gore, Rt. Hon. W. G.

Briscoe, Capt. R. G.

Grimston, R. V.

Orr-Ewing, I. L.

Brocklebank, C. E. R.

Gritten, W. G. Howard

Palmer, G. E. H.

Brown, Rt. Hon. E. (Leith)

Guest, Hon. I. (Brecon and Radnor)

Patrick, C. M.

Brown, Brig.-Gen. H. C. (Newbury)

Guest, Maj. Hon. O. (C'mb'rw'll, N. W.)

Peake, O.

Browne, A. C. (Belfast, W.)

Guinness, T. L. E. B.

Penny, Sir G,

Bull, B. B.

Gunston, Capt. D. W.

Percy, Rt. Hon. Lord E.

Bullock, Capt. M.

Guy, J. C. M.

Perkins, W. R. D.

Burghley, Lord

Hamilton, Sir G. C.

Peters, Dr. S. J.

Burgin, Dr. E. L.

Hanbury, Sir C.

Pickthorn, K. W. M.

Butler, R. A.

Hannon, Sir P. J. H.

Plugge, L. F.

Caine, G. R. Hall-

Harbord, A.

Ponsonby, Col. C. E.

Campbell, Sir E. T.

Hartington, Marquess of

Pownall, Sir A. Assheton

Cartland, J. R. H.

Harvey, G.

Procter, Major H. A.

Cary, R. A.

Heilgers, Captain F. F. A.

Raikes, H. V. A. M.

Cautley, Sir H. S.

Heneage, Lieut.-Colonel A. P.

Ramsbotham, H.

Cayzer, Sir C. W. (City of Chester)

Hepburn, P. G. T. Buchan-

Ramsden, Sir E.

Cazalet, Thelma (Islington, E.)

Hepworth, J.

Rathbone, Eleanor (English Univ's.)

Cazalet, Capt. V. A. (Chippenham)

Herbert, A. P. (Oxford U.)

Rathbone, J. R. (Bodmin)

Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. N. (Edgb't'n)

Herbert, Major J. A. (Monmouth)

Rayner, Major R. H.

Channon, H.

Hills, Major Rt. Hon. J. W. (Ripon)

Reed, A. C. (Exeter)

Chapman, A. (Rutherglen)

Holmes, J. S.

Reid, Sir D. D. (Down)

Chapman, Sir S. (Edinburgh, S.)

Hope, Captain Hon. A. O. J.

Remer, J. R.

Choriton, A. E. I.

Hopkinson, A.

Rickards, G. W. (Skipton)

Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston S.

Horsbrugh, Florence

Robinson, J. R. (Blackpool)

Clarry, Sir R. G.

Howitt, Dr. A. B.

Ropner, Colonel L.

Clydesdale, Marquess of

Hudson, Capt. A. U. M. (Hack., N.)

Ross, Major Sir R. D. (L'derry)

Cobb, Sir C. S.

Hulbert, N. J.

Ross Taylor, W. (Woodbridge)

Colfox, Major W. P.

Hume, Sir G. H.

Rowlands, G.

Collins, Rt. Hon. Sir G. P.

Hunter, T.

Russell, A. West (Tynemouth)

Colville, Lt.-Col. D. J.

Inskip, Rt. Hon. Sir T. W. H.

Russell, R. J. (Eddisbury)

Cooke, J. D. (Hammersmith, S.)

Jackson, Sir H.

Salmon, Sir I.

Cooper, Rt. Hn. A. Duff (W'st'r S. G'gs)

James, Wing-Commander A. W.

Salt, E. W.

Cooper, Rt. Hn. T. M. (E'nburgh, W.)

Jarvis, Sir J. J.

Samuel, Sir A. M. (Farnham)

Courtauld, Major J. S.

Joel, D. J. B.

Samuel, M. R. A. (Putney)

Craddock, Sir R. H.

Jones, Sir G. W. H. (S'k N'w'gt'n)

Sandys, E. D.

Cranborne, Viscount

Kerr, J. Graham (Scottish Univs.)

