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Commons Chamber

Volume 367: debated on Tuesday 26 November 1940

House of Commons

Tuesday, November 26, 1940

[Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.]

Private Bills and Private Business

Return ordered,

"of the number of Private Bills, Hybrid Bills, and Bills for confirming Provisional Orders introduced into the House of Commons and brought from the House of Lords, and of Acts passed in Session 1939–40:

Of all the Private Bills, Hybrid Bills, and Bills for confirming Provisional Orders which in Session 1939–40 have been reported on by Committees on Opposed Private Bills or by Committees nominated partly by the House and partly by the Committee of Selection, together with the names of the selected Members who served on each Committee; the first and also the last day of the sitting of each Committee; the number of days on which each Committee sat; the number of days on which each selected Member has served; the number of days occupied by each Bill in Committee; the Bills the Preambles of which were reported to have been proved," the Bills the Preambles of which were reported to have been not proved; and, in the case of Bills for confirming Provisional Orders, whether the Provisional Orders ought or ought not to be confirmed:

Of all Private Bills and Bills for confirming Provisional Orders which in Session 1940–41 have been referred by the Committee of Selection to the Committee on Unopposed Bills, together with the names of the Members who served on the Committee; the number of days on which the Committee sat; and the number of days on which each Member was summoned and on which each Member attended:

And of the number of Private Bills, Hybrid Bills and Bills for confirming Provisional Orders withdrawn or not proceeded with by the parties, those Bills being specified which have been referred to Committees and dropped during the sittings of the Committee."—[ The Deputy-Chairman. ]

Public Bills

Return ordered,

"of the number of Public Bills, distinguishing Government from other Bills, introduced into this House, or brought from the House of Lords, during Session 1939–40; showing the number which received the Royal Assent; the number which were passed by this House, but not by the House of Lords; the number passed by the House of Lords, but not by this House; and distinguishing the stages at which such Bills as did not receive the Royal Assent were dropped or postponed and rejected in either House of Parliament."—[ The Deputy-Chairman. ]

Public Petitions

Return ordered,

"of the number of Public Petitions presented and printed in Session 1939–40, with the total number of signatures in that Session."—[ The Deputy-Chairman. ]

Select Committees

Return ordered,

"of the number of Select Committees appointed in Session 1939–40, the Chairmen's Panel and the Court of Referees; the subjects of inquiry; the names of the Members appointed to serve on each, and of the Chairman of each; the number of days each Committee met, and the number of days each Member attended; the total expense of the attendance on witnesses at each Select Committee, and the name of the Member who moved for such Select Committee; also the total number of Members who served on Select Committees."—[ The Deputy-Chairman. ]

Oral Answers to Questions

Questions

Steel Exports

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether his attention has been called to the recent increase of £2 a ton for steel; and whether he has considered the effect this increase will have on the export trade of manufactured goods, and is satisfied that no adverse effects will follow?

The recent increases in prices of steel have been made necessary by increases in the costs of production and by increases in the costs of imports from the United States of America. While such increases may sometimes have an adverse effect upon exports of goods in which the cost of steel is a large element in the total price, the exports which should chiefly be encouraged in the national interest at a time when we are importing steel from the United States of America are those of goods of high value in which the cost of raw material is a small part.

Is not the Minister aware that the main reason for the rise in price is imports from America? Would it not be better to subsidise the exports, and keep the price of home steel at the right level?

At the present time, when the import of steel is a very vital part of the war effort, the Government are not anxious to encourage exports in which steel as a raw material plays a dominant part. If the steel cannot carry the increased price, it is not desirable as an export.

Chinese Seamen (Danger Bonus)

asked the Minister of Shipping whether a danger bonus is now granted to Chinese seamen; and, if so, how its amount compares with the bonus granted to British seamen?

While a danger bonus under that name is not usually paid to Chinese seamen, the percentage increase in their wages since the outbreak of the war recognises war conditions and is a good deal higher than the percentage increase in British seamen's wages, including war risk money.

If British seamen receive a danger bonus of £5 a month, why should not Chinese seamen, who incur the same risks, receive the same bonus?

Does the hon. Member mean that he would like to see the words "war risk bonus" attached to the substantial increases which have taken place for Chinese seamen?

I do not mean anything of the sort, and the right hon. Gentleman is putting words into my mouth. I put to him the plain question whether, if the same risk is incurred, as undoubtedly it is, by Chinese seamen as by British seamen, they should not receive the same danger bonus?

The hon. Gentleman will realise that a very large increase has been made. As to whether it is exactly the same danger bonus or not I cannot say, but the hon. Member will realise by now that everything in this world is either relative or a matter of habit.

British Army

Mechanisation and Organisation

asked the Secretary of State for War whether he will give an assurance to the House that modern methods of mechanisation and organisation are now in force at the War Office?

As my hon. Friend will recollect, I set up a committee for the purpose of considering the whole field of organisation and procedure. This committee have such matters as those which my hon. Friend has in mind constantly under review, and have already made a number of suggestions which have been adopted.

Has my right hon. Friend's attention been drawn to a recent publication by Captain Liddell Hart, and can he give some assurance that the clique which used to dominate the War Office is no longer in a position to do so?

asked the Secretary of State for War whether he is satisfied that by insisting on much mechanisation and mobility in the land Army he has not unduly diminished its mobility by sea?

Yes, Sir. My right hon. Friend will bear in mind that the present day Army must carry a larger amount of equipment and ammunition since fire power is considerably greater. If the Army was still on a horsed basis, many more horses and wagons would be needed and the relative mobility by sea would not be comparable with the corresponding mechanised Army.

Then the right hon. Gentleman does not think that this increased mechanisation makes it more difficult than it was before to transport troops from Egypt to Greece?

Increased mechanisation goes with increased fire power, and increased fire power would require more horse transport than mechanised transport.

Building Operatives (Release)

asked the Secretary of State for War whether, in view of the urgency of making bombed houses habitable again and the delay which is at present taking place owing to shortage of skilled labour, he will release, temporarily, as many skilled building operatives as possible from the Army, having particular regard to the instances where their special qualifications are not being utilised on appropriate work?

The Army are always prepared to do what they can to assist the civil authorities in repairing air-raid damage, and are now arranging, at the request of the Ministry of Works and Buildings, for the release from the Army, for six months, of 3,000 building operatives.

Does my right hon. Friend realise that the great assistance given by the Army in many places has been very much appreciated by those concerned?

Officers' Sunday Club

asked the Secretary of State for War whether he has given official approval to the activities of the Sunday Club for Officers at Grosvenor House; and whether, since the need for some such organisation is vital in the interests of all serving officers, he will take steps to exercise the necessary supervision to prevent abuses which may threaten any such endeavours?

The Officers' Sunday Club has not received official approval, but it is constantly visited by senior officers and their wives, and provost staff are in attendance.

Does my right hon. Friend realise that, while these clubs are very valuable to officers from overseas and in this country, it is very undesirable that abuses should creep in, and that unless there is daily supervision, abuses may creep in? Perhaps my right hon. Friend will talk to me about this matter afterwards.

I will with pleasure, but I must say that I have made inquiries, and I have heard of no abuses.

Inoculation

asked the Secretary of State for War how many wounded men of the British Expeditionary Force were treated in all military or other hospitals both at home and abroad, and in the Emergency Medical Services hospitals up till 30th September, 1940; how many of these had been previously inoculated with anti-tetanus toxoid; whether all the wounded received prophylactic doses of tetanus anti-toxin; how many cases of tetanus occurred amongst the whole of the wounded treated in hospital; and whether these had all received prophylactic doses of tetanus anti-toxin?

I am not prepared to state the number of men in the British Expeditionary Force who were wounded and I am unable to say how many of them had been previously inoculated with anti-tetanus toxoid or received prophylactic doses of tetanus anti-toxin. There were eight cases of tetanus. Three of these had received prophylactic tetanus antitoxin but none had been previously immunized with tetanus toxoid.

asked the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that there were no cases of typhoid or paratyphoid fever in 1938 in unprotected British other ranks in India and that there were 37 cases with five deaths amongst British troops who had been protected against the various forms of enteric fever; and to what does he attribute the absence of cases amongst the unprotected?

The answer to the first part of the Question is Yes, Sir. The number, that is 1.5 per cent. of British troops, who were unprotected is so small that the absence of enteric fever among them is of little value in any comparisons made to show the relative incidence of the disease among the protected and the unprotected. Immunity may be due to the relative protection of sanitary measures and food protection in barracks, which latter are additional factors in the prevention of all infectious diseases.

Is not the right hon. Gentleman finally convinced that it is good food, sanitary precautions and carefulness with soap and hot water that will solely account for the health of the British Army?

All those things have their importance. It is not for me to place them in their order.

Is not the purpose of these Questions to undermine the confidence of the people in preventive inoculation?

Invalided Soldiers

asked the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that some officers in charge of records manipulate the date of confirmation of discharges of soldiers no longer fit for military service, thus depriving these men of pay and allowances; and whether, as it is an offence under the Army Act to withhold the pay of a soldier, he will instruct officers in charge of records that the practice must cease?

The answer to the first part of the Question is No, Sir. If my hon. and gallant Friend will let me have particulars of any cases he has in mind, I will have them investigated.

asked the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that men invalided from the Army as physically unfit for further service frequently have to rely upon charity to supply them with a civilian suit of clothes; whether he is aware that they are unable to get their final pay or qualify for unemployment benefit until they have returned their Army uniforms; and will he take steps to secure that, in the event of the discharged soldier being unable to secure a civilian suit, he should be able to apply for work at the Employment Exchanges in his uniform providing he removes his regimental markings?

With certain exceptions as, for instance, when a soldier is discharged in order to take a commission or for immediate re-enlistment, all men on discharge or transfer to the reserve will, if they apply, be given plain clothes or an allowance instead. As regards their Army clothing, they may take away with them one pair of boots and all necessaries in their possession, and have to hand in the remainder. They are liable to be charged for any deficiencies, but otherwise there is no question of withholding any part of their pay in this connection. There is no regulation debarring a man from receiving unemployment benefit after discharge unless he has returned his uniform.

Is the right hon. Gentleman not aware that I have recently submitted to him cases where men have received neither pay nor civilian clothes since the evacuation of Dunkirk?

Pioneer Corps

asked the Secretary of State for War whether he will make arrangements for the billeting of all companies of the Auxiliary Military Pioneer Corps during the coming winter, in view of the high average age of the men who volunteered for this service?

All the Pioneer Corps are already in huts or billets, except one company which, it is hoped, will be in huts in the course of the next fortnight.

asked the Secretary of State for War, how many enemy aliens with friendly sympathies, at present in Australia or Canada, have offered their services for the Auxiliary Military Pioneer Corps, how many of them have been accepted and what arrangements have been, or are being made, for their return to this country; and whether he is satisfied with the speed-up in the procedure of the recruiting?

I would refer my right hon. Friend to the answer given to him by the Home Secretary on 20th November, to which there is at present nothing to add.

Embarkation Leave

asked the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that in certain cases soldiers have been sent overseas without being given leave to visit their families; and whether it is the desire of the Army Council that, so far as practicable, men should be given such leave before being embarked for foreign service?

An instruction has been issued that, whenever practicable, embarkation leave is to be given before any unit or draft goes overseas, and it should very rarely be the case that such leave cannot be given.

Education

asked the Secretary of State for War what was the establishment of the Army Educational Corps at the outbreak of war; and how many of this personnel have been utilised for other than educational work since war began?

The answer to the first part of the Question is 595 all ranks, and to the second part, about 292 all ranks. Since last January, officers and other ranks have been gradually recalled to educational work, and orders were issued last month that those still otherwise employed should return to their normal duties.

asked the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that the Newcastle-upon-Tyne Education Committee has been hindered by the War Office in providing educational facilities for members of His Majesty's Forces; that this authority offered to provide at its technical college, commercial college and adult evening institutes free tuition to any member of His Majesty's Forces; that the names of 282 soldiers had been submitted for classes in technology and 259 for classes in advanced commercial subjects; that of this total only 22 men have been able to commence classes through the refusal of the War Office to provide for these soldiers free transport, whilst sanction for the provision of text books is also withheld; and whether he will take steps to ensure that these opportunities will not in future be jeopardised through the failures of his Department?

I am aware that the Newcastle Education Authority have shown a generous spirit in their efforts to meet the needs of His Majesty's Forces, as indeed have many other local education authorities, and I greatly regret if any soldiers have been unable to reap the benefit owing to lack of transport. The Department has not refused to provide transport, but the matter is not free from difficulty, and is being fully examined on my instructions, with every desire to try to meet these difficulties. Arrangements by which soldiers attending classes may be provided with text books were made last month.

Does the right hon. Gentleman not recognise that refusal to pay the fares of these men is preventing those who have already enrolled, 540 in number, from attending these classes? If he would give a promise now that this should be done, they could begin these courses at once.

I do not think it is only a question of paying fares but of providing transport for a large number of men. I hope that something can be arranged.

Could the right hon. Gentleman interest himself in the matter, because the chairman of the local education committee says the Treasury are showing parsimoniousness and other things? Is it a case of confusion at the top?

Iceland (Defence)

asked the Secretary of State for War whether he can give an estimate of the cost of the defence of Iceland; and whether he will consider sharing the occupation with, or handing it over, to the United States of America so as to reduce our expenditure and free our troops?

As regards the first part of the Question, I am not prepared to make any public statement, and, in view of the circumstances, the last part does not arise.

Skilled Engineers (Release)

asked the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that Private N. Peters, D. Section, 1st Division Petrol Company, Royal Army Service Corps, is a highly-skilled engineer; that he is employed in the cookhouse; that trade unions and others have made several applications for his release; that several firms who know his skill and record are desirous of employing him at once; when is his service to be utilised in the best way; and why is he not released or put upon work where his skill can be utilised?

This soldier is one of four turners on the establishment of his unit, but, owing to a temporary shortage of equipment, he is at present only partially employed as a turner, and has taken his turn on cook-house and other such duties as have at times to be performed by all men serving in the Army. There is urgent need in his Corps of men with his qualifications, and his skill will be fully utilised. I cannot trace that the War Office has received any application from a firm or trade union for his release, which would be considered only if it were recommended by the appropriate Government Department.

The Question was put down in order to raise a principle based upon a concrete example. Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that, when the engineering trade unions agreed to the policy of dilution, the Government gave an undertaking that skilled young men's services would be utilised to the best advantage for the nation. Can the right hon. Gentleman give an assurance that that promise will be carried out?

I do not think it can be said that the Army has been ungenerous in releasing men, but I must adhere to the principle that a man must first be asked for by the Government Department representing those concerned.

May I make it quite clear that we are not expecting young men to be released, but that we are entitled to expect that their services should be utilised to the best advantage of the State?

British Prisoners of War

asked the Secretary of State for War whether, as there is very general ignorance among the relations of prisoners of war in Germany regarding the despatch of parcels and money remittances, he will arrange for a broadcast defining the responsibility of the Red Cross Society and informing relations clearly of the part they are allowed and expected to play in relieving these men's distress?

asked the Secretary of State for War the maximum amount of food, clothing and money that can be sent by relatives or friends to British prisoners of war in Germany, both officers and men; to what authority must application be made to get the necessary information; and through which agency can these items be forwarded?

The War Organisation of the British Red Cross Society and the Order of St. John has accepted the responsibility for the despatch to prisoners of war of standard parcels of food and clothing. So far as food is concerned, the aim is to ensure for each prisoner a weekly supply. Apart from these standard parcels, personal parcels may be sent by relatives once every three months through the War Organisation. Full in- formation regarding this personal parcels service and what may be included in the parcels may be obtained from any post office. I am consulting the War Organisation as to the possibility of a broadcast on the subject. They have no responsibility for money remittances, and, as this question is at present under the consideration of my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer, I regret that I can make no statement on it at the moment. My hon. Friends will no doubt have realised that the problem of meeting the urgent needs of our prisoners of war in Germany is, in the main, a problem of transport across Europe. My right hon. Friends the Foreign Secretary and the Postmaster-General, with whom I have recently been in consultation on this subject, have already effected some considerable improvement in transport facilities with the invaluable help of the International Red Cross, and supplies of food and some clothing are now being delivered to the camps in Germany. Further large supplies of food and clothing are on the way by means of the transport facilities at present available. I am deeply conscious that they are urgently required, and am doing my utmost to secure their delivery.

I have this morning seen the delegate of the International Red Cross Committee in London and he has given me the following information from a telegram just arrived from Switzerland:

Since 1st August, 18,345 British parcels addressed to British prisoners of war in Germany have been transmitted through the International Red Cross Committee alone. In addition, the following quantities of food have been bought in bulk in Switzerland since 1st August, and sent to the following camps:

I have asked the delegate to express our sincere thanks to the International Red Cross Committee for the efforts which they are making in Very difficult conditions, and to assure them of all the help which it is in the power of His Majesty's Government to give. My right hon. Friend the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs has recently seen the United States Chargé d'Affaires in London and asked him to be good enough to keep us informed as to general conditions and the arrival of parcels in the various camps.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that post offices, even in large provincial towns, have hardly any of these leaflets with particulars of what can and cannot be sent, and will he see that numbers of them are supplied, so that the rank and file can ascertain how long their letters take to get there and how long it takes for them to receive a reply? I have had dozens of letters showing ignorance on these matters.

That is a matter for the Postmaster-General, but I will certainly speak to him about it.

Have the Germans answered the representations made to them by the Americans as to their observance of Article 12 of the Geneva Convention, which makes captor States agree to provide clothing, underwear and footwear for prisoners of war? What is their reason for not observing it?

There is no doubt whatever of the responsibility of the German Government. It is in that connection that I asked my right hon. Friend the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs to see the American Chargé d'Affaires so that representations might be made and the conditions might be seen.

Will my right hon. Friend push on with the broadcasting, because some of the letters I have received show complete ignorance on the subject?

That was a point I had in mind, but I cannot commit myself until I have consulted my colleague.

There is a great deal of criticism, in my opinion unjustified, of the Red Cross. Would it not clear the air and comfort relations and friends of prisoners, if my right hon. Friend made a categorical statement that he has complete confidence in the abilities, machinery and efforts of the Red Cross, if that is the case?

I have been into this question myself at great length, and I can assure my hon. and gallant Friend that we are doing all we possibly can under very difficult conditions, which are mainly geographical. I am certain that the International Red Cross, have done splendid work this year in trying to get the stuff through.

It is a very important question. I have a brother who is a prisoner of war, and I ask your leave, Mr. Speaker, to put this simple Question.

I do not wish to contradict you, Sir. Perhaps I put the Question badly and the Minister misunderstood it. It is quite simple. Owing to the feeling—

Is the right hon. Gentleman satisfied that parcels reach prisoners?

Yes, Sir, that is one of the points I particularly asked the representative of the International Red Cross this morning. He said that that was his view, and I take his view, but in order to make assurance doubly sure, we have asked the United States Representative to look into that particular point.

Will the Minister also broadcast the number of parcels reaching the various camps? People are unaware of what is happening?

