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Commons Chamber

Volume 367: debated on Thursday 5 December 1940

House of Commons

Thursday, December 5, 1940

[Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.]

Death of a Member

made the following communication to the House:

I regret to have to inform the House of the death of John Morgan, Esquire, late Member for the County of York, West Riding (Doncaster Division), and desire to express our sense of the loss we have sustained and our sympathy with the relatives.

Oral Answers to Questions

National War Effort

Unused Tinplate Works, West Wales

asked the Minister of Labour whether, in view of the increasing unemployment in West Wales, he will take steps to ascertain the possibilities of using the unused tinplate works and other workshops in the area in war production and thus absorb these unemployed in their own areas and prevent these communities becoming derelict?

As regards the possibility of using tinplate and other works for war production, I would refer to the reply given on 4th instant by my right hon. Friend the Minister of Supply. Where employment is not available locally, the Employment Exchanges will endeavour to place unemployed workers in employment in other areas if necessary, after preliminary training.

Will my right hon. Friend bear in mind that some of these communities lose the whole source of their income by this transfer of workers, and that it would be very much better if he could retain them in the locality?

I can only refer my hon. Friend to the Ministry of Supply. I have done all that I can to get the industrial capacity used in preference to removing the population.

While we welcome the reply of the Minister, could he see to it that persons who are unemployed can obtain green cards when applying for Government work?

Yes, Sir, but I would remind my hon. Friend that the green card can be given only when vacancies are notified. There is an assumption on the part of a good many men that when somebody says that there is a job going, they can automatically get the green card. I must have the notification of the vacancy, and I have given instructions that when that happens inquiries will be made as to whether there is a vacancy.

Miners

asked the Minister of Labour whether he will remove the ban on the miners in Northumberland and Durham by which they are forbidden to change their occupation, or, as an alternative, first provide them with work in their own district, or else increase their allowances from State funds?

There is no ban such as my hon. Friend suggests. The instructions to the officers of my Department, which have been in force for some months, are that, if coal-mining employment is not immediately available, an unemployed coal miner can be considered for other work of national importance, or, failing that, any other work for which he is suitable.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that the instruction is not operated generally in South Wales?

If there are particular cases in which it is alleged that the instructions of my Department are not carried out, I can deal with it only if I have the actual particulars.

Priorities (Allocation)

asked the Minister without Portfolio whether he has considered the recommendation of the Select Committee on National Expenditure that the priority organisation together with the raw materials department and the salvage organisation should be formed into a separate department with overriding powers in the field of priority; and whether he can make a statement on the present position of the arrangements for allocating priorities?

Careful consideration has been given to the recommendations, but I am not in a position to announce a final decision. Under the present arrangements the Production Council is responsible for giving general directions as to priority of production in accordance with the policy laid down by the War Cabinet.

Can the Minister say when he hopes to be in a position to make a decision, in view of the importance of the priority question?

Weekly Wages (Day of Payment)

asked the Minister of Labour whether he will consider the advisability of asking employers to pay wages on Thursdays in order to help housewives and relieve shop assistants of excessive week-end strain?

I think this suggestion deserves consideration, and I am taking steps to bring it before the Joint Consultative Committee representing the British Employers' Confederation and the Trades Union Congress for their advice.

Questions

Military Service (Mr. Hugh Cudlipp)

The following Question stood upon the Order Paper in the name of Mr. QUENTIN HOGG:

2. "To ask the Minister of Labour why Mr. Hugh Cudlipp, aged about 27 years, and editor of the 'Sunday Pictorial,' has not been called up for military service; and whether he will take steps to see that any advantage granted to him is removed in order to secure the equal operation of the Military Service Acts."

On a point of Order. Is it desirable that Question Time should he used for what looks like a personal attack upon some individual?

Is it not the case, Mr. Speaker, that you have advised hon. Members that they must be responsible for the facts that they put down in their Questions? Here, definite insinuations are made, detrimental to the personal honour of a member of the public who has not the opportunity of reply here. Is that not abusing the Privileges of this House?

Is it in Order for hon. Members to put down Questions asking why specific individuals have not been called on for military service? If it is, many hon. Members will have such Questions to ask.

The calling-up of Mr. Cudlipp was deferred on the application of his employers, supported by the Ministry of Information. I understand that this deferment was against the strong desire of Mr. Cudlipp himself, and that, as a result, his employers later withdrew the request for deferment. Arrangements are according being made to post Mr. Cudlipp to the Armed Forces.

Will my right hon. Friend exercise his usual caution in matters of this kind? If steps are to be taken against the editor of a newspaper because he occasionally ventures to criticise the Government, will not other newspaper people also be considered in that regard?

On a point of Order. Are we to understand, if a Question of this kind is permissible and may be placed on the Paper, that hon. Members may ask Questions as to whether other hon. Members who come within the purview of the Military Service Act are rendering military service?

On a point of Order. I put a point of Order to you, Sir, to which you have given no reply. Have you any method of restraining a definite abuse of the Privileges of this House which, if allowed to proceed with Questions of this character, would endanger the reputation of this House and our many Privileges?

Is it not possible that this Question was put down in the interests of Mr. Cudlipp himself?

Shipbuilding Industry (Wage Dispute)

asked the Minister of Labour whether he can give any information in connection with the special tribunal on the wage dispute with the shipbuilding industry which has been agreed upon by the trade unions and employers in the shipbuilding industry?

I understand that a further meeting is to take place between the unions and the Shipbuilding Employers' Federation on this subject. I propose to await the proposals of the parties.

Armed Forces Pensions and Grants

asked the Minister of Pensions whether he will arrange to have forms M.P.C. 59 and M.P.C. 60 available at local post offices and at rest and feeding centres in London, so as to short-circuit the present procedure whereby a family whose bread-winner has been killed by enemy action has first to visit the local post office to obtain the address of the regional officer of the Ministry, prior to applying to the office in Great Smith Street, S.W.1, for the forms; and, whether he will expedite the payment of these pensions after the application forms have been completed?

I would refer the hon. Member to a reply given to a somewhat similar Question by the hon. Member for the Romford Division of Essex (Mr. Parker) on 19th November last, of which I am sending him a copy. With regard to the second part of the Question, I can assure the hon. Member that everything possible is done to ensure that there shall be no avoidable delay in the payment of pensions

Civil Defence

Camouflage

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he is now able to state the decision of the Government with regard to the recommendation in the Fourteenth Report from the Select Committee on National Expenditure proposing the co-ordination of all activities covering the question of camouflage?

This important matter is under active consideration, but I am sorry not to be able to give a reply yet.

Can the hon. Gentleman say what is being done in his own Department in the matter?

I am sure that my hon. Friend will appreciate that this matter is not the sole concern of the Ministry of Home Security and that other Departments are involved. In so far as the Ministry of Home Security is concerned, it is of the greatest importance that no changes are made that interfere with the work that is going on. There are problems of accommodation, location and personnel involved. I can assure him that the whole matter is receiving very active consideration at the present time.

Detentions

asked the Home Secretary the number of British subjects at present detained under the Defence of the Realm Regulations; the number of cases which have been considered by the Advisory Committee; and the number who have been in prison for more than three months without their cases being so considered?

The approximate numbers are 1,250, 1,000 and 300, respectively. Rapid progress is being made in the review of these cases.

Is it not really rather scandalous that 300 people should have been kept like this for more than three months without any opportunity for presenting their cases? Can my hon. Friend give an assurance that this state of affairs will not be allowed to continue any longer?

My right hon. Friend the Home Secretary made a very full statement last Thursday, and explained in detail his arrangements for expediting the hearing of these cases.

What can be done between the report of the committee and the release of these people? How long does it take?

I am afraid that I cannot give any average figure, but my right hon. Friend said last Thursday that he himself had deliberately delayed some of these cases in order that he might get a broad picture of the type of case with which he had to deal.

How many cases are there of men who were detained and who were afterwards found to be innocent?

I cannot say, because the mere fact that a man was subsequently released does not show that there was no good reason for detaining him in the first place.

asked the Home Secretary how many British subjects who have been interned are Communists and how many Fascists in their political opinions?

About 70o persons have been detained under Defence Regulation 18B on account of their activities in connection with the British Union of Fascists. Amongst the persons detained because of activities prejudicial to the defence of the realm there may be some who are Communists, but no order of detention under this Regulation has been made against anyone merely because he is a Communist.

Will the hon. Gentleman state when this close season for Communists is going to end?

Can the hon. Gentleman say how many Fascists escaped this detention by a sudden conversion?

asked the Home Secretary how many sailors of Allied nationality have been interned or imprisoned; how many are willing and anxious to go to sea; and what steps are being taken to make available, for the furtherance of the national effort, the services of such sailors of Allied nationality as are willing to render their services?

It is not possible to give the hon. Member a precise figure of the number of Allied seamen who are in detention at any particular time, as the number varies from day to day, and some are not detained for more than a few days. The cases of all Allied seamen who are detained for longer periods are kept constantly under review, and if a man expresses willingness to undertake sea service in the Allied interest and is believed to be reliable, he would be released. I am arranging that a number of cases in which there is an element of doubt shall be referred to the Lindley Committee for its consideration.

Has the Minister considered the particulars of the case, with regard to which I sent him a letter, concerning an Allied seaman who is anxious to get on with his work afloat?

I will certainly look into that case and communicate with the hon. and learned Member.

Does that reply mean that an Allied seaman from one of the Allied navies, who does not desire to serve in the Navy, can be accepted for the Merchant Service?

We are doing our best to make use of all seamen, of whatever nationality, who are reliable, and who are ready to serve in our Merchant Service.

asked the Home Secretary whether he will explain the delay in dealing with the case of Mr. Darby Sabini, of Hove, who was detained on 6th July last under Defence Regulation 18B, as no charge has been made against him and people who have been detained subsequent to him have been released; why has his appeal, lodged in August, not been dealt with; and, as the competent authority has failed after four months to expedite the production of the evidence, will he consider releasing this man or trying him on the evidence on which he was arrested?

As stated by my right hon. Friend last Thursday, there were over 1,200 persons detained in June and July, and owing to this large and sudden increase in the numbers and owing to other causes including delays caused by damage to the committee's premises, it has not been possible for all the cases to be heard shortly after the applications have been received. My right hon. Friend in the same statement explained the steps which had been taken to accelerate the procedure; and I understand that the Advisory Committee hope to hear the case of Mr. Sabini at an early date.

This man has been in detention for five months. Why has he been kept in detention all this time? Is it not possible to use the evidence upon which he was arrested in the first place?

My right hon. Friend quite appreciates the need for expedition in this matter, and he did explain last Thursday the practical steps which he was taking.

There must have been some evidence on which this man was originally arrested. Surely the competent authorities, if they cannot get any evidence together themselves, could use the existing evidence on which the man was arrested? There is no justice in it. Could the man not have his case adjourned and be released on bail?

asked the Home Secretary whether he will give an assurance that the instructions contained in Command Paper 6162, dealing with the conditions under which people detained under Defence of the Realm Regulation 18B are treated, are being strictly complied with?

I have no reason to doubt that the instructions referred to are being complied with. As my hon. and gallant Friend is no doubt aware, all but a few of the men are now accommodated in camps, where it is possible to provide better facilities than in prisons.

Is my hon. Friend aware that those detained under this Order are not allowed to have a watch or a pair of nail scissors or even a blotting pad; and will he review these restrictions in the light of Command Paper 6162?

I might inform my hon. and gallant Friend that all but a handful of these people are now accommodated in camps. There are canteens in the camps, where all sorts of articles can be obtained. If my hon. and gallant Friend has a specific complaint about a particular case, I will inquire into it.

Is the hon. Member aware that conditions in these camps and the way in which these people are being treated are really more appropriate to convicts awaiting sentence?

I have inspected these camps, and I am not aware that the hon. Member has. On the whole, I am very well satisfied with them.

Has the hon. Member spent a day there under the conditions of those people who are being detained?

Evacuation

asked the Minister of Health what representations he has received as to the inadequacy of the billeting allowances for evacuated children; that this inadequacy presses hard on households that have no income except unemployment pay; and whether he will reconsider the scale of allowances?

Substantial increases to the billeting allowances for the older unaccompanied children were made in May last, and I have no reason to suppose that the present scale of allowances are inadequate. Apart from a few complaints from individuals, I have not received any representations on the subject. In these circumstances, I see no reason to reconsider the existing scale.

Naturally that is a question that needs consideration. Up to the present I have not received any representations to lead me to suppose that the allowances are insufficient.

Is the Minister not aware that in those reception areas where communal centres have been established evacuees cannot attend on Wednesdays and Thursdays because they have not the means to pay for the meals?

If the hon. Member has information about that, I will look into it; but it is really another question.

asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware that women and young children evacuated from London under official schemes to places such as Cornwall have found on arrival that no billets are available and have been required to find these for themselves, and, being unsuccessful, have, after undergoing great hardship for several days, returned to London at their own expense; and, as such experiences will deter others from registering for evacuation, will he take steps to ensure that in future no person is officially evacuated to any area unless accommodation is available in that area?

I have asked the hon. Member to let me have particulars which will enable me to identify the cases to which he refers, and as soon as I receive them I will make inquiries. With regard to the latter part of the Question, this has always been our policy.

Will the right hon. Gentleman remember that some people have come back to London for the fourth time, and that there is great feeling in the West Country that they do not mind taking people if they will stay, but that they are getting tired of having these people constantly coming back?

asked the Minister of Health whether, in view of the fact that fares are paid for families evacuating under any of the official schemes, arrangements can be made whereby fares may be refunded to those families who have been able to find billets themselves without coming under any official evacuation scheme?

The travel vouchers which can be obtained by members of the priority classes under the Government evacuation scheme are intended to enable those who could not otherwise do so to leave the evacuable areas. I am afraid that I should not feel justified in refunding from Exchequer funds travelling expenses incurred by persons who had been able to leave without assistance.

Does the right hon. Gentleman realise that some people would be able to go to friends in the country and therefore avoid trouble to the evacuation authorities if they could borrow money in order to pay their travelling expenses; and is it not only fair that these travelling expenses should be paid by the State in the same way as they are paid to those who come under the official evacuation scheme?

Under the Government scheme it is possible for people who can arrange to go to relatives or friends in the country and cannot pay their fares to get vouchers for that purpose from the Government.

asked the Minister of Health whether he will arrange for free travelling facilities for parents and guardians to enable them to visit their evacuated children during the Christmas season?

Certain travel facilities at reduced fares are already available for visits to evacuated children. The granting of free facilities at Christmas would be likely to place an additional load on the railways which could only be carried at the expense of other traffic more urgent to the war effort. Moreover, the influx of additional visitors would place an unfair burden upon those who are caring for the children in the reception areas. I regret, therefore, that I cannot adopt the hon. Member's suggestion.

Is the Minister aware that I refer to the Christmas season, which is very extensive; and in that case would it not be possible to give some of these travelling facilities after Christmas, at some time in January?

asked the Minister of Health when the committee, headed by the Under-Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs, on conditions in the reception areas will deliver its report; and whether its findings will be published or otherwise made available to Members?

The Committee have arranged to visit the four Regions in which conditions in the reception areas can best be studied. Their visits to three of these Regions have been completed and the fourth visit is to begin on Monday week. The Committee are now preparing a draft report which will be completed and published as soon as the last visit has been paid.

Will the report also include a description of the conditions in the schools in the reception areas, and of educational arrangements as well as reception pure and simple?

I cannot anticipate what will be in the report, but no doubt anything which is relevant to the proper care of evacuees in reception areas in order to make them happy so that they will stay there will be touched upon.

Will the Minister say in what way the Dominions Office is interested in this question?

asked the Minister of Health whether the expenditure by those local authorities who have decided to give an extra 1s. at Christmas to all their evacuated children will rank for Government grant?

I am unable to adopt this suggestion; but reasonable expenditure out of the rates will be sanctioned, and I am sending the hon. Member a copy of a circular recently issued to local authorities on the subject.

asked the Minister of Health what progress has been made in taking over large unoccupied houses and converting them into hostels for the accommodation of evacuees; how many such houses have been taken over; and how many evacuees have been so accommodated?

asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware that there are houses in reception areas still available for sale or letting; and whether no use can be made of these by his Department for evacuation of mothers or children or old people?

I have urged local authorities and my regional officers to make the widest use of houses which are suitable as hostels. The exact figures of the number of houses being used as hostels, and of the families accommodated in them are not available, but already some hundreds of houses are being so used. The local authorities and my regional staff have full authority to acquire whatever additional houses may be available and necessary, and I understand that advertisements of houses for sale or letting are examined for this purpose.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that the real difficulty in this matter is to get people who will look after children in these large houses and who have adequate knowledge to do so?

That is one of the difficulties. We are getting a great amount of assistance from voluntary or paid workers, who are doing invaluable work in this direction, but the supply of such people is limited.

Will my right hon. Friend make a special appeal with the object of getting more people to help in this way and assist those who are already doing first-class work in this respect?

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that if he will apply to some of the organisations which register capable women of that sort, he will find, not a shortage, but an abundance, of labour?

May I bring to my right hon. Friend's attention the fact that I know of dozens of women qualified and willing to help in this scheme of the evacuation of children?