Sassoon, Rt. Hon. Sir P.

Croft, Brig.-Gen. Sir H. Page

Keyes, Admiral of the Fleet Sir R.

Savery, Servington

Crooke, J. S.

Kimball, L.

Scott, Lord William

Crookshank, Capt. H. F. C.

Kirkpatrick, W. M.

Shakespeare, G. H.

Cross, R. H.

Lamb, Sir J. Q.

Shaw, Major P. S. (Wavertree)

Crowder, J. F. E.

Latham, Sir P.

Shaw, Captain W. T. (Forfar)

Cruddas, Col. B.

Law, R. K. (Hull, S.W.)

Shute, Colonel Sir J. J.

Culverwell, C. T.

Leckie, J. A.

Simon, Rt. Hon. Sir J. A.

Davies, C. (Montgomery)

Leech, Dr. J. W.

Sinclair, Col. T. (Queen's U. B'lf'st),

Davies, Major G. F. (Yeovil)

Lindsay, K. M.

Smith, L. W. (Hallam)

Davison, Sir W. H.

Little, Sir E. Graham-

Smith, Sir R. W. (Aberdeen)

Denman, Hon. R. D.

Llewellin, Lieut-Col. J. J.

Somervell, Sir D. B. (Crewe)

Denville, Alfred

Locker- Lampson, Comdr. O. S.

Somerville, A. A. (Windsor)

Dodd, J. S.

Loder, Captain Hon. J. de V.

Southby, Comdr. A. R. J.

Dorman-Smith, Major R. H.

Loftus, P. C.

Spears, Brig.-Gen. E. L.

Spender-Clay, Lt.-Cl. Rt. Hn. H. H.

Taylor, Vice-Adm. E. A. (Padd., S.)

Warrender, Sir V.

Spens, W. P.

Thomas, J. P. I. (Hereford)

Waterhouse, Captain C.

Stanley, Rt. Hon. Lord (Fylde)

Titchfield, Marquess of

Wells, S. R.

Stanley, Rt. Hon. Oliver (W'm'l'd)

Touche, G. C.

Wickham, Lt.-Col. E. T. R.

Stewart, J. Henderson (Fife, E.)

Tree, A. R. I. F.

Willoughby de Eresby, Lord

Strauss, E. A. (Southwark, N.)

Tryon, Major Rt. Hon. G. C.

Wilson, Lt.-Col. Sir A. T. (Hitchin)

Strauss, H. G. (Norwich)

Tufnell, Lieut.-Com. R. I.

Windsor-dive, Lieut.-Colonel G.

Strickland, Captain W. F.

Turton, R. H.

Winterton, Rt. Hon. Earl

Stuart, Lord C. Crichton- (N'thw'h)

Walker-Smith, Sir J.

Young, A. S. I. (Partick)

Sutcliffe, H.

Wallace, Captain Euan

Tate, Mavis C.

Ward, Lieut.-Col. Sir A. I. (Hull)

TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—

Taylor, C. S. (Eastbourne)

Ward, Irene (Wallsend)

Mr. James Stuart and Dr. Morris Jones

NOES

Acland, Rt. Hon. Sir F. Dyke

Hall, J. H. (Whitechapel)

Parker, H. J. H.

Acland, R. T. D. (Barnstaple)

Hardie, G. D.

Parkinson, J. A.

Adams, D. (Consett)

Harris, Sir P. A.

Pethick-Lawrence, F. W.

Adams, D. M. (Poplar, S.)

Henderson, A. (Kingswinford)

Potts, J.

Adamson, W. M.

Henderson, J. (Ardwick)

Price, M. P.

Alexander, Rt. Hon. A. V. (H'lsbr.)

Henderson, T. (Tradeston)

Pritt, D. N.

Ammon, C. G.

Hicks, E. G.

Quibell, J. D.

Anderson, F. (Whitehaven)

Holdsworth, H.

Richards, R. (Wrexham)

Aske, Sir R. W.

Holland, A.

Riley, B.

Attlee, Rt. Hon. C. R.

Hollins, A.