That is why I made this full statement in public, so that all information might be available.

asked the Secretary of State for War whether cigarettes can now be sent direct to prisoners of war in Germany by next of kin as well as books and games?

Arrangements are being made by which tobacco and cigarettes can be sent to prisoners of war through firms who hold permits, and my right hon. Friend the Postmaster-General will be making an announcement on the subject in the course of this week.

Will my right hon. Friend also be good enough to see that these are included in the Post Office leaflets, and that some publicity is given in the country that these leaflets are available at post offices, from which relatives can obtain information which they so urgently require?

Is it not perfectly evident that the Germans are pinching everything they can get hold of?

18. and 30.

asked the Secretary of State for War (1) whether British prisoners of war in Germany are now receiving the full rations to which they are entitled under international agreement;

(2) whether British prisoners of war in Germany are now receiving the same food rations as German troops in barracks?

Constant inquiries have been and are being made on this point. There is evidence that at certain camps the ration scale allowed to British prisoners of war is below that of the German depot troops, and strong representations have been made in the matter.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the Vice-Chairman of the British Red Cross recently made a statement that they were receiving the proper ration?

20. and 21.

asked the Secretary of State for War (1) whether British officers held in captivity in Germany are credited with the pay of their substantive rank; whether they are able to draw on their private accounts in this country, and, if so, at what rate of exchange they are able to cash such cheques in reichmarks;

(2) whether other ranks held as prisoners of war in Germany are credited in England with pay in accordance with their substantive rank; and whether any arrangements can be made to enable them to draw on such accounts in reichmarks in Germany, in order to enable them to make small purchases as is the case with those of commissioned rank?

Officers and other ranks are credited with the pay of their rank at the time of capture. The answer to the second parts of both Questions is "No, Sir," except that an officer prisoner of war may receive remittances up to £2 a month through the two banks which are Army agents. The rate of exchange would depend on the exchange market at the time.

Has the right hon. Gentleman any information as to the rate of exchange being given to officers, because I am informed that in certain camps it is as low as seven reichmarks to the pound? If that is the case, they are being swindled.

Do we understand that any officer prisoner of war retains any rank that he may have held?

The position is that payments are credited to the highest rank that he held, whether acting or temporary.

With reference to Question 21, are any arrangements made for other ranks to be able to draw some-kind of small cash remittance?

No, Sir, not at present. That is one of the problems that we have under consideration.

There is a deduction for messing every month. Can the right hon. Gentleman say what it is?

Would my hon. and gallant Friend mind putting a Question down? I think it is 3s. 6d. a day.

asked the Secretary of State for War whether, in view of the fact that men of the British Expeditionary Force who arrived back in this country from Dunkirk were provided with new uniforms by the Government, arrangements can be made for those men who were not able to get back, and who are now prisoners of war in Germany, to also be provided with suitable clothing free of cost?

I would refer my hon. Friend to the answer given to my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Ayr Burghs (Sir T. Moore) on 13th November, of which I am sending him a copy.

Is it not very unfair that prisoners of war should be paying themselves, with Purchase Tax on top of it, for clothing which is supplied free to those who were brought home to this country?

German and Italian Prisoners of War

asked the Secretary of State for War whether German and Italian prisoners of war are placed together in mixed camps or are kept apart?

German and Italian soldiers are in separate camps. At present, German and Italian officers are in the same camp, but they will be separated in the course of a week or two.

Does not the right hon. Gentleman think it would encourage the rift in the Axis if they were kept together?

Coal Industry

Distribution

35 and 36.

asked the Secretary for Mines (1) whether his attention has been called to the fact that coal from the North of England is being, and has been, brought South to destinations usually supplied by nearer districts, which makes those districts unable to get their contract commitments accepted by the railway companies; and whether, in view of the length of haulage entailed and the consequential requirements of engines and rolling-stock and the unemployment of miners in those districts, he will take steps to put an end to a practice which is prejudicial to the national interests;

(2) whether he is aware of the fact that wagon journeys are being seriously restricted by priority orders to Northern collieries; and what steps he proposes to take in the matter?

I am in constant touch with my right hon. and gallant Friend the Minister of Transport with a view to securing the most efficient use of the transport facilities available, with due regard to the maintenance of coal supplies.

Will the hon. Gentleman consider my Question and give an answer to it? Is not the fact as I have indicated, and is it not a thoroughly unsatisfactory position, causing great concern and great unemployment in the Midlands counties?

Very many fewer trains are being run in than we were anticipating. For example, we were promised 117 trains from the North in a recent week, and only 80 arrived in London. It is not working as satisfactorily as we should like, but we are in touch with the responsible Department and are paying immediate attention to the problem.

Is anything being done immediately to end a chaotic position which the Department has brought about by having no appreciation of the geographical position?

I do not accept the description, neither do I accept the responsibility thrown on me. I have no power to put a single train on any part of the railway system, but the matter has not been lost sight of. There is a committee under the presidency of the Lord President of the Council on which all the Departments involved are playing their part. It is meeting regularly.

Is it not really absurd, when miners are idle and want work, to have people wanting coal in another part of the country, and will my hon. Friend, therefore, continue to employ miners, in whatever part of the country they are, so as to supply people with coal?

Yes, but my hon. Friend knows that giving employment to miners in Durham does not mean filling coal cellars in London unless there is transport. That is the problem.

In view of the unsatisfactory state of affairs, to which no attention is being given, I propose to raise the matter on the Adjournment.

asked the Secretary for Mines whether he is aware that coal is being retained in wagons for long periods and will he give particulars; and why cannot they be emptied and made use of for much-needed transport purposes?

The hon. Member will appreciate that in particular instances delay in unloading wagons may be unavoidable in present circumstances. Inquiries I have made suggest, however, that the delays now arising from this cause are generally less rather than greater than they were before the war. I agree that every effort should be made to expedite still further the clearance of wagons and I am taking all practicable steps to that end.

Is it not a fact that there are wagons at present loaded which have remained loaded for months; and in the last resort would it not be possible to tip the coal on the sides of the railway in appropriate places and thereby make the wagons available for further transport?

Tipping the coal does not take it to the consumers and does not solve the problem. I do not know of any long delays, such as are suggested by the Question, in the London area. We have fewer wagons standing idle than we had last year.

Mossfield Colliery Accident (Report)

asked the Secretary for Mines whether he has given consideration to the report on the causes of the explosion which occurred at the Moss-field Colliery, Longton, on the 21st March; whether any action is to be taken that may prevent a similar occurrence in the future; and, in particular, whether any action has been taken on paragraphs 44 and 45 of the report?

Yes, Sir. The recommendations of this report, which has, of course, been published, are directed to effective packing of rib sides and the use of air-sampling as a precaution and guide in seams liable to spontaneous combustion. These recommendations have been brought to the notice of all concerned in the management of collieries at which similar conditions may obtain, and the Inspectors of Mines will continue to urge their adoption wherever necessary. Effect is now being given to them at Mossfield Colliery.

Sidings (West London)

asked the Secretary for Mines whether he is aware of the inadequacy of coal sidings in the West of London; and whether he is taking any special steps to remedy this defect which aggravates delivery difficulties of coal in the West London areas?

The siding accommodation in the area referred to has in the past been adequate for the handling of a substantially greater quantity of coal than is currently being dealt with, and I am aware of no grounds on which I could press for the provision of additional sidings by the railway companies.

Is my hon. Friend aware that owing to the electrification in that area the tendency is not to provide the usual sidings for the increased population?

That may be so, but as recently as July and August greater quantities of coal were being dealt with in all the sidings in London. It is not a question of accommodation inside the London area.

Questions

Alternative Motor Fuels

asked the Secretary for Petroleum whether he is aware that the latest system of utilising suitable crude oil as motor fuel is restricted by regulations issued by his Department and the Ministry of Transport and that no further progress can be made until relaxations are allowed for experimental demonstrations; that at least one local authority has conducted experiments in such alternative fuels since 1934 with encouraging results; and whether he will see that this valuable work is no longer held up by the failure on the part of the Departments concerned to issue special licences?

I have been glad to note the experimental work that has been carried out in this field, and I have issued a number of licences to stimulate the use of this fuel. I hope in the course of the next fortnight to give details of further measures to encourage its use.

Can the hon. Gentleman say why he has been so tardy, allowing many months to elapse before issuing this licence?

We have not been tardy. Licences have followed on the progress of the experimental work.

asked the Secretary for Petroleum how many taximeter-cabs and other motor vehicles are using coal-gas as an alternative to petrol as a means of propulsion; and what steps are being taken to accelerate the conversion?

I have been asked to reply. I regret that separate particulars regarding taxi-cabs are not available, but I understand that the number of such vehicles converted to use coal-gas is appreciable. As regards the remainder of the Question, I would refer the hon. Member to the reply I gave to the hon. Member for Consett (Mr. David Adams) on 8th October.

Is my hon. Friend aware that in Paris. 10,000 taxi-cabs have coal-gas propulsion, and that many of those who have studied this question, view with great apprehension the increasing dependence of the community on petrol and petrol products which are mainly imported from abroad?

I know what has been done, and we have given the reasons why there are delays in expanding the processes in this country. There is the question of the priority of suitable steel for the manufacture of the producers. I do not think we can compare this country with Paris in this matter.

A limit of 2,000 was put on in the first instance. Now it is suggested that that limit should be 10,000, and provided there had been suitable light steel alloys there would have been an expansion in the manufacture of producers. We are now able to satisfy the prospective users that there is more fuel available than there was inside a year ago. It is now largely a question of suitable steel for the manufacture of producers.

Service Badges

asked the Prime Minister whether the Government will approve of appropriate distinctive marks to attach to the uniform of men such as members of bomb disposal squads, minesweepers, etc., such as are already given to airmen and certain specialised seamen, so that at least acknowledgment might be given in this way to the heroes of branches of the service of vital though unspectacular effort?

): Badges in the Services are of two kinds, those that indicate rank and those that indicate qualifications. Men of the Royal Naval Patrol Service who have served in auxiliary anti-submarine and mine-sweeping vessels for six months are entitled to wear the special silver mine-sweeping badge approved by His Majesty the King. The question of issuing a badge to members of bomb and mine disposal units is at present under consideration.

Armed Forces (Leave)

asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been drawn to the fact that the War Office, in an official communiqué, has reiterated the principle-that leave for serving soldiers is not a right, and that there is no such thing as. being entitled to leave; and will he consider the advisability of revising that principle to one more in accordance with the needs of conscripted national forces so that every person serving in the Armed Forces of the Crown will, in future, be entitled, as a right, to a fixed scale of leave for every month of service?

The principle that leave is a privilege and not a right is one of long standing and is, indeed, inherent in the word itself, and it is clearly impracticable to give a fixed entitlement to leave irrespective of the exigencies of the service. Every endeavour is and will be made to grant leave on a reasonable and equitable scale.

Hostilities (Christmas)

asked the Prime Minister whether he will invoke the good offices of the Vatican, or of some neutral state, in furthering a proposal that, to enable the peoples of all countries to commemorate the Christmas anniversary under more appropriate conditions than would otherwise be possible, the belligerent nations shall agree to a 48 hour's cessation of hostilities on sea, on land and in the air, from 12 noon on 24th December till 12 noon on 26th December, with or without the co-operation of China and Japan?

May I ask my right hon. Friend whether, in the event of such a proposal being received from some neutral State, he will give the House an assurance—

Perhaps, as it has been mentioned, I should say that it would certainly be rejected by His Majesty's Government.

If such a proposal were made from any quarter would not the acceptance of it show a prophetic faith in—[ Interruption. ]

Poland and Czecho-Slovakia

asked the Prime Minister whether he has any statement to make with reference to the declaration by the Polish and Czecho-Slovak Governments with regard to their determination to enter into a closer political and economic association after the war which would become the basis of a new order in Central Europe and a guarantee of its stability?

His Majesty's Government warmly welcome the declaration made by the Polish Government and the Provisional Czecho-Slovak Government.

Northern Ireland (Special Constabulary

asked the Prime Minister what reply has been sent to the memorial addressed to him by certain Irishmen and Anglo-Irishmen concerning the raising, arming and equipping of a force in Northern Ireland embodied as a branch of the B Special Constabulary of the Royal Ulster Constabulary?

This memorial raises important and complicated questions which are receiving most careful and active consideration.

Is it proposed to introduce any legislation dealing with the matter, in view of the fact that that force has no legal or constitutional basis?

No doubt, if the consideration which is being given to the matter shows the need for legislation, the House will be advised in good time.

Civil Defence

Air-Raid Precautions Work (Elderly Men)

asked the Secretary of State for Scotland whether he is aware that there are men fully qualified to act as plotters for air-raid precautions work who have not been employed solely because they were over 65 years of age and are still available to release younger men on such work; and whether he will take steps to secure the engagement of such qualified but older men on being assured of their medical fitness and thus release the younger men for other and more active employment?

I have been asked to reply. The duties of plotters at Observer Corp centres are exacting and must at times be carried out under heavy and prolonged pressure. I am advised that the hon. and learned Member's suggestion could not be adopted without impairing the efficiency of this important service.

If I give the hon. and gallant Gentleman particulars of the case of a man doing the duties temporarily who was recommended for employment and turned down purely on account of his age, will he look into the matter?

I will look into any particular case that the hon. and learned Member gives me, but his Question is a general one, and we have found men considerably under 65 who have not been able to strand the strain.

My Question said, "on being assured of their medical fitness." Does not that take it out of the general category?

No, Sir. The hon. and learned Member is asking me a general question, whether men, if physically fit, over 65 should be employed, and the answer is "No."

Does that mean that the hon. and gallant Gentleman is absolutely inflexible?

"Raiders Passed" Signal (Night Time)

asked the Prime Minister whether he will shorten the "Raiders Passed" signal at night since it arouses many hard-worked people from their sleep?

The "Raiders Passed" signal has already been reduced from two minutes to one minute, and I am advised that any further reduction would be undesirable, since so short a sounding of the siren might well escape the notice of night workers or of people in shelters. Also, people who had not heard the previous "Alert" signal might mistake a very short "Raiders Passed" signal for the "Alert."

Is it not a fact that those people who are awake will hear even a shorter signal, whereas the vast majority who are asleep are disturbed even by one minute's signal?

Homeless Citizens (Badges)

asked the Prime Minister whether, in order to show the nation's sympathy, he will consider the issue of a special badge to citizens whose homes have been rendered uninhabitable by enemy action?

Army Field Ambulances

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he will consult with the Secretary of State for War so as to arrange for the use of Army field ambulances and personnel in any area subjected to attack by enemy aircraft?

Regional Commissioners can already invoke the aid of the military when circumstances in their view call for such aid, and I have no reason to doubt that should it be necessary to include in such a request an application for the services of field ambulances and personnel any practicable assistance would be forthcoming.

In order to avoid unnecessary delay at a time when speed is imperative, is there some machinery locally, in every area, to ensure that this aid may be rapidly forthcoming?

In practice it has been shown that the Civil Defence casualty services have worked very well. Rather the boot has been on the other leg, and we have been able to help the other Services under arrangements which have been made so that reinforcements may be available.

May I take it that these arrangements are known locally, in every area? It is not a bit of good having arrangements docketed in London. Are the arrangements known locally—the fact that you can apply and what help can be obtained?

Internees (Release)

asked the Home Secretary how many Italian internees are dealt with weekly by the tribunal set up to consider their release; in what order the applications are considered; and whether any preference is given to those recommended by refugee or similar organisations?

I understand that, on the average, up to 40 cases a week are dealt with by the Advisory Committee appointed to advise my right hon. Friend whether any Italian internee who comes within any of the categories of the White Paper can be released without prejudice to the interests of national security, and that the committee consider applications in the order in which they are received, subject to any special reason for giving priority to a particular case.

We think that the fairest method is to deal with cases in the order in which the applications are received.

As there are, I understand, 3,000 applications, will it not take, in view of the answers given by the hon. Gentleman, something like two years to deal with them?

No, Sir, the theory of the hon. Gentleman is vitiated by two considerations. One is that it does not take into account volunteers for the Pioneer Corps and the other is that two other tribunals will shortly be in a position to deal with cases of Italian internees.

Why are people who have been interned for security reasons allowed to enlist in the Pioneer Corps for the defence of the country?

Is it not a fact that, while a large number of Italians have been released on medical grounds, hardly any have been released on anti-Fascist grounds?

The committee dealing with anti-Fascists have, so far, dealt with about 150 cases.

Is it not a fact that not one of these cases has been released under Category 119—not one?

asked the Home Secretary whether he will arrange that there shall sit on the tribunal considering the release of Italian internees some adviser from one of the refugee organisations, as in the case of the tribunals considering the position of the German and Austrian refugees?

My hon. Friend is under a misapprehension. The arrangement is, not that representatives of refugee organisations shall sit on the tribunals which are reviewing cases either of Germans and Austrians or of Italians, but that the tribunals shall seek such assistance as they think fit from reliable and representative refugees, as well as from other sources.

May I take it that that principle now applies to Italian tribunals as well as to those dealing with Germans and Austrians?

asked the Home Secretary why Italians released from internment because they have satisfied the Home Secretary of their loyalty, are, with rare exceptions, subjected to all the restrictions of a B category alien?

I think that my hon. Friend has been misinformed. As a general rule, Italians released from internment because my right hon. Friend is satisfied of their loyalty have been exempted from the special restrictions applicable to enemy aliens.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that quite a large number have automatically been given the B restriction and that they are very upset about it?

No, Sir. Those who have been released on grounds of ill health are, of course, subject to the B restriction, but those who are released on other grounds, having been before the tribunal, are, as a result, exempted.

( by Private Notice )asked the Home Secretary whether he is able to make a statement as to the policy which he proposes to follow in releasing from internment aliens of enemy nationality?

Yes, Sir. The Government, in reviewing this Question, have had the advantage of advice and assistance from the committee of which Mr. Justice Asquith is chairman. Amongst the women, who are mostly Germans and Austrians placed by the tribunals or regional advisory committees in the B category, there are, no doubt, some who can safely be released, and for this purpose a review is being carried out by a committee which is at work in the Isle of Man under the chair- manship of Sir Robert Dummett, the Chief Magistrate of the Metropolitan Police Courts. The main problem concerns men who are friendly to the Allied cause but cannot bring themselves within any of the categories set out in the White Paper. The Asquith Committee has studied with great care the question whether provision should be made for the release of all such persons as could demonstrate to a carefully constituted tribunal their steadfast adherence to the Allied cause. It is probable that, if such a scheme were to be adopted, the great majority of those who are interned would make application to such a tribunal, and the committee estimate that the investigation of these applications would require 10 tribunals working for nearly a year.

Even if the practical difficulties of carrying through so extensive a scheme of investigation could be surmounted, the committee believe that the results would be quite disproportionate to the time and labour involved. There are, however, already in the White Paper three categories in which release is directly or indirectly dependent on a loyalty test. In addition to the provision for those who can show that they have taken a prominent part in opposition to the Nazi and Fascist regimes, and to the provision relating to those who have resided here for 20 years and can show that they have thrown in their lot with this country, there is a provision, more important numerically than either of these, namely, the provision for enlistment in the Auxiliary Military Pioneer Corps. The normal age limits for enlistment are 18 and 50, and for all men between these ages there is an opportunity clearly to demonstrate their friendliness to the Allied cause by offering their services to this Corps.