We have, of course, been in touch with these organisations, and such people as they have provided us with we have taken. I have recently more than doubled my own welfare staff in the regions, and in addition I have urged local authorities, county councils and borough councils to add to their welfare officers, but I must say that even after consultation we are finding it difficult to get these people.

Is it right to assume that all houses which are advertised daily in certain newspapers are immediately seen by my right hon. Friend's Department as to whether they are suitable?

I do not say the houses themselves are seen, but the advertisements are examined, and any cases which appear to be suitable and properly placed are then examined. Some of the houses which we see, however, are entirely unsuitable or in the wrong place.

Internees

asked the Home Secretary whether he has reached a decision in the case of Mrs. D. A. Zerbino, about which the hon. Member for Abertillery wrote him on 6th August; and whether he will release her husband, or allow his wife to return to Bristol where she could probably obtain employment of national importance which would enable her to pay the rent that has accumulated since she received notice to leave the city, or whether he will permit her to take naturalisation papers to regain her nationality?

As my right hon. Friend explained in reply to Questions by my hon. Friend on 17th October, Bristol is in an aliens protected area, but I shall ask the Chief Constable to consider the question whether Mrs. Zerbino can be allowed to return there in the light of the statement which I made during the Debate on Tuesday last. The question whether the husband can be released from internment is being referred to the committee which is reviewing Italian cases. Until the committee has reported on the husband, it is not possible to say whether an application from the wife for readmission to British nationality could be considered.

There seems to be a category of cases very like the one on the Order Paper, and is it possible for the Minister to reconsider that type of case, where mothers are taken from their children, and so on?

I made a short statement on this matter in the Debate on Tuesday. There is some alteration proposed in the administration of the protected areas policy, and new instructions to chief constables will very shortly be issued.

asked the Home Secretary the number of internees of German, Australian, Italian and other nationality, respectively; how many of each class have been recommended for release; and how many have been released, respectively?

Approximately 15,600 Germans and Austrians, and 3,800 Italians are interned in this country or overseas. Two hundred and twenty-five Germans and Austrians and 66 Italians have been recommended for release by committees or tribunals appointed under Categories 8, 19, 20, 21 and 22. According to the latest available statistics, the release of 7,278 Germans and Austrians, and 583 Italians has been authorised.

Looting (Sentences)

asked the Home Secretary whether his attention has been directed to the sentence of three months imposed on Mrs. Doreen Jones for receiving coal valued is., and a similar sentence imposed on Mrs. Florence Pedder for stealing coal to the value of 2S., particulars of which have been sent to him; and whether, in view of the severity of these sentences on women with large families, he will take steps to effect an immediate reduction?

Both the women concerned have appealed against their sentences and have been released on bail. It would not be proper for me to make any further statement in the matter until the appeals have been disposed of.

On the general issue arising from this Question, has the hon. Gentleman taken note of the fact that most severe sentences have been imposed on persons who have been found guilty of looting trifling articles and sums, and does he not think that many of these sentences are too severe?

I think the hon. Gentleman must appreciate that it would be quite wrong for the Home Secretary to express any opinion on a matter which is still under appeal.

Is my hon. Friend aware that the people in these areas who have been looted feel violently on the subject?

Is it not a fact that the Noble Lady who asked the question and her family have constantly looted the public?

On a point of Order. Was not the statement made from the opposite Front Bench most improper, and should it not be withdrawn?

That observation was most improper, and I must ask the hon. Member to withdraw it.

Naturally, if that is your desire, Sir, and if you think that I have paid any disrespect to the Chair, it is the last thing I want to do, and I withdraw the statement.

As these ladies are in my constituency, I would like to ask whether the hon. Gentleman is aware that they were imprisoned 10 days before the appeal was lodged?

No, Sir, I was not aware of that fact, but both these women are now on bail.

Personnel (Conditions of Service)

asked the Home Secretary whether he is aware that the question of rates of pay for members of the Civil Defence Services holding positions of special responsibility was stated on 15th October to be under examination; and how soon does he expect that examination to be completed and a decision to be reached?

The conditions of service of Civil Defence personnel, including the question of special rates of pay for members holding supervisory positions, have recently been under review and, as my hon. Friend will have noted, certain concessions as regards the provision of waterproof clothing and improved treatment in the event of war injury have already been announced. Consultation is still proceeding with other Departments and the Regional Commissioners on the various issues involved, but my right hon. Friend hopes to make a statement before long.

This is a matter which cannot be considered in isolation from the many other issues involved. I can assure the hon. Gentleman that the matter is under consideration. There are many difficulties; for instance, you have paid and unpaid volunteers side by side.

You are also getting ambulance drivers and others receiving £2 or a little more a week, and it is not enough.

All the drivers who are paid full-time volunteers are getting the standard rates of pay.

Rest Centres (Food)

asked the Minister of Health what arrangements have been made for the provision of meals by public assistance committees to air-raid victims; and whether any restrictions have been placed upon their liberty to supply such foods as seems desirable.

The public assistance authorities provide meals at the rest centres for air-raid victims who cannot make their own arrangements for accommodation. There are no restrictions on their liberty to supply, within reason, such food as seems desirable, and they have been urged to provide at least one hot meal every day.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that in certain areas public assistance committees are under the impression that they can supply only bread and margarine for breakfast and tea, and is that correct?

If any such impression has been placed upon the matter by public assistance committees, I will see that the impression is corrected.

asked the Minister of Health whether persons normally dependent on public assistance who are forced to stay at rest centres owing to air raids can be granted financial assistance as well as assistance in kind?

Yes Sir; the public assistance authorities are empowered to give relief in cash where necessary. Any person whose income is within certain limits whether or not he is normally dependent on public assistance is entitled to an advance of compensation for essential articles which are lost under the scheme administered by the Assistance Board.

Is the Minister aware that in some cases at least there have been these unfortunate people in shelters with no money at all for any purpose whatever and that all that they have been granted is food either by means of tickets or from some centre?

Damaged Sewers

asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware that certain of the sewers, in a district of which he has been informed, have been badly damaged by enemy action; that the smell, especially in a certain neighbourhood which has been indicated to him, is offensive; and will he consult with the local authorities with a view to either pressing on with the repair of the sewers or else evacuating the population still remaining in the locality?

I have arranged for an immediate inspection and will communicate with my hon. and gallant Friend.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that this damage took place more than five weeks ago and that there is great danger of sewage draining back into the houses? So far as one can see, the local authorities are dealing with the matter in a most casual and desultory way.

It has only just been brought to my notice, and I am asking that it shall be given immediate attention.

Horder Committee's Report

asked the Minister of Health whether, in view of the growing importance of Lord Horder's recommendations on shelter hygiene and of the fact that this is a matter in which the public are vitally concerned, he will reconsider the advisability of publishing the report on which some of the recommendations were based?

No, Sir, I have nothing to add to the answer given by my hon. Friend the Parliamentary Secretary to my hon. Friend the Member for Kilmarnock (Mr. Lindsay) on 20th November last.

What is the mystery about this report? Is it too candid to publish?

There is no mystery about it at all. If my hon. and gallant Friend will study the answer, he will see that the reason is perfectly clearly stated and is a very proper reason.

Would it not be a good idea to get the people who are willing to give thousands of pounds for the evacuation of children to help with these shelters?

Hotel Visitors (Identity Cards)

asked the Home Secretary whether he has yet come to a decision about the suggestion referring to hotel guests made by the hon. Member for Hendon on 24th October?

The matter is under consideration, but I regret I am not yet in a position to make any statement on this subject.

What is the Minister's difficulty in coming to a decision in this very simple matter?

On the one hand the proposal would not have any very material advantages from the security point of view, and, on the other hand, there are indications that it would cause a certain amount of inconvenience and also some resentment among ordinary British subjects.

Shelters

asked the Home Secretary whether he will give an answer to the Newcastle Air-Raid Precautions Emergency Committee about the proposal to convert Benwell Drift into a deep air-raid precautions shelter for 3,000 people; and, in view of the immediate urgency, whether he will grant them sufficient funds to enable them to proceed?

The Joint Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Home Security
(Miss Wilkinson)

This scheme has been approved in principle and will now be submitted for expert examination.

asked the Home Secretary whether he will establish standards of at least 30 inches vertical space between bunks installed in public shelters, together with frequent spaces between each range of shelter; whether the distribution of medicinal tablets or pastilles is now general; and what steps have been taken respecting the heating of shelters?

It would be impracticable to attempt to increase the vertical spacing of the three-tier bunks ordered and now being delivered; and the dimensions of shelters would in fact prevent it in many cases. Lateral spacing of at least two feet is prescribed. The issue of medicines and tablets as part of the scheduled equipment of medical aid posts in large public air-raid shelters in London is well in hand. In large shelters which are well filled, heating has been found by experience not to be necessary, but measures are in hand for providing the necessary amount of heating in the brick surface shelters and in trench shelters.

Is the hon. Lady aware that there are some bunks with only 20-inch spaces, which leads to a good deal of trouble and ill-health and which is contrary to the standards laid down by Lord Horder? Could she not lay down principles to be observed by the local authorities in this respect?

The bunks to which I referred are of the standard type which were planned and ordered by the Ministry of Home Security. In some cases local authorities ordered their own bunks to their own pattern. Where these are found to be unsatisfactory, they will later be replaced by the standard bunks, but in the meantime they do fill the need until deliveries of standard bunks are available.

asked the Home Secretary whether he will empower local authorities to engage as many additional cleaners and supervisors for shelters of all kinds as are necessary for keeping the shelters absolutely hygienic?

Instructions in this matter were issued to the local authorities in the London Region in September last. The attention of the regions has also been called to this urgent matter in the areas where dormitory conditions have developed or are likely to develop.

Instead of expending a great deal of money on millions of leaflets, posters and films, does not the hon. Lady think it would be better to spend it on additional cleaners and supervisors for the shelters?

I think the hon. Lady has not got up-to-date information. The fact is that we have authorised the local authorities in the London Region to employ extra cleaners for lavatory purposes only at the Government expense, and we have in addition asked them to provide sanitary inspectors for this work only at Government expense.

The figure of one for 500 persons is the schedule laid down for this particular work.

Have local authorities sufficient power to prevent those using shelters from making unnecessary litter and mess?

asked the Home Secretary whether he is aware that the simplest way to fix bunks in shelters is right against the wall, but that when this is done against walls that get wet in damp weather the bunks will become unusable and be wasted because it will be impossible to keep the bedding dry; and has he issued, or will he issue, a specific warning on this subject to authorities responsible for the fixing of bunks?

In bunking public shelters special attention is being given to dampness, and very damp shelters are not to be bunked at all. Proposals which are now being circulated will, if put into operation by the local authorities, do much to reduce dampness in shelters.

Are steps being taken to extend the roofs of shelters to ensure that the latter do not get so damp?

Unfortunately, owing to the economy campaign in which the hon. Gentleman figured, it was not possible to use a design which would have reduced the dampness of shelters. We are now having to spend money in undoing the unfortunate results of that difficult time.

Is there any warrant for the statement that the design of surface shelters was in the faintest degree influenced by anything said in the House of Commons? Surely it was a decision taken by the Ministry of Home Security against all advice.

Unfortunately, the advice of certain Members of the House of Commons, in wanting every kind of economy, did lead to a certain number of unfortunate happenings.

Red Cross Society and St. John Ambulance (Casualties)

asked the Home Secretary how many of the British Red Cross Society have been killed? and how many of the St. John Ambulance Corps have been killed by enemy action?

I understand that 32 members of detachments of the British Red Cross Society and 17 members of the St. John Ambulance Brigade, together with 10 members of the Royal Naval Auxiliary Sick Berth Reserve who were also members of the Brigade, have been killed by enemy action since the outbreak of war.

Unemployed Miners (Rescue Work and Tunnelling)

asked the Home Secretary what progress has been made in utilising unemployed miners in the work of constructing deep shelters and tunnels, dealing with air-raid damage and in rescue work; and whether he can give an estimate of the number of miners so employed?

My right hon. Friend is examining with the Minister of Labour the question of securing unemployed miners as members of rescue parties for some areas. There has been no central recruiting for this or the ether classes of work mentioned, and I am not in a position to give any estimate of what has been arranged locally. As regards the use of miners for tunnelling in connection with the London Tube shelters, this has been discussed with the authorities of the L.P.T.B., who are acting closely with the Government in this matter.

Is the hon. Lady aware that miners are specially trained for rescue work, and can special attention be paid to the question of utilising their skill?

We are fully aware of their special skill and also of the long tradition they have of magnificent work done in this matter. That has been fully before us when making the arrangements.

In view of the fact that the Minister of Mines made a personal appeal to ex-miners when calling for recruits for this service some time ago, and in view of the fact that this matter has been under consideration for some months, could the hon. Lady indicate to the House when a decision is likely to be reached?

There is really no question of a decision to be reached. We want to have the miners, and the only question is that of getting the number required.

Will the hon. Lady consider very carefully recruiting miners who are available for work on the provision of tunnel shelters in provincial towns?

Is it intended that provincial towns where there are coal mines should put forward schemes to use unemployed miners on shelter work?

Yes, but those schemes would not come to the Ministry of Home Security; they would be sent to the Ministry of Labour, because all our labour requirements are not dealt with by us directly but through the Ministry of Labour, which is fully conversant with this side of the question.

Who is responsible for bringing miners to London, and has any miner arrived yet?

The whole responsibility for bringing labour to London rests upon the Ministry of Labour.

Bournemouth (Visitors)

asked the Home Secretary whether, in view of the fact that the proposal has now been before the different authorities concerned for some considerable time, he can state the decision on the suggested lifting of the ban on visitors to Bournemouth?

Housing Accommodation

asked the Minister of Health, in view of the considerable number of residential properties destroyed or rendered uninhabitable by enemy action in the Loudon area, what steps he is taking to deal with the serious housing shortage which will arise in the near future?

The number of houses destroyed or damaged beyond repair in London is small in proportion to the total number of damaged houses. Hitherto, however, the period in which a particular local housing authority has been able to carry out repairs has varied widely, according to the magnitude of the problem in that area and to the resources of the authority. I am sure that the arrangement announced recently by my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for War for the release from the Army of 3,000 building operatives will speed up considerably the work of repair in those areas which have suffered most and in which the local authority requires help. As the hon. Member knows, special steps have been taken to accommodate families whilst their homes are being repaired.

Is the right hon. Gentleman keeping this question under review? A large number of houses have been entirely destroyed in some areas, and very great difficulties are bound to arise.

This matter is under daily review. My officers are in constant personal touch with the officers of the local authorities concerned.

The 3,000 building operatives are not now at work, but arrangements have been made for their release from the Army. As they are released, they will come under the control of my Noble Friend the Minister of Works and Buildings.

Houses (Requisitioning)

asked the Minister of Health whether it is his intention to take over all substantial houses in reception areas, to be staffed and equipped as distribution centres, central canteens, or as communal living places?

I am sending the hon. Member copies of two recent circulars issued by my Department and by the Board of Education, giving guidance to local authorities on the subject of the services to which he refers. I am continuing to take all possible steps to acquire suitable accommodation which is essential for these services.

The Minister will know that at the present moment in certain re- ception areas there are large houses unoccupied or partly occupied, while evacuees are overcrowded.

Houses which are unoccupied are all being taken over, where they are suitable and are required. In regard to houses partly occupied, I have under consideration at the moment the question of taking further powers.

Homeless Persons (Billeting)

asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware that a number of Metropolitan borough councils are dilatory in providing suitable billets for families rendered homeless by enemy action, with the result that these families remain much longer in the rest and feeding centres than necessary, causing additional public expense and over-taxing available accommodation; and whether he will take prompt and appropriate action in such cases?

I am aware that Metropolitan borough councils have not all been equally successful in their difficult task of rehousing those rendered homeless by air raids, and that a proportion of those in the rest centres have been there longer than is desirable. Some councils have been slower than others to appreciate the need of an enlarged and experienced staff for the purpose. I should like, at the same time, to take the opportunity of saying that much excellent work has been done by these councils in billeting large numbers of homeless people. The councils have been asked by my hon. and learned Friend the Member for North Croydon (Mr. Willink) to provide themselves with an adequate staff for this work, and an organisation has been established to supervise and co-ordinate the work. I shall certainly take such action as may be required in cases in which I am satisfied that any unnecessary delay is occurring.

As there are such vast differences between the methods of the different borough councils in London, are the Government considering taking temporary powers to bring them all up to scratch?

My hon. and learned Friend the Member for North Croydon is exercising powers which he already has. I think the existing powers are adequate.

asked the Minister of Health how many clubs in West London have been closed but from which the furniture has not yet been removed; how many of these have already been taken over to provide accommodation for families and individuals rendered homeless by enemy action; and what steps he proposes to take in order to make available the remainder of these closed clubs for the same purpose before their communal equipment, and in particular, their kitchen equipment is dispersed?

I am not in possession of the figures asked for in the first part of the Question. As regards the second part, so far as I am aware no West End clubs have been taken over by any of the local authorities concerned. These authorities have been given, and are exercising, powers to requisition any premises which they consider necessary for this purpose.