Ritson, J.

Banfield, J. W.

Hopkin, D.

Roberts, Rt. Hon. F. O. (W. Brom.)

Barr, J.

Jagger, J.

Roberts, W. (Cumberland, N.)

Batey, J.

Jenkins, A. (Pontypool)

Robinson, W. A. (St. Helens)

Bellenger, F.

Jenkins, Sir W. (Neath)

Rowson, G,

Benson, G.

John, W.

Salter, Dr. A.

Bromfield, W.

Johnston, Rt. Hon. T.

Seely, Sir H. M.

Brown, C. (Mansfield)

Jones, A. C. (Shipley)

Sexton, T. M.

Buchanan, G.

Jones, J. J. (Silvertown)

Shinwell, E.

Burke, W. A.

Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly)

Short, A.

Cape, T.

Kelly, W. T.

Silverman, S. S.

Charleton, H. C.

Kennedy, Rt. Hon. T.

Sinclair, Rt. Hon. Sir A. (C'thn's)

Chater, D.

Kirby, B. V.

Smith, Ben (Rotherhithe)

Cluse, W. S.

Lansbury, Rt. Hon. G.

Smith, E. (Stoke)

Clynes, Rt. Hon. J. R.

Lawson, J. J.

Smith, Rt. Hon. H. B. Lees- (K'ly)

Cocks, F. S.

Leach, W.

Smith, T. (Normanton)

Compton, J.

Lee, F.

Sorensen, R. W.

Cove, W. G.

Leonard, W.

Stephen, C.

Cripps, Hon. Sir Stafford

Leslie, J. R.

Stewart, W. J. (H'ght'n-le-Sp'ng)

Daggar, G.

Logan, D. G.

Strauss, G. R. (Lambeth, N.)

Dalton, H.

Lunn, W.

Taylor, R. J. (Morpeth)

Davidson, J. J. (Maryhill)

Macdonald, G. (Ince)

Thorne, W.

Davies, D. L. (Pontypridd)

McEntee, V. La T.

Thurtle, E.

Davies, R. J. (Westhoughton)

McGhee, H. G.

Tinker, J. J.

Davies, S. O. (Merthyr)

McGovern, J.

Viant, S. P.

Day, H.

MacLaren, A.

Walker, J.

Dobbie, W.

Maclean, N.

Watkins, F. C.

Dunn, E. (Rother Valley)

Macmillan, H. (Stockton on-Tees)

Watson, W. McL.

Ede, J. C.

MacNeill, Weir, I.

Welsh, J. C.

Edwards, A. (Middlesbrough E.)

Mainwaring, W. H.

Westwood, J.

Edwards, Sir C. (Bedwellty)

Mander, G. le M.

White, H. Graham

Fletcher, Lt.-Comdr. R. T. H.

Marklew, E.

Whiteley, W.

Foot, D. M.

Marshall, F.

Wilkinson, Ellen

Frankel, D.

Maxton, J.

Williams, E. J. (Ogmore)

Gallacher, W.

Messer, F.

Williams, T. (Don Valley)

Gardner, B. W.

Milner, Major J.

Wilson, C. H. (Attercliffe)

Gibbins, J.

Montague, F.

Windsor, W. (Hull, C.)

Green, W. H. (Deptford)

Morrison, Rt. Hon. H. (Ha'kn'y, S.)

Woods, G. S. (Finsbury)

Greenwood, Rt. Hon. A.

Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.)

Young, Sir R. (Newton)

Grenfell, D. R.

Naylor, T. E.

Griffith, F. Kingsley (M'ddl'sbro, W.)

Oliver, G. H.

TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—

Griffiths, G. A. (Hemsworth)

Owen, Major G.

Mr. Groves and Mr. Mathers.

Hall, G. H. (Aberdare)

Paling, W.

Bill read a Second time.

Motion made, and Question put, "That the Bill be committed to a Committee of the Whole House."—[ Mr. Lees-Smith. ]

The House divided: Ayes, 153; Noes, 272.

Division No. 42.]

AYES.

[11.43 p.m.