For men, therefore, who are not disqualified by age or physical unfitness from enlisting in the Corps, an opportunity of release from internment is open, and I want to make it clear that the Government regard this opportunity as the appropriate method of providing for such men. They should not, therefore, defer offering their services to the Corps in the expectation that there may be enlargements, affecting them, of the existing categories set out in the White Paper. As regards those who are not eligible for enlistment or are rejected on medical grounds, the Government, following a recommendation of the Asquith Committee, have decided that there shall be added to the White Paper a new category providing for the release of men who, being by reason of age or physical unfitness ineligible for the Pioneer Corps, can satisfy a tribunal that they are opposed to the Nazi or Fascist systems, that they are positively friendly towards the Allied cause, and that they will remain steadfast towards that cause in all circumstances. It is estimated that the number of men who under such a scheme might come before a tribunal or tribunals would be in the neighbourhood of 2,000, and the examination of 2,000 applicants would be a manageable proposition. I will make a statement at an early date about the steps to be taken to bring this scheme into operation.

There remains the question of men whose special qualifications would render them more useful in civil occupations. Many of these are covered by the existing provisions in the White Paper for the release of scientists and experts who are required for work of national importance, and I am taking steps to secure that such persons are released as quickly as possible. In addition, I have, in co-operation with the Ministry of Labour, put in train arrangements to ascertain what other persons there may be among the internees who have special qualifications to undertake work for which there is a shortage of skilled workers, and I contemplate the release of any such persons, provided, of course, there is no security objection in individual cases. Moreover, if a man with special qualifications enlists in the A.M.P.C. this does not prevent his release from the Corps if he is required for special work of national importance. The arrangements for releasing from the Army men whose specialist knowledge or skill is required for civil work, apply to the A.M.P.C. as to other units.

The general policy, therefore, will be to continue the process of releasing men whose services are of special value in civilian occupations, to give to those who are ineligible for the Pioneer Corps an opportunity to satisfy a tribunal of their loyalty, and, as regards the remainder, to expect that those men who are friendly to the Allied cause will demonstrate their loyalty by enlistment. While the Govern- ment are satisfied that these are the best practicable arrangements, it is recognised that, amongst those who are not eligible for the Pioneer Corps, there may be men who, though their hearts are with us, are unable to prove their loyalty. The House will, I know, agree that, on security grounds, care must be taken in selecting men for release, and not all those who may fail to pass the test must be regarded as persons whose loyalty is necessarily suspect. As regards such people I can only say that it is humanly impossible to devise a completely satisfactory method of searching human hearts, and that, if they have to remain in internment, this is due not to lack of sympathy for their position but to the stern necessity, in time of war, of treating security considerations as paramount. Within the limits set by these considerations, the policy of the Government is to give to those aliens who are positively friendly to our cause the widest possible opportunities of obtaining their release.

While thanking the Home Secretary for his statement, which I think everyone will agree represents a great advance on the present method, I would like to put two questions. Did I understand the right hon. Gentleman to say that men under 50 who are rejected on health grounds from the A.M.P.C. will be free to make application to a tribunal to prove their loyalty to our cause? Secondly, in view of the great complexity and importance of the question involved, will the Government allow an early date for discussion of this matter?

On the first point, the answer is that the men will be eligible to appear before a tribunal. As to the second point, that is a matter for discussion through the usual channels. There is no objection as far as I am concerned.

The right hon. Gentleman said that those who have been rejected on medical grounds from the A.M.P.C. may appear before a tribunal and appeal. He also said, as I understood him, that there were or might be 2,000 of them. How long will that take? Will it take two years to get them through?

My right hon. Friend has not got the facts quite accurately. The 2,000 include not only men rejected on medical grounds but those outside the age limit indicated. I cannot say how long it will take. I am anxious to appoint a sufficiency of tribunals to deal with the matter with all practical expedition. On the other hand, I am sure that the House will sympathise with me in this fact, that the number of suitable people who are available and who can give the necessary time to this work is limited. I am anxious to set up as many tribunals as I can usefully handle, and I can assure my right hon. Friend that my desire will be to handle the matter with all reasonable expedition, but there is bound to be some delay in dealing with such a large number of cases.

Is the right hon. Gentleman not aware that all these people have been before tribunals already, and he has the whole of their dossiers there?

That may be so, but, with great respect to my right hon. Friend, I am not going to handle this matter except with the greatest care. The Home Secretary carries a great responsibility, and, as far as I am concerned, that responsibility will be discharged with the greatest possible care.

What facilities, if any, will be afforded to men who have been transported overseas and who have qualified for release under the principle enunciated in the right hon. Gentleman's statement? Many of us know of highly skilled machine-tool makers, who could be training other machine-tool makers, and who have been deported to Canada. Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether the scheme will apply in Canada as well?

That is one of the difficult patches. I frankly admit that it is a difficult point. There has been a limited number whose release we have already secured. I am going into the matter, and I can assure the hon. Member that anything I can do in the matter will be done, but I do not disguise the fact that there is a certain amount of difficulty.

On grounds of military security, will the right hon. Gentleman assure the House that the cases of those aliens who are now interned and who volunteer for service with the Auxiliary Military Pioneer Corps will be investigated by the appropriate department of the War Office?

It would, of course, be competent for the War Office to make their own inquiries, and if there were good grounds for objection, they would have to be considered. On the other hand, if men are part of a disciplined military force, I think the dangers to security are very much less.

As the right hon. Gentleman has given us a statement with regard to those who may be loyal to either the Nazis or to the Allied cause, could he say whether any provisions has been made for a Socialist who has conscientious objections to both the Imperialist and the Allied causes?

It must always be remembered that there are in operation in this country Military Service Acts imposing compulsory service on British citizens. There are exemption clauses on conscientious grounds, but I am bound to say that as the test is on security grounds and must be loyalty to the Allied cause and to this country, I would not be satisfied, in the case of a foreigner and particularly an enemy alien, of his active loyalty to the cause if he wished to be exempted from military service on that ground. New considerations would arise in the case of enemy aliens as distinct from the provisions in British law as affecting British subjects.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that enlistment of these aliens in the A.M.P.C. is considerably impeded by the fact that if they have enlisted, their wives are subject to severe police restrictions on their movements, and further that some of the wives are still kept in internment? Does he think it satisfactory that wives of men serving in the British Forces should be subject to such restrictions and still be interned?

That matter is under consideration. On the other hand, my hon. Friend would be the last to disagree with me when I say that one must not assume that because her husband is all right the wife is, or the other way about. I think my hon. Friend will also agree with me when I say that women, like men, must be considered on their merits.

Would the right hon. Gentleman say whether he will allow these wives whom he has just mentioned and other women aliens to join one of the women's Auxiliary Forces?

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that if he looks in the right direction, there really is no difficulty in obtaining satisfactory tribunals, and that what difficulty there is arises from the fact that in the great majority of cases his Department select barristers, who frequently have a very restricted outlook, and that there is another branch of the profession in which he might look?

Brick Shelters Adaptation (Demonstrations)

asked the Home Secretary whether any London boroughs have yet acted on the Horder Committee's recommendation that demonstrations should be arranged in every borough of the possibility of adapting brick shelters to the use of family life; and, if so, which?

One such demonstration has already taken place in Stoke Newington. Other boroughs are being asked to arrange similar demonstrations.

Damaged Houses (Furniture Removal)

asked the Home Secretary whether he is aware that competition exists for available transport in the London area between authorities responsible for the removal of building débris from sites to dumps and those responsible for the removal of furniture away from damaged houses before it is ruined by the weather; and will he see that the latter work has a prior claim, since it is more urgently important alike to the owner and to the State as insurer?

I am aware that difficulty has arisen in some areas in providing transport for the two purposes referred to by my hon. Friend. Since, however, the type of vehicle used for the removal of debris from damaged sites would usually not be appropriate for the removal of furniture, there would seem to be no necessity to establish a special system of priority for the allocation of vehicles available for both services. If my hon. Friend has particular cases in mind I shall be glad if he will let me have details for investigation.

Ministry of Works and Buildings

asked the Prime Minister whether an early opportunity will be given to debate the functions of the Ministry of Works and Buildings?

I have noted my hon. Friend's suggestion, and if there is a general desire for such a debate I shall be happy to make the necessary arrangements.

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether it has been brought to his attention that, following the announcement of the work of the new Ministry, there was a desire for a debate?

That would be a point which would be brought up in any discussion through the usual channels.

National Finance

Bankers' Deposits

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what are the advantages to the taxpayers of the use by the Treasury of bankers' deposits instead of Treasury Bills for financing the war; and is this practice likely to restrict the amount of credit available to industry?

The system of borrowing from the banks by means of Treasury deposit receipts enables the Treasury to adjust its borrowings to the weekly variations in Government expenditure with less disturbance to the market than would be caused by additional issue of Treasury Bills. I see no reason to anticipate that such borrowings will adversely affect the amount of credit available to industry for purposes essential to the national war effort.

Is not this policy of financing the war contributing to inflation?

Monetary Policy

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether the recent discussions between Mr. Morgenthau, of the United States of America, and a Treasury official, included a proposal for Britain to return to the gold standard; what conclusions were arrived at, or recommendations made; and will he assure the House that no fundamental change will be made in our financial system without first giving Parliament an opportunity of expressing its view?

The answer to the first part of the Question is in the negative, and the second part does not arise. Subject to the exigencies of the war, our monetary policy remains as set out in the second paragraph of the Monetary Agreement of 25th September, 1936, and aims at the greatest possible equilibrium in the system of international exchanges.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that this House and the country appreciate very much indeed what America is doing to help us to win the war; and will he draw the attention of America to the fact that it is essential that we should have financial facilities, and that would require a modification of the Neutrality Act and the Johnson Act?

Purchase Tax

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is aware that Purchase Tax at the full rate of 33⅓ per cent. is now charged on various substitutes for glass which are being used in carrying out repairs to windows damaged by air raids, on the ground that these substitutes contain fabrics which, by themselves, are chargeable to Purchase Tax, although the window glass and plate glass which they replace and is often difficult to obtain, is exempt from Purchase Tax; and whether he will take steps to end this anomaly?

I would refer my hon. Friend to the answer given to the Question by my hon. Friend the Member for South Croydon (Sir H. Williams) on 12th November.

When glass is difficult to obtain and is likely to be broken, does my right hon. Friend think it sensible to penalise the public for putting in glass which contains a fabric by making them pay this new tax, seeing that they could put in ordinary glass without tax?

I am aware of that, but, as I explained on a previous occasion, taxable fabrics used as substitutes are taxable, and as used in a specialised description it would not be practicable to exempt them by reference to such use.

Could it not be arranged that when it is used in glass it is not taxable? That would not be difficult.

Select Committee on National Expenditure

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he will state, in general terms, what action has so far been taken as a result of the reports of the Select Committee on National Expenditure and its sub-committees; and can he give an estimate of the economies and savings achieved thereby?

The reports of the Select Committee on National Expenditure and its sub-committees have been carefully considered by the Departments concerned as they have been issued. My hon. Friend will find information on the action taken up to August last in the Eleventh Report of the Committee. From that report, he will see that the reports and the action taken in them cover such a wide range that it is impossible briefly to summarise the results or to evaluate them in terms of cash saving.

Was the report of this Committee on the Abbotsinch aerodrome fully considered by the right hon. Gentleman's Department, and what steps were taken to place the responsibility upon those who were responsible for what occurred?

If I put down a Question later, cannot the House be told what has been the result to the public purse in pounds, shillings and pence of the activities and work of this committee and its sub-committees?

The results would be shown to be very considerable, and I am sure that the House is very much indebted to the committee, but it is impossible, I think, to value the results precisely in money terms.

May I ask whether the Public Accounts Committee will not have an opportunity to investigate the matter?

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that a large part of the saving comes from the prevention of waste and not from any cutting down of expenditure which has already taken place?

Food Supplies

Sugar

asked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury whether he is satisfied with the procedure adopted by all concerned in the operation of the Essential Commodities Preserve Fund Accounts, and the transactions carried out under authority of that Act; what was the average per cent. of profit allowed to companies before the war and since the war, respectively; and what was the purpose of the arrangement by which the Government bought 50,000 tons of sugar from Messrs. Tate and Lyle and later the company bought it back?

I have been asked to reply. The answer to the first part of the Question is in the affirmative. Purchases under the Essential Commodities Reserves Act, 1938, before the war were, generally speaking, made on behalf of the Government by firms customarily dealing with the commodities concerned, who received no profit but were reimbursed out of pocket expenses only. The object of the original purchase of fifty thousand tons of sugar from Messrs. Tate and Lyle, Limited, was to constitute as a measure of security a temporary Government reserve until arrangements could be made for setting up a larger and permanent reserve in warehouses dispersed over the country. The purchase and resale of the temporary reserve did not involve the Government in any loss.

Is it considered to be a business proposition to purchase 50,000 tons of sugar from a monoply and then allow that sugar to be sold back to the monopoly?

The reason was that at the time that purchase was made it was essential as an emergency measure to get some reserves, and this was the readiest means of obtaining reserves. The hon. Member will observe that the re-sale did not involve the Government in any loss.

When the Essential Commodities Act was passed by this House was it not understood that the Government were going to collect reserves of these commodities and sell them themselves?

That has been done, but I must repeat that this transaction was undertaken as a temporary measure until those larger and more dispersed stocks were available.

Is it not a fact that at the time of this transaction the firm concerned were thanked by the Chancellor of the Exchequer of the day for the manner in which they carried it out without profit to themselves?

Leeks (Price)

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Food whether his attention has been called to the high price now being charged for leeks; and what action he intends taking about the matter?

My Noble Friend is aware that the price of leeks has advanced considerably. Urgent consideration is being given to the introduction of a price control.

Is the Parliamentary Secretary aware that even Welshmen can hardly afford to swallow the leek?

As a matter of fact, it is only in Wales that they understand the value of the leek.

Canadian Milk Products

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Food whether, to relieve the acute shortage in this country, he will ascertain if normally importing British firms have, owing to their overseas connections, any Canadian stocks of full-cream spray, other milk products and malted milk not yet distributed; and whether, in that case, he will have them brought over to this country at once for public consumption in the coming days of milk shortage?

All imports of milk products from Canada are carried out by the Ministry of Food, which has purchased the full Canadian production of condensed milk available for export to this country. The surplus of full cream spray milk powder available for export from Canada was small in amount. The Ministry of Food has not purchased or permitted the importation of malted milk from Canada, nor did it purchase the milk powder mentioned in view of the necessity of conserving dollars.

Questions

Ministry of Supply

asked the Home Secretary whether his attention has been called to the remarks made by Judge Dodson at the Old Bailey, on Thursday, 14th November, in connection with the case of an ordnance officer in a Government Department; and whether he intends taking any action in the matter?

I have been asked to reply. My right hon. Friend's attention has been drawn to the remarks of the Recorder, and inquiries have been made into the matter. Two references were given on the appointment of the officer in question, and there was no indication before the Ministry to suggest that his character was other than satisfactory.

Sub-Post Office, South Kensington

asked the Postmaster-General whether he is aware of the great inconvenience caused by the closing of Gloucester Road Post Office, in South Kensington, between 1 and 2 o'clock each day; and whether he will consider whether this Post Office can remain open between the hours mentioned?

I have received no complaint, and I was therefore not aware that this arrangement had caused great inconvenience to the public. Since the end of October, 1939, it has been the general practice to allow sub-offices to close for a short period at mid-day. Staffing difficulties have made it necessary to adopt this course during the war, as was the case during the last war. There is at present an acute shortage of suitable assistants for Post Office work, and to abolish the mid-day closing might well jeopardise the maintenance of the offices in question. There are two Crown offices within a short distance of this sub-office, and which are open during this period.

Is my hon. and gallant Friend aware that a large number of complaints have been made as to the inconvenience of these office hours? Would it not be possible, without undue strain, to have the office open during mid-day hours?

Is my hon. Friend also aware that, in the town in which I live—of which he has knowledge—which is packed with evacuees and troops, the Post Office goes completely out of action for about 1½ hours in the middle of the day, when no business can be done?

Agriculture (Government Proposals)

( by Private Notice ) asked the Minister of Agriculture whether, in view of the Prime Minister's recent reference to the urgent necessity of producing the greatest possible volume of food in this country, he can make any statement of the Government's intentions in regard to increased home food production and the formulation of a long term policy for British agriculture.

The Government has decided that a further increase in home food production is vital. The nation requires increased home production of certain agricultural products. Of these, crops suitable, if necessary, for human consumption are the most important among the arable products, and milk among the livestock products. The Ministers responsible for agriculture in England and Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland, have considered with the Minister of Food whether such a further increase could be promoted by extending the guarantee given to the agricultural community as to the future stability of their industry. The Government has, by ensuring a guaranteed market at guaranteed prices for the principal agricultural products for a year ahead, helped to create more stable conditions up to the 1941 harvest.

The Government has now decided to go further and to guarantee that the present system of fixed prices and an assured market will be maintained for the duration of hostilities and for at least one year thereafter. Prices will be subject to adjustment to the extent of any substantial changes in cost of production. Agricultural wages will continue to receive the protection afforded by the minima prescribed under the Agricultural Wages Acts. The Government recognises that Scottish agriculture presents problems which call for special action. The Government, representative as it is of all major political parties, recognises the importance of maintaining after the war a healthy and well-balanced agriculture as an essential and permanent feature of national policy. The guarantee now given is meant to secure that stability shall be maintained not only during hostilities but during a length of time thereafter sufficient to put into action a permanent post-war policy for home agriculture. The Government for its part will do its utmost to see that all possible supplies of such requisites as fertilisers and machinery are made available. Ministers believe that the safeguards afforded by this guarantee will enable farmers to undertake, at once, the further considerable expansion of production now required, and to respond to the Prime Minister's call to all concerned to produce the greatest volume of food of which our fertile land is capable.

May I ask my right hon. Friend whether this expansion of production to which he has referred, will include cultivable land which is now derelict either as individual fields or as farms, or whether it refers only to increased production from land already farmed; and in that connection will he give consideration to the plan which I have adumbrated in a question and which involves the formation of a special ad hoc body to deal with this question of cultivable land now derelict—land which runs into many hundreds of thousands of acres?

The problem falls into two parts. There is no doubt at all that the immediate need is for increased production at once—this year—and we shall get it best by increasing the yield, as far as possible, of the existing arable acreage. But it is equally true that next year we shall require much further arable acreage and it is absolutely necessary that we should take steps to make that land suitable for cultivation next year. I do not think that a special body is necessary. I think the existing committees either have or are being given adequate powers to deal with the matter.

In view of the Minister's statement that the Government intend now to tie their policy to fixed prices for the duration of the war and for a year after, can he state whether they intend to apply an efficiency test in fixing prices and whether an examination of production costs will also have a place in any such fixation of prices?