Does not my right hon. Friend appreciate the fact that the utilisation of these clubs while they are still organised units would not only be a national asset but also an asset to the public itself, and that there are Members who are very anxious about this matter; and will he look into it very carefully from the point of view suggested in the Question?

Local authorities have complete discretion and powers in the matter, and I must leave it to their decision in the light of all the local circumstances.

Enemy Night Raids

asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware that optimistic pronouncements concerning methods to be employed to frustrate night raiders have been made by certain officials; and whether he will consider forbidding this practice so as to refrain from buoying up the homes of the public until practical results have been achieved?

Progress has been and is being made in solving the problem of night interception, but in a matter of such complexity it must necessarily be gradual. Both over-optimism and undue pessimism should equally be avoided in public statements.

Will my right hon. Friend consider sending a circular to actual and probable target areas warning the local authorities that the hope of new devices should not prevent them from proceeding with the utmost rapidity with the provision of the strongest possible shelters?

Will the right hon. Gentleman circulate that statement to all his colleagues who have been responsible up to now for the optimistic statements?

Questions

Members of Parliament and Electors

asked the Prime Minister whether he will take whatever constitutional steps may be necessary to enable any constituency that is no longer satisfied with the conduct and services of its Members to dispense with the services of such Member and proceed to elect another?

I would refer my hon. and gallant Friend to the answer which I gave to him on 6th November.

Does my right hon. Friend think it constitutionally proper that one party to an agreement, the Member of Parliament, is permitted to denounce it, while the other party, the constituency, is not?

I pointed out in reply to the Question on the subject that there is no question of a contract.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that in the Question on the Order Paper I did not state that it is a contract? In my supplementary, I referred to an agreement or an arrangement. That is what happens when a general election takes place.

Will my right hon. Friend take care to distinguish between a caucus in a constituency and the constituency?

Does the right hon. Gentleman not consider that he should support the motive underlying this Question, which is the upholding of democratic principles? In the event of his reconsidering this matter, will he bear in mind that the privileges of the electorate as a whole must not be usurped, as was attempted in Epping and in St. Marylebone?

In view of the very grave constitutional issue involved, I beg to give notice that I shall raise the matter on the Adjournment.

Milk-In-Schools Scheme

asked the President of the Board of Education whether he is aware that difficulties are being experienced in securing a continuous supply of milk for children in elementary schools; and whether he will take steps to secure that all the needs of the schools are adequately met?

I am aware that difficulties have arisen in certain areas, and I am in consultation with my Noble Friend the Minister of Food with a view to devising means for overcoming them.

Nobody is more anxious that I am to secure such a supply; and my noble Friend has arranged for priority to be given for supplies to national elementary schoolchildren under the milk-in-schools scheme.

Agriculture

Pigs and Poultry

asked the Minister of Agriculture, in view of the difficulty of the 50-acre man who depends on pigs and poultry for his livelihood, what steps he is taking to assist this type of farmer to earn a livelihood and make the fullest possible use of his land?

While it is difficult to generalise about the best use under existing circumstances of holdings of the specific size quoted by my hon. Friend, there should be few such holdings where some part at any rate would not be suitable for growing crops either for sale or for feeding to pigs and poultry.

Surely my hight hon. Friend must be aware that the second and third-class farmers cannot to-day make a reasonable profit, and that even with the present guaranteed prices they are already for the most part overdrawn at their banks and paying high rates of interest? Will he do something to assist these people, in view of the extreme urgency of the shipping position? The delusion that everything possible is being done will not continue much longer to be a delusion, and something must be done in the national interest to secure every ounce of food.

Imported Feeding-Stuffs

asked the Minister of Agriculture whether he will take into consideration the fact that the muck provided by livestock, which is fed on concentrated feeding-suffs, is just as valuable as artificial fertilisers and superphosphates; and, having regard to this, will he take steps to increase the bulk of imported feeding-stuffs in the place of some percentage of imported superphosphates from the United States of America?

Rights of Way

asked the Minister of Agriculture whether he has considered representations on the subject of Clause 4, S.R. and O. 1611 (1940); and what reply has been given to those who fear infringements of rights of way and loss of footpaths?

I have not received any representations of the nature referred to by the hon. Member. I do not think any fear need be entertained that rights of way will be permanently lost by the operation of the Regulation, as it specifically provides for the restoration of such rights when the Regulation ceases to be in force. The Commons, Footpaths, and Open Spaces Preservation Society have seen a copy of the instructions issued to the Executive Committees regarding the administration of the Order and consider that public interests in the matter should be adequately protected.

National Health Insurance

asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware that some employers still refuse to stamp the health insurance cards of young persons in their employ until the date of the actual school-leaving age decided upon by the local education authority; that, during that interim, those young persons are not in consequence covered for panel doctor's services; and will he issue instructions to employers to stamp the cards in these cases as from the date employment becomes effective?

Under Section of the National Health Insurance (Juvenile Contributors and Young Persons) Act, 1937, a juvenile is not brought into insurance, and contributions are not required to be paid in respect of him, until such time as his parents cease to be under obligation to send him to school. I am not aware of any neglect on the part of employers to stamp cards for juveniles in respect of whom contributions are due, but if the hon. Member will give me particulars of any case within his knowledge, I will take the necessary steps to have the position rectified.

Is not the right hon. Gentleman aware that when he says that the parents are compelled to send their children to school, the children are actually allowed by the local authority to go to work, and that they ought therefore to be insured as from the date they enter employment; and if I send him cases, will he take them into consideration?

Old Age Pensions

asked the Minister of Health in view of the numerous cases where the supplementary old age pension has been decreased after investigation, whether he will instruct his Department in future, when reducing supplementary pensions, to enclose some brief notification, giving the general reason for the reduction being made?

Where a supplementary pension is altered after an investigation it is almost always because the information given by the pensioner indicates either that his circumstances have changed or that the information given in the first place was not complete. A written explanation of the change could therefore in most cases only be a repetition of information given by the pensioner to the investigator. In the circumstances the Board do not feel that the expense of sending such an explanation in every case would be justified though they are, of course, always ready to give a full explanation of the method of calculating a supplementary pension to any pensioner who desires it.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that Members of Parliament are getting constant representations from these people who want to know why a change has been made? I have had correspondence with my right hon. Friend, as have other Members, pressing for something to be done.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that what happens is that payment does not come through, and the ordinary pensioner does not know why? If he is not to receive a supplementary pension, he ought to be told so.

Business of the House

May I ask the Leader of the House about the future Business of the House?

Yes, Sir. he Business will be as follows:

First Sitting day—Committee and remaining stages of the Expiring Laws Continuance Bill; Second Readings of the Local Elections and Register of Electors (Temporary Provisions) Bill; the Scottish Fisheries Advisory Council Bill [ Lords ], and the Naval and Marine Forces Bill.

Second Sitting day—Consideration of the Report from the Committee of Privileges on the case of the hon. and gallant Member for Peebles and Southern (Captain Ramsay); Second Reading, Committee and remaining stages of the Railways Agreement (Powers) Bill, and further progress will be made with the Bills announced for Second Reading on the 1st Sitting day.

The Business to be taken on the 3rd Sitting day will be announced later.

May I ask whether, when we consider the case of the hon. and gallant Member for Peebles and Southern (Captain Ramsay), we shall be able to discuss the whole question of internment under Regulation 18B?

Can my right hon. Friend give us any indication of when the Bill dealing with the household means test will be introduced?

New Member Sworn

William Stanley Russell Thomas, Esquire, M.A., M.B., B.Chir. (Cantab.), M.R.C.S. (Eng.), L.R.C.P. (Lond.), for the Borough of Southampton.

Bill Presented

LOCAL ELECTIONS AND REGISTER OF ELECTORS (TEMPORARY PROVISIONS) BILL,

"to continue in force the Local Elections and Register of Electors (Temporary Provisions) Act, 1939, with certain amendments, and to make provision for safeguarding the rights of contributory employés under the Local Government Superannuation Act, 1937, and the Local Government Superannuation (Scotland) Act, 1937, in respect of remuneration lost in consequence of the first-mentioned Act," presented by Mr. Herbert Morrison, supported by Mr. Ernest Brown and Mr. Malcolm MacDonald; to be read a Second time upon the next Sitting Day, and to be printed. [Bill 5.]

Orders of the Day

King's Speech

Debate on the Address

[Seventh Day.]

Order read for resuming Adjourned Debate on Question [

"That an humble Address be presented to His Majesty as followeth:

Most Gracious Sovereign,

We, Your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Commons of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, in Parliament assembled, beg leave to offer our humble thanks to Your Majesty for the Gracious Speech which Your Majesty has addressed to both Houses of Parliament"— [ Squadron-Leader Grant-Ferris. ]

Question again proposed.

I beg to move, at the end of the Question, to add: tribute to every man and woman in this country who feels it to be his or her duty to serve in some capacity during the national emergency. I wish also to say that, as an individual, while I differ fundamentally from many hon. Members who are serving, I admire the courage, sincerity and devotion of those hon. Members who have deemed it to be their duty to serve. I single out especially a Member who has died on service, the late Sir Arnold Wilson, formerly Member for Hitchin. Although he and I came into serious conflict over the Spanish war, owing to our different points of view, I had the greatest admiration for the courage of a man of that age who went and died for what he believed to be right. I would specially commend his attitude to younger Members of the House.

Having said this, I want to say, in passing, that there are many hon. Members and many people in the country who believe that no opportunity should be allowed to pass on which we might, with reason, intelligence, and, if necessary, in a spirit of compromise, bring this tragic and devastating conflict to an end. I know that different points of view are held, as they were held during the last war. I take this war merely to be the war that was adjourned in 1918 and resumed in 1939. I appeal to hon. Members to realise, although the drilled majorities in the House may be warned that they must not in any case support an Amendment of this kind, and although there will be an overwhelming majority of Members against the Amendment, that it in no way reflects the opinion of the people of the country. I believe there is a very substantial and ever-growing number of people who believe that the conflict should be ended, and that there are many who believe it could be ended if reason were to supersede the use of and faith in brute force. I wish to give a quotation from the Prime Minister's book on the "World Crisis," in which, on page 295 of the abridged edition, he discussed the question of the last war having been capable of being ended in 1915. He wrote:

It is often said that this war is a different war from the last one. But that was also said from 1914 to 1918. We were told then that we must suppress the Kaiser; indeed, the "Daily Express," on its front page of 5th August, 1914, had a statement "The Kaiser, the Mad Dog of Europe". If we substitute Hitler for the Kaiser—"Hitler, the Mad Dog of Europe",—the appeal at this time is the same as it was in 1914. But that is not the issue. I want for a moment or two to deal with the fundamental struggle that has been brought about and the reasons for it, because it is not the case that it is due to one or two bad men in any country. It has been caused by the deep economic reasons underlying the excuses that are given for war.

For example, this country developed as a great Empire, captured a tremendous amount of raw materials and of yellow and black labour, captured and held trade routes, and commanded the seas. As other nations grew and developed, some of them from feudal barbarism to industrialism, they also required raw materials. They began to seek markets and an outlet for their products. They wanted cheap slave labour. They wanted to invest the money they had made out of their industries in colonies and in the development of industries in those colonies. There came the clash. This country had its bond-holding interests on the top of its ownership of raw materials. Other countries came up to demand their share, and, remember, that the country which is your nearest and keenest opponent is the country that is most highly developed industrially. Thus those other countries became opponents of your Empire and of your rule. The world to-day makes no allowance for those countries which are gradually developing and are seeking markets, and the result is that the clash comes in the form of war.

In the last war, Germany suffered in the end, after a tremendous period of torture and distress. She received what has been termed a complete military defeat, due to causes both external and internal. The Nazis made up their minds when they came to power that if they were again to compete for markets and challenge the right of the older Powers, such as France and Britain, to dominate the world, they must begin on a new basis. What was the first thing they did? They suppressed all individual thought. They suppressed all expression of opinion, and they put into prisons or concentration camps everyone who could be held to be against the totalitarian régime. They developed and moulded a unity of purpose, on the surface at any rate, in order that they might go into the struggle as a united nation, not tolerating, either from the Right or the Left, any differences of opinion or any dissent from the policy which they pur- sued. Thus they came to the period when they began to challenge the authority and power of other nations. At the outset there were many people who said that the Germans had a case. I noticed in the papers the other day this statement:

I remember being in the Palace Hotel in Vienna during the Nuremberg Conference. I sat in a corner of the dining-room having a meal. Hitler was speaking at Nuremberg and the room was packed with people listening to the wireless. I sat there reading that old Fascist paper the "Daily Mail." At the end of Hitler's speech, Goering made a few remarks about the genius and ability of Hitler and then the massed bands played the "Horst Wessel" song. At that, every person sprang to attention. Even the waiters with trays in their hands halted and gave the Fascist salute. I remained seated in the corner. I felt that the atmosphere was tense but I had made up my mind that I was not rising to pay homage to a system which I abhorred. I was there only to examine the situation and come to certain conclusions. So I sat there—my statement can be checked—and some of the other people sang the "Horst Wessel" song. In the end, they all sat down and the wireless was turned off and I felt that every eye was upon me. I waited for ten minutes and then walked into the inner hall of the hotel. I was amazed to find that at five or six tables there, guests who had stood up earlier, all greeted me, bade me gute nacht and smiled very pleasantly at me as I left. To me that indicated that there were people there who were compelled to obey orders but who paid respect to any person who, like myself, was not compelled to stand up on such occasions. When I left the hotel on the following Monday the manager, the head waiter and the book-keeper saw me off on my cycle and handed me a parcel of sandwiches and fruit and a bottle of wine to help me on my way.

I mention that incident as an indication that there was in that country a large number of people who did not like the Hitler régime. But let me add this. In Germany I questioned people time and again as to what their reactions would be to war. I held counsel with the Jewish Board of Deputies, with Cardinal Innitzer's secretary, with a follower of Pastor Neimoller, with a clergyman in Berlin and with many others. To every one, including Socialists, I put this question, "If war came, what would be your attitude?" They all said that, remembering the defeat, the hunger and the poverty which followed the last war, every man, even though his opinions were antagonistic to the régime, would stand behind Hitler. Therefore, we have to be careful that we do not go on declaring that we are prepared to continue this struggle to the bitter end and so put behind Hitler this body of opinion, which is really antagonistic to him. These people feel that you are not disclosing your hand, that you are not telling the country what your aims are.

I would like to make this suggestion not in any antagonistic or critical manner. If Hitler makes a speech in the Reichstag, no mater how ridiculous or bombastic you may regard that speech, I would like to see the Prime Minister rising here in his place and making a reasoned reply. You should ply Hitler with questions as to what he means to do and what kind of world he envisages after the war and what he intends to do with certain countries under his domination to-day. If such questions were thrown across, either by the wireless or through the Press, or put in the British House of Commons, they might produce a response in German circles which might be prepared to find some reasonable accommodation to end this struggle and in that way further the cause of peace. The late Prime Minister and leader of the Labour Party, Mr. Ramsay MacDonald, during the last war said:

As far as Mussolini is concerned, he is in a different category. In spite of the opposition to Hitler in Germany, there was respect for him, but in every quarter in Italy there was contempt for Mussolini. He was the kind of man who would be round the corner ready to plunge a knife into you on a dark night. There was the feeling that he had lost his grip. Every person I saw in Italy looked upon Mussolini with contempt instead of as a man of intelligence reason and great capabilities. I had a letter, just before Italy came into the war, from someone who had told me behind the scenes many things about Mussolini. In that letter, three days before the war broke out, he stated:

In the struggle which is going on, and in the bombing which is taking place, people are being displaced from their homes. This war is the complete reverse of the last. To-day, for the moment at least, it is not the soldiers of Britain who are in the firing line, but the civilian population, the men, women and children. If this war goes on, as is likely, and there is no attempt to end it, by February of next year, if the forces ill operation have their way, intensive bombing will be indulged in by this country, and the large reserves which Germany has been piling up in planes and munitions will be utilised against every industrial city in this country, subjecting them to Coventry raids. I have been to Coventry and have seen the terrific effects of the bombing. No man, seeing those women and children going out at nights to the woods seeking shelter and looking for a place in which to sleep, could be anything but moved by the terrific events which are going on in the world to-day. Therefore I ask, Is it not possible to make some approach? A member of the present Government said, not many months ago—and he was a very important member—that in his estimation, the last time this country had a reasonable opportunity of ending the war was when the Marquess of Tavistock offered to mediate. I would remind my friends, if they are going to pooh-pooh every single approach, that to bring peace to a country is not a discreditable thing. It is a worthy motive for which to work and aim. Therefore, no hon. Member has a right to say that the attempt should not be made when another hon. Member is imbued with ideals and goes out to endeavour to bring about reconciliation.

Remember, when the workers go out on strike, that the first thing we hear from the Government is, "Do not resort to force. Let us have arbitration. Get rid of the beastly method of conducting warfare between employers and employés." But the people who are continually telling the workers to consult and to arbitrate are the first to resort to brute force themselves. You may go on for one, two or three years, but in the end you will require to get down to the table and negotiate and compromise, because there is no certainty that you will win great military victories. We are continually accused of not being realists; I try to be as practical as possible in an impractical world. We speak in terms of raising 4,000,000 men for the Army, with our Colonial outposts to police, and throwing these 3,000,000 or 4,000,000 men against the undefeated German army of 10,000,000, and against the greatest mechanical power the world has ever known. I can see before us not a Dunkirk, but a Dunkirk a thousand times over with its slaughtering, suffering and devastation. If Members of this House are going to goad the country on in the hope of that great military victory, they had better be careful and restrained in their speeches.