Acland, Rt. Hon. Sir F. Dyke

Alexander, Rt. Hon. A. V. (H'lsbr.)

Barr, J.

Acland, R. T. D. (Barnstaple)

Ammon, C. G.

Batey, J.

Adams, D. (Consett)

Anderson, F. (Whitehaven)

Bellenger, F.

Adams, D. M. (Poplar, S.)

Astor, Visc'tess (Plymouth, Sutton)

Benson, G

Adams, S. V. T. (Leeds, W.)

Attlee, Rt. Hon. C. R.

Bromfield, W.

Adamson, W. M.

Banfield, J. W.

Brown, C. (Mansfield)

Buchanan, G.

Hollins, A.

Price, M. P.

Burke, W. A.

Hopkin, D.

Pritt, D. N.

Cape, T.

Jagger, J.

Quibell, J. D.

Charleton, H. C.

Jenkins, A. (Pontypool)

Rathbone, Eleanor (English Univ's.)

Chater, D.

Jenkins, Sir W. (Neath)

Richards, R. (Wrexham)

Cluse, W. S.

John, W.

Riley, B.

Clynes, Rt. Hon. J. R.

Johnston, Rt. Hon. T.

Ritson, J.

Cocks, F. S.

Jones, A. C. (Shipley)

Roberts, Rt. Hon. F. O. (W. Brom.)

Compton, J.

Jones, J. J. (Silvertown)

Roberts, W. (Cumberland, N.)

Cove, W. G.

Jones, Morgan (Caerphilly)

Robinson, W. A. (St. Helens)

Cripps, Hon. Sir Stafford

Kelly, W. T.

Rothschild, J. A. de

Daggar, G.

Kennedy, Rt. Hon. T.

Rowlands, G.

Dalton, H.

Kirby, B. V.

Salter, Dr. A.

Davidson, J. J. (Maryhill)

Lansbury, Rt. Hon. G.

Seely, Sir H. M.

Davies, D. L. (Pontypridd)

Lawson, J. J.

Sexton, T. M.

Davies, R. J. (Westhoughton)

Leach, W.

Shinwell, E.

Davies, S. O. (Merthyr)

Lee, F.

Short, A.

Day, H.

Leonard, W.

Silverman, S. S.

Dobbie, W.

Leslie, J. R.

Sinclair, Rt. Hon. Sir A. (C'thn's)

Dunn, E. (Rother Valley)

Logan, D. G.

Smith, Ben (Rotherhithe)

Ede, J. C.

Lunn, W.

Smith, E. (Stoke)

Edwards, A. (Middlesbrough E.)

Macdonald, G. (Ince)

Smith, Rt. Hon. H. B. Lees- (K'ly)

Edwards, Sir C. (Bedwellty)

McEntee, V. La T.

Smith, T. (Normanton)

Fletcher, Lt.-Comdr. R. T. H.

McGhee, H. G.

Sorensen, R. W.

Foot, D. M.

McGovern, J.

Stephen, C.

Frankel, D.

MacLaren, A.

Stewart, W. J. (H'ght'n-le-Sp'ng)

Gallacher, W.

Maclean, N.

Strauss, G. R. (Lambeth, N.)

Gardner, B. W.

Macmillan, H. (Stockton-on-Tees)

Taylor, R. J. (Morpeth)

Gibbins, J.

Mainwaring, W. H.

Thurtle, E.

Green, W. H. (Deptford)

Mander, G. le M.

Tinker, J. J.

Greenwood, Rt. Hon. A.

Marklew, E.

Viant, S. P.

Grenfell, D. R.

Marshall, F.

Walker, J.

Griffith, F. Kingsley (M'ddl'sbro, W.)

Maxton, J.

Watson, W. McL.

Griffiths, G. A. (Hemsworth)

Messer, F.

Welsh, J. C.

Groves, T. E.

Milner, Major J.

Westwood, J.

Hall, G. H. (Aberdare)

Montague, F.

White, H. Graham

Hall, J. H. (Whltechapel)

Morrison, Rt. Hn. H. (Ha'kn'y, S.)