The county committees are busily engaged at present in doing that, as a result of the farm survey and they are being asked to get on with the job and apply their powers both firmly and with understanding.

Arising out of the Minister's main statement, which will be welcomed by all agriculturists, may I ask when he proposes to announce what the Government propose to do in regard to the special Scottish problem mentioned in the statement?

I understand that my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Scotland is to broadcast on Thursday.

If the farmers find themselves in a difficulty about labour when trying to carry out the extensive pro- gramme which the Minister has announced, what does he propose to do about it?

That is a problem which is ever present to our minds and it is one which I propose to hand over to my right hon. Friend the Minister of Labour.

In view of the statement which the Minister has made, will he try to induce other Ministries which are acquiring land to make use of third-class agricultural land instead of taking over, as they have been doing very often lately, first-class agricultural land?

Is there any possibility of the House of Commons hearing the statement of the Secretary of State for Scotland before it is broadcast? May I press for a reply? Are we to have the Secretary of State for Scotland making a broadcast statement on this important question of food production before even the Scottish Members of this House have an opportunity of hearing what the policy is to be?

If the hon. Member will put down a Question for Thursday, I will be very glad to answer it.

On that point may I call attention to the fact that when the Minister of Agriculture proposed to broadcast a statement before the House had heard it, he apologised for doing so and offered certain very urgent reasons and the House only accepted the proposal on those grounds. Why then is it necessary that the House should not hear this statement in the usual way on this occasion?

I may point out that the steps required to implement the policy which I have just announced are very varied and very detailed and it would have taken me much longer to explain them than the time which is permissible for an answer to a Question. I propose to broadcast, to-night, an explanation to English and Welsh farmers of how we intend to carry out the details of this new policy which I have explained in broad outline. It is only on matters of detail which affect Scotland, that the Secretary of State for Scotland proposes to broadcast on Thursday.

Can the Minister say whether, following on the detailed statement which he proposes to make, there is likely to be an opportunity for a Debate on future policy?

May I ask the Minister since when have the county committees had the power to investigate efficiency and production costs in relation to the fixation of prices?

On a point of Order. I put a Question earlier to the Minister and I received a deliberately evasive reply. I submit that on an important point of this description, namely the fixation of prices, Members ought to know whether the Government's policy is to be based on an examination of production costs and an efficiency test? To give me the reply that the county committees are doing certain things in relation to this policy is simply playing the fool with the House.

When the Minister has an important statement to make, would it not be possible for it not to be made in such a way as to curtail unnecessarily the already limited time at the disposal of the House? Could such a statement not be issued in the usual way and circulated?

Without going into the details of the policy, is the Minister aware that the important statement just made by him on the continuity of policy and stability in the industry will be very much welcomed by the industry itself?

Conduct of a Member

I beg to move,

"That a Select Committee be appointed to investigate the conduct and activities of Mr. Boothby in connection with the payment out of assets in this country of claims against the Government of and institutions in the Republic of Czechoslovakia; to report generally on these matters and in particular to consider and report whether the conduct of the honourable Member was contrary to the usage or derogatory to the dignity of the House or inconsistent with the standards which Parliament is entitled to expect from its Members."

On a point of Order. I understood that a Motion of this kind could be discussed. In any case, to put the matter in its proper perspective, I wish to inquire how long this Committee is to function. It seems to me to be invidious that the hon. Member whose conduct is under review should be kept in a state of suspense for a long period, and I want to ask how long it is likely to be before the matter has been fully reviewed.

I can answer that question immediately. That question lies entirely with the Committee itself; it is entirely out of my hands.

In a matter of this kind, affecting the conduct of a Member and particularly of a Minister, surely the House has some jurisdiction in the matter?

The House has no power of directing how the Committee shall conduct its business.

Surely it is the view of the House generally—at any rate, it is my view—that the conduct of a Member should be inquired into speedily, so that the matters in question can be fully ascertained and disposed of. If it is not—

The hon. Member knows that any delay in the Committee's work is due to the Session having come to an end and a new Session begun. The Committee is being set up again to-day.

Do I understand from what you have said, Sir, that if I moved an Amendment giving an Instruction to the Committee, it would be in order?

As a matter of interest, is there any precedent for the attendance of the Attorney-General at this Committee to present vital evidence and to examine witnesses, and has attention been drawn to the fact that if the Attorney-General is there on behalf of the Committee it is necessary also for the hon. Member whose conduct is being inquired into to have a lawyer?

On a point of Order. Is it not in your judgment, Mr. Speaker, extremely improper for a Select Committee inquiring into a Member's conduct to be subject to importunities raised in this House; would it not be far better to allow this Committee to do its work, and is it not extremely undesirable for a Select Committee to feel that its business of examination should be hurried because of questions raised in the House?

Is it not also desirable that a Committee of this character should do its work speedily?

The Committee could get on with its work if it were appointed.

Question put, and agreed to.

Committee Mr. Benson, Major Sir Edward Cadogan, Mr. Denman, Sir Geoffrey Ellis, Mr. Ernest Evans, Colonel Gretton, Mr. Pethick-Lawrence, Mr. Pickthorn, Sir George Schuster and Mr. Spens.

Ordered,

That the Committee have power to send for persons, papers and records; to sit notwithstanding any Adjournment of the House; and to adjourn from place to place:

Ordered,

That the Committee have power to report from time to time:

Ordered,

That Five be the quorum:

Ordered,

That the Attorney-General do attend the Committee to present to the Committee the evidence relevant to the subject-matter of the inquiry in the possession of His Majesty's Government, and to examine witnesses:

Ordered,

That Mr. Boothby have leave to be heard by himself or by counsel if he think fit:

Ordered,

That the Committee have leave to hear counsel to such extent as they think fit on behalf of any other persons.—[ The Prime Minister. ]

Later

I beg to move,

"That the Governor of His Majesty's Prison at Brixton, or other officer in whose custody Mr. Richard Weininger should be, do bring the said Mr. Richard Weininger in safe custody on Thursday, at quarter past eleven o'clock, to the Select Committee in the conduct of a Member in order to his being examined as a witness before the Select Committee, and so from time to time as often as his attendance shall be thought necessary by the said Committee, and that Mr. Speaker do issue his warrant, to the said Governor and to the Serjeant at Arms attending this House, accordingly."

I am sure the House will not want a long speech. I would, however, explain that the Committee regard this gentleman as an essential witness to their inquiry. At present he is under detention in Brixton Prison under the Defence of the Realm Regulations, and he cannot attend the Committee unless this House so orders.

Question put, and agreed to.

National Expenditure

Ordered, That a Select Committee be appointed to examine the current expenditure defrayed out of moneys provided by Parliament for the Defence Services, for Civil Defence, and for other services directly connected with the war, and to report what, if any, economies consistent with the execution of the policy decided by the Government may be effected therein:

Ordered,

That the Committee do consist of 32 Members:

Committee accordingly nominated of Mr. Ammon, Mr. Beechman, Sir Ernest Bennett, Mr. Bossom, Mr. Brooke, Lady Davidson, Mr. Alfred Edwards, Sir Geoffrey Ellis, Mr. Erskine Hill, Sir Ralph Glyn, Sir Arnold Gridley, Sir Percy Harris, Mr. Hely-Hutchinson, Mr. Higgs, Mr. Leach, Mr. Lipson, Sir Charles MacAndrew, Sir Adam Maitland, Mr. Robert Morrison, Sir Assheton Pownall, Mr. Pym, Mr. Ridley, Sir George Schuster, Sir John Shute, Mr. Silkin, Mr. Watkins, Sir John Wardlaw-Milne, Sir Harold Webbe, Mr. Graham White, Sir Herbert Williams, Mr. Woodburn and Sir Robert Young.

Ordered,

That the Committee have power to send for persons, papers and records; to sit notwithstanding any Adjournment of the House; and to adjourn from place to place:

Ordered,

That the Committee have power to report from time to time:

Ordered,

That seven be the quorum:

Ordered,

Ordered, That the Committee have power to appoint Sub-Committees and to refer to such Sub-Committees any of the matters referred to the Committee:

Ordered

That the quorum of any Sub-Committee so appointed shall be two:

Ordered,

That any Sub-Committees so appointed shall have power to send for persons, papers and records; to sit notwithstanding any Adjournment of the House; and to adjourn from place to place:

Ordered,

That any Sub-Committee so appointed shall report any evidence taken by them to the Committee:

Ordered,

That the Reports of the Select Committees on National Expenditure in Sessions 1917–18, 1918, 1919 and 1920, together with the Minutes of the Evidence taken before the said Committees be referred to the Committee:

Ordered,

That if the Committee shall appoint a Sub-Committee to co-ordinate the work of other Sub-Committees, such Sub-Committee shall have power, in cases where considerations of national security preclude the publishing of certain recommendations and of the arguments upon which they are based, to address a memorandum to the Prime Minister for the consideration of the War Cabinet, provided that the Select Committee do report to the House on every occasion when this power shall have been exercised:

Ordered,

That the Reports of the Select Committee on National Expenditure in the last Session of Parliament be referred to the Committee.—[ Captain Margesson. ]

Personal Explanation

I desire, by leave, to make a short explanation. In the course of last week I put a question to the Minister of Health about the use of Audley End Mansion for evacuees. Unfortunately, in the course of a Supplementary Question, I referred to Lord and Lady Howard de Walden as the occupants of this house. I am now informed that Lord and Lady Howard de Walden have had nothing to do with this place for a number of years. I desire, therefore, Mr. Speaker, to take this, the earliest opportunity afforded to me, to withdraw unreservedly the reference I made and to apologise both to them for the pain and distress which this reference must have caused them and to the House which I may have misled. Fortunately, so far as I know, the reference I made was not widely referred to in the Press, and I hope that in those quarters where it was referred to this apology and correction will receive equal publicity.

Business of the House

I beg to move,

"That, during the present Session, Government Business do have precedence at every Sitting and that no Public Bills other than Government Bills be introduced."

I made it clear on Thursday, when I spoke on the Adjournment, that it would be necessary for the Government to move such a Motion as this. The course we are taking is agreeable with precedent, as set last Session, and also during the last war. Broadly speaking, it is felt that our deliberations must be concentrated on those matters or Measures which are vitally connected with the effective prosecution of the war, and that the times are inappropriate for bringing forward controversial legislation or matters of academic interest. This was the justification made by Mr. Asquith on 3rd February, 1915. I have here a quotation from his speech. He pointed out that while such conditions prevailed it would be inappropriate for Members to introduce legislation of a party, or contentious, character, and that the Government must, for their part, confine their legislative programme to the Measures necessary for, in Mr. Asquith's words, "the successful, prosecution of the war." Mr. Neville Chamberlain repeated this assurance last year, when a similar Motion was passed by the House.

I beg to move, at the end, to add: Member who wishes to raise the matter; and then the House will, by a Division, decide whether that matter is to be taken. Under my proposal a private Member's Motion—not a Bill—has to overcome two very important obstacles before it takes precedence over Government Business. First, it must secure the support of 40 Members, which is not easy; and then it must secure the support of the majority of the House, before the Motion can be taken. I think it will be agreed that the Government have very considerable protection in preventing academic—to use the Prime Minister's word—and frivolous or contentious Motions from being taken in war time, because my Amendment provides that more than half the Members of the House, on a Division, must agree that the Resolution may be debated. It is not reasonable to suppose that more than half the Members of the House would agree to give a frivolous or academic Motion precedence over the Government's own business. It seems to me, if I may say so, that the Amendment I propose succeeds in being reasonable. It says, in effect, that instead of asking the consent of the Government to the discussion of a Motion, Members must ask the consent of the House.

I do not know whether the Prime Minister has been seized of this Amendment. I had hoped that, following his statement last week, he would find himself in complete agreement with the Amendment. In the first place, I am not suggesting that the Government should not have full command of Parliamentary time. They must in war-time. They have very important legislation to bring forward, and it would be unreasonable that the usual procedure should not be adopted. My Amendment in no way takes power out of the hands of the Government. The Government have an immense ascendancy in the House. More than one quarter of the Members of the House are associated with the Government in one form or another. I do not know whether hon. Members realise it, but in the present House there are 75 immediate Members of the Government, not taking into account those who are loosely connected with the Government in various ways. Is it reasonable to suppose that any contentious interference with Government business is likely to take place in the circumstances? The Government might say that, after all, we have an opportunity of making our complaints to the Government through the usual channels. I would answer that the usual channels, if not completely choked at present, are slightly twisted. All the principal parties in the House form the Government. It is very unreasonable to allow a culprit to decide, not only the court which is to try him, but whether he is to have a trial at all. In circumstances of this sort, it seems entirely reasonable that private Members should retain some initiative. If the Prime Minister's Motion is carried, we shall, for the current Session, have not only locked the door upon ourselves, but have thrown away the key. We shall be unable to discuss anything except what the Government permit.

I thought that the Prime Minister last Thursday sub-edited history a bit in order to make his case. He said that the House of Commons had obtained great ascendancy in the country by general Debates of the character that we had last Session. The Prime Minister knows, even better than I that that is not the case—that in the days to which he referred the House of Commons debated specific Motions, and had Divisions upon them. Indeed, legislation in those days originated by private Members' Motions in the House, and could not originate in any other way. Therefore, the House had the opportunity of addressing itself to a specific Motion. That is not the case now. Even if an hon. Member persuades the usual channels that he wishes to raise a matter in the House, he can only do it on the Adjournment, which is an exceedingly unsatisfactory way of raising many matters and enabling the House to form a judgment. The Prime Minister bitterly complained, on the occasion of the Debate which led to the downfall of the last Government, that the Adjournment Motion was being made into a Vote of Censure. He said that it was much more desirable that important matters of that sort should be placed upon the Order Paper of the House of Commons in the form of a Motion that could be understood. When the Prime Minister wound up the Debate on that very im- portant occasion he complained bitterly that the fate of the Government was being determined upon a Motion which did not address itself to any other question than the mere Adjournment of the House.

The Prime Minister may say—and I dare say he has already been advised—that on this occasion it is open to the Opposition to put a Motion upon the Order Paper, for which permission would be given. But the Opposition is not there. The Opposition has now disappeared and the House is debating this matter in unique circumstances. The Prime Minister made reference to the precedent of the last war, but nobody knows better than he, because he was an active participant, that after the middle of 1916 a very formidable Opposition formed itself in this House and the Government of that day could not have failed to have given attention to the Opposition if they wanted to raise any matter. After the resignation of Mr. Asquith a very considerable influential body of Members formed themselves around him and they were able by their authority to demand from time to time the examination of very important matters. That is not the position to-day. There is no such Opposition in the House of Commons, but there is a very great deal of slackness on the part of Ministers because they are now immune from effective Parliamentary control. I regard this matter as one of very great importance. If a Motion appeared on the Order Paper under the terms of my Amendment, the position would be that the Minister would know that such a Motion was there and that his conduct or administration was being referred to, but he would realise that the Member moving the Motion would have to secure a majority of the House of Commons in order to have it discussed. That very fact itself would be a spur to the Minister, and it would assert the authority of the House of Commons over the Minister.

Hon. Members realise that the present House of Commons is old; it has not been refreshed by contact with the constituencies for five years. Most of the Members of the House of Commons support the main purpose of the policy of the Government. There is no danger under my proposal that we would be misunderstood in what we do by any nation outside, but we would be asserting the effective executive of the country. The House of Commons no longer derives its authority from a majority in the House elected at the election but from 615 Members who no longer are able to appeal to the country. I therefore submit that the Government ought to secure their majority by debate in the House of Commons itself. Furthermore, it would be highly desirable if hon. Members were given this opportunity in order that they themselves might make an effective contribution to the conduct of the war.

I beg to second the Amendment.

The proposal has been made with great ability by the hon. Gentleman the Member for Ebbw Vale (Mr. Bevan). It seems to me to be a very ingenious and effective way of co-ordinating the eternal difficulties between the Government of the day, whatever that Government may be, and the back benchers in this House, who are to a great extent the only channels through which the ordinary man in the street can make his grievances and difficulties felt. The Prime Minister has so often paid generous compliments to this House for the way in which it has maintained the conditions of free speech and discussion in war time, and we have to be careful that these conditions are not lost. The aggregate time given up to Questions has decreased now that we only meet on three days a week, and the number of Questions which might develop into dangerous issues has certainly increased. I do not think that this proposal is in any way an attempt to waste the time of the House or could be abused by those who might wish to raise unduly controversial issues.

My hon. Friend, who so ably represents the constituency for Ebbw Vale (Mr. Bevan), was speaking in his most dulcet tones this morning and exercised to the utmost the persuasive and even seductive arts in which he is efficient, and it is not without regret that I find myself compelled to disappoint his hopes and resist his proposal. I think that if my hon. Friend, and the hon. Member who seconded the Amendment, considered the position, they would see what a very impossible proposal they have submitted. On any day after Questions, if 40 Members rise, they can discuss anything they choose. [HON. MEMBERS: "No."] Allow me to continue. Anything they choose, provided the Motion is already on the Paper.

My right hon. Friend has not seen the additional safeguard. The majority of the House, in Division, have to agree before it can be taken, but they cannot be asked unless 40 Members support the hon. Member's Motion.

Of course, I have only just seen the Amendment, but it is perfectly clear. It says that:

Here is a list of some of the Questions on the Paper last Session, which is nothing to what there would be should the Amendment be accepted: Charity Commission Control, Abuse of the Privileges of the Courts of Law, Conduct of the War, Agriculture, Government Policy towards Nazi Germany and Austria, Equality of Sacrifice in Wartime, Trading Profits on Food, Speech of a Member, Bottle Parties and other Activities on Licensed Premises, German and Austrian Civilian Internees, Bank of England, Proposals for Breaking the Blockade, Anglo-American Co-operation, Recording of Speeches, Dominions' Peace Terms, Joint Allied Plans, and so forth. At any moment during the day 40 Members could rise to demand a Division which would be a matter of consequence for the Government, and unless the Government were in a position to resist that at any moment, they would have to alter the whole course of Business so that Members arriving to discuss one matter could discuss another. Although there might be most urgent Government Business with regard to the carrying on of the war, that in itself would have to be sidetracked. It would be a far more severe procedure that anything which existed in peace-time. If the Amendment was carried or accepted, then Ministers would have to be ready at any moment to debate any one of this enormous panel of topics. They would not know until the actual Motion was moved what was coming on, and they would have to go about with their minds readily prepared for all this and many other varied topics.

I cannot conceive of a more inconvenient proposal, nor can I imagine that any Government would willingly subject itself to any force such as that. Conceive of the position at whatever hour the House meets. It would mean that the Government must have a majority which, in war-time, would be a matter of great inconvenience. Besides, what is the point of having all these Divisions? There would be Members saying that now was the time to discuss one or other of these matters, whether it was important, trifling or inconvenient, and it would be brought to the test of a Division. We might have a Division every day; in fact, there is nothing to prevent this procedure being invoked on any day on any question, and I regret it very much. We may, as Parliament has had from time to time, have Divisions. We have not had many so far. We were by way of being united, but to have this procedure, which would force the Government to reject Motions day after day, would mean an impossible impediment to, and a burden on, our duties, and would weaken the authority of the House. It would be a fertile cause of friction and disagreement, whereas under the procedure we have adopted almost any great question which either House hopes to discuss can receive early and proper attention.