I see statements from Ministers in this House. Take the Minister for Economic Collapse—the Minister of Economic War- fare. He tells us fairy stories of how Germany is going short. I remember, at the outset of the war, warning this House not to be taken in with the belief that the German people would win the war for us by revolting. I warned the house that this shortage of food was completely wrong and was not based on facts, and that Germany would not go short of raw materials. She has her markets from Holland right to Japan. In almost every market on the Continent, the Balkans, the Baltic, right towards the East, Germany has control and domination. The Germans tell us that they dropped 5,000,000 bombs in this country in November. We are told again that in a few months there will begin to be evidence of a shortage of petrol and other raw materials. That is only wishful thinking, by which the country has been goaded on from before the war. This country went into the war in a very strange mood. For years previously we had been led to believe that there was no need for war. Up and down the country we had League of Nations speakers, Labour speakers, trade union leaders and Communists, who blackmailed the Labour movement into a demand that we should stand up to Hitler, and no sooner did they get the nation standing up to Hitler than they ran away and made a pact.—

The hon. Member has stated that the war was started by lying politicians. Was not he a supporter and ally of these lying politicians right up to the outbreak of the war?

I tried to state the fundamental causes of the war. I am now dealing with the fact that the people were led to believe that there would be no war, and that the Communists led the people to believe that if you shook your fist at Hitler, it was enough and that Hitler would back down, and when they got the working classes into that mood of standing up to Hitler in the belief that there would be no war, their subsidy kings made a pact with Hitler, and the line changed simultaneously in every country. That is the only statement that I am making in the attempt to show that the people believed that there was no necessity for war. The common expression was, "We must put this fellow in his place; we must stand up to this man." They were lulled into the belief—and again the Communists spread this throughout the land—that the people were seething with revolt against Hitler, and nothing was further from the truth. Many Communists themselves had already joined the Fascist movement in order to escape the justice which might have been meted out to them. In that mood the country went into the war. We have been in the war for 15 months. We backed the policy of what might be termed appeasement because we believed that anything was better than what would happen in war. I believe the late Prime Minister, Mr. Chamberlain, will have a much bigger place in history than he is getting at the moment, because we have yet to see whether the war gives us greater security and gives us the peace that we talk of, restoring all the small nations, than the policy pursued at that time. I am therefore opposed to the continuation of the war. The Minister of Labour said: does not impress me. The "Daily Herald" says to-day, We would make peace with Hitler, with all the crimes that he is guilty of." If we are realists and practical, we have to be condemned. If we are idealistic and impracticable, we have to be condemned. But it is a new thing for this country to consider the type of individual with whom they are going to make peace.

Are we out against aggression? If we are, why has there been a demand from the Labour benches to send the hon. and learned Member for East Bristol (Sir S. Cripps) to Russia? Why is there a demand that we should make a pact with one of the arch criminals of aggression on the Continent, in the Baltic States and Poland? Why are we trying to make a pact with Japan, which is murdering and bleeding to death millions of Chinese people? Why did we attempt to make a separate pact with Italy to keep her out of the war? Why are we buying the good will of Franco, who sabotaged the Spanish Revolution? It will not do when you tell me you are fighting for democracy and freedom. It is only a veil which should be torn aside and reveal the influences behind the scene—the Bank of England, the bondholders of Great Britain, the capitalists, the landlords and the exploiting class in general. We have the nearest approach to totalitarianism to-day that this country has ever had. We have had the four little nigger boys from the Opposition benches, who are sitting on the Government benches, and we are told that all is well in the world now that the policy is changed. They sit side by side with the supporters of Franco and the Spanish Government, and they make a common pact to fight against aggression and for freedom and democracy.

I am not taken in by statements that it is a struggle for freedom and democracy. The great mass of the people believe that to be true because they are told in the House, in the Press and the pulpit, on the wireless, and in the cinema that it is a struggle for freedom and democracy. I could read quotations from 15 or 20 Members of the House who have approved Fascist methods in the past. The hon. and gallant Member for Ayr Burghs (Sir T. Moore) has praised Mosley as almost being a deity, and to-day we find him praising another individual who has done less damage to the country than he himself has in his public speeches.

I must protest against this charge. I have raised no personal matters whatever in the House in any of the Questions I have put on the Order Paper. I have not praised Mosley or anybody else, and I deeply deplore this attack on me without any warning.

I have many quotations, and I say that the hon. and gallant Member has praised Mosley, Hitler and Mussolini in public speeches in the country, and he should stand up to them in the House of Commons instead of seeking to escape from them. In one of those speeches said:

"But if I may judge from my personal knowledge of Hitler, peace and justice are the key-words of his policy."

That does not matter. The present Secretary of State for India said: envisage the world terror-stricken, people bombed out of their homes, their very nerves gone, suffering disease by the horrible lives they are compelled to live, and I can see men, women and children driven from pillar to post in terror while we go on mouthing about national honour and security.

If you want to end the war, do not only make demands, but make suggestions, because the cause of war is not all on one side. Say to Hitler, "We in the past have been aggressors to the extent that we have taken that which did not rightly belong to us. We are prepared to pool the resources of the world in the interests of the whole of the human race if you and every other nation in return are prepared to enter into conference on that basis." It should be realised that the old world is dead, that after the war men and women will not expect to have to fight to restore the bond-holding interests and to give the British Empire the domination that it has had in the past. Both sides are aggressors. I believe that I am echoing the sentiments of a large number of people in this country when I say that we are not fighting for freedom and democracy. State your aims, state your terms for ending this conflict and see whether there is a response. I believe that if you state them publicly and sympathetically in this House, there will be a response behind the scenes, over the heads of the politicians and of the FÜhrer in Germany. I believe that we can end this conflict, and that we can then compete with one another in raising the standards of life and the common heritage, and give to mankind conditions of decency and comfort in place of the present orgy of death and destruction.

I beg to second the Amendment.

I have great pleasure in supporting the proposal which has been moved so ably by my hon. Friend. The Independent Labour party to which we belong have always taken a strong line in support of peace. I would remind the House that when the last war ended and the peace was being made our party pointed out its weaknesses. Hon. Members of all parties have recognised since that the small party in this country which criticised the Versailles Treaty and pointed out that it would be the forerunner of another great war were right. I hope that hon. Members will credit us, in moving this proposal for an approach to peace, with a real sincerity in that great cause. We recognise that those who disagree with us do so sincerely and that they are entitled to their opinion. It may be said by some Members that we should think ourselves lucky to be allowed in this country to bring forward a proposal such as this, and that it could not be done in Germany. I believe, however, that many of those who stress this freedom would, if they could, find means of stopping our moving this Amendment.

Unless an approach is made to peace, we have to visualise a very long war. The Prime Minister referred the other day to the campaigns of 1943 and 1944. It was evident when he was speaking that he was not the least convinced that 1944 would be the last year of the war. I wonder how many hon. Members can contemplate this frightful struggle going on to, say, 1944 or 1945. Think of what it means in the loss of life. It will mean that millions of people, men, women and children, will be done to death during those years of the savagery of war. Millions of the youth of Europe will be cut off, and once again the world will lose all the genius and ability of those young lives which are necessary for the maintenance of a decent civilisation. Take it that the war goes on to about 1944 or 1945. At the present rate of expenditure that would mean that the contending parties would have expended their resources to the extent of £50,000,000,000 upon the instruments of destruction and death, in scattering ravage and ruin throughout the respective lands of Europe. Surely when one contemplates the fearful loss of life and of the material resources of humanity which are involved in the continuation of this struggle, no time can be too soon for calling a halt to the conflict and applying reason to find a way out of the present trouble.

If the war does go on then, there are three possibilities; there is no certainty. The war might end in a German victory. We of the Independent Labour party, no less than any other Members of the House, hope that such a dreadful finish will not come to this terrible struggle.

I am seeking to persuade the hon. Member to join with me in promoting peace by calling a peace conference. As I was saying, we, no less than any other Members in the House, dread the possibility of the victory of Germany in this struggle, but it is always one of the possibilities. The Prime Minister has pointed out the uncertainties there are in connection with war, and it is a possibility, and if it should take place, then we are under no illusions. Hitler and his colleagues talk about the new order in Europe which they are going to bring into being. We are under no illusions about that new order. It is an order that would have Germany occupying a dominant position in Europe, with all the other nations in thraldom, constant trouble in days to come, with continual revolts, and it would only be a question of time before there was another great struggle.

The second possibility is a stalemate. A stalemate would leave the nations weak, harassed and in an impossible position to work out a decent civilisation. The third possibility is a British victory, and I would remind hon. Members that a British victory will bring the same troubles as occurred in 1918. In 1918 we ended victoriously a war which was going to save the world for democracy, which was to be the last war in the history of the world, and, yet here we are, 20 years afterwards, with the same slogans and going on in the same way. I venture to say that it is better that the nations of Europe should seize the present opportunity to work out a real peace, based not upon the military victories but based upon the needs of the respective peoples, and applying all those resources which will be used, if the war goes on, in producing death and destruction throughout the whole of Europe, to bringing new life to the people, to working out the possibility of joy and happiness for all.

The Amendment we have put upon the Paper asks the Government to call a world conference to deal with the problems of the nations on the basis of reason. We suggest a two-fold basis; that the conference should be proposed on the basis of the acceptance by the contending parties of the restoration of freedom in all the countries where freedom has been overthrown by aggression; and, secondly, a pledge by both parties to put all the material resources which they are willing to devote to war into a common pool to be used in order to bring about a new civilisation in the world. Surely that is a reasonable proposal. I know that hon. Members will say that it is not practicable, that it does not take any account of the facts. I think it is all the other way about. Is it taking account of the facts to allow the present orgy of murder to go on?

Some of my friends have said to me that the time is not ripe for a peace conference. Why is the time not ripe? If the peace is to be based upon the measure of victory that either party to the conflict has achieved, it is quite true that the time is not ripe, but if peace is to be based upon justice and equity, then, I say, the time is now. There could not be a better time, because the military situation, as I see it, is one in which the parties are fairly evenly balanced. I suppose that from some points of view it may be said that Germany is occupying at the present time a position of military superiority, but any military superiority that Germany possesses would appear the me to be counterbalanced by the tremendous potential of the resources of the British Empire and the promised material assistance of the United States of America. There are the parties, still very evenly balanced, and surely when they are in that state of balance is the time when both of them should be asked to apply reason instead of force to the settlement of the dispute.

My last point is this. I may be asked, what would be the response of Germany to such a proposal by the British Government? After all, Germany has in the past given her word to this country and to that, and the word was no sooner given than it was broken. I do not think that that point would be a really pertinent or relevant one if such a conference were called. If Germany makes no response to such an offer by the British Government, at least this will have been accomplished; that the British Government, by making such a great moral gesture, will have made its appeal to the working people in all the countries in the world and to all decent people in the world. One of the greatest things that the Government could do would be to give hope to the respective countries that the British Government were willing to make peace at once, not on the basis of a victory by Britain and the dominance of the British Empire, but on the basis of justice and humanity. I appeal to the Government to take this opportunity. Hitler and his colleagues are talking about the new order that they will make in Europe; what are the people of Europe to think if the victory of Britain is achieved? What are we going to do? Will Britain be the leader in creating a new order in Europe? What is the object of Britain in this war? Is it simply to restore the well-to-do to positions of privilege in the respective countries from which they were driven by the war? Is it to try to restore the Europe that existed before the war came in September, 1939? Surely the time has come for Britain to make a great moral gesture to the world and to offer peace to the other side, on the basis of justice to all the peoples, and to offer hope to the great masses of the workers in every country.

How often have we talked about the trouble in the world being due to the extraordinary situation that we were starving in the midst of plenty. We have not been able to solve the problem of plenty. Surely this is the opportunity to do so, by the British Government offering peace and a solution of the problem of plenty by their promise that, instead of thousands of millions of pounds being used to rain death and destruction throughout the world and instead of millions of lives being devoted to a struggle which is bound to be in vain—everyone will admit the futility of war as an instrument for bring about real peace in the world—those sums of money and those millions of young lives should be given an opportunity to build up a better and brighter world. That is the purpose of our Amendment, and I ask hon. Members to give it the support to which it is entitled.

Everybody in this House, in this country and even in the world would welcome an end to the present conflict, if the end brought real peace to a stricken world. This is a very serious issue, and I ask the House to face it seriously. I have been disappointed by the speeches of the Mover and Seconder of the Amendment. I thought we should have heard from them in much clearer and more positive terms their alternatives and how they proposed to end the conflict in a way that would bring peace to Europe upon the basis laid down in their Amendment. Although I listened very carefully indeed to their speeches, I do not think they have carried us far beyond the words of the Amendment.

As I see it, the Amendment is based upon an assumption which is false. The assumption is that the choice before this country and this House is between peace and war. That is not the choice as I see it. Who, in this House or this country, if he were confronted with a choice between war and real peace, would not choose peace? That is not the choice before us. I ask whether we should make our decisions upon false choices and upon assumptions that have no basis in fact? As I see it, the choice before this country and other countries in Europe—indeed, we are the only country left in Europe able to make the choice—is not peace or war, but capitulation or survival. To sue for peace—[ Interruption. ] Well, if the proposed Amendment means anything, it means that. [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] Let us be clear. I will treat this matter seriously. If the Amendment does not mean suing Hitler for peace, what does it mean? Is it mere window-dressing? [HON. MEMBERS: "No!"] Then I believe the House will desire to face frankly what the Amendment means. Does it mean that the Government are being asked to sue Hitler for peace? [HON. MEMBERS: "No!" and "What does it mean?"] Let us examine what it does mean. To begin with, to sue Hitler for peace is to capitulate. Dare anybody, looking at Europe to-day, deny that? Let us look at the most recent example. Marshal Pétain sued Hitler for peace. He said he was confident that he would get an honourable peace between soldiers. Marshal Pétain did what the movers of the Amendment ask us to do, but before we do it let us look at what has happened to those who have already done it. Marshal Pétain made an appeal on the ground that he was an old soldier appealing to other soldiers for a peace with honour. He was granted a peace, but what kind of peace did he have? Need I answer the question? Therefore, I ask the hon. Members who moved and seconded the Amendment whether they think that, if we sued for peace, it would be accepted by Hitler and by the Fascists as an opportunity for building a new Europe or as handing over Europe to their ambitions? That is the choice before this country. I hate the choice. I know that during the last 25 years successive Governments could have avoided that choice. I know that the party to which I belong—I make no apology for saying this—has, since 1918, consistently urged and advocated courses which, if they had been pursued, would not have placed us in our present terrible dilemma. Viewing Europe as it is on this day, I say that to sue for peace now is to capitulate.

I would like to look at another aspect of this matter for a moment.

Would the hon. Gentleman not do better to approach the subject from the realistic point of view? We do not suggest that we should sue for peace and ask Hitler to state the terms upon which he will lay down his arms. We are suggesting that we should pool the resources of the world to end war entirely and bring peace to the people of the world. I understood that to be the attitude of the Labour party a short time ago.

If the hon. Gentleman, speaking for three-quarters of an hour, did not make it clear what his Amendment means, that is not my fault. This Amendment is put down, not to make peace with Hitler, but to enable the hon. Members to make war upon the Labour party. The only dictatorship with which they seem to be concerned is not that of Hitler or Mussolini but Transport House. The choice is between capitulation and survival. Speaking as a member of the working class—I am as much a member of the working class as the hon. Member for Shettleston (Mr. McGovern), with, I hope, a record of devoted service to the working class—and speaking of the choice before the working-class people of this country, realising all that it means, confronted with a choice of capitulation or survival, I know that all that we cherish in life will be lost if we sue for peace. Britain will become a vassal State. I do not care for many things in the life of this country. All my public life has been and will be spent in calling attention to and trying to remedy the gross evils in tnis country. I want to build a Socialist Britain. I know perfectly well that I cannot build a Socialist Britain in a Britain that becomes a vassal State. I cannot build the kind of Britain I want in a Britain that lives by consent and under the domination of the Nazis. If we sue for peace, it will be taken as capitulation; we shall have terms imposed upon us, and we shall become a vassal State. I want a Britain which can become a Socialist State, and you cannot build that in a Britain which capitulates. If we sue and capitulate, we shall ask for domination, and my contention is proved by all that has happened in Europe in the last five years. The second thing that would happen would be that we should hand over Europe. France has gone. We should hand over the working class of Europe to the domination of the Fascists. Do the hon. Members who have moved this Amendment, who claim that they are Socialists and we are not, think that it is in the interests of the working class of the Continent of Europe to make peace with Hitler? If the Nazis dominated Europe, there would be no Socialism in anybody's time. For those reasons I say that to sue for peace and to ask Hitler at this moment to end the war will be taken as an admission of defeat.