Wilkinson, Ellen

Hardie, G. D.

Morrison, R. C (Tottenham, N.)

Williams, E. J. (Ogmore)

Harris, Sir P. A.

Naylor, T. E.

Williams, T. (Don Valley)

Henderson, A. (Kingswinford)

Oliver, G. H.

Wilson, C. H. (Attercliffe)

Henderson, J. (Ardwick)

Owen, Major G.

Windsor, W. (Hull, C.)

Henderson, T. (Tradeston)

Paling, W.

Woods, G. S. (Finsbury)

Herbert, A. P. (Oxford U.)

Parker, H. J. H.

Young, Sir R. (Newton)

Hicks, E. G.

Parkinson, J. A.

Holdsworth, H.

Pethick-Lawrence, F. W.

TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—

Holland, A.

Potts, J.

Mr. Whiteley and Mr. Mathers.

NOES.

Acland-Troyte, Lt.-Col. G. J.

Bull, B. B.

Crowder, J. F. E.

Agnew, Lieut.-Comdr. P. G.

Bullock, Capt. M.

Cruddas, Col. B.

Albery, I. J.

Burghley, Lord

Culverwell, C. T.

Allen, Lt.-Col. J. Sandeman (B'kn'hd)

Burgin, Dr. E. I.

Davies, C. (Montgomery)

Allen, Lt.-Col. Sir W. J. (Armagh)

Butler, R. A.

Davies, Major G. F. (Yeovil)

Amery, Rt. Hon. I. C. M. S.

Caine, G. R. Hall-

Davison, Sir W. H.

Anderson, Sir A. Garrett (C. of Ldn.)

Campbell, Sir E. T.

Denman, Hon. R. D.

Anstruther-Gray, W. J.

Cartland, J. R. H.

Dodd, J. S.

Aske, Sir R. W.

Cary, R. A.

Dorman-Smith, Major R. H.

Assheton, R.

Cautley, Sir H. S.

Dower, Capt. A. V. G.

Astor, Major Hon. t. I. (Dover)

Cayzer, Sir C. W. (City of Chester)

Duckworth, G. A. V. (Salop)

Astor, Hon. W. W. (Fulham, E)

Cazalet. Thelma (Islington, E.)

Duckworth, W. R. (Moss Side)

Atholl, Duchess of

Cazalet, Capt. V. A. (Chippenham)

Dugdale, Major T. I.

Baldwin, Rt. Hon. Stanley

Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. N. (Edgb't'n)

Duggan, H. J.

Baldwin-Webb, Col. J.

Channon, H.

Duncan, J. A. L.

Balfour, Capt. H. H. (Isle of Thanet)

Chapman, A. (Rutherglen)

Dunglass, Lord

Balniel, Lord

Chapman, Sir S. (Edinburgh, S.)

Eastwood, J. F.

Beauchamp, Sir B. C.

Chorlton, A. E. I.

Eckersley, P. T.

Beaumont, Hon. R. E. B. (Portsm'h)

Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston S.

Eden, Rt. Hon. A.

Beit, Sir A. I.

Clarry, Sir R. G.

Elliot, Rt. Hon. W. E.

Birchall, Sir J. D.

Clydesdale, Marquess of

Elliston, G. S.

Bird, Sir R. B.

Cobb, Sir C. S.

Emmott, C. E. G. C.

Blair, Sir R

Colfox, Major W. P.

Emrys-Evans, P. V.

Blindell, Sir J.

Collins, Rt. Hon. Sir G. P.

Errington, E.

Borodale, Viscount

Colville, Lt.-Col. D. J.

Evans, Capt. A. (Cardiff, S.)

Bossom, A. C.

Cooke, J. D. (Hammersmith, S.)

Evans, E. (Univ. of Wales)

Boulton, W. W.

Cooper, Rt. Hn. A. Duff (W'st'r S. G'gs)

Everard, W. L.

Bowyer, Capt. Sir G. E. W.

Cooper, Rt. Hn. T. M. (E'nburgh, W.)