My natural sympathies are very much with any hon. Member who, like my hon. Friend behind me, desires to take the fullest opportunity of raising any question of importance. I have also a natural sympathy with anyone who is not always invariably in agreement with the Government policy. I think there has been sometimes a tendency when dealing with questions of Business for the Government to take one view and object to those who take a different view, but I must say that I entirely agree with the Prime Minister in the reasons he gave for rejecting this Amendment. There are other and very substantial reasons from the point of view of private Members themselves, which is why I think the proposal put forward by my hon. Friend is not a good one. These were not mentioned in the speech of the Prime Minister, who was naturally dealing with the Government point of view and, as he rightly said, the inconvenience which would be caused to the Government if the method put forward by my hon. Friend was adopted.

May I point out that during the Session that has just come to an end there have been no fewer than 45 occasions when it has been possible to raise questions on the Adjournment, and my hon. Friend, who takes a very great interest in the procedure of the House, will, I think, agree that that compares very favourably with the opportunities that occur in peace time.

So regardless are the Government of the value of an Adjournment Debate that they often do not bother to reply.

I would like to deal with that point as it cuts to the root of the liberties and privileges of Private Members of the House, but first let us deal with the question from the numerical point of view. What is the contrast with peace-time? In peace-time we have Private Members' Motions, but in the majority of cases only a handful of Members take an interest in the question being debated, while the majority find reasons for being away. Now what happens in the case of a Debate on the Adjournment? When I raised the question of a visit to America by Mr. H. G. Wells I found to my astonishment that there was a fuller report in the Press on that occasion.

It has applied in half a dozen other debates. The Press has paid far more attention to Adjournment Debates.

Such as the hon. and gallant Member for West Leeds (Captain Vyvyan Adams).

Yes, more attention was called to that debate than to many other debates which have taken place.

Now let us come to the specific case mentioned by the hon. Gentleman behind me. He said that it was inconvenient, from the point of view of the House, to deal with matters of importance and urgency on Ordinary Adjournment Debates. Let the House realise that it still retains the right to move the Adjournment on questions of urgent public importance. That was not mentioned by the Prime Minister, but it is a very important consideration. Let me now examine my hon. Friend's objections from the point of view of the convenience and efficiency of a Debate on the Adjournment. My hon. Friend says that on such occasions no vote is taken. That is so, but does any hon. Member deny that, in the course of last Session, Debates on the Adjournment had a most profound effect upon the policy of the Government? The very case which he quoted, that which led to the downfall of the last Government, occurred on the Adjournment. [ Interruption. ] A vote was taken, but a vote could be taken on any other debate, provided those who were in opposition to the Government sat down in time and allowed the question to be put; a vote against the Adjournment would be tantamount to a Vote of Censure.

The right hon. Gentleman is now referring to the difficulty. We are driven to having what is a Vote of Censure in order to express any opinion.

That point has been effectively answered by the Prime Minister. If at the beginning of a Debate one had the procedure suggested by my hon. Friend and there was a Division on it, that would be tantamount to a Vote of Censure, and the Government would have so to treat it. If they did so, a Vote of Censure would have been carried against them. My hon. Friend's proposal does not avoid that difficulty. I maintain that an Adjournment Debate is a most valuable occasion for voicing opinions either in opposition to the Government or intended to induce the Government to take a certain course.

Lastly, the hon. Gentleman raised a very important point when he said that in present conditions there is no opposition. I quite agree that at this moment there is no opposition, although I will say that experience has proved that, in the course of war, an opposition very soon tends to arise whenever there is need for it. Even with the immense power which the Prime Minister wields at the present time, I am certain that if either the House or the country were seriously dissatisfied with the Government, there would very soon be an opposition in the House. The reason there is not an opposition now is that, quite obviously, the House as a whole and the country as a whole are satisfied with the present Government. An opposition would develop quickly enough if there were dissatisfaction.

My hon. Friend suggested that in present conditions there are no means of bringing the dissatisfaction of the House to bear upon individual Ministers. I say emphatically that that is not so. In that respect the House has just as much power as ever it had. The reason Ministers are slack—I say this frankly at the risk of being interrupted—is that many Members of the House are slack; it is the poor attendance at Debates, the interest which is taken in private committees of the Conservative party and the Labour party, the habit which has grown up in recent years of setting up numerous committees. There is a certain one in the Conservative party to which some hon. Members seem to attach more importance than they do to this House. There are always getting into the Press mysterious references to what has been done in such and such a committee. If a Minister is slack, the simple way of dealing with him is for Members to come to the House and tackle him at Question Time, and make speeches afterwards. I will give hon. Members two examples of a personal character. In both cases the Government had an enormous majority. I was brought down from office owing to the opposition, not against me, but against the policy. There was opposition on the part of a number of people in my own party, including the right hon. Gentleman the Prime Minister. The other example is of an even more personal type. Some years ago some of us took great exception to the policy and personality of a certain Cabinet Minister. Two of us were ex-Ministers and we decided, to use a vulgar phrase, to "set about it," and we gave him such a doing in a certain Debate that within a week he was a Member of another place. The next day the usual letters were exchanged between him and the Prime Minister in which they both deeply regretted that they had to part. I say that there is just as much opportunity in the House for opposition, or for a Member to make his voice heard, as ever there was. In this matter the fault rests not with the Government or with Ministers, but with hon. Members themselves.

I regret very much that the Prime Minister has taken this attitude. The powers of private Members have been taken away by the Government, and although we all agree that in war circumstances it is inevitable that Government Business should take precedence, some of us feel it would be in the interests of Parliament and the national war effort if the House and private Members were to retain some initiative which they could use at their discretion, if necessary. I agree immediately that the Prime Minister put forward an argument against this Motion which was substantial when he said that it might suddenly cause inconvenience if hon. Members came to the House expecting to debate one subject and found that they had to debate another. But I think that difficulty could be very easily overcome if an Amendment to the Amendment were made to the effect that the Debate should take place on the following day. This would give the Government ample notice. Such an Amendment could be made by the addition of three words, and if that were done, that objection would disappear.

The other argument of substance which the Prime Minister made was that it would be quite impossible for a Government responsible for carrying on the war, or for any Government, to subject itself to these conditions. What we are asking the Government to subject themselves to is the House of Commons, and are suggesting that the Government, and particularly the Prime Minister, who is a Parliament man, should have confidence in their fellow Members. The procedure suggested could not be invoked unless 40 Members were prepared to stand up and say that they thought the matter was so important that they wanted it to take precedence over Government Business. Those 40 Members would need to have the support of the majority of the House. All we ask is' that the Government should subject themselves to the House and allow the House to decide if an occasion arises when the House thinks that a matter is so important that its discussion is of immediate urgency. Presumably such a decision would be made only when some important aspect of the war or some matter of defence or security was concerned. We want the House to have the power to say by majority decision that it wants to have the opportunity of discussing such a matter on the following day. In those circumstances, I cannot conceive what objections the Government can have which lead them to reject such a proposal. Obviously, it would be only on very rare occasions—and perhaps never—that the House would wish to follow such a course, but I suggest that such a power would be of great value in defending our democratic institutions. Particularly in view of the arguments made by my hon. Friend the Member for Ebbw Vale (Mr. A. Bevan) that this Parliament does not directly represent the electorate at the moment, the House should have this power of initiative, and I very much regret that the Prime Minister has turned down this proposal.

I was attracted by this proposal before I heard it debated, but I must confess that now I can see tremendous difficulties with regard to it. I do not like the proposal at all. I want to make a very minor point and to utter a word of warning to my hon. Friend the Member for North Lambeth (Mr. Strauss) and my hon. Friend the Member for Ebbw Vale (Mr. A. Bevan). They must remember that their party is a part of the Government, and that to move such a Motion on any day they would require the consent of their party leaders. If, against the wishes of their party and their party leaders, they continued to press such a Motion, they would find themselves in the position in which I and my hon. Friends are. I just wanted to warn them, without going into the merits of the general question, as one who has had inside and outside experience, that that is not the road you can travel if you are a member of the Parliamentary Labour party.

On a point of Order. The Prime Minister has moved a Motion, to-day, that during the present Session the Government will take the time of private Members. Is it not in order for this House, by a majority, at any time during the Session to rescind that Motion?

The Motion can be put down on the Order Paper and discussed if the Government can find time for it.

Before putting the Question, I wish to ask the hon. Member for Ebbw Vale (Mr. Bevan) to explain this point to the House. It appears to me that under the present procedure, if a matter of definite urgent public importance is raised by an hon. Member after Questions, and 40 Members rise in their places to support that Motion, it can be debated, not the following day, as suggested by the hon. Member for North Lambeth (Mr. G. Strauss), but the same night and Government Business can be deferred. As one who is always in favour of keeping some check on a Government, however large the support it obtains from all parties, I should like to ask what advantage is to be gained by the Amendment proposed by the hon. Member. The reason why I am against it is because it gives an opportunity to debate what is called "bees in bonnets." The safeguard against debating bees in bonnets is that you, Mr. Speaker, are to rule whether the matter raised is of urgent and definite public importance. It appears to me that that provides an ample safeguard against abuse of the powers of the Executive, particularly when the Government contain representatives to whom we on this side of the House pledged our support in the gravest emergency which ever confronted this country. I for one find myself compelled to oppose it.

The obvious reply is that, in the first place, the hon. Member will agree, when he states that the safeguard is still there and that we can raise a matter of urgent public importance if Mr. Speaker accepts it, that it is very difficult to find a Motion which would satisfy him in that respect. Secondly, it is rather an insult to the intelligence of this House to suggest that in war-time a majority of

Members could be found to discuss bees in anybody's bonnet.

Question put, "That those words be there addes."

The House divides: Ayes, 22; Noes, 183.

Ordered,

"That, during the present Session, Government Business do have precedence at every Sitting and that no Public Bills other than government Bills be introduced.

Bill Presented

Railways Agreement (Powers) Bill,

"to enable railway undertakers under the control of the Minister of Transport to make agreements with him and with one another providing for financial matters arising out of, and in connection with, such control; and for purposes connected therewith." Presented by Lieut.-Colonel Moore-Brabazon, supported by Captain Crook-shank and Mr. Montague; to be read a Second time upon the next Sitting Day and to be printed. [Bill No. 1.]

Orders of the Day

King's Speech

Debate on the Address

[Second Day]

Order read for resuming Adjourned Debate on Question. [21

"That an humble Address be presented to His Majesty as followeth:

Most Gracious Sovereign,

We, Your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Commons of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, in Parliament assembled, beg leave to offer our humble thanks to Your Majesty for the Gracious Speech which Your Majesty has addressed to both Houses of Parliament."—[ Squadron-Leader Grant-Ferris. ]

Question again proposed.

Could I have any information, either from you, Sir, or from the Leader of the House, as to what provision of time is going to be made for the discussion of the Amendments to the Address which are on the Order Paper? They are two, one in the name of my hon. Friends and myself, and one in the name of Members on the benches behind me. I am sure it will be for the convenience of everyone, that we should know at what stage of the proceedings those Amendments will be called.

On a point of Order. My hon. Friend has on the Order Paper an Amendment to the Address supported by himself and two other Members who are Members of his party. I have put down another Amendment supported by 16 or 17 Members, I think of all parties, and some of no party, so that I have some interest, too, in the point' that has been raised. I realise the difficulties foreshadowed in what the Prime Minister said last week. At the same time, it cannot be said that either of the Amendments does not raise points which command the interest of a large section of the House and the country. An hour and a half has already gone of the only day, according to what the Prime Minister said last week, which is being afforded for the general Debate on the Address, and I think a great many of us would like to know, at what stage, if at all, the Amendments will be called and, if they are not to be called, whether the House will have any opportunity of discussing these matters, which I am sure a great many people want to discuss. Would it be possible to extend the three days' allowance and provide a little extra time so that these matters may be discussed. I do not know what, if any, discussion took place before the allocation of the three days. I was not a party to the arrangement and I feel sure my hon. Friend was not either. I hope the House will have sufficient command of its own procedure to see that, if possible, these matters which many Members want to discuss may be discussed.

I should like to ask whether it is fixed for us, beyond all possibility of recall, that we should discuss production to-morrow and the Army on Thursday. It seems to me an unprecedented arrangement. The Debate on the Address is, generally, an occasion when for two or three days the House discusses the whole position of the Government in relation to the ensuing year. Now we have just been ordered, or told, that on one of those days, which should be open for a general discussion, we shall discuss the limited subject of production and on the next day the limited subject of the Army. I suggest that that is wrong. I did not see how the Government on Thursday could forecast the way in which the House would desire the Debate to go. I would ask the Leader of the House whether, if it seems desirable, some arrangement cannot be made to continue the general discussion and give further time for the Amendment.

The hon. Member, I think, is wrong. It has generally been found convenient to allocate time to certain subjects, quite informally. With regard to Amendments, that is purely a matter for the Chair. With regard to the general Debate, the idea was that we should have the general Debate to-day, but the House has thought fit to take up time in discussing other matters. The hon. Members would agree that, as far as the Government is concerned, they did not ask for any discussion. Members are entitled to discuss any Motion that is put down. On the general point, if there is clearly a desire for further general Debate there will be an opportunity for providing more time, but the hon. Member will agree that, as hon. Members have made their arrangements for certain subjects to be discussed on the next few days, it would be convenient to follow that course and then consider, if necessary, what other subjects can be discussed.

Does not the Leader of the House see how unfair that is? He is saying to us, "Let us have three days' discussions on the topics we have agreed on and at the end of the time Members can find out whether they can discuss their Amendments or not." My hon. Friends and I have exercised great restraint throughout the Session—

This discussion is slightly out of order. The time for talking about business is immediately after Questions. I allowed this discussion because I thought hon. Members might be anxious to clear the air, but we must not prolong it.

I do not want to extend the discussion, but we are entitled to ask the Government to tell us whether they are prepared to allot further time beyond the three days and whether the further time is to be specifically available for the Amendments on the Paper. I realise that the question of what Amendments shall be called rest in the hands of the Chair. I think, however, that both the Amendments on the Paper should be called having regard to their scope and their general approach to the King's Speech, and having regard to the fact that the Members supporting one of the Amendments and the three of us who support the other, are independent opposition groups in the House. I agree that that is a matter which must be left with Mr. Speaker, but the allotting of time is a matter for the Leader of the House.

If the House wants time, further time will be given, but the question of the Amendments rests entirely with the Chair.

In considering the question of giving further time, I hope the Government will have regard to the fact that the curtailing of the time to-day is not due to any particular Amendment, and that those who cannot speak to-day in the general Debate will have a further opportunity of doing so.

Are we to understand that the Government will allot further time for the discussion of the Amendments? Will my right hon. Friend bear in mind when considering this matter that the two Amendments on the Paper represent the minority view in the country and that an opportunity ought to be given in a democratic society for debating them?

The Leader of the House cannot answer that question because the hon. Member is assuming that some decision may or may not be given from the Chair.

Surely he can answer the question whether the Government are prepared to give an additional day for the Amendments.

I have already answered quite clearly that the Government are prepared to give more time, but it is not for the Government to say whether particular Amendments will be called or not.

To-day provides us with an opportunity of raising matters of general and urgent public importance, and on behalf of the people with whom I am connected and the people as a whole I desire to raise a number of such matters. I hope that the Ministers responsible will give consideration to the issues on which I propose to speak. I do not expect Ministers or their Parliamentary Secretaries to be present, but we are entitled to expect that they will read the record of this Debate, in order that attention shall be given to the questions raised. The first point I want to make is that the workpeople of this country are making a Herculean effort to provide the nation with its urgent needs, but the Cabinet must see that they are dealt with relatively fairly. I emphasise that, because I want to compare the finances of the Railway Agreement, the basis on which profits are calculated and the profits of the large food monopolies with the treatment of the engineers. No one more than the Prime Minister knows the danger of that treatment; no one has had greater experience in this matter, and he will need no reminding of the background that was responsible for his saving the situation when he gave the 12½ per cent. in the last war. As this question is under dis- cussion between the industry and the trades unions I shall say no more about it at this stage, but the Prime Minister in particular and the Cabinet in general need to watch developments in this matter.

For many years before the war I, together with a small number of my hon. Friends, advocated in Questions and in Debate in the House that steps should be taken diplomatically to improve our relations with America. I want that to be quite clear because of what I intend to say. I stand for the best relations with our friends throughout the world, but this "boosting" of American aircraft supplies is being overdone. Our aircraft, qualitatively, is at least equal to any in the world. The machines are the pride of our pilots and crews. All this is due to those engaged in aeronautical science, designers, managers, draftsmen and aircraft workers. All those engaged in the aircraft industry and its allied industries are making their contribution in order that the maximum number of machines can be produced and their standard maintained. If that is accepted, I want, speaking on behalf of the workpeople, to say that they are entitled to more credit than has been given to them up to now by the spokesmen of the Government, by the British Broadcasting Corporation and by the Press.

We have heard a great deal about the new types that are coming from America. It has been dramatised and make big news under large headlines. I want to ask, What about the new types in production in this country? America knows all about these new types but no publicity worth talking about has been given to the developments in this country. I think the time has arrived when the British public and the whole world should be informed of the great developments which are taking place in our own aircraft. Our fighter aircraft have already proved their worth, as all the world knows, but greatly improved types are coming along. I have always believed in giving credit where credit is due, and great credit is due to our aircraft industry and to all engaged in it, and more ought to be said about its work than has been said up to now, rather than that we should go on "boosting" aircraft which come from other parts of the world. There has appeared in most newspapers a "boost" of what is known as the American bomb sight. The story was dramatised in a number of newspapers, and it was stated that with this sight a pilot could release a bomb from a height of 20,000 feet and drop it into a barrel on the ground. We know that the instruments manufactured in this country are at least as efficient as those from any other part of the world, and to publish such absurd statements as that which I have quoted about the American bomb sight is not fair to those engaged in our aircraft industry or in the general engineering industry. Therefore, I thought it was time this matter should be mentioned in the House, in order to draw' the attention of the Government to it.

Most men, including Members of this House, are partially buried in the grave of custom. In these days we cannot allow that, and hence recent changes have been made in Air Commands. Experienced, brave, courageous, determined and relatively young men have been brought in to fill those Commands, and in view of our urgent needs I want to ask the Minister of Agriculture, who is representing the Government at the moment, whether the relatively young scientists in industry are being given the same chance as the relatively young men are getting in regard to the command of our Armed Forces. Ideas are coming forward in industry, and I should like to know that our young scientists and technicians are being given a chance to design new instruments based upon a combination of the ideas which are being put forward by engineers, scientists and others. Let me give one example. For a long time it was thought in this country that it would not be possible to perfect blind-flying instruments. For months scientists and technicians spent their nights and days working on the perfection of blind-flying instruments. Certain well placed people began to pooh-pooh the idea, but even against that background of discouragement these scientists and technicians went on working until the blind-flying instruments were made as perfect as it was possible to get them. These instruments have been attached to our planes and are now the admiration of all peoples throughout the world. That is an instance of how our young scientists and technicians should be encouraged, so that we can keep pace with the needs of the Armed Forces, and particularly of the Air Force.