My hon. Friends have said, "We mean nothing of the kind. We mean that this country should put forward proposals for ending this conflict on terms which we make clear in our Amendment." I want to examine those terms for a moment. They state that the Government should put forward in specific and positive language the terms upon which they believe peace ought to be made in Europe. In the early days of the conflict, in a speech delivered by the Lord Privy Seal in a declaration made by our party we clearly set out the terms on which we think this conflict ought to be ended and the kind of Europe which ought to be built up. We have done it as a party. May I ask this question of hon. Members? Have their party set forth such terms? I would like to find out what terms they suggest. First of all, what terms do they suggest for ending the conflict? Before you reach the stage when you get peace you must get an armistice. I should like the hon. Members to answer this question when it becomes their turn to reply: Would they now ask for an ending of this conflict, leaving the whole of Europe under Hitler's domination? The hon. Members have asked that we should call a conference in order to seek to bring about an early conclusion of the conflict on the basis of the restoration of the freedom of each country. Here there is an admission that the countries in Europe have lost their freedom. They say, "We want a conference to discuss the conclusion of peace by the restoration of freedom in each country." Who stole their freedom? Why is a conference needed to restore the freedom of countries in Europe? We do not need a conference for that. Who has overwhelmed the countries in Europe, robbed them of their freedom, destroyed their Governments, set up puppet Fascist Governments, enslaved their working class and destroyed their I.L.P.? Why do you need a conference? If peace can be had by restoring the freedom of each country, Mussolini and Hitler can solve that problem themselves.

References were made by one or two hon. Members to the fact that in the early days before the war broke out, after Germany had marched into Poland and had overwhelmed the Polish Army and the Polish people, a last effort was made to try and save Europe from the catastrophe that has since overtaken it. A last-minute effort was made to try to stave off the disaster that faced Europe, and a proposal was put forward that, as a means of ensuring a basis upon which discussions could take place, Hitler should take his army out of Poland. If he had taken his army out of Poland, there might have been discussions. [ Interruption. ] I am not going to intervene in this private row between the Communist party and the I.L.P. I say that there is no need for a conference. The freedom of those countries can be restored by the Nazis taking away the armies that they have brought there.

Finally, the Movers of the Amendment propose that at this conference the whole of the nations of Europe shall be asked to come together to pool their resources in order that all the money and treasure now being spent upon war shall be used to build up the standard of life of the people. That is an aspiration and an ideal for which I hope we should all work. That is the work to which the party to which I belong, here and on the Continent too, wants to give its time, its life and its thought. We want to build a Europe of that type, and we have striven in the years gone by to do so by creating an international working-class organisation. I myself, and others in the industry which I know best, built up an International Miners' Federation, an international miners' trade union to seek for the miners a common standard of life. We have seen the whole of our efforts to build an international working-class movement in Europe destroyed by the Nazis and the Fascists; we have seen Europe enslaved.

We know quite well how terrible is the alternative; no one would minimise its terror. We know how horrible it is, and hon. Members do not need to be convinced of that. We know perfectly well what the men, women and children of this country have to suffer in these days. Every Member of Parliament may ask himself the question, "Is it worth it?" We must ask ourselves that question, as I do. As I see it, with the example of all Europe before me, and first of all the example of Germany—because Hitler's first conquest, his first act of aggression, was his act of aggression against the German people, whom he had to conquer first before he could conquer the others—I ask myself whether, if we take the steps we are urged to take by the Movers of this Amendment, will that bring us peace? Will that bring us a peace in which each nation can live its own life in Europe? Will that bring us the peace and freedom in which we who belong to this movement can get on with the great task of rebuilding a new Europe? Or will it bring a Europe in which the countries and their peoples, men, women and children, will be enslaved by a dominating race and class? That is the only alternative, the alternative of capitulating, giving in and accepting the domination of Europe by the Fascists, seeing our country become a vassal State, and Europe, a Europe in which all our hopes will be destroyed, being enslaved for generations. That is the choice as I see it, and that is why I ask the House to reject this Amendment.

That is why my friends in this party and I, who are as much peace-lovers as are members of the I.L.P., who are as much haters of war as are members of the I.L.P., who represent as closely as they the workers of this country, who have built up this movement and have taken our part in its work—that is why, when we are confronted with this choice, we ask the House whether it has made up its mind to declare at this moment that it is not prepared to hand over Europe to the Fascists. If I may conclude with a word to the Government, I want to urge them—and I hope my right hon. Friend the Lord Privy Seal will be able to do so to-day when he comes to reply—to take the first appropriate opportunity, not because we are defeated, but because we are undefeated—[ Interruption ]. Let me ask my hon. Friend to do me the courtesy of listening to me. I always listen to him and his friends.

My hon. Friend is surely not going to suggest that I have not been listening to him with the greatest care and appreciation. Surely we are not becoming so touchy that an interjection is resented.

I am sorry; I hope my hon. Friend will not accuse me of being touchy. I want to urge the Government to state as positively as they can the kind of Europe they want to see established. Not, as I was saying, because we are defeated, not because we are capitulating, but because in my view we are winning for Britain a new place in the world. The hesitating policies of the last few years had reduced Britain's word to a very low level in the world. But I believe, and I am not alone in believing, that the fortitude and courage of the common people of Britain have won for us a new place in the world's respect. Britain can once again become the great leader. I believe we have already won the Battle of Britain; I believe now that we shall win the Battle of Europe, the battle which is to rescue Europe from the domination of the Nazis, and I believe that in order to win the battle of Europe Britain must become the rallying centre of all the captive peoples of that Continent. I do not accept the view that the peoples of Europe will for ever sit down quietly under Nazi domination. I do not accept the view put forward by the hon. Member who moved this Amendment, and I was surprised to hear him, who claims to be a revolutionary Socialist, say that there is no hope of the workers revolting against Nazism. I believe that we can help forward that revolt, in France and the other captive countries, where already, because of the fortitude of our people, the tide is turning, and I want the Government to realise that there is a need for a statement of the things we are aiming at—not in any spirit of defeat, but as a rallying point for all the countries of Europe.

I therefore urge the Government to outline as positively as they can the kind of Europe we want to see, not the old ramshackle Europe with arbitrary frontiers, not a Europe carved up, for you will not get peace by carving up Europe; you will get it only by uniting and unifying. I urge the Government to do that, for, like many others, I have been disturbed by the broadcasts made recently by Sir Robert Vansittart. If we are fighting against Nazism, the first article of whose creed is racial domination, I beg the Government to think seriously about the wisdom of getting a man who has had a very big public post in this country to proclaim to the world that there is no hope for the world except the destruction of the German people. I think of that fine old German working man who was the President of the Miners' International and whom Hitler brutally murdered. I believe that there is in every country in the world, particularly among the working people, a desire and an aspiration for a new, decent and peaceful world, and I want to see my country put in the honourable position of being the one to proclaim it and, through the resolution and the quality of its people, to work towards a solution of the problems involved. It was said of the Battle of Waterloo that it was won on the playing fields of Eton. This war will be won or lost in the homes of the common people of this country. I want us all to make a pledge that when we have come through this terrible period, when we have destroyed the Nazi domination of Europe, when we have restored freedom—for we are at one with the supporters of the Amendment about restoring freedom—we shall build a unified, federal Europe, and build a Britain worthy of the courage and fortitude of its people.

I am glad that the hon. Member for Llanelly (Mr. J. Griffiths) has not treated this Amendment lightly, but has subjected it to the close examination which it deserves. Not only this House, but the whole country, and the whole world, should honour him for the flawless declaration that he has made on behalf of his party, the Labour party, that they will see this war through to complete ultimate victory. The House will note that in the countries with which the Amendment suggests that we should enter into conference the discussion of that Amendment would be banned. The hon. Member for Shettleston (Mr. McGovern) and the hon. Member for Camlachie (Mr. Stephen) would find themselves banished to much worse places than Glasgow if, as Germans or Italians, they had dared to make the speeches that they have delivered here to-day. In that, we see the weakness of Germany and Italy, contrasting with our strength in the knowledge that our cause is safe against assault. What makes us formidable opponents of the evil pseudo-philosophies of our enemies is that we have no fear of debating in a free assembly of a free people the causes why we fight. Dare Mussolini do that? Dare Hitler? No. And we know the reason.

I have the honour to be a London representative here. The hon. Member for Shettleston, in his eloquent speech, alleged that there was a growing measure of opinion in this country in favour of ending the struggle. I speak from my personal experience. During the past three months I have spent many nights talking to scores of people in their shelters in London. I have been in rest centres with men and women who in the past 24 hours had lost their homes and their all. I have had long midnight discussions in wardens posts when what Londoners call "the blitz" was overhead. Never once in all that time have I heard the suggestion—the suggestion in the Amendment—that peace was more important than war to victory. On the contrary, everyone has said the same: "We must rid the world of that man; no peace until we do."

We have had contributions from Scotland and from South Wales. The hon. Member for Llanelly, speaking on behalf of the Labour party, has brought the House his message from the great industrial districts of Wales. I am privileged to be the first in this Debate to speak in the name of the many-headed, single- hearted London crowd—and I think I can claim that I know them. They are not deceived; they are not soft. There was a pre-war saying of Adolf Hitler that his great political opportunity lay in his deliberate use of power at a time when there were still illusions abroad as to the forces that mould history. I am afraid that there are still some few illusions—those illusions put this Amendment on the Order paper—but they are scarce now, and I fancy that the Division Lobby a few hours hence will show them to be almost confined to one part of Glasgow. I will answer the hon. Member for Shettleston out of Hitler's own mouth. Hitler said in "Mein Kampf": by words, or amendments or invitations. There is work to be done first—long, hard work. The land of our dreams will not be reached by suing for peace, but only by concentrating head, hands and heart on war, utterly to discredit those two pagans whom thousands of people in their own lands already know to be leaders and liars. One way in which I fear that Hitler's propaganda has been too successful is in persuading many in this country to believe that every German is a Nazi. Not all the Germans or the Italians friendly to freedom are refugees in this Island. The war will end when the German people have sickened of National Socialist deceit. Why did they gain their faith in the National Socialist party? They gained it because Hitler pulled a wavering country together, somehow restored their confidence in themselves, and, more than all else, put 7,000,000 unemployed Germans back to work. The average German, like the average Englishman, is a simple creature, differing from us in many respects but not utterly alien, for we are both members of the human race, though I am convinced it is true that the German is less politically experienced than we are, and far less shocked by physical cruelty than, thank God, the people of this land.

We have not yet properly begun to give the right sort of encouragement abroad to that large body of persons who cherish inward doubts about the leadership of the two dictators. We make general statements about our purposes for Europe but always in guarded diplomatic terms—defensive if I may put it that way, rather than offensive. We have not yet committed ourselves to ideas or to language such as would unfailingly seize the imagination of these people and offer them real hope of something better than the great towering dictatorships which they see. Wars are not determined by words without weapons. I know that well. But the magic of the right word, the right declaration, at the right time, can win stupendous victories. All history teaches that. Italy is another matter, but I am not questioning now that Germany is not united behind Hitler; what I do disbelieve is that, if that man suffered successive rebuffs, and if a real alternative to following the leader became visible, their unity would last. Germany is like cast iron—hard, hut brittle.

We need, at the same time, more than declarations and more than military victories; ultimately we have to convince the world that ours is the most truly popular, the most genuinely beneficent way of life and form of government. Dictatorship has seemed to many people, not only in Germany and Italy, to be the way to get things done. Hitler built thousands of miles of Autobahn in half the time which it took us to decide what we were going to do about Waterloo Bridge. There are many people in this country who will not be satisfied with their democracy till it becomes far better than it is, until both our central and our local government have been sharpened up to meet the real needs which the people feel. I would even say that the Prime Minister could not find many in this country now who would agree that the War Cabinet is composed of the very best men we could select from our 44,000,000 people to wage the war.

To be a Member of this House in time of war is a high privilege which I would not exchange for any other honour the world could offer me. But we are not here to enjoy our position or our privilege. We are here to enhance the quality of our democracy, and at this point perhaps the hon Member for Shettleston and I think as one. Our system of government and of administration does wonderfully well in many fields, but when I see the muddle over aliens, the slowness with which shelters are improved, and think of the hundreds of thousands still unemployed, I ask myself whether we can expect to save the world by our example until in our own administrative system we have dug out the causes of these shortcomings. The hon. Member for Shettleston spoke of young men wanting peace and old men pressing them forward into war. Young men, I suppose, treat difficulties lightly, but they are less tolerant perhaps than those who are older of standards of accomplishment which are second-best. Under young leadership—which may be old in years provided it is young in spirit—we have to exemplify in Parliament and in all our institutions a justice and an effectiveness which will win the whole earth's respect. What is the ultimate personal difference between ourselves and Herr Hitler? Hitler has said:

If the House will allow me to say so, the hon. Gentleman who moved this Amendment did it with very great skill and humour. He had a difficult task and discharged it—as I think the whole House will agree—most effectively. But I think we have to accept the fact that if by some mischance words of the character of the Amendment were added to the Gracious Speech, it would be an encouragement to our enemies and a discouragement to our friends, many of whom are now in chains and others of whom are still valiantly struggling for independence.

Six months ago our task seemed almost insuperable. Now, encouraged by our example, we have at last a small nation valiantly fighting for its independence and refusing to bow the knee to the dictates of the Nazi power. The hon. Member for Shettleston (Mr. McGovern) in moving his Amendment advocated now a negotiated peace. Well, in 1938 the late Prime Minister gallantly struggled in an atmosphere of peace, not war, to negotiate a peace. Some of us doubted the wisdom of those negotiations, but no one questioned the courage that inspired his visit to Munich. As a result of that visit we did have a negotiated peace. Hitler told us that if only the Sudetenland was handed over, that would be the end of his territorial ambitions. Unfortunately, Czecho-Slovakia was soon to learn that a desire to avoid war and settle problems by negotiation was not to secure her from invasion and subjugation to the German domination. Norway, Denmark, Holland and Belgium, trusting to the word of the German Government, were prepared to keep out of war and rely on a guarantee of their neutrality, but we saw their cities laid in ruins and their liberties destroyed. While not questioning the good faith and sincerity of hon. Members who may support this Amendment, I say that it must be resisted by the whole House and defeated by an overwhelming majority.

To-day we are fighting for our very existence and the right to choose our own way of life. We can expect, as the hon. Gentleman who spoke from the Front Bench rightly said, no mercy from victorious Nazis. We saw what happened in Poland, France and Rumania. This is a harder struggle in many ways than the struggle of 1914–18. Then we had Allies I now we are more or less isolated. The Prime Minister has a terrific responsibility. On top of the big fight for our existence, we have a responsibility for the protection of our own shores. I can recognise that the Prime Minister and the Government have their hands full and may find it difficult to make it definitely clear exactly what are our war aims. I would remind the House that the whole nation is in this war, even more so than in the last war. We have the whole nation either in arms or in some form of Civil Defence, or helping the national effort in factories and workshops. Inevitably, they are discussing the purposes and ultimate end of this war. They talk in billets, shelters, workshops and railway carriages.

I am very interested to recall an article written in the "Spectator" before the war by the hon Member for West Leicester (Mr. H. Nicolson), who was not then, of course, Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Information. He had had an opportunity of talking with some soldiers who had joined the Territorials, and he tried to find out what was the motive that inspired them to give up their leisure and go training in the country for a fortnight, very often under most unpleasant conditions. He thought perhaps that there was some idealism and theory on their part, but in his article he pointed out that their inspiration was to "down" Hitler. The same ideal no doubt inspired the vast majority of our soldiers in the last war, only in that case it was to destroy "Kaiser Bill." Although that may be the inspiration of the average man, sometimes called "the man in the street," thoughtful people, who influence matters more than we are prepared to recognise, are asking for a clearer definition of our war aims. Men are not scattered over the Continent of Europe as they were in the last war, struggling in trench warfare and too preoccupied to be worried about any definite purpose. To-day not only the soldiers but the private citizens who have intellectually very much developed during the last 25 years, want to have a clearer idea of our war aims in their minds, and I do agree that at an opportune time the Government have a responsibility for more clearly defining them. I have a vivid memory of Mr. Asquith, during the last war, defining, in sonorous phrases, our war aims, and those war aims were, in his inimitable language, put in such a form that everybody could understand them. I think it is well to repeat those words in December, 1940, for there is much in them that might still provide a clear inspiration to our country. He said: good. I suggest that if the Government hesitate to define more closely their ideals, other people will do It for them. There are many proposals before this country and before the world, such as "Union Now," some of them open to a great deal of criticism; but however busy the Government may be—and I recognise their terrific responsibilities—there is a case for a clearer definition. My own view is that the first foundation of any new political order must be a change in our economic viewpoint. This morning I read a very remarkable article in the "Times." If hon. Members have not studied it yet, I suggest that they should read that article from beginning to end. I will quote a few phrases from it: Cecil, Viscount Samuel, and many other distinguished statesmen. They might be called in as an advisory committee to devote their time to thinking out the kind of international order that should follow this great war. Perhaps I cannot conclude my remarks better than by quoting a speech of my leader, the present Secretary of State for Air, made some 12 months ago. He said:

I rise to make my maiden speech in this great House. I have only two consolations, and they are that happily, and in the nature of the case, there is not any Member listening to me who has not been through this same terrifying ordeal. The second consolation is that happily it is the custom of the House, and of you, Mr. Speaker, to listen with indulgence to the maiden efforts of a Member who addresses the House, believe me, with the greatest possible diffidence.