Fildes, Sir H.

Boyce, H. Leslie

Courtauld, Major J. S.

Findlay, Sir E.

Bracken, B.

Craddock, Sir R. H.

Fraser, Capt. Sir I.

Braithwaite, Major A. N.

Cranborne, Viscount

Fremantle, Sir F. E.

Briscoe, Capt. R. G.

Craven-Ellis, W.

Furness, S. N.

Brocklebank, C. E. R.

Croft, Brig.-Gen. Sir H. Page

Ganzoni, Sir J.

Brown, Rt. Hon. E. (Leith)

Crooke, J. S.

Gilmour, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir J.

Brown, Brig.-Gen. H. C. (Newbury)

Crookshank, Capt. H. F. C.

Gledhill, G.

Browne, A. C. (Belfast, W.)

Cross, R. H,

Glyn, Major Sir R. G. C.

Goodman, Col. A. W.

Mac Donald, Sir Murdoch (Inverness)

Samuel, Sir A. M. (Farnham)

Graham, Captain A. C. (Wirral)

McKie, J. H.

Samuel, M. R A. (Putney)

Gretton, Col. Rt. Hon. J.

Macnamara, Capt. J. R. J.

Sandys, E. D.

Gridley, Sir A. B.

Magnay, T.

Sassoon, Rt. Hon. Sir P.

Grimston, R. V.

Maitland, A.

Savery, Servington

Gritten, W. G. Howard

Makins, Brig.-Gen. E.

Scott, Lord William

Guest, Hon. I. (Brecon and Radnor)

Manningham-Buller, Sir M.

Shakespeare, G. H.

Guest, Maj. Hon. O.(C'mb'rw'll, N. W.)

Margesson, Capt. Rt. Hon. H. D. R.

Shaw, Major P. S. (Wavertree)

Guinness, T. I. E. B.

Maxwell, S. A.

Shaw, Captain W. T. (Forfar)

Gunston, Capt. D. W.

Mayhew, Lt.-Col. J.

Shute, Colonel Sir J. J.

Guy, J. C. M.

Meller, Sir R. J. (Mitcham)

Simon, Rt. Hon. Sir J. A.

Hamilton, Sir G. C.

Mellor, Sir J. S. P. (Tamworth)

Sinclair, Col. T. (Queen's U. B'lf'st)

Hanbury, Sir C.

Mills, Sir F. (Lryton, E.)

Smith, I. W. (Hallam)

Hannon, Sir P. J. H.

Mills, Major J. D. (New Forest)

Smith, Sir R. W. (Aberdeen)

Harbord, A.

Mitchell, H. (Brentford and Chiswick)

Somervell, Sir D. B. (Crewe)

Hartington, Marquess of

Mitcheson, Sir G. G.

Somerville, A. A. (Windsor)

Harvey, G.

Moreing, A. C.

Southby, Comdr. A. R. J.

Hellgers, Captain F. F. A.

Morgan, R. H.

Spears, Brig.-Gen. E. I.

Heneage, Lieut.-Colonel A. P.

Morris, O. T. (Cardiff, E.)

Spender-Clay Lt.-Cl. Rt. Hn. H. H.

Hepburn, P. G. T. Buchan-

Morrison, G. A. (Scottish Univ's.)

Spens, W. P.

Hepworth, J.

Morrison, W. S. (Cirencester)

Stanley, Rt. Hon. Lord (Fylde)

Herbert, Major J. A. (Monmouth)

Muirhead, Lt.-Col. A. J.

Stanley, Rt. Hon. Oliver (W'm'l'd)

Hills, Major Rt. Hon. J. W. (Ripon)

Munro, P. M.

Stewart, J. Henderson (Fife, E.)

Holmes, J. S.

Neven-Spence, Maj. B. H.

Strauss, E. A. (Southwark, N.)

Hope, Captain Hon. A. O. J.

Nicolson, Hon. H. G.

Strauss, H. G. (Norwich)

Horsbrugh, Florence

O'Neill, Major Rt. Hon. Sir Hugh

Strickland, Captain W. F.