Most hon. Members will remember that between 1937 and 1940, again arid again, in Questions and speeches, I brought up the subject of machine tools. For months after the war started I and a few others stressed the need for three shifts to be concentrated on the production of machine tools, so that work should go on 24 hours a day throughout the seven days of the week. I got a little discouragement, and for months I have not said a word on the subject, knowing what was taking place, but to-day I return to the question. I ask the Government when are they going to put three shifts of the most highly skilled men on to the manufacture of anti-aircraft guns, which are so urgently needed, detectors, predictors, improved searchlights, fighter aircraft and various instruments which we require? It is of urgent importance that the most highly skilled men should be concentrated on this work on a three-shift system, so that just as we have been ready to deal with issues which have arisen in the past we shall be ready to deal with any new situation which arises out of developments in modern warfare. So far as day-time bombing is concerned the Royal Air Force has won the day, but we are now being put to a serious test in the matter of night bombing. Had the three-shift system been applied to the production of our urgent requirements, and had there been a concentration on the development of scientific instruments, I venture to suggest that we should have been nearer to mastering night bombing than we are.

I should have liked to take part in the Debate to-morrow on account of the area which I represent, but I realise that many of my hon. Friends desire to speak and that time is limited, and therefore I propose to offer a few observations upon my own area to-day. The Board of Trade is now drastically cutting the volume of production for the home market. In a struggle such as that which we are engaged in no one can doubt the need for that drastic reduction, but I wish to ask whether it is being done on a planned scale, and if not why not? I agree that labour, material, machines and power are required to equip the nation with its war needs; but are we achieving our ends in the best way? I speak in articular for North Staffordshire and the pottery industry, and will show briefly how this policy is affecting that area. The Board of Trade is making a new order restricting the home trade still further in the six months commencing 1st December. In a few cases the quota for the home market is nil, in a large number of cases the quota ranges from 25 to 50 per cent., and in certain cases in the industry for which I am speaking the quota is 50 per cent.

What is the purpose of the policy which is being applied to this industry? We are told that the object is to release labour for war production. In that case I ask whether this is the best way of achieving that purpose? There are already many unemployed in this area. The policy of quota restrictions is throwing out of work men and women, particularly the older men and women, who for many reasons are not suited to produce munitions. Then why make them unemployed? Is it a good business proposition to throw out of employment men and women who cannot be used for munition work? The future of the industry for which I am speaking is being put into jeopardy by the ill-conceived policy of quota restrictions.

The pottery industry could make an important contribution to the maintenance of the economy of the country. Our exports to America are important in relation to exchange policy. Specimens of British pottery carry with them to America examples of good will, and I need not emphasise all that that means at present in America. The industry has had a great trouble against foreign competition, and against products exported from countries where they were made by slave labour. In this country we have maintained relatively good conditions and we are desirous of continuing to do so, provided that the industry's needs are not in conflict with the needs of the nation as a whole. I am trying to produce evidence to show that within the limits of this industry the policy being pursued is not helping the national economy, but is tending to undermine the present and the future position of the industry. The municipality has spent large sums in training artists, and its educational policy has concentrated upon encouraging artists. This has improved the artistic work on the ware that is produced and is the delight of Americans. I am, therefore, asking for reconsideration of the policy.

I understand that the Board of Trade are considering changing their policy from one of a broad encouragement of the export trade to one of selective encouragement. If that is true, I should like to make a request. I do not expect the Minister to give me a reply to it today, but I hope that he will make a note of it in order to hand it to whoever may be responsible at the Board of Trade. I I wish to ask that the pottery industry shall receive special consideration in that policy. I know, and no one should know it better than I, that the industry will have to make its contribution to the needs that arise in the present situation. The industry knows that too, and they have already done much, but I ask that it shall be done in an organised way, and not in an unbusinesslike way by the quota system. I know also that the industry is not organised as it should be, but I suggest that the Board of Trade should take steps, wherever that accusation can be made, to see that the industry organises itself in the best possible way. I am, therefore, asking that the quota restriction policy should be changed and that the method of dealing with the industry should be put upon a more scientific and businesslike basis. The industry should be encouraged, wherever this does not conflict with the national need, to increase its production in order to maintain and improve our export trade.

Let me refer to the Limitation of Supplies Order and to the Purchase Tax, as well as to the quota restrictions. The way in which the Purchase Tax is being administered has an effect upon the prices that we can quote in America. I ask the Board of Trade and the Government where this thing is going to stop. It is the most unscientific and unbusinesslike policy of managing the national economy that anyone could think of, and I suggest that the time has arrived for the Board of Trade and for the Government to reexamine their policy in regard to industry in order that it might be put upon a more scientific and businesslike basis. On 1st February this year, our party had on the Order Paper a Motion, and I sat here agreeing with every word that my right hon. Friend said in moving it. In that Motion there was a reference to as true to-day as they were then. I contend that it is vital that we should manage our affairs on a planned basis. Therefore, I ask for reconsideration of policy in these matters.

I desire to deal with only one subject to-day, in what I understand to be a general Debate on the Motion for the Address. It is now more than a year, long before air raids took place with any intensity upon London, that I did my best to persuade the Government and individual Ministers that compulsory evacuation of school children from London and other vulnerable cities was the right and wisest long-term policy. I have been endeavouring, so far without success, to persuade them along those lines ever since. Almost all of them have agreed with me in theory, but they have said that the proposition was not a practicable one. I am sure that hon. Members will agree when I say that going around London to-day—and not only the West End, because children have been conspicuous by their absence from the West End of London for over a year—we can come to only one conclusion, which is that London is no place for children.

If that is true of London itself, it is doubly true of the vast majority of air-raid shelters as they are at the present time. I have yet to meet anyone who disagrees with this statement. It seems to me that the only way of getting rid of all the children from London is by compulsory evacuation. Persuasion has been tried to its utmost limits. I am very glad that it has succeeded to a certain extent, but I think that the bombs have probably done more than anything else. Even so, we must face the fact that there are still more than 250,000 children in the London area. In answer to a Question which I asked the President of the Board of Education not very long ago—I think it was the week before last—he said that there were 112,000 children in London and that of that number only 20,000 were receiving education. This is a very serious fact and one which the Government must face. They must decide quickly what they mean to do about it. The Prime Minister has told us very clearly that he thinks this will be a long war, a war not of months, but of years. It is tremendously important to decide what is the very best we can do for every single one of the children in this country, from the educational and from the health points of view. No one is going to say that the best we can do is to leave the children in London largely without education at the present time. We hear a very great deal said about London being the front line; that may be a very proud boast for adults, but surely it is no place for children.

Let me now deal with the arguments which have apparently prevented and still are preventing the Government and responsible Ministers from taking the compulsory plunge. As I understand it, the main argument is that the Government cannot embark upon compulsion because there will always be a small number of parents, say, 10, 15 or 20 per cent., who would refuse to be parted from their children and would rather riot than comply with the law. That may or may not be the case, but assuming that it is so, surely it is dangerous to say that you will not bring in a law which you think is right because you are afraid of what a small minority may do. Anyway, Members of the Government have assured me that compulsory evacuation of children is not a practical proposition and that you cannot put parents into prison or take legal proceedings against them for breaking the law. I agree that that would be an extremely undesirable method.

I am asked, "What would you do about it, how would you solve this problem?" I have given the matter a great deal of thought, and I believe that this difficulty could be overcome in the following way: first, make it compulsory for all children to leave London, with or without their parents, but have a clause which would enable any parents to contract out of sending their children away if they could produce a good enough reason before some properly constituted committee or tribunal, much in the same way as men who are conscientious objectors have to make out their case for not joining the Forces. I think it would be found that very few parents would avail themselves of this right, although obviously there are children whom it would be very wrong and unwise to separate from their parents. As a whole there are very few parents who are selfish, although there are some, but I know from my own experience that there are some who simply cannot make up their minds on this difficult problem and would be only too grateful to have their minds made up for them.

It should be remembered, and it is sometimes forgotten, that parents who have had the courage to send away their children care for and love those children just as much as those who have refused to part with them. It is clear that if you introduce compulsion, you will also have to pay a great deal more attention to the reception side of the question. I do not intend to go into that subject now, but I would like to ask the Minister of Health: What is the answer about the large houses in the country districts to-day? I should like to know whether he saw in the " Times " last week the letter which pointed out that every day there are advertisements of large houses, ranging from 10 to 20 bedrooms, at very reasonable rents in different parts of the country—they all said "in a safe part of the country"—and if so, why are these houses not requisitioned? If they were, it would greatly help the problem of evacuation. In asking the Government to take this step I fully appreciate what the difficulties are, but surely one of the most bitter trials of the war is the sacrifice that many have to make of separation from those for whom they care most, not only children, but owing to the call of the Forces. I think that parents should make the very great sacrifice of parting with their children, for at least a spell until we have gained definite superiority in the air both by night and by day.

I want to make it clear that in anything I say to-day I speak for myself. I do not want to follow the hon. Lady into the point which she has raised, although it was very interesting. All I would say—for myself, once again—is that she would find it a very serious problem if she thought of evacuating all the children not only from London but from all the other industrial towns. The substantial point is: Where are you going to send them? Think, for instance, of Manchester, Salford, Warrington, Liverpool, Coventry, Birmingham, Bristol and Southampton. Members of Parliament who talk so glibly about evacuation must think where the children can be sent to. Children have been sent to South Wales and bombs have been falling even there. In the end it comes to this: There are some places safer than others; I do not think you can put it very much higher than that. One thing that is certain, however, is, that the State ought to direct much more attention to saving the child life of the nation. Of all things, the one service that has suffered the most severe blow since the war began is education.

I want to deal with the general situation as I see it. The House of Commons is always a very tolerant place, and, of course, what I say will be a minority opinion. Since the fall of the Chamberlain Government and the formation of the present Coalition there has developed in this House almost a heresy that if you criticise the Coalition you must be a friend of Germany, a defeatist, a Fifth Columnist and certainly unpatriotic. I am as patriotic as any man or woman in this House of Commons; and although in anything I say to-day hon. Members may disagree with the wisdom of my remarks, one thing that must never be challenged, and that is my sincerity. For the purpose of my speech I will begin by quoting what the right hon. Gentleman the present Premier said in his wonderful book called "World Crisis." He speaks of the last war and says: ter. I have been here long enough to see men like the Premier standing up against the whole of the House of Commons and ultimately winning their point of view, and that is what happened over the Narvik affair.

I take an entirely different view from that of the majority of Members of the House of Commons on the issues of peace and war. Firstly, this is the third war in my lifetime in which my country has been engaged. Millions of men have died for this country, but every war in which we have been engaged has left more problems unsolved at the end than there were before the war broke out. I have very strong reasons for opposing war as an instrument for the settlement of international problems. In my constituency there have been for the past 10 years five or six thousand men, decent people, unemployed and living on the brink of destitution. There were tens of thousands of men in the textile export industry in Lancashire—which the last war practically destroyed—working full time for less than they could get from Poor Law relief, directly as one of the effects of the last war. Once our country is engaged in a war, the whole of its commerce is dislocated, and it takes years and years to regain its exports afterwards.

If the previous Government fell because of the Narvik disaster, what has happened since? I shall be told that I should not say all this, because Hitler may hear of it. But Hitler no doubt knows better than I do what has happened to us. Let us see what has occurred since this Coalition came into power. Belgium and Holland have fallen; Denmark is in the hands of the Germans; we have evacuated the Channel Islands; our troops have left the Chinese ports; we closed the Burma Road and opened it again; Somaliland is in the hands of the Italians; we had a miserable set-back at Dakar; and now, if you please, Hungary and Rumania are practically in the pockets of the Hitlerites. I venture to say that if hon. Gentlemen sitting opposite sat on this side and were to witness all these calamities under any Government, they would be more vitriolic in their denunciation than I can possibly hope to be. Now that they are over there they take everything for granted.

There is no gainsaying this fact: there is a growing feeling among the common people in our country that all is not well with us. I do not know how far that feeling is reflected in the House. The trouble is that if you deliver a speech critical of this Government, you are straight away regarded as an enemy of our country. That is a very strange and discreditable attitude to adopt. I venture to suggest that if all regulations against free speech and a free Press were abolished in this country to-morrow, the Government would be astonished at the amount of criticism that would be levelled against them and against their conduct of the war. It is no use at this stage to say a word against the action of this country in going to war for the independence of Poland. It is too late. But one thing I have never been able to understand; how infuriated the people of this country were because of the persecution of minorities in Germany while very similar persecutions were going on in Poland. I saw them with my own eyes. It must be remembered too that, when this war was brewing in Central Europe, the Polish Government declined to allow Russian troops to touch their soil at all. No wonder, therefore, that the Russians are keeping altogether aloof from this war.

The most astonishing thing of all that has happened recently is this: His Majesty's Government have recognised what they call in diplomatic language the de facto annexation of the Baltic States. No wonder people are bewildered. We are fighting Germany for taking Sudetenland and other patches of Central Europe, and we are trying our best to make friends with Russia for doing exactly the same thing. Quite frankly, I cannot understand the mentality that treats the capture of territory as annexation and another, exactly the same process, as an aggression.

Then we come to other anomalies. We say that we are fighting for freedom and democracy. I do not want to say anything at all about liberty among the Greeks, the Poles or the other Allies. There is one thing I want the House to understand— whatever I say here to-day must not be taken for a moment as meaning that I have any sympathy with Nazism or any other form of totalitarianism. As a matter of fact, I spoke against Nazism in this House and in the country when leaders of the Tory party were delighted that Hitler had emerged into power. I am still opposed to Nazism, but I do not believe you can destroy a political philosophy at the point of the sword, whether it is good, bad or indifferent.

There is another point arising in connection with the conduct of the war, and I am glad that the hon. Gentleman is here to hear about it. It is the control of the Press and the B.B.C. There is nothing that better proves the futility of war as an instrument for the settling of international problems than the propaganda and communiqués issued by both sides. The following is a paraphrase of both German and British communiqués—you could read it in some of the newspapers almost any day: "There have been some air raids. Few casualties, small damage; hospitals, churches and children's homes and working-class dwellings destroyed, but no military objectives affected. Ten enemy planes brought down, two of ours missing." That is the sort of stuff we get on the wireless, and that is what they get on the wireless in Germany too. Unless I am gravely mistaken, there is no intelligent man or woman in Europe who believes a single sentence of the propaganda of either side. I do not draw very much of a distinction, by the way, between the people of any country who do this sort of thing.

The Government have now provided ear plugs for the population. I suppose they would like to think that they would be effective enough to prevent the people hearing the truth. But they do hear the truth occasionally, and with that let me come to the central point I want to make. Hitler and his satellites are talking of victory. So are we, as if there is nothing at all to result out of any war except victory or defeat. You could imagine that a war is like a boxing match, in which one side must knock the other fellow to pulp and win the prize. We had a great victory at the close of the last war. There never was such a victory in the history of mankind as the victory of the Allies. We had Germany and millions of her people literally starving; we could do what we liked with them. Yet in my constituency they were very nearly starving for years because we won the war. In my view—and I hope the Government do not mind my saying this —if this terror and slaughter of innocents by night proceeds very much longer in Europe, the one man who will win this war will be Stalin. I hope the House will forgive me; I am neither a prophet nor the son of a prophet, but if this misery grows—and it is growing all over Europe—and famine, pestilence and disease results, I see no alternative but that the whole of the industrial workers of Europe will turn away from all orthodox organisations and follow Stalin because he has secured a victory without firing a single shot.

What would you do?

Some of us have been arguing that the Government should state their peace aims. I think quite honestly that there are arguments against that proposal, but the situation in Europe is such that His Majesty's Government would do well to enlighten the people of this Continent and our own by making a statement of what we are actually aiming at in this war. As to the time when that should be done, there may be a difference of opinion. One would imagine that bombs, ear plugs, gas masks, shelters and underground tunnels are all that mattered in this war. But what matters in this war is capitalism, Rumanian oil, Swedish ore, gold in America, Danzig problems, the Sudeten, Austria, tariffs, the Ottawa Agreement— those are causes which, until they are removed, will allow no possibility of peace in Europe. It is to those questions that His Majesty's Government should direct their attention. They should address themselves particularly to the people in Europe who believe the things that we believe—and there are millions in Germany who believe what we believe and who do not agree with Nazism. The trouble with some people is that they think that Nazism is a thing which belongs to one country alone. I am very much afraid of it on my own soil on occasions. Let me speak as a trade unionist. I know of cases in my own division of young fellows who are not allowed, without their employers' consent, to move from one job to another. There is compulsory arbitration in industry, too. Unfortunately, people adopt Fascist principles without knowing that they are doing so. They can see Fascism in every country except their own. But that is another subject which may come up for discussion later on. The Government should tell the world what they are fighting for, and then let the other side reply. The trouble is that when one side makes a statement of what it is fighting for, the other ignores it entirely. For instance, Hitler delivered a speech on 17th July, and my hon. Friend the Member for Ipswich (Mr. Stokes) told us that the only reply he got from this country was delivered by a journalist through the B.B.C. Hitler is the head of the German State for the moment. The right hon. Gentleman is the Prime Minister of this country. I deny the right of the Germans to tell us that they will not meet the right hon. Gentleman because they do not like him; but the same principle must apply all round. Whatever the Government say, this war was declared without the consent of Parliament or of the people being asked.

They came to the House at 12 o'clock to tell us that they had declared war at 11 o'clock.

They declared war without asking our permission; and they will make peace, I suppose, without our being consulted either. The highest kind of patriotism is that a man should exert all his influence against the plunging of his country into war. And when a patriot finds his people suffering as they are suffering now, he does his level best to extricate them from the holocaust. I said before that I am speaking for myself. There are millions upon millions on the Continent of Europe in those dark dens at night, in shelters and in tunnels, who will be asking, in the language of the Bible, "How long, O Lord, how long?" Before another 12 months have passed there may be millions more in this country, in Germany, and in other countries too wanting their Governments to understand what I have always said about war: that it settles nothing, and that the sooner war as an instrument of policy is abandoned the better it will be for all the ordinary people of the world.