I listened with respect and with very great appreciation to the speeches of the hon. Members for Shettleston (Mr. McGovern) and Camlachie (Mr. Stephen), who moved and seconded the Amendment. I appreciate their earnestness, I appreciate the conviction with which they spoke. I would like them on their side also to realise that there is no human being in this country who would not welcome the end of the war this day. Where we differ is as to how we are to bring this about. I listened to the speech made by the hon. Gentleman the Member for Llanelly (Mr. J. Griffiths) with two-thirds, indeed 90 per cent., of which I am in whole-hearted agreement. But let us differentiate between terms of peace and war aims, or, shall we say, war principles. The movers of the Amendment, as I understood them, and as they have stated in their Amendment, wish now to lay down or state our peace terms. That is a very difficult proposition. Nothing which hon. Members have said has yet moved me from feeling very strongly that it would be not only futile but highly dangerous, at this stage of the war, to enter into any details of our peace terms. We must at all costs avoid enunciating 14 or any lesser or greater number of points, which may very considerably embarrass us later on, and we must not allow anyone else to enunciate them for us. We know what we are fighting for. Hon. Members have suggested that we should not only enunciate our peace terms, but that we should give some general idea of what we are fighting for. A more general idea is one thing but definite terms are wholly different things. If His Majesty's Government were to be induced to adopt certain suggestions that I have heard advocated both inside and outside this House, in writing and by speech, they would run the very grave danger of creating dissension and controversy among a hitherto united people and complete consternation among some of our Allies fighting for us.

Let me turn for a moment to a suggestion which has been put forward in writing—that we should re-constitute Poland, that we should restore her independence, but that we should deprive her of the Polish Corridor and Danzig. I would earnestly beg hon. Members to look into the history of that Corridor, about which so much has been written and so much has been said. There seems to be a very widespread illusion that that Corridor is properly German; never was there a greater illusion. That Corridor has—I cannot speak for the present moment because we know full well that the Germans have massacred and expelled—been Polish for centuries. I am not here to suggest that hon. Members do not know their history; but the Polish Corridor existed at the time that the Elector of Brandenberg, son of the Great Elector, had himself made King in Prussia, not of Prussia, by the Holy Roman Emperor of the time in 1701. He was quite content to be King in Prussia with that selfsame Polish Corridor dividing East Prussia from Brandenberg and the rest of Germany, the Corridor becoming West Prussia very much later. That Polish Corridor was handed over by the Teutonic Knights in 1466. It remained Polish for 300 years and more, until the Partition of 1772, to which this country and others, to their eternal shame; consented without any protest. It remained Polish, but in later years the Germans did their best to Germanise it. There was no question, as has been suggested, of the Polonisation of the Corridor, any more than there can be of the Anglicising of Ireland. The Germans did their best to Germanise it under Bismarck and Bülow, but the Corridor remained Polish. Are we, in this country, prepared to say now to Poland, over-run and bestially ill-treated, and fighting for us, "That is all right; you fight far us now, and we will restore Poland, but we will deprive you of your Corridor, your Main artery, your chance of living, and Danzig your only sea outlet?" We all know the feats of their gallant airmen and seamen and how their armies are waiting to help us. Are we going to say that to them? Can we possibly enunciate that in our peace terms without causing complete consternation and despair among the Poles?

I now turn to Czecho-Slovakia. It has been suggested that we should restore the independence of Czecho-Slovakia, but deprive them of Sudetenland, their main defensive area. Is it fair to tell the Czechs to go on fighting for us but that they will not have their defensive frontiers back? Then take the case of Rumania, and the questions of. Bessarabia and Transylvania. Hon. Members know full well that the majorities in Bessarabia and Transylvania are Rumanian, Bessarabia has been overrun and annexed by Russia, and Transylvania to a large extent has been handed over to Hungary by Hitler, but the fact remains that the majorities in both territories are Rumanian. We are talking of permanent peace. How are we to deal with these questions?

When I come to Germany, the hon. Members who moved this Amendment, seem to be under a complete misapprehension as to the mentality, the upbringing, the outlook on life, of the German people. Hitler and Mussolini are different. Mussolini is an unnatural excrescence. I still believe that the Italian people are a gentle and friendly people. They do not mean any harm to anyone in their heart of hearts, and least of all to us, but when it comes to Germany it is a wholly different story. The Germans have been brought up, for two centuries and more, imbued with a contempt for peace. They look upon peace as a tiresome, but a necessary, interlude between wars. Liberty is to them not only a thing not to be desired, but practically immoral. The German hates freedom. He loves to do as he is told, that is to say, to serve the State. It does not seem to have occurred to him that perhaps the State might be there to render some service to him. That is not his idea at all. He is there to obey, and he loves to obey. Do not let us for a moment think that our ideas of freedom and our Parliamentary system have been, or are going to be, a success among a wholly different race. We must be very careful. I am very much surprised and considerably pained at the suggestion that any pledge given to us by Hitler, who has long since passed the stage even of terminological inexactitudes, can be of the smallest value. He is a perjured scoundrel of the worst description, and has shown himself so. We cannot conceivably pay the smallest attention to any pledge that he may give.

We have a great cause, a cause which the whole civilised world fully understands and appreciates. I would very strongly deprecate any differentiation being made between the working class and any other class. We are all in it. We all know each other's sufferings and each other's fundamental convictions. We are convinced of the justice of our cause. We are fighting in the first instance, obviously, for our own survival, but we are fighting for the re-establishment of the freedom of peoples to live their own lives. We are fighting for the release of countries which have been overrun. We propose to fight to the end. We have a great leader, and we place our confidence in him, but do not let us try to tie his hands or commit him to a considered opinion on questions which only the wisdom, the determination, the courage of the statesmen of the world can finally settle. Let us take to heart the inspiring words of King Hezekiah when Judah was invaded by Sennacherib:

The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Mitcham (Sir M. Robertson) has made a speech in addressing the House for the first time which shows that he need not have felt any of the diffidence which he attributed to himself when he began to address us. He has shown a confidence, a knowledge of his subject and a tact in expressing his point of view which, I am sure, will commend him to the House in future when we have opportunities of hearing him again.

It is a matter of considerable regret to a number of us who had combined to put an Amendment on the Paper that it was not found possible to call it, for it would have enabled the House to determine whether or not it desired to express the specific view that the time has now come when the Government should declare in general terms their peace aims in this war. It is some consolation to us, however, to remember that all the speeches that have been made in the Debate—with the exception of the one to which we have just listened, which the custom of the House prevents me from replying to—have committed the speakers to the view that the Government ought to express their peace aims. It is true that some of them have used the words, which must in any case be implied, "at the appropriate time," but to many of us that time is incontrovertibly this moment. We cannot vote for the Amendment which was moved by the hon. Member for Shettleston (Mr. McGovern) for the reasons that have been given in the devastating speech of the hon. Member for Llanelly (Mr. J. Griffiths). I do not know what the Amendment means when it calls for a conference restored to the Germany from which Hitler stole that freedom. It seems to me that if the hon. Members had desired to divide the House, as they would have been entitled to do, on the question whether the war should come to an end on the basis that any kind of peace is better than any kind of war, they might have made a case for it, and that would have been the honest thing to do. On the other hand, it is difficult for those of us who put the other Amendment down to support the Government against an Amendment which does raise the issue of stating the peace aims.

The Government so far do not seem to have appreciated the importance of stating their peace aims now. Speaking for myself, I am satisfied that without a military victory none of the things that I want to see preserved in the world will be preserved. Do not, however, let us, for the love of all the things that we hold dear, suppose that the achievement of a military victory necessarily of itself brings all those other things in its train. When in the history of the world was a more complete and devastating military victory achieved than that which was achieved at the end of the last war—the war that was to make the world safe for democracy, the war that was to end war? That war was won, but where is democracy in Europe to-day? [An HON. MEMBER: "Here!"] Yes, here alone, but it was the world that was to have been made safe for democracy. In that war the military victory was achieved, but the results were disappointing, and for 20 years the victory was followed by a process of disillusionment and bitterness. Twenty years afterwards the war that was won to achieve all these things has had to be fought again.

What went wrong? It is not difficult to see. Is there any lesson from the last war clearer than the lesson that the statement of peace aims last time was left too late—left until the war was won, until we had a "khaki" party election, until we had 400 hard-faced men, who looked as if they had done well out of the war, sending telegrams to the right hon. Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) in Paris and compelling him to do the things which he knew to be wrong. For 20 years we in this party have said that in that settlement were the inevitable seeds of future conflict. Over all the years until Hitler came to power we urged that the errors of that Treaty might be put right, but without success, without avail. Do not let us make that mistake again. I am well aware that there are moments when it is too early to state our peace aims. If we are going to be defeated or if we look as if we shall be defeated, it does not matter what our peace aims are. The last war, however, demonstrates that if we wait until the war is already won we wait too long.

Surely the time when peace aims should be stated is the time when we have proved that we can hold our own, that we are not defeated and that we are not likely to be defeated. The peace aims will have to be stated at some time; the question is, When? A month ago, I asked the Prime Minister whether he would state them, and he said, "Not yet." Pressed in Supplementary Questions to say when, he said, "The time will come when we have convinced the world, as we have already convinced ourselves, of our capacity to survive; that will be the time for stating our peace aims." Within a week or two of making that statement the right hon. Gentleman made a speech in the City of London, the main burden of which was that we had, in fact, satisfied the world of our capacity to survive. The moment for stating our peace aims has been defined by the Prime Minister and that moment has, in his opinion, now arrived. What, then, prevents the Government from defining our peace aims?

I understand that the Lord Privy Seal is to reply for the Government. For my part I regret that, not because I do not listen to his speeches with the same pleasure, a very high pleasure, as those of other Members, but because he is the leader of the party to which I belong, and because I know what is the policy of this party. Months ago the right hon. Gentleman defined what he thought the peace aims should be, in a speech which has since been published. He defined them in a way which, though it is impossible for everyone to agree with every detail, leaves the differences between what he defined and what most of us would desire, certainly not sufficient to justify the continuance of world war for another 10 seconds. In view of the trend of this Debate it is the greatest pity that the Prime Minister has not been present to listen to it and to reply. I hope the right hon. Gentleman who is to reply will be able either to give us that definition of peace aims which the Prime Minister promised, or give us some good reason why peace aims should not be stated now, or at least tell us that in the near future we may expect that definition of peace aims.

I understood from another supplementary answer of the Prime Minister's on the occasion to which I have referred that one of the difficulties is that not everybody is agreed as to how the German people should be treated. If there is controversy about that let it be fought out now and settled now, because nothing is more vital to the permanent peace we hope to achieve than the right settlement of that question. I should have thought it was common ground that the people of Germany were very much like the people in other European countries, that the existence of a strong and united Germany was a necessity in Europe. I see signs of dissent, but they come exclusively from those hon. Members who supported the late Mr. Neville Chamberlain in endeavouring to make a permanent agreement, even with the present leaders of Germany, on that very ground. They are supporters of a Government who, when Hitler boldly announced that he had broken the Versailles Treaty by creating an air force, sent the right hon. Gentleman who was then Foreign Secretary and is now Lord Chancellor, and the right hon. Gentleman who is now War Secretary but was then Minister for League of Nations Affairs, as a deputation to see Hitler in Berlin. They are supporters of a Government who, behind the backs of our French allies, connived by agreement with Germany in the Anglo-German Naval Treaty, which was the beginning of the division between this country and France. They are supporters, too, or, if not supporters, members of that industrial and commercial class without whose co-operation Germany would never have been able to re-arm at all. When people with that record behind them commit themselves to bitter attacks upon the humble German folk, who are as much the victims, as our own people, of Nazi aggression, it leads many of us to suspect that it is not Germany or the German people that they are concerned with but that they would have been glad enough to have made their bargain with the present leaders of Germany.

The hon. Member has alluded to the humble German people. Does he really consider that the youth of Germany, who have been brought up in total ignorance, who have been corrupted, whose mind has been perverted, can be described as the humble German folk, and does he believe that he can draw a parallel between them and older Germans? I agree with everything said by an hon. Member behind me about Germany, which has been a menace to the peace of the world for hundreds and hundreds of years, and "humble German folk" is a sentence which means absolutely nothing.

I have some difficulty in following what the hon. Lady is trying to say. She was attempting first to show a distinction between the younger and the older Germans, and then went on to say that the Germans, who must include the older Germans, had been a menace for hundreds of years. What, then, is the distinction?

The younger German has been brought up to be a conceited, ignorant, perverted creature, and one of the major problems after the war will be how to deal with the youth of Germany which has had that ghastly upbringing.

I think the hon. Lady in what she has just said gets very near to the truth. If you take a whole people, especially the younger generation, and for six or eight years keep them isolated from the world, not allow them to know what is going on in the world, what other people are thinking or what their friends, neighbours and relations are thinking, bringing them up on information which you carefully select, then it is quite true that you get a special type of mind, and that is one of the problems with which we have to deal, but we shall not deal with it adequately in a spirit of hatred, not by racial persecution or racial oppression. If the German people believe to-day in Hitler and in success they are not the first people in the world who have believed in success. When Hitler told them that the world would yield nothing to justice but everything to force, did we do anything to assist them?

I do not want to take too much time, but I do say that one of the essential things upon which we are entitled to a declaration from the Government is just this question of the attitude to the German people when the German themselves have been delivered from oppression. The hon. Member for Llanelly (Mr. J. Griffiths) made a speech with the greater part of which I fully agree, but he did seem to be under the illusion that this fight for the new Europe is something that will follow the war. That is not the case at all. The fight for the new Europe is going on now That is what the war is about. The question whether the new Europe is to be a slave Europe, under Nazi and Fascist domination, or a free co-operative Europe such as he and I would desire, cannot be postponed until after victory. It is part of the thing we are fighting for. Is our record in the last 20 years such that we are entitled to expect that without any word from the British Government all these oppressed peoples in Europe will take in for granted that when the war is ended and British victory is won everything will be done that he and they and I desire? Unfortunately ours is not such a record. If the party to which he and I belong had been in power for the last 20 years, things might have been different. In that case there would have been no war at all. It is because of all the mistakes of the last 10 years that it is so vitally important now, as part of our fight for victory, as part of our effort to win allies, to state the aims which we are fighting for in such terms as will win us those allies, in such terms as will create confidence everywhere in Europe, and outside Europe, of the capacity of this country to lead a fight for a better Europe, such as the right hon. Gentleman and those others who are members of his party have always advocated and now wish to see.

I have already said that I very much regret that the Prime Minister is not here to reply. During the last few months he has won a place which, I suppose, is unique in the annals of this House and in the political history of this country. In an exceptional way he has made himself, as it were, a voice for millions, in whom they rejoice. Will he be content, in the position which he has won for himself, with the Dead Sea fruit of a barren military victory, or is he prepared to put himself at the head of a fight for a better world and to define on what basis that better world is to be built up? Like one of his predecessors in this House, he has, in recent months

I desire to make a few comments, not on the general situation, but on the extraordinary and anomalous position of the Mover and supporters of the Amendment. Here we are, engaged in a life or death struggle for our liberties—for our political liberties, our trade union liberties, our co-operative liberties, and for the liberty to think and to speak as we think fit and to keep out of the concentration camp. Yet the very people who hold themselves aloof from that struggle and will not raise a finger to help in it are the very people who now presume to come along and say upon what terms the struggle should end. It is clear from the speeches we have heard that not only are they presuming to lay down those terms but, even if the terms were thoroughly satisfactory they would, even then, still remain aloof. There is no undertaking from them that they will come in and support this national struggle, whatever the terms may be.

I want to make a point which, I think, will be understood especially by my colleagues on this side of the House. There is an extraordinary and not at all flattering analogy between the position of our pacifist friends in regard to the war and that of the blackleg during an industrial dispute. What is the position of the blackleg in an industrial dispute? He will not take part in the dispute, and he does not believe in strikes, but he is willing to allow the rest of the people to make sacrifices and undergo tribulations in order to try and win something for the mass of the workers. When the victory is achieved, if it is, Mr. Blackleg then comes along and wants to share in what has been achieved. He does, as a matter of fact, share, because what has been achieved is an inherent part of industry. In the same way, our pacifist friends, because they are citizens of this country, will share in whatever gains we may make in the cause of liberty, although they deliberately refuse to take part in the struggle.