Howitt, Dr. A. B.

Ormsby-Gore, Rt. Hon. W. G.

Stuart, Lord C. Crichton- (N'thw'h)

Hudson, Capt. A. U. M. (Hack., N.)

Orr-Ewing, I. I.

Sutcliffe, H.

Hulbert, N. J.

Palmer, G. E. H.

Tate, Mavis C.

Hume, Sir G. H.

Peake, O.

Taylor, C. S. (Eastbourne)

Hunter, T.

Penny, Sir G.

Taylor, Vice-Adm. E. A. (Padd., S.)

Inskip, Rt. Hon. Sir T. W. H.

Percy, Rt. Hon. Lord E.

Thomas, J. P. I. (Hereford)

Jackson, Sir H.

Peters, Dr. S. J.

Titchfield, Marquess of

James, Wing-Commander A. W.

Pickthorn, K. W. M.

Touche, G. C.

Jarvis, Sir J. J.

Plugge, I. F.

Tree, A. R. I. F.

Joel, D. J. B.

Ponsonby, Col. C. E.

Tryon, Major Rt. Hon. G. C.

Jones, Sir G. W. H. (S'k N'w'gt'n)

Pownall, Sir A. Assheton

Tufnell, Lieut.-Com. R. I.

Kerr, J. Graham (Scottish Univs.)

Procter, Major H. A.

Turton, R. H.

Keyes, Admiral of the Fleet Sir R.

Raikes, H. V. A. M.

Walker-Smith, Sir J.

Kimball, I.

Ramsbotham, H.

Wallace, Captain Euan

Kirkpatrick, W. M.

Ramsden, Sir E.

Ward, Lieut.-Col. Sir A. L. (Hull)

Lamb, Sir J. Q.

Rathbone, J. R. (Bodmin)

Ward, Irene (Wallsend)

Latham, Sir P.

Rayner, Major R. H.

Warrender, Sir V.

Law, R. K. (Hull, S. W.)

Reed, A. C. (Exeter)

Waterhouse, Captain C

Leckie, J. A.

Reid, Sir D. D. (Down)

Wells, S. R.

Leech, Dr. J. W.

Remer, J. R.

Wickham Lt.-Col. E. T. R.

Lindsay, K. M.

Rickards, G. W. (Skipton)

Williams, H. G. (Croydon, S.)

Little, Sir E. Graham-

Robinson, J. R. (Blackpool)

Willoughby de Eresby, Lord

Llewellin, Lieut.-Col. J. J.

Ropner, Colonel I.

Wilson, Lt.-Col. Sir A. T. (Hitchin)

Locker-Lampson, Comdr. O. S.

Ross, Major Sir R. D. (L'nderry)

Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel G.

Loder, Captain Hon. J. de V.

Ross Taylor, W. (Woodbridge)

Winterton, Rt. Hon. Earl

Loftus, P. C.

Rowlands, G.

Young, A. S. I. (Partick)

Lumley, Capt. I. R.

Russell, A. West (Tynemouth)

MacAndrew, Lt.-Col. Sir C. G.

Russell, R. J. (Eddisbury)

TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—

McCorquodale, M. S.

Salmon, Sir I.

Mr. James Stuart and Dr. Morris Jones.

MacDonald, Rt. Hn. J. R. (Scot. U.)

Salt, E. W.

Bill committed to a. Standing Committee.

Education [Money]

Considered in Committee under Standing Order No. 69.

[Captain BOURNE in the Chair.]

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That for the purposes of any Act of the present Session relating to education it is expedient to authorise the payment out of moneys provided by Parliament of any sums by which any education grants payable under any Act are increased by reason of expenditure incurred under the said Act of the present Session by local education authorities on or in connection with grants for non-provided schools (being grants for the purposes of the education of children who have attained the age of eleven years), or on, or in connection with, compensation to teachers at non-provided schools for which grants are so made by such authorities."—( King's Recommendation signified )—[ Mr. Stanley. ]

11.53 p.m.

I should like to ask the Minister a question. The Resolution as drawn is rather remarkable, in that it authorises grants to local authorities in respect of additional expenditure which will arise as a result of the Bill, but only in respect of expenditure in regard to non-provided schools and compensation to teachers in those schools. There is no word about grants towards the expenditure of local authorities in their own schools. That is rather disconcerting in view of the fact that in the Money Resolu- tion in connection with the Bill introduced in 1930 powers were taken to make grants to the local authorities in respect of all additional expenditure which would arise as a result of that Bill. The Minister shakes his head. I am therefore forced to read the Money Resolution.

"That for the purposes of any Act of the present Session … it is expedient to authorise the payment out of moneys provided by Parliament of any sums by which the grants in aid of education payable to local education authorities under section one hundred and eighteen of the Education Act (as amended by any subsequent enactment) and the regulations made thereunder are increased by reason of any expenditure which such authorities may lawfully incur under the said Act."

Why is there a difference in the Money Resolution in respect of this Bill and the Money Resolution in respect of the 1930 Bill? This problem has been worrying me and many local authorities, including the London County Council. I presume that it is the intention of the Board to make grants in the ordinary way to local authorities in respect of their schools. I should like to have that assurance, and also what explanation the right hon. Gentleman is able to give for the difference between this Money Resolution and that in connection with the 1930 Bill.

11.57 p.m.

I am afraid that I am not familiar with the precedent to which the hon. Member has referred, but the reason for the difference is simple. We are not allowed—it is the duty of those who are responsible for drafting Money Resolutions to prevent us—putting in a Financial Resolution anything which has been authorised already, and for which, therefore, no further authorisation is necessary. I am advised that by previous Acts authorisation as regards the raising of the school age has already been made for the expenditure in respect of such raising, and that there is no need for any further authorisation by Parliament. For that reason not only do we not need to put it in the present Money Resolution, but we should not be in order in so doing. That is the sole reason, and therefore grants will be paid to county council schools just as the Resolution sets out. I have just had handed to me the reply to the hon. Member's question that on the previous occasions, although the Acts dealt with the raising of the school age and maintenance allowances, the financial memorandum dealt only with maintenance allowances, and, like the present Financial Resolution, did not refer to the actual raising of the school age.

I am much obliged to the right hon. Gentleman. His answer fully satisfies me.

11.59 p.m.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that under the regulations juveniles under a certain age can be ordered to go to juvenile instruction centres and that it is a condition of giving relief that they should go? Under the Bill that can be ordered without financial allowances. Does the Financial Resolution confer any power on local authorities to make a demand of that sort?

I do not know whether I am in order in replying to the hon. Member, because we are allowed to deal only with the subject under discussion. The hon. member for West Fife (Mr. Gallacher) asked me a question on that subject on Tuesday of this week. If my hon. Friend will consult the OFFICIAL REPORT, he will find the answer I then gave.

Question put, and agreed to.

Resolution to be reported upon Monday next.

British Shipping (Continuance of Subsidy)

Resolution reported:

"That it is expedient—

Resolution agreed to.

Bill ordered to be brought in upon the said Resolution by Mr. Runciman, Mr. W. S. Morrison, and Dr. Burgin.

British Shipping (Continuance of Subsidy) Bill,

"to extend by twelve months the period in respect of which subsidies are payable under Part I. of the British Shipping (Assistance) Act, 1935; to render eligible for subsidy under that Part of that Act vessels to which that Act applies which are registered at ports in the United Kingdom and which became British ships on or before the first day of January, nineteen hundred and thirty-six; and to provide for the payment of such subsidies and of the expenses of the Board of Trade under the said Part I. in respect of the year nineteen hundred and thirty-six out of moneys provided by Parliament,"

presented accordingly and read the First time; to be read a Second time upon Monday next, and to be printed. [Bill 56.]

The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.

It being after Half-past Eleven of the Clock upon Thursday evening, Mr. DEPUTY-SPEAKER adjourned the House, without Question -put, pursuant to the Standing Order.

Adjourned at Six minutes after Twelve o'Clock.