Twenty years ago a young Member, concluding his maiden speech in this House, thanked the House for the kindness and patience with which it had listened to him, not on his own account but because of a splendid memory which many Members still preserved. I hope that the House will pardon me for striking this personal note, but I to-day have the personal privilege and satisfaction of having my father here. Therefore, I would like to ask an extra measure of indulgence, on account of the added embarrassment occasioned by the paternal propinquity. I do not propose to follow the hon. Gentleman the Member for Westhoughton (Mr. Rhys Davies) into any very exhaustive criticism of His Majesty's Government. For many years I have been most anxious to enter this House for that very purpose; and now, after a lengthy and somewhat varied pilgrimage, I find on arrival here a very different situation from that which obtained when I set out on my journey. I hope that the House will not suppose that any such changed attitude on my part is comparable with the situation which Gibbon described in his diary when he was compelled by family pressure to give up the lady of his choice. He said:

For the last few weeks, since taking my seat, I have been unable to attend the House, and have had to follow its proceedings from a distance, through the pages of the OFFICIAL REPORT. Once or twice I have greatly regretted that I was not here to take part in one or other of the Debates. I particularly regretted having missed the weighty attack which my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for West Leeds (Captain V. Adams) launched upon my right hon. and gallant Friend the Patronage Secretary. I should very much have liked to have intervened in that Debate. It might perhaps be thought a little indecorous and pre-sumptious for a new Member or, to accept the terminology of the hon. and gallant Member for West Leeds, for a new boy, to have come to the defence of so doughty and hardened a political veteran as the Patronage Secretary, but I am bound to say that, while I agree very much with the general situation as outlined by the hon. and gallant Member for West Leeds, I was prompted from a distance to inquire, whose fault is it if these shocking conditions have prevailed in this House during the last few years? There is an ancient constitutional doctrine that the Lord Chancellor is the keeper of the King's conscience. It seems to me a wholly novel and heretical doctrine that hon. Members should confine their consciences to my right hon. and gallant Friend, and having watched the proceedings of this House for some years from an adjacent coign of vantage, I have often wondered which was more responsible for the situation—the ferocity of my right hon. and gallant Friend or the docility of hon. Members.

In my perusal of these Debates I noticed that recently, despite the repressive activities of the Patronage Secretary, some Members have been indulging in a great deal of criticism of His Majesty's Government, and I hope that it will not be thought too inappropriate if I say one or two words in answer to it. I feel some diffidence in the matter, but I am fortified by a very respectable precedent. Mr. Gladstone, I believe, was not deterred from defending slavery in his maiden speech in this House merely because his father owned a large slavery plantation in Demerara. I hope, therefore, the House will be good enough to overlook any relationship which I may perhaps have with a prominent member of the Administration. Some hon. Members and some publicists, and some who are both Members and publicists, frequently inquire, Why do we not seize the initiative and carry the war into the enemy's country, and why do we not knock Italy out of the war with a few well-directed bombs on St. Peter's? I think that this offensive spirit—I use the word in the military sense—prevails just as much in the Army, but that perhaps there is rather more apprehension in the Armed Forces of the Crown as to how slender have been our resources in the past and an understanding of the folly of going off at half-cock.

Looking around this House—I say this with all deference—one can see a number of hon. and right hon. Gentlemen who in a greater or lesser degree bear some measure of responsibility for the state of our Forces and for any shortage of equipment which might perhaps handicap those who plan our strategy: I have no wish to recriminate about the past. We have often been advised from different quarters against this evil tendency, but what about all this recriminating about the present from people whose conduct in the past has largely led up to the not altogether satisfactory position in which we find ourselves to-day? I say with very real sincerity to the House that one of the things that has most impressed me in the months during which I have been with the Army is the very great patience which the Army has been able to show under such trying and difficult conditions. Of course, the Army wants to get into action, wants to get at the enemy, and does not like to see women and children being bombed while it is condemned militarily to inaction. But it is not altogether inaction. The Army is training, and its training is improving very rapidly, and so is its equipment, but do not let us urge that that Army should be launched upon the enemy until it is capable of doing something really effective.

Another point that I have noticed has crept up in Debates recently a great deal is the question referred to by the hon. Gentleman the Member for Westhoughton (Mr. Rhys Davies), namely, the question of our war aims. I do not altogether follow the reasoning of the hon. Gentleman. He told us that the last war left us many problems unsolved and this war will probably do the same, and therefore how terrible it all was. But, really, is that very surprising? Did anyone really think that when we embarked upon this war 15 months ago it would solve all our problems? If we really thought that, it should have started much earlier. Surely, this war was only entered upon reluctantly, and if you believe that at the end of it you will cure all the evils of the world, it is illusory. We all know that it is not true. We have the experience of the last war, when many hopes were raised, and those hopes were disappointed. Many people as a result have become somewhat disillusioned in this regard. In the camps and the barracks of the Army you do not hear much argument about war aims. It is not because the Army do not care. They know for what they are fighting—their homes, their lives, their freedom, their right to determine their own future. These are not purely selfish aims; they comprise the future hopes of millions of people outside this country. All Europe knows that our victory will bring to all peace and a new chance of liberty. Of these things liberty is the greatest. Neither Herr Hitler nor Signor Mussolini dares to offer this priceless blessing. It is England's greatest and most historic offering to a Europe enslaved.

But while I think that most people, not only in the Army but most civilians, are untroubled by this issue, there are others who continually agitate the topic. Some of these, I rather suspect, are more anxious to procure some quirk or fad of their own out of the victory than they are concerned for the victory itself. Many of them perhaps have too much time on their hands and so are busy working for this idea. But there is another side to it which I find even a little more more dangerous. I believe that in the mind of some people this talk of war aims springs from a hope that there may be some easy and undiscovered way, perhaps by the stringing of words together and by uttering pious phrases, whereby the end of the war can be brought much nearer. I think that that is a wholly illusory view. We have nothing to depend upon in this war except our own strong right arm. If that works, everything else will be added to us, but if it does not work, all will be lost. To suppose that by a few pious phrases here or a few pious phrases there you are going to persuade the captive nations to break their bonds and rise against their masters is to me absolutely illogical.

The nations of the world to-day are ground down under the most bitter and efficient tyranny, and we have no right to expect that they will rise in any effective way until victory is already emerging above the horizon. I certainly think it would be very wrong to count upon it. But further to this question, how can we say what the situation will be when the war is over? Who will then be our Allies and who will then be our enemies? What is the use of any vague or general aspiration? As I have said before, we made a great mistake in thinking that the world will be automatically a better place after this war. In one way I myself think that this is already a better world, in a spiritual sense, than two years ago. Then we were giving in to evil, and to-day we are resisting it. Can you blame the captive nations of Europe if they do not immediately rise and come to our assistance? Perhaps they are as disillusioned on these topics as some of the generation to which I belong.

Twenty-three years ago the Tsar of Russia was butchered because of the policy by which he and his ancestors had governed that great country for some generations. Ever since that event what has been the only policy which has triumphed in Europe? The policy of the Tsar, a policy of tyranny, based on anti-Semitism and powerful secret police. Can we wonder that these nations are disillusioned and that they do not, however prettily you phrase your words, instantly jump up and come to your help? I would suggest that instead of fussing too much about the new world order and building after the war, we might concentrate a little more on salvaging after the war is over all that is good in this world of ours. For there is much that is good—toleration, liberty, free speech and the broadening of the standard of living to which all classes have become accustomed in recent years. Is that nothing? Are we to assume that we should throw all that away now and build some miraculous new world overnight?

I do not wish to trespass much further on the attention of the House, but I have one other point to make. It is that whatever our war aims may be, unless we key ourselves to an absolutely iron determination that when this war is over we will exert ourselves as fully in the years of peace and reconstruction as we have done in the war, all that we have gained will be thrown away. We have seen the feckless survivors of a generation that saved Britain and the world a quarter of a century ago fling away all the fruits of victory, and we have seen conduct which has led to one appalling muddle and disaster after another and left us in the situation we are in to-day. I do not believe that the young people of this country intend to make that mistake again, and I do not believe that they are particularly impressed by our war-aim mongers, so many of whom are responsible for our present situation.

I believe that the ordinary men and women of this country feel they have been misled by the caucuses of all three political parties. They now see the error of their ways and their leaders' ways and are prepared for all sacrifices. When victory is won they will not be concerned with the easy shibboleths of reconstruction but will wish to breast the hills of the future without the burden of futile commitments and to be inspired instead by the enduring hope of their own genius and sacrifices.

I would like humbly to pay my tribute and express my congratulations to the new Member who has just spoken. I think the whole House will have listened to him with great interest. Many Members have had to go through the ordeal he has gone through, but personally I have never heard a Member carry off his trial with more brilliant colours. He has come to the House as the inheritor of a terrifyingly great tradition, and the sample he has given us to-day of his powers shows that he is going to act up to the traditions of the greatest of all his forebears.

My object in rising to-day is to draw attention to the plight of our prisoners of war in Germany. We have had several Questions on the Paper lately, some of which have been satisfactorily answered and others of which have not been so satisfactorily answered. I would like to preface my remarks by saying that in this war, unlike the last, the despatch of parcels to prisoners of war is left in the hands of the British Red Cross Society, which has organised a prisoners of war department. I would like to quote from a circular issued by the department in October last. Paragraph 5 states that parcels cannot be despatched by relatives direct to prisoners of war. In other words, the Red Cross Society have taken over the monopoly for the despatch of prisoners of war parcels. Then we come to paragraph 8, which lays down that parcels of food and tobacco up to a weight of 10 1bs. are sent once a week to every British, Dominion and Colonial prisoner of war.

I ascertained by putting a Question in this House that the total number of parcels despatched in the three months, August, September and October, was just over 200,000. Yet we know that there are no fewer than 44,000 prisoners of war in Germany, so that if one parcel had been despatched per week to each man, these prisoners would have received 572,000 parcels. Thus, on their own showing, the prisoners of war department of the British Red Cross Society are not acting up to their undertaking. Unfortunately, there can be no doubt whatsoever about the conditions in the prisoners of war camps. Clothing is appallingly short. I will quote a few extracts from letters which I have received. An officer taken prisoner on 24th May wrote on 24th September that he had no underclothing, coat or shoes, that he had only a torn and tattered cotton shirt, and that he was bitterly cold. That officer, like many other men who were taken prisoner at the retreat from Dunkirk and at St. Valery, was fighting in his shirt sleeves in very warm weather. So far as we know, no additional clothing has been issued by the German Government as we do to prisoners of war in this country, and certainly they are getting nothing from the Red Cross Society.

An officer—a major in the Black Watch —in Oflag 7, which is one of the worst of the German camps, states that up to 30th October he had received no letters or parcels from home, although a few parcels come through Hungary. His mother has written to him three or four times a week since he was first captured. During those months the mother, has written three or four times every week, and not one of the letters has been received by her son. Another officer, a second lieutenant, wrote on 24th September from the same camp, saying that he had no overcoat, underclothes, pyjamas, or shoes—only a tattered cotton shirt; and that he was bitterly cold; he had bought a German blanket after weeks of economy and by borrowing. Another officer's father has received a letter in which he was told that a representative of the Geneva Red Cross said the trouble was in England, and that there were 60,000 parcels dumped in un- occupied France and no one was worrying about them. As regards food, we read that the meals are as follow: 7·30 a.m., black German coffee; 11 a.m., cabbage soup with potatoes; 4·30 p.m., coffee, potatoes, 1¼ square inches of bread, one square inch of butter. This is not sufficient to keep body and soul together.

What I want to ask is whether the Red Cross organisation is to blame for all this trouble. I recognise that the difficulties have been appalling. When Germany made her great encircling movement and occupied all the ports on the French coast in late June, we were bound apparently to despatch our parcels by ship to Lisbon. From Lisbon they go through Portugal, Spain and unoccupied France into Switzerland, and are then passed across the frontier into Germany. As far as I know, we have no evidence that the Germans are not playing the game; we have heard that they are sending on the parcels as they arrive. The difficulty is in getting the parcels to the German frontier. I submit that if the Red Cross Organisation had any ordinary drive or imagination they would have thought out some system of getting parcels through more quickly and by a less circuitous route than by Lisbon, Portugal, Spain, France and Geneva. It was only at the beginning of September that they approached some of the Ministers in South-Eastern Europe, in Budapest, Bukarest and Istanbul, and tried to get them to send parcels through to some of our men in Germany. But surely the difficulties were becoming apparent at the beginning of July. Why did not the Red Cross organisation try then to organise some system of getting the parcels through more quickly?

We have heard from several people who have visited the Red Cross that the organisation is not what it should be, and that there is a lack of business organisation. The workers are voluntary, and all praise is due to them for taking on this work; but to despatch each week 44,000 parcels of food alone, apart from parcels of clothing, is an enormous undertaking requiring business brains, business capacity and business experience. Last week I asked the Secretary of State for War, who has been very sympathetic in the whole of this matter, whether he would recommend to the Red Cross the importance of appointing paid experts to run their despatch department and their purchasing department. He replied that he had spoken to the Red Cross organisation on the subject, and they said that they had already paid officials where necessary. I submit that it is not good enough to leave the matter in that way. We cannot hand over the future of these 44,000 men to the whim of the Red Cross. We cannot allow the Red Cross to go meandering on in the present way. We must do something.

The week before last I asked the Prime Minister whether it would be possible to appoint a committee of inquiry to go into the whole organisation of the Red Cross and devise some means of improving their work. His reply was a refusal. We have many committees; we have a committee inquiring into the conditions of aliens in this country; we have a committee on the financial ventures of a Member of this House. When we have committees for these purposes, surely we can have one to inquire into the despatch of these parcels to our fellow countrymen in Germany. I ask that this question be taken up thoroughly. The statement of the Secretary of State for War to-day was very comforting. I want him to carry on with the work and to insist on improvements, because of the number of letters I receive from all over the country, from wives and mothers of soldiers and officers, showing the deep interest taken in this problem and the real determination there is that these men shall have justice done.

I am sorry that the Minister of Agriculture is not present to-day; I know that he has an appointment and that it is impossible for him to be here. The part of the Gracious Speech to which I invite the attention of the House is: present moment the British farmer forms an essential and integral part of the defence of this country and that one of the responsibilities which has been cast upon him is that of producing milk in sufficient quantities for the people of this country. In the production of that milk there are three items which must claim the attention of the Minister. I must say at once that I believe it must be the anxiety of the Minister to do nothing to prevent the increase in the production of milk; therefore, in the study of increasing this production, it seems to me that we must have regard to three matters. The first is the question of fertilisers, the second, the question of feeding-stuffs for the animals, and the third must be the Minister's policy of ploughing up grassland. I know very well that it may be urged against me, particularly in the case of certain fertilisers, that it is too late now to complain. But in the case of the fertiliser to which I wish to refer, basic slag, which perhaps will be used later on, unless certain things are altered, and altered now, we shall find the same kind of conditions obtaining in 12 months' time as we have now.

My complaint is in regard to distribution. The farmers of West Wales say— and they make no bones about it—that there is a concerted action to cripple the Carmarthen Farmers' Co-operative Society through which they buy most of their fertilisers. They want to know why it is that men who have not usually dealt in fertilisers in the county, and in West Wales generally, can get fertilisers, yet this important body is unable to obtain basic slag, or indeed any fertilisers at all. As regards feeding-stuffs, my complaint is that West Wales is not having its fair share of the feeding-stuffs which the Government themselves say are available. It is said that farmers in the English counties are actually storing up feeding-stuffs, whereas in West Wales it is very nearly impossible to get any at all. We must make up our minds whether we want an increase in the production of milk or not. If we do, the farmer must be given a fair chance to have proper fertilisers for his grassland and a fair chance, too, to provide his stock with proper feeding-stuffs.

But the most important problem of all that the Minister has to face to-day is the problem of his policy regarding the ploughing-up of grassland. The House listened with very great interest to his statement regarding his future policy for agriculture. It is not only useless but capable of an immense amount of damage to the national interest if he deals with every county, whether a dairying or an arable county, in exactly the same way. The farmers are most desirous of assisting in the national effort but they say, "Your methods are not the best methods to achieve the end that both of us desire." The Minister has placed a quota, I believe, of 95,000 acres of grassland to be ploughed up in Carmarthen. I appeal to him to study that figure and see whether he has not put it too high. Some little time ago a survey was made of the whole county by men who went from field to field and at the end said that in their opinion—I believe the figure is correct— something like 70,000 acres could be and should be ploughed. When that figure came to the Minister's notice it is said that he added a further 30,000 acres. Does the Minister not think that 95,000 acres is altogether too high having regard to the special conditions of the county? There are 3,300 attested herds—a most important matter and one for which I know he will have special regard. These herds have been built up after a great deal of trouble and at considerable expense. If he insists on this figure of 95,000 acres some of these attested herds will be dispersed and, far from having greater production of milk, it must inevitably lead to a lower production, which would be a very bad thing in the national interest.

Not only that, but many hundreds of acres of land which have been seeded with autumn wheat will not, I understand from the farmers, even produce the seed which has been put in, so that, far from being an improvement if the Minister insists on this figure of 95,000 acres, it will be pure waste. The quota is too large. It is beside the point for the Minister to say that they must grow more cereals in that county. I hope that he will have regard for the fact that it is a dairying county and that he will not just take a kind of mathematical figure of 20 or 30 per cent. and say that that must do for all counties. This may appear to many hon. Members to be a trivial matter, but I can assure the Minister that it is a real grievance. The farmers feel that their efforts to pull their weight and to do the best for the country at this moment are being frustrated. They say, "We know what the county can do in milk production, and we are willing to produce every possible gallon, but if this policy is persisted in it will, far from helping, mean that many of the attested herds will have to be disposed of and the production of milk will suffer."

It may be argued that by and large in the whole country the global figure will not be reduced. I do not think that is so, but even if it were true for such counties as Carmarthen, which I take as only one example, it would be a wrong principle to force farmers to plough up land which their experience has taught them is not suitable for ploughing. Will the Minister agree to send someone to West Wales to find out whether, in fact, the conditions there are such that the figure of 95,000 acres is not too high, and also to see whether the survey was made by men who knew the fields; and will he justify putting on another 30,000 acres on top of the figure which was arrived at by the men who went especially to find the amount of land which could properly be ploughed up? At the same time, I hope he will send someone of intelligence and initiative to inquire into the position of fertilisers and foodstuffs. Is he not, in fact, defeating his own purpose by putting such an enormous number of acres to be ploughed up on this dairying county?

The King's Speech is probably the shortest on record, as might be expected when the nation is at war. In debate on the King's Speech we usually emphasise not what the Speech contains but what it omits, and there are many things which we consider of importance which we should like to see the Government tackle, especially as private Members are now prevented from introducing private Bills. While I hold, and hold strongly, that no effort should be spared in the prosecution of the war, I do honestly think it is a thousand pities that the Government does not make a broad declaration of our war aims. We are told we are fighting for liberty. When we speak of liberty I am always reminded of those brave words of that great Scottish patriot, Sir William Wallace:

Nations cannot, any more than individuals, live to themselves alone, but are bound in an economic, political and cultural interdependence. Peace and prosperity are functions one of another, and therefore an orderly and expanding system of international co-operation is essention. We know that economic difficulties have added to the political afflictions of the world. Fortunately, one great outcome of the last war was the establishment of the International Labour Office at Geneva. That office, acting on the principle that universal peace could be established only if based on social justice, worked towards that end, and certainly accomplished wonders. It established a network of labour treaties, setting up a standard of life in many countries, especially in the East, which had hitherto been thought impossible, and it is in the work of the National Labour Office at Geneva that I see the future hope of the world. As I have already said, peace and prosperity are functions one of another, and therefore an orderly and expanding system of international co-operation is essential. Surely the declaration of these broad principles as our war aims would at any rate hearten downtrodden peoples everywhere, including the suppressed and depressed people of Germany itself.