I believe there are some pacifists in this country who carry their pacifism to the extent that they are almost or quite indifferent to the cause of liberty. I will put it this way: If they had to choose between war and the surrender of their liberties, they would rather choose peace and let their liberties go. There are absolute pacifists of that kind. I do not approve of the attitude of complete surrender, but I can understand it, and, to some extent, I can respect it, because there is a certain core of consistency about an attitude of that kind. But when we come to consider people like my hon. Friends who support this Amendment, we have an entirely different position, because they are not merely pacifists; they are also ardent believers in democratic liberties. They want to see all our liberties preserved, they want to enjoy those liberties themselves, they want to see this very House existing with the freedom which it enjoys at the present time, and yet, in spite of wanting these things, they are not prepared to raise a single finger to help in the struggle which we are now maintaining to try and preserve these liberties. There can be no mistake about this. The hon. Member for Camlachie (Mr. Stephen) himself admitted it. They have seen Hitler crush liberties in the countries of Europe. The hon. Member for Camlachie said that he knew if we suffered military defeat, that fate would come upon us. They know that Hitler has the will and the desire to crush our liberties in this country, to destroy our political parties and our cooperative movement, and, if need be, to put many of us in concentration camps.

They know all this, but, in spite of that, they are not prepared to play their part. They see the great mass of their fellow-countrymen making sacrifices—sacrifices of life and limb—and undergoing agonies, yet they are not prepared to lend a hand themselves. They know, as I have said, that if the result of all these sacrifices and the long agony which our people are enduring is that we stop Hitler and preserve our democratic institutions, we shall stand forth as free men, and they know that if we do that, they will come in and share the fruits of our victory. I therefore say, and I think I am justified in saying, that they are in the same position as the blacklegs. Why is it that the trade union movement feel so bitterly about the blacklegs? Why do they feel that blacklegs are parasites on the great trade union body? It is because they are taking advantage of sacrifices which they themselves are not prepared to make. I say that in the same way pacifists of this kind are, in effect, parasitic growths on the body of democratic liberty.

There is one respect in which my analogy between the blackleg and the pacifist does not hold water, and I must make this distinction in fairness to the blackleg. Although the blackleg is always ready to share in benefits won for him by others, so far as I know he has not pushed his audacity to the extent of presuming to lay down the terms of settlement of a dispute in which he himself refuses to take part. The blackleg on the whole is a very cheeky, conceited sort of person, but even he does not push his audacity quite to that length. It has been left to our friends the pacifists, who are refusing to help us in the slightest degree in this struggle, to show greater effrontery than the blacklegs in seeking to determine the terms of a struggle in which they are not prepared to play any part. They have received the doubtful honour of beating the blackleg in selfish inconsistency. I hope they are proud of that fact.

I rise at this late hour to oppose this Amendment to the Address. I fail to see in it anything which, if it were adopted by this House, would lead us one step nearer to peace or to a solution of the problems of Europe to-day. I listened to the hon. Member for Shettleston (Mr. McGovern) delivering a speech in which he was extremely careful to have as few nasty sarcastic allusions as possible to personalities in this House and which was so full of general irrelevancies that one finds it extremely difficult to answer it at all. He asks us in this Amendment to meet the German Nazi Government in conference for the purpose of settling the present conflict, but he did not lay it down, either in his proposal or in his speech, that a preliminary to such a conference ought to be the evacuation by the bandits of all the countries they have invaded. He asks us, or the Government, to state war aims. Well, there is one of the biggest war aims with which he can deal, if he will just sit down and examine it. Let the Germans evacuate Norway, Denmark, Holland, Belgium, France and Czecho-Slovakia. [HON. MEMBERS: "And Poland."] And Poland. There are so many that one forgets. And that just shows how difficult it would be to lay down war aims, because of the enormous number of crimes committed by this vermin gang. As chairman of the National Executive of the Labour party in Britain, I want to state that if this proposal were put before a national conference of the Labour party, it would be overwhelmingly defeated.

I do not set myself up as a judge of the hon. Member. I am no more a pacifist than he is.

The great trouble about this pacifist movement is the number of pugnacious members it includes.

I am no Fascist nor am I a pacifist, but we three men will stand up in defiance of all the power the Labour party ever had.

I want to deal for a few moments—if that is possible with these people who are so serious on this question—with the implications of this particular Amendment. Here we have a Government which has overrun Europe and which, before it started to overrun Europe and destroy the liberties of the people in the subjugated countries, deliberately destroyed every vestige of human liberty inside its own country. It destroyed the trade union movement, it destroyed the co-operative movement, it destroyed the Socialist movement, and it destroyed any pacifist movement that ever existed in that country.

It also destroyed the Communist movement, which later on, through its hierarchy in Moscow, joined with it in a pact in order to destroy Poland. We are asked to go into conference with those people, who have broken every promise they have made, who have broken every pledge they have made, who have broken every treaty they have made. The head of that Government has told all these pacifists and all these so-called lovers of democracy and freedom that he looks upon the common people of any country as being mere cabbages, who have not the power to reason, who are only there to be told what they are to do. Democracy means the right of people to stand up in this House, the right to take part in the decisions of the majority, the right to try to convince the majority; but when the vote is taken these people want the right to do as they like, irrespective of how the vote goes. [ Interruption. ] They did it in the Labour party. Why is the I.L.P. outside the Labour party? Because they said, "We shall come to your meetings, argue with you, and move resolutions; and if we lose and you win, we shall go on doing just as we like." That is democracy, they say—the right to do as they wish, and to make the other fellows do as they wish. You will find that idea running right through the speech of the hon. Member for Shettleston.

I come to the others, who are more dangerous and more subtle: the men who, like the hon. Member for Nelson and Colen (Mr. Silverman), tell us that we can do nothing without a military victory. Right. Then help us to get it.

I am suggesting that all the hon. Member has done in this House and inside my own party has been to put obstacles in the way of pursuing the objective to which we have set ourselves.

The hon. Member, if he makes personal references, should be sure of the facts. I have done nothing to impede, I have done everything in my power to assist, the policy of the party to which I belong, with which I agree entirely; and in making the declaration which he quotes, I understand that I am merely committing myself to the declared policy of the party to which he and I belong.

If our party has made a statement as to its peace aims, and if our party decides to join a Coalition Government and selects its leaders to go into that Coalition Government, surely the members of the party ought to have sufficient confidence in those leaders to think that they will see that in that Government those peace aims are carried out. That is all I ask the hon. Member to do. He does not do it. He is constantly criticising. He has expressed the opinion that it is unfortunate that the Lord Privy Seal is to reply to the Debate. I think that that is the most fortunate thing that could happen. The Lord Privy Seal is the only man in the Government who could reply on our behalf. He knows what the peace aims ought to be.

When I hear men in this House asking what are the peace aims, I begin to think that they are talking with their tongues in their cheeks. If there is anything that has been gleaned over the wireless, in the Press and in this House, it is the aims of this country as far as this war is concerned. We stand for the freedom of small nations and for the reconstitution of those Governments that have been subjugated by Nazi Germany. Is that enough? No, it is not enough. We stand for democracy in Europe, even if it means destroying the German Government to get it, because unless you can convert democracy in Germany, you will not get a peaceful settlement when the war is over. Tyranny begets tyranny. I remember that the I.L.P. criticised the late Prime Minister for knuckling down to the Fascist Powers, and I can remember the same I.L.P. crowd congratulating the Prime Minister upon having sold part of Czecho-Slovakia in order to get Peace. That was not sufficient, and we got this war. Why? Because nothing can appease the people who are in power in Berlin but the complete subjection of the whole world the their particular philosophy and Power.

I feel that I have not had sufficient time to develop the arguments against this Amendment, but the Lord Privy Seal is to speak and I want to give way to him. I want to make an appeal to the House. Irrespective of all that Britain may have done in the past and of the fact that we might have fought 100 years ago in the wrong cause, we are fighting to-day in the right cause. Let us unite in that right cause, and if we are distrustful of what may happen after victory, let us, first of all, make sure that we shall get that victory by presenting a solid and united front inside this country, to fight against the brutal domination of Nazi Germany.

I rise to thank you, Mr. Speaker, for calling this Amendment, and to thank the House for the way in which they have dealt with the Amendment. I admit at once that the whole handling of the subject—except in regard to one or two rather awkward words with which I think I could deal privately—reflects the greatest credit upon the House of Commons and the British temper. The hon. Member for Llanelly (Mr. J. Griffiths) imputed to us the motive that we had put down this Amendment to annoy the Labour party. I would be the last to deny that on occasions some of us get a certain amount of entertainment out of twisting their tails, but I can assure him that it is without anger, and I hope he will not grudge us that bit of pleasure in our somewhat sordid lives. I can also assure the hon. Member for Llanelly that we had bigger and more important reasons in our minds for putting this Amendment on the Order Paper to-day. Also, we did not come here for the glory of being sectarians in the position we occupy in this House. There is no glory in being sectarians. The hon. Member's constituency is one which I have visited on many occasions with very great pleasure, and I remember that when I was once being taken round the town by a mutual friend of his and mine I said, "You seem to have a fair number of churches here." He replied, "Yes, we have 37 or more, all different sects, all getting on perfectly well and all standing for something which they believe to be worth while." So I hope that there will not be any gibe at sects on this occasion.

We are not here moving the Amendment for the sake of being sectarian, nor are we here trying blackmail. We ask for two specific things which were omitted from the King's Speech. We are not asking the Government to settle the war. We ask His Majesty's Government, first, to set out clearly before the eyes of the people of the world on what terms His Majesty's Government are prepared to negotiate, and, secondly, to have a conference, or see whether a conference can be called, not of this country and of Germany, but of all the great nations of the world. I am thinking of those who at this moment can say something about the settlement of the world to-day and can influence what kind of world there will be in the future—the United States of America, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the South American Republics, China and Japan. Yet the House says, "No, we must not do anything of that description or it would be cringing." That was the phrase that the hon. Member used. A comparison was made between our position and that of Pétain in France, and we have been gibed at because we are not good patriots. Well, I have only professed to be what the hon. Member for Shoreditch (Mr. Thurtle) professes to be—a rationalist.

The hon. Member says that our position is not the same as that of the Pétain Government. Would it not be the same or much worse if all people were to act in the way in which the I.L.P. are acting to-day?

No, I am perfectly certain that if this world had acted in the same spirit, with the same philosophy and with the same attitude towards its fellow-men as I have acted during my life, there would be no war. This is not cringing for peace or suing for peace. Every man and woman knows that if we could bring peace to-morrow, we would have it. [An HON. MEMBER: "Of course."] That is the view of every man, woman and child in this country, and an hon. Member says, "Of course." I say that that is also the view of the overwhelming majority of men and women everywhere. Peace is a desirable thing to have. I say that the duty of statesmanship is to say, "How can we make this effective in the political affairs of the world?" Hon. Members say, "Nothing but slaughter, nothing but killing." [An HON. MEMBER: "Who said that?"] Hon. Members have said to-day, "Do not mention peace terms, do not suggest a conference, we must go on killing," and the hon. Member for Shoreditch said that if we do not kill, we are not doing our duty to the nation.

Hitler deliberately plunged Europe into war. This country has taken up arms to stop Hitler being successful in the war. Will the hon. Member tell us how he would stop in any other way Hitler being successful?

I have said that the majority of people throughout the world want peace. That is my firm conviction, and it has been supported in speeches today by those who have criticised our Amendment. Therefore, it is the duty of statesmanship to get peace. But hon. Members say "No." [HON. MEMBERS: "How?"] If they ask "How?" that is the question we are trying to deal with in our Amendment.

Hon. Members must allow the hon. Member for Bridgeton (Mr. Maxton) to make his speech without constantly interrupting him.

The hon. Member's leader is an old and experienced Member of the House, and I am certain he is quite competent to answer any question that may arise in the hon. Member's mind.

I merely wanted to ask whether the hon. Member will reply to the question I put to him. How would he stop Hitler being successful in this war?

I approved of the hon. Member's conduct on that occasion, and helped him in some of his difficulties. The one way in which Hitler was stopped from coming to this country 12 months after the war had started was by the Air Force—the Air Force that was designed and trained before the hon. and right hon. Gentlemen above the Gangway on this side were taking responsibility for it. All that the hon. Member is offering is more and more slaughter. All that the hon. Member's leaders are offering is more and more slaughter. On with the war, do not mention peace and the possibilities of peace, or you do something wrong. We say, "Start now and see whether the power for peace among the peoples of the world cannot be mobilised." Do not be satisfied in your own minds that Great Britain has only to stand dignified and people will understand that we are fighting for the best and highest ideals. Tell the world now what kind of world you visualise after the war.

The right hon. Member for Mitcham (Sir M. Robertson), whom I congratulate on his very excellent maiden speech, indicated some of the difficulties which would arise if one started to define frontiers. We are not concerned where a single frontier is—not even the one between England and Scotland. We are concerned with the rights and liberties of the individual, no matter in what land he may be. When the right hon. Member says that Poland belongs to the Poles, and the Polish Corridor ought to belong to them, my opinion is that Poland has no right to it because of the way she treated the Jews. I want the Jew and the Socialist to have the right to live freely and to work inside Polish frontiers, whoever the nominal rulers may be. I want to ask the right hon. Gentleman what percentage of slaughtered population he thinks will be appropriate before peace terms can be discussed. The Noble Lady the Member for the Sutton Division of Plymouth (Viscountess Astor) waves her hand. She deals with these problems in an airy fashion.

She speaks of psychology and the younger people. God help the German people if they are to be psychologised by the Noble Lady. At what point is it agreed that it will be possible to make peace?

Does that mean when we have driven Germany out of France, Holland, Norway, Denmark, Czecho-Slovakia and Poland, and not until? I remember in the last war when the late Robert Smillie, the great miners' leader, was asked, "Do you want to get the Germans out of Belgium?" "Yes," he said, "but as an old miner I am appalled at the idea of having to blast them out." At this stage the majority of this House are overwhelmingly of the opinion that there is nothing to do but kill, kill, kill. There is nothing more horrifying to me than the thought of these two armies of fighting men in their bombing planes passing one another each night and not meeting. The fighting men do not meet. They pass one another on their way. Then we have a Southampton, and then we have a Cologne. Hon. Members say we should not try to see whether it is not possible to bring a little reason into the proceedings. [An HON. MEMBER: "When we did try, what was the result?"] The position is somewhat different now. One try in these matters is not enough. War has 5,000 years of history behind it. Mankind has believed in this implement from the earliest times, in spite of the 101 occasions when it has been shown to be futile as producing decent results.

At some time you will have to stop this war. If the hon. Member looks back to history, he will find that the decisive victories of the world in great wars are an insignificant minority. He says, "When we have won." I have no doubt in my mind that if this Empire and the United States make up their minds for it, and get organised for it, they can bring devastation to Germany. I have not any doubt about that at all. But in the doing of it, you will bleed yourselves very, very white, and you will spread, and must necessarily spread, devastation among Frenchmen, Belgians, Dutchmen, Norwegians—the very men and women for whom you are so anxious to do something. We believe that in the long run common sense and reason are more potent forces in human affairs than brute force, and you should try now, and continue trying, in face of rebuffs and defeat, to bring the voice of reason into the direction of the affairs of the nations of the world instead of pinning your faith on what brute force will produce, because brute force will produce nothing but death, ugliness and suffering, and in our political, social and economic lives precisely the things that you set out to destroy.

The hon. Member who has just spoken is a very able and persuasive debater, but there was a fundamental fallacy in the whole of his speech. He suggested that on the one side is this terrible war, and on the other side are all the beauties of peace which you could choose if you like. That is not the choice before us, and he knows it. There is a very good phrase in this Amendment—

"the annihilation of all that is good in modern civilisation"

—and the hon. Member says that comes from war. Did not that come when there was not war? What has happened in Germany but the annihilation of all that is good in modern civilisation? What has happened to the people of Czecho-Slovakia? What that is good in modern civilisation is left to them? What that is good in modern civilisation is left anywhere under Nazi rule? The alternative is not war and peace. It is war and what kind of peace. The thing you have to face is the thing the hon. Member must face, and he has not faced it yet. Do you say that you hold that peace is right at any price, or do you believe in the liberty and social justice of which you talk? Are you prepared to give your life for liberty and social justice?

That is no answer. The hon. Member has put this House to the test of considering an Amendment. He is suggesting that the Government should put forward certain terms of peace. If the hon. Member agrees with those terms of peace, will he support them?

And if it comes to a conference, and if Herr Hitler refuses to listen to what is called the voice of reason and prefers his scheme for Europe, and rejects the hon. Member's ideas of social justice and liberty, what will the hon. Member do then? Will he fight or give way?

The right hon. Gentleman puts a hypothetical question. If he and His Majesty's Government accept my suggestion, I and my hon. Friends will not be found wanting.

I have a great respect for people who hold the absolute pacifist conviction, but I do not agree with them. I have no respect for people who are strongly in favour of peace, who are eloquent on liberty and suffering everywhere, but never take action to end it. They always leave it to other people. The hon. Member goes round, and he sees a damsel in danger from a dragon, but he is always a little doubtful whether she is quite respectable and whether he ought to go in and rescue her. Whenever a contest comes, there is always something wrong about it—It is a capitalist war, an Imperialist war, and not a war for liberty. The hon. Member says that he wants liberty for the Jews and the Poles. What does he do to secure that liberty? He sits by and always takes up an attitude of complete irresponsibility. His irresponsibility is part of his charm. He throws his amiable smoke-clouds of sentiment about, but he has not taken responsibility yet. There is always, in his view, something wrong. He has never taken the line of facing up to the bitter and hard things in the rule of this world.

In the Amendment he has not faced one of the difficulties. He comes to us, and says, "Will you go into a conference?" A conference means that the other side must come in. Why does he not go to Herr Hitler and ask him to come in? Other people have been to Herr Hitler, other people who were better pacifists than anybody in this House. Our old friend George Lansbury, an apostle of peace if ever there were one, went round to plead with Herr Hitler and Signor Mussolini, but he got nothing from them. It is no good being blind to the mentality of the people with whom you are dealing. We are up against a very evil thing. The hon. Member talked about a most horrifying thing in this war—the aeroplanes flying to and fro, passing one another in the air, on the way to bomb helpless peoples in different countries. That is a terrible thing. There is no one in the House who is not impressed by the horrors of this war. We hate to see mangled bodies and ruined homes. But there is something worse than killing the body, and that is killing the soul. The greatest tragedy to-day is that in the heart of Europe there is a great talented race whose young men have been trained to go back to barbarism. It is no good blinking the facts. The hon. Member must not deceive himself about the feelings of the German people. It is no good suggesting that all the German people are the simple, kindly people we used to know. A great many are being corrupted and used as an instrument by this abominable tyranny of Hitler. That is the greatest crime of all. Recognising that it is a crime, we must also recognise it as a fact that Herr Hitler has that grip, and that grip is not going to be loosened by a few phrases from the hon. Member.

The hon. Member has not thought out this Amendment. It starts with a false suggestion. It speaks of setting forth the terms:

To suggest that by just getting round a conference table you could settle these things is not practicable. The hon. Member knows that Herr Hitler was offered a conference before ever he attacked Poland, offered every possible chance, and he rejected it. The hon. Member has not begun to think out who is coming to this conference. Is Herr Hitler to represent Poland, Czech-Slovakia and all the rest? We have a different tone from the hon. Member now. From below the Gangway he always used to argue that we must not have anything to do with Governments, but have a new great workers' international to settle the whole of the world's affairs through the peoples. But now we have to meet Governments. I do not know which Governments they are. He speaks of the "contending Governments." I do not know whom he considers to be the contending Governments. Are they to come as free people? The hon. Member has not explained whether, when all these Governments come together, they are to meet on the basis that he has set down of a restoration of freedom in each country. He might have told us that. Are the Norwegians, the Danes and the Belgians all to be present as free men? Will they be able to get their mandates from their people—these men who are now in refuge in this country? Are we to have a representative of free Germans, or are they all to be represented by Herr Hitler? The thing has not been thought out for a moment.

Then there is the line in the Amendment about using resources making the instruments of death and destruction for producing a new social order. Is that the basis on which they meet? Must they accept the terms of the hon. Member, or is it merely that these are terms which the hon. Member thinks reasonable and that, because he thinks them reasonable, he believes that all other people will accept them? The prime difficulty is that we are up against people who do not accept the beginning and foundations of the hon. Member's belief. They do not accept any of the decencies of civilisation. They have destroyed every vestige of freedom in Europe. Every Member in this House has frankly to face just what this contest is. At one time it was said in this House that there was not a conflict of ideologies, but there is such a conflict. There is a definite conflict between two different conceptions of how our affairs should be carried on. The hon. Member for Shettleston (Mr. McGovern) alluded to the fact that it might be said to be a proof of our free institutions that he could speak as he did in this House. He did it rather grudgingly. Well, this is one of the only places in Europe where he could do it Many a man whom we know, coming from countries that have been subjugated by the dictators, envies us this freedom. We are proud of this freedom. We are proud of the toleration in this country that allows speeches like this to be made in time of war. That toleration is extended to the hon. Member for West Fife (Mr. Gallacher) and to any other Member in this House.

On a point of Order. I want to ask whether I do not sit here with every right of any other Member as a representative of a constituency—[HON. MEMBERS: "He said so"]—and whether it is in Order for a Front Bench Member to suggest that I am tolerated here.

There is no question of the hon. Member's status. Our institutions in this country are not based just on status and things of that kind. They are based on the practice of democracy. The hon. Member might, in some other assembly, have all the position that he has here to-day, but he would not be treated in the way in which he is here, where he is allowed to say things which often outrage the opinions of everybody else. It is just as well that we should recognise that fact, because the virtue of toleration is not very generally observed. Its non-observance is one of the great difficulties in settling European problems. It is very difficult to settle international questions when you cannot get even a small amount of tolerance. I say, then, that this Debate is one which no other country in the war would probably tolerate at all. It will no doubt be used by our enemies, but I believe that the fact that it can take place at all will show our strength. I also say that this is not the occasion when, to an irresponsible Amendment of this kind, the Government should be expected to give a detailed exposition of their war aims. Hon. Members who support the Government have a right to ask for it, but those who accept no responsibility have no right to ask for it.

We have the same rights of criticism as the right hon. Member for Epping (Mr. Churchill) and you had when you were in Opposition.

The Gracious Speech from the Throne says:

"My peoples and My Allies are united in their resolve to continue the fight against the aggressor nations until freedom is made secure. Then only can the nations, released from oppression and violence, again work together on a basis of ordered liberty and social justice."

There is no ordered liberty and no social justice on the Continent of Europe to-day. The hon. Members in their Amendment take no cognisance of that fact. The hon. Member for Nelson and Come (Mr. Silverman) was very insistent that a statement should be made now. I cannot quite remember what he said, but he took up the line that it ought to be made now.

I am sure the right hon. Gentleman does not want deliberately to misunderstand me. I also said in the same sentence that, if not to-day, he might give some indication when in the early future we might expect such a statement.

It has been announced that a further statement on aims will be made at a suitable time. I am not in a position at the moment to state the date when that will be done, but it should not be thought, because there has not been set out a categorical statement of 14 or 19, or whatever points there are, that there is not a general understanding of what our aims are. Our aim is to try and establish a world of peace and of free peoples. That does not mean the kind of peace in which everybody is subdued to the will of one man or one nation. It means a peace of free peoples, such as we civilised people understand it, and what we are asking for ourselves we are asking for all other nations. We are asking for an ordered peace. We realise that we cannot get peace by just washing our hands and letting the others go to the devil, because one has to take responsibility if one wants ordered peace. You have to replace the anarchy of the world by ordered peace. We say you must base that ordered peace on social justice, and recognise how much the world degenerated after the last war just because there were false foundations. We want to build this world into a world of liberty, of giving the individual in every nation the opportunity of realising to the full his or her personality. It is exactly there that we come up against the Fascist ideal, that the individual is nothing and that the State is everything. We believe that you can broaden and extend the principles which we adopt here. We have steadily extended that principle of free co-operation to the British Commonwealth and throughout the British Empire. We believe that we should expand further our political, personal and economic liberties. We cannot lay down the law to the rest of the world, and we

do not want to. We can only say: "Here is our way of life, and the best way we can advocate those principles is by striving more and more to live our principles of freedom and social justice here, and set an example to the rest of the world."

Question put, "That those words be there added."

The House divided: Ayes, 4; Noes, 341.

Division No. 2.]

AYES

Gallagher, W.

Maxton, J.

TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—

Kirkwood, D.

Salter, Dr. A. (Bermondsey)

Mr. McGovern and Mr. Stephen

NOES

Acland-Troyte, Lt.-Col. G. J.

Christie, J. A.

Gibbins, J.

Adams, D. (Consett)

Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston S.

Gibson, R. (Greenock)

Adamson, W. M.

Churchill, R. F. E. S. (Preston)

Gledhill, G.

Albery, Sir Irving

Cluse, W. S.

Gluckstein, Capt. L. H.

Alexander, Rt. Hon. A. V. (H'lsbr.)

Cobb, Captain E. C. (Preston)

Giyn, Major Sir R. G. C.

Allen, Lt.-Col. Sir W. J. (Armagh)

Cocks, F. S.

Gower, Sir R. V.

Amery, Rt. Hon. L. C. M. S.

Colfox, Major Sir W. P.

Graham, Captain A. C. (Wirral)

Ammon, C. G.

Collindridge, F.

Granville, E. L.

Anderson, Rt. Hn. Sir J. (Sc'h Univ's)

Colman, N. C. D.

Green, W. H. (Deptford)

Assheton, R.

Conant, Captain R. J. E.

Greene, W. P. C. (Worcester)

Astor, Major Hon. J. J. (Dover)

Cooke, J. D. (Hammersmith, S.)

Greenwood, Rt. Hon. A.

Astor, Viscountess (Plymouth, Sutton)

Cooper, Rt. Hn. A. Duff (W'st'rS.G'gs)

Griffiths, J. (Llanelly)

Attlee, Rt. Hon. C. R.

Courthope, Col Rt. Hon. Sir G. L.

Grigg, Sir E. W. M.

Balfour, G. (Hampstead)

Cranborne, Viscount

Grimston, R. V.

Balfour, Capt. H. H. (Isle of Thanet)

Craven-Ellis, W.

Gritten, W. G. Howard

Bartlett, C. V. O.

Crooke, Sir J. Smedley

Gunston, Capt. Sir D. W.

Baxter, A. Beverley

Crookshank, Capt. Rt. Hon. H. F. C.

Hacking, Rt. Hon. Sir D. H.

Beamish, Read-Admiral T. P. H.

Cross, Rt. Hon, R. H.

Hall, G. H. (Aberdare)

Beauchamp, Sir B. C.

Crowder, J. F. E.

Hall, J. H. (Whitechapel)

Beaumont, Hon. R. E. B. (Portsm'h)

Dagger, G.

Hall, W. G. (Colne Valley)

Beechman, N. A.

Dalton, Rt. Hon. H.

Hammersley, S. S.

Bellenger, Capt. F. J.

Davidson, Viscountess

Hannah, I. C.

Benson, G.

Davies, Clement (Montgomery)

Hannon, Sir P. J. H.

Bevan, A.

Davies, S. O. (Merthyr)

Harland, H. P.

Bevin, Rt. Hon. E.

Davison, Sir W. H.

Harris, Rt. Hon. Sir P. A.

Bird, Sir R. B.

De la Bère, R.

Haslam, Henry

Blair, Sir R.

Denman, Hon. R. D.

Headlam, Lieut.-Col. Sir C. M.

Boles, Lt.-Col. D. C.

Denville, Alfred

Hely-Hutchinson, M. R.

Bossom, A. C.

Dobbie, W.

Henderson, J. (Ardwick)

Boulton, W. W.

Doland, G. F.

Henderson, J. J. Craik (Leeds, N.E.)

Bower, Comdr. R. T.

Dorman-Smith, Col. Rt. Hon. Sir R. H.

Heneage, Lieut.-Colonel A. P.

Boyce, H. Leslie

Douglas, F. C. R.

Hill, Dr. A. V. (Cambridge U.)

Bracken, Rt. Hon. B.

Drewe, C.

Hills, A. (Pontefract)

Braithwaite, Major A. N. (Buckrose)

Duckworth, W. R. (Moss Side)

Hogg, Hon. Q. McG.

Broad, F. A.

Duncan, Rt. Hon. Sir A. R,

Holdsworth, H.

Broadbridge, Sir G. T.

Dunn, E. (Rather Valley)

Hollins, A. (Hanley)

Brocklebank, Sir Edmund

Ede, J. C.

Hopkin, D.

Brooke, H. (Lewisham, W.)

Eden, Ht. Hon. A.

Hopkinson, A.

Brown, C. (Mansfield)

Edmondson, Major Sir J.

Horabin, T. L.

Brown, Rt. Hon. E. (Leith)

Edwards, A. (Middlesbrough, E.)

Hore-Belisha, Rt. Hon. L.

Brown, Brig.-Gen. H. C. (Newbury)

Edwards, N. (Caerphilly)

Horsbrugh, Florence

Browne, A. C. (Belfast, W.)

Elliot, Rt. Hon. W. E.

Hudson, Capt. A. U. M. (Hack., N.)

Burgin, Rt. Hon. E. L.

Ellis, Sir G.

Hudson, Rt. Hon. R. S. (Southport)

Butcher, H. W.

Elliston, Capt. G. S.

Hulbert, Squadron-Leader N. J.

Cadogan, Major Hon. Sir E.

Emery, J. F.

Hume, Sir G. H.

Caine, G. R, Hall-

Emmott, C. E. G. C.

Isaacs, G. A.

Campbell, Sir E. T.

Emrys-Evans, P. V.

Jarvis, Sir J. J.

Carver, Colonel W. H.

Entwistle, Sir C. F.

Jenkins, A. (Pontypool)

Cary, R. A.

Evans, Colonel A. (Cardiff, S.)

Jennings, R.

Cesspits, T.

Evans, E. (Univ. of Wales)

Joel, D. J. B.

Cazalet, Thelma (Islington, E.)

Everard, Sir William Lindsay

Jones, A. C. (Shipley)

Cazalet, Major B. A. (Chippenham)

Fildes, Sir H.

Jones, Sir G. W. H. (S'k N'w'gt'n)

Channon, H.

Foot, D. M.

Jowitt, Rt. Hon. Sir W. A.

Chapman, A. (Rutherglen)

Fox, Sir G. W. G.

Keeling, E. H.

Chapman, Sir S. (Edinburgh, S.)

Fraser, Captain Sir Ian

Kerr, H. W. (Oldham)

Charleton, H. C.

Fremantle, Sir F. E.

Key, C. W.

Chafer, D.

George, Major G. Lloyd (Pembroke)

King-Hall, Commander W. S. R.

Knox, Major-General Sir A. W. F.

Lathan, G.

Pickthorne, K. W. M.

Strauss, H. G. (Norwich)

Law, R. K. (Hull, S.W.)

Plugge, Capt. L. F.

Stuart, Rt. Hon. J. (Moray and Nairn)

Lees-Jones, J.

Ponsonby, Col. C. E.

Sueter, Rear-Admiral Sir M. F.

Leigh, Sir J.

Pownall, Lt.-Col. Sir Assheton

Sutcliffe, H.

Lennox-Boyd, A. T. L.

Price, M. P.

Sykes, Sir F. H.

Leslie, J. R.

Procter, Major H. A.

Tasker, Sir R. I.

Lewis, O.

Purbrick, R.

Tate, Mavis C.

Liddell, W. S.

Pym, L. R.

Taylor, Captain C. S.

Lindsay, K. M.

Quibell, D. J. K.

Taylor, R. J. (Morpeth)

Lipson, D. L.

Radford, E. A.

Thomas, J. P. L. (Hereford)

Little, Dr. J. (Down)

Raikes, H. V. A. M.

Thomas, W. S. R. (Southampton)

Llewellin, Colonel J. J.

Ramsden, Sir E.

Thorneycroft, G. E. P.

Lloyd, Major E. G. R. (Renfrew, E.)

Rathbone, Eleanor (English Univ's.)

Thornton-Kemsley, Major C. N.

Loftus, P. C.

Reed, A. C. (Exeter)

Thurtle, E.

Lucas, Major Sir J. M.

Reed, Sir H. S. (Aylesbury)

Tinker, J. J.

Lyle, Sir C. E. Leonard

Reid, Captain A. Cunningham

Titchfield, Marquess of

Lyons, A. M.

Reid, W. Allan (Derby)

Touche, G. C.

Lyttleton, Captain Ht. Hon. O.

Rickards, G. W. (Skipton)

Train, Sir J.

Mabane, W. (Huddersfield)

Ridley, G.

Tree, A. R. L. F.

MacAndrew, Colonel Sir C. G.

Riley, B.

Tufnell, Lieut.-Commander R. L.

M'Connell, Sir J.

Ritson, J.

Wakefield, W. W.

MacDonald, Rt. Hon. M. (Ross)

Robertson, D. (Stretham)

Walkden, A. G.

McEntee, V. La T.

Robertson, Rt. Hn. Sir M. A. (M'cham)

Walker, J.

McEwen, Capt. J. H. F.

Robinson, J. R. (Blackpool)

Walker-Smith, Sir J.

McKie, J. H.

Ross Taylor, W. (Woodbridge)

Ward, Lieut.-Col. Sir A. L. (Hull)

Macmillan, H. (Stockton-on-Tees)

Rothschild, J. A. de

Ward, Irene M. B. (Wallsend)

Magnay, T.

Rowlands, G.

Wardlaw-Milne, Sir J. S.

Mainwaring, W. H.

Royds, Admiral Sir P. M. R.

Warrender, Sir V.

Makins, Brigadier-General Sir Ernest

Russell, Sir Alexander

Watkins, F. C.

Mender, G. le M.

Salmon, Sir I.

Watt, Lt.-Col. G. S. Harvie

Martin, J. H.

Salt, E. W.

Wayland, Sir W. A.

Mayhew, Lt.-Col. J.

Salter, Sir J. Arthur (Oxford U.)

Wedgwood, Rt. Hon. J. C.

Mellor, Sir J. S. P.

Samuel, M. R. A.

Wells, Sir Sydney

Milner, Major J.

Sanderson, Sir F. B.

Westwood, J.

Montague, F.

Schuster, Sir G. E.

White, Sir Dymoke (Fareham)

Moore, Lieut.-Colonel Sir T. C. R.

Scott, R. D.

Whiteley, W. (Blaydon)

Moore-Brabazon, Lt.-Col. J. T. C.

Selley, H. R.

Wickham, Lt.