Turning to domestic affairs, I want to deal only with one matter, the case of non-manual workers, sometimes described as black-coated workers. For long they have had a genuine grievance, being excluded from acts which cover manual workers. About five years ago, the Beveridge Committee recommended that the salary limit of £250 which prevented their inclusion under the Unemployment Insurance scheme, should be removed; but, despite repeated appeals to the Government to give effect to that recommendation, it was not until recently, when the present Minister of Labour took office, that the anomaly was rectified.

There is still something remaining to be done. The justice of their claim in regard to Unemployment Insurance having been admitted, why should there be delay in removing the anomaly in regard to National Health Insurance? Non-manual workers have to live up to their salaries. Appearance is essential to their occupation. Matters become serious when they are laid aside for sickness, and when death occurs, their widows and children are often left penniless, as the widows are not entitled to widows' pensions. When 1 raised the matter with the Ministry of Health by means of a Question some time ago, the Minister informed the House that there was no evidence of any demand for the salary limit to be removed and for their inclusion under the National Health Insurance provisions. Within a few days of that time, letters came to me from all over the country protesting against this discrimination, which places them in a worse position than manual workers. May I express the hope that the Minister of Health will remove this injustice and place non-manual workers in no worse position than that enjoyed by other sections of workers in this country?

I wish to intervene for about five minutes to raise a point which occurred at the end of the last Session, over the publication of the Horder Report. I do not wish at this stage to go into details on the actual merits of the case, because it is now rather out-of-date and would help nobody, but I wish to put on record that we were told on two separate occasions last week, that there was not a report but only a verbal intimation and secondly that the report could not, for security reasons, be published. That is misleading and I think the matter ought to be cleared up. If the preliminary recommendations which, I assume, were written, had been published two months ago, they would have given to the hundreds of workers in London, apart from borough medical officers of health, some clear lines on which to work. The absence of those recommendations has meant that many voluntary workers and others have not been clear upon Government policy. I think that has been largely the cause of the very considerable apprehension which has been expressed, for example in the "Times" leading article this morning, and in a leader one month ago, in response to letters which some of us wrote at that time.

What has really alarmed me is that, over the week-end, a speech was made by one of the Joint Parliamentary Under-Secretaries to the Ministry of Home Security referring to critics of the shelter policy as either malicious or ignorant. That language was not quite fair on her part to the many men and women—for women must be included in this—who have given practically every night of their spare time to this kind of work since the "blitzkrieg" started and who have done their best to help, all through this very difficult time. To my amazement, the Minister of Health, in an interview this week-end to a reputable paper, told the British people, that, after two months of warfare on the home front, he was able to announce that there were 50 first-aid medical posts in the shelters. To my certain knowledge, voluntary workers whom I know in shelters where I have been, have themselves produced more than 50 first-aid posts during the last six weeks before these were started.

I do not wish to lay recrimination against either Minister; the matter is too serious. I understand that my right hon. Friend the Minister of Home Security is to clarify the position at the earliest possible opportunity, but I do suggest that the fault does not necessarily lie in the person of any Minister of the Crown. The fault lies, so far as I can understand it, in a piece of organisation which no human being in the world can work. The Minister of Home Security has a direct relation with the Commissioners, not only in London but elsewhere in the country, but the Minister of Health has no such direct relation with the Commissioners. I have gone to some pains to find out the exact length of time that it takes to implement a circular. In one case it has taken five weeks. That is not good enough when we are meeting the kind of situation which faces London and which, for all I know, is being faced elsewhere in the country.

I know that there are about 80 per cent. of courageous people in London who sleep either in their own domestic shelters or in their own homes and who are prepared to face the bombs and take their chance, but it still remains true that something like three-quarters of a million people do take shelter, and I beg my right hon. Friends opposite to recognise that they are not, as some appear to think, fifth columnists or the submerged tenth. There are thousands of decent people; I have seen them in East London, ordinary people whose houses have been bombed and who must go into shelters. I would like to ask the relevant Ministers whether they will do one of two things—either appoint, as I have asked before, a health commissioner with full executive plenary powers for London, preferably Lord Horder himself, which I think would be of great assistance, or, if they do not do that, make more real the line of organisation between the Ministry of Health and the Regional Commissioners. There is a Ministry of Health official, who is not a Commissioner, situated with the four or five Commissioners in London, but he has no executive powers. If Admiral Evans goes round the shelters night after night and comes back and reports that the people under Wapping Arches are still experiencing water dripping from the walls and that there is still no proper sanitation or light, nothing necessarily happens. You may send down technical advisers. My right hon. Friend the Minister of Health goes down morning after morning and, although I do not wish to say that there have been no improvements, I do say that this matter is serious from the point of view of health, and the reason that I have intervened on this occasion is because I do not believe it can wait another week.

There are already cases; I do not wish to deal with them in too much detail because I might say too much, nor do I think we are yet in the presence of epidemics. But I do see a very real danger, and so do people with much more experience than myself. I therefore beg these two Ministers, during the course of this week, to treat this matter as one of first importance. It is no good appointing more medical inspectors from the Ministry of Health; that only increases the number of people who come between the Minister and executive action. What is wanted is action at the periphery, more people in the borough engineers' departments, even bringing in the Army again. Let the Royal Engineers go round the shelters doing the structural alterations and making the necessary improvements so that these amazingly patient people may have what they are entitled to. A man in East London said to me on Sunday night "I have not lain down since 7th September; I can't, it is too damp." He has been bombed out of his house. You can do that for a couple of months and take your chance, but you cannot go on doing it indefinitely. The present seems the only time to raise this matter, in the hope that the Ministers will either appoint a health commissioner, as they have appointed the hon. and learned Member for North Croydon (Mr. H. Willink), with special responsibility and plenary executive powers to deal with this question, or secure fresh labour, particularly foremen and skilled engineers, in an effort to treat this matter as one of urgent and definite national importance.

At the risk of making this discussion even more discursive I wish to raise another issue which possibly bears some relationship to the matter to which the hon. Member who last spoke has drawn the attention of the Lord Privy Seal and which, important as it may be in ordinary circumstances, surely is of vital concern in war-time. Before the extension of Government Departments due to the exigencies of conducting military operations on an unprecedented scale, there was certain evidence of overlapping of function as between one Government office and another. Now, on account of the considerable increase of Departments and on account of all their manifold functions not having had a sufficient test to be limited in scope, there is very grave fear that there will be a complete lack of co-ordination in the industrial field, a circumstance which may waste the effort and the time of industry. Our admiration for the effort of industry, from the managers down to the youngest operatives, cannot be adequately expressed in words and it would indeed be deplorable if the result of that effort were to be impaired by any lack of direction or control from the top. I offer these few observations, not so much in any spirit of criticism, but rather to elicit some assurance from the Government that this particular aspect of our war effort is receiving due attention. I fully appreciate the almost superhuman task with which the War Departments are confronted hour by hour. I am sometimes lost in admiration of the swiftness and efficiency with which their difficulties are surmounted. I believe that when its history comes to be fully written the re-equipment of the Expeditionary Force after the retreat from Dunkirk will rank as one of the highest achievements of Government service, an achievement which might almost seem to refute what I am about to say. But I would not raise this issue had I not been aware that there is a considerable apprehension in business circles regarding a lack of coordination of the control of industry.

Since my return to the House I have been representing an industrial town in the North of England, and I have had the opportunity of discussing this matter with men whose knowledge and experience of business is beyond question. I have a very grave fear that, through lack of co-ordination, our economic war effort will suffer. In control of that effort there are—apart from the economic machinery of the War Departments—the Board of Trade, the Ministry of Aircraft Production, the Ministry of Economic Warfare, the Ministry of Food, the Ministry of Labour, the Ministry of Supply, the Ministry of Shipping, the Ministry of Transport, and, of course, inextricably interwoven with them all, the Treasury and the Foreign Office. It is difficult to resist the conclusion that with so many Departments, they will transgress each other's boundaries, and even compete. Justification for that suspicion comes from the fact that the Ministry of Supply caters for the Army, whereas the Admiralty and the Royal Air Force have their own supply departments. Might that not lead to competition between the three Departments? Under the Board of Trade, there are the Export Council, the Industrial Supplies Department, and the Trade Treaties Department; and in the Ministry of Supply there are the Director of War Material, the Industrial Capacity Committee and the Central Production Council, and their controllers. Can we be sure that these departments have some device for obviating waste of industrial effort? Are their many responsibilities properly delimited? What appears to be the business of many Departments, generally is the business of none, unless there is some central plan.

I am aware that the expression "co-ordination" does not evoke much enthusiasm in this House. Efforts at co-ordination may not have been very successful, but with so many Departments and so many similar functions, it is difficult to avoid collision, unless there is some effective device for co-ordinating their activities. Our present national circumstances render the control and conduct of our economic war effort much more complicated than that of Germany. Apart from considerations applicable to a totalitarian State—the fact that there is less circumlocution, less consideration given to the human factor, more concentration of tyrannical authority in the hands of a few, and much less criticism—Germany has not had much wastage of her army equipment to make good, so that she has been able to concentrate on U-boat and aircraft production, to the exclusion of those services with which we are compelled to burden ourselves. We have much leeway to make up because of the inaction of our former leaders, who are for the time being immune from our criticism. The German general staff decides the proportions of the needs of the different services which are to be met, and holds the balance between the three services. It states the total requirements to Dr. Funk, who deducts civil needs from industrial capacity. I have no doubt that under such a system individuals suffer. There is no consideration of social services for the infirm and the sick, such as we have in this country. We should not tolerate such a system in any set of circumstances; and I have no doubt that the Germans will no longer tolerate them when failure begins to be branded on their new order.

But while we reject their plan as being too simple, is it necessary for our system to be so involved, so intricate, that its problems become almost insoluble? It may be quite right to have all these Departments and committees; but if so, it is imperative that we should have better co-ordination—and the more imperative because now our industries are beginning to suffer from enemy action; and this concerns almost every Department which I have enumerated. Many of us have had high hopes of the Export Council. Is it able to function without proper co-ordination? I can site an example proving a lack of co-ordination and justifying German propaganda that we cannot deliver goods in the United States of America. It is the case—and I am told that it is by no means an isolated one—of a firm of cotton spinners that booked an order with a sterling value of £7,600, or of the equivalent of 30,400 dollars. This firm has waited six weeks for a reply from the Cotton Controller and another Department for the necessary licence to obtain a sufficient amount of Egyptian cotton for the purpose, while the United States of America wonders whether we can, after all, deliver the goods. This is at a time when dollar exchange is a vital necessity, and it is also equally important that we should find new outlets for our export trade. There are many cases that can be quoted of a similar nature, but time does not permit of my doing so, but the fact remains that there is considerable apprehension, certainly in the North of England, that our system of supply through lack of co-ordination leaves much to be desired. The Government have informed the Manchester Chamber of Commerce that there will be no change in the quota for cotton, and at the same time there is no plan so far as we know for closing down a percentage of the mills and no plans for absorbing those who are thrown out of employment into other trades which will be a help for our war effort.

Only a few days ago the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme (Mr. Wedgwood) put a question to the President of the Board of Trade asking the effect of the Purchase Tax upon our exports to the United States of America, and, in a Supplementary Question, asked whether protection or revenue was the main consideration. To that Supplementary Question he had no reply, so I can only conclude that there was not very much co-ordination between the Treasury and the Board of Trade on that particular subject.

The House has listened to me with that indulgence accorded not only to new Members, but to those who, like myself, after many years absence from its councils, find it just as much embarrassing to address it as when I addressed it for the first time many years ago. I cannot ensure that the Government will pay attention to my observations, but whether or not my appeal falls upon deaf ears, I do know that at no distant date some concrete proposals of suggestions for the better co-ordination of industry so as to ensure the maximum war effort are to be submitted by one of the most authoritative business associations in this country, with the result, I trust, that the Government will ensure that there may no longer be any cause for the apprehension to which I have ventured to give expression this afternoon.

Before saying a word in reply to the Debate, I would like to express our regret at the loss of an old Member who had been in this House for a very long time and who had served many years, particularly at the Ministry of Pensions. I refer to the late Lord Tryon. Everyone who came in contact with him knows that in that difficult work he always showed a great human sympathy and devoted himself to the detailed work of those cases for many years with great devotion. I would also like to refer to the death of a late Member of this House—the Prime Minister of Northern Ireland, Lord Craigavon. Members may differ widely on points of policy, but no one can doubt the sincerity and tenacity with which he held to his opinions. We sympathise with the people of Northern Ireland in losing their Prime Minister.

This Debate has ranged over a great number of topics and does not lend itself to a set oration in reply. Some of the points would be better dealt with on a subsequent day. As regards the points made by the hon. Member for Stoke (Mr. Ellis Smith) I will see that they are brought to the attention of the Minister who replies. The same observation applies to most of the remarks of the hon. and gallant Member for Bolton (Sir E. Cadogan). I am sure the House is glad to see him here again after his interval of absence. I would like to assure him that there is machinery of co-ordination. He pointed out that, for good or ill, when the Ministry of Supply was set up it dealt with Army requirements but not with the requirements of all the three Services. But the production Departments of the Ministry of Supply, Admiralty, Ministry of Aircraft Production and the Board of Trade are co-ordinated on the Production Board which is presided over by my right hon. Friend the Minister without Portfolio. In the same way, there has been co-ordination through the committees of priorities, but I will not enter now into the technicalities of the matter; we might fully discuss that when we are considering, our industrial effort.

The hon. Member for East Islington (Miss Cazalet) raised points about evacuation which I will bring to the attention of my right hon. Friend the Minister of Health, and the hon. Member for Kilmarnock (Mr. Lindsay) raised certain points arising out of the Horder Report. He also raised the question of a speech by an Under-Secretary, but I do not know what was in that speech and, therefore, I am unable to say whether it should be approved or disapproved. I should say, however, that undoubtedly there is still much to be done in regard to shelters although the work is going forward. I was in my constituency last Saturday. I did not get as far as Wapping but I was in the Ratcliffe area and I was pleased to see that arches there are being drained and protected from damp.

We heard an interesting maiden speech from the hon. Member for Preston (Mr. R. Churchill). I thought he delivered his speech with a wonderful absence of embarrassment. It must be extremely difficult to make a maiden speech in this House when one is the son of a very distinguished father; it adds to the embarrassment when one is also the grandson of a very distinguished grandfather. The hon. Member has lived up to the family tradition. I did not see any trace of nervousness in his speech, but I noticed plenty of felicity of phrasing. I thought he was perhaps a little cramped by the fact that he was not able to attack as much as he would have liked; I thought that, coming from the Army, the offensive spirit was very strong in him, and I am sure that when the occasion offers, we shall see him attack with the utmost vigour.

I listened with interest to the speech of my hon. Friend the Member for West-houghton (Mr. Rhys Davies). I thought that he put into it a good deal of emotion which was more a form of escape than anything else, because he was unable to suggest anything that should be done. The whole speech seemed to be asking, "What are you going to do about it?" If the hon. Member wants the kind of civilised life and the kind of freedom that I know he wants for the people of this country and the peoples of Europe, he will have to make up his mind to pay the price for it. One cannot have everything peaceful in a sheep-fold unless there is someone who stands up to the wolves. It is merely vain imagination, in the world as it is to-day, to think that with a few soft words, and by accepting at its face value what Herr Hitler says, one will get peace. Already a number of European nations have made that mistake, and I should have thought that with the example of what has happened to peaceful nations like Denmark, Holland, Belgium and Norway, the hon. Gentleman would realise that something is necessary beyond merely lying down like a sheep to be slaughtered.

Some interesting points were raised by my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Carmarthen (Major Hopkin). They were of a rather technical nature, and related mainly to his own county. I think the county of Carmarthen will have to take its share in the ploughing-up campaign. The hon. and gallant Member wants to keep the production of milk, but he must remember that we have to get the feeding-stuffs for cattle, and feeding-stuffs are not going to be too easy to get in this country. I think he rather over-estimated the figure of what has already been required of the county of Carmarthen. I have not the least doubt that the farmers of Carmarthen, like those in the remainder of the country, will take their part in the ploughing-up campaign, which is a vital necessity to this country.

I want to assure my hon. Friend the Member for Sedgefield (Mr. Leslie) that the Government are fully aware of the import- ance of the International Labour Office, one of the foundations of which must be a high standard to protect the workers all over the world. With regard to the point he made concerning the black-coated workers, as he said a step forward has already been taken by the Minister of Labour. With regard to health insurance, I will take up the matter with my right hon. Friend the Minister of Health.

I think I have covered most of the points that were made during the Debate. I do not think the occasion calls for a long speech. In further Debates on the Address, when the Debate is focussed on particular aspects of public questions, I am sure that the Ministers concerned will give hon. Members full satisfaction, but I did not want to leave hon. Members without some kind of reply, although most of the points made concerned departmental questions or were matters of detail on which I could not be expected to be fully informed. I will, however, take care that all those points are brought to the attention of the Ministers concerned.

On a point of Order, Mr. Speaker. The right hon. Gentleman the Lord Privy Seal said, earlier in the Debate, that in view of the shortness of to-day's Debate it was possible that another day could be given for a general discussion of the Gracious Speech. May I ask the Government whether, in view of the fact that we have had only two hours to-day for the general discussion, some announcement could be made that, if the next two sitting days are to be days on which specific subjects are discussed, there will be another day later on when we may have a general discussion. This is one of the few occasions during the Parliamentary Session when hon. Members can discuss any subject. I wish to speak on a subject which I believe to be of urgent importance at the present time. I have sat through to-day's Debate hoping to catch your eye, Mr. Speaker, but I have been unsuccessful. We have had only two hours in which to put forward any subject. I do suggest that it would be opportune for the Prime Minister now, as he is in his place, or the Leader of the House, to say that this House will be given another day later on for a general discussion on any subject. The Government business introduced to-day was specific business which the Government wanted to bring forward. It was obvious that that Motion would be debated, and so some of the time of Private Members was taken up. I suggest that the Government should tell the House definitely that they intend to give another day, or even two days, for a general discussion quite apart from the two days which are to follow on specific points.

At an earlier stage in this Debate I did say, three times, that the Government were giving an extra day, but I have no objection to saying it a fourth time for the hon. and gallant Gentleman for Epsom (Sir A. Southby).

In view of what the right hon. Gentleman has said, I think that if he looks at the OFFICIAL REPORT to-morrow he will see that that was not what he said. He has been pressed to make a categorical statement which he did not, in fact, make when he first got up.

Motion made, and Question, "That the Debate be now adjourned," put, and agreed to.—[ Mr. Boulton. ]

Debate to be resumed upon the next Sitting day.

Adjournment

Resolved, "That this House do now adjourn."— [Mr. Boulton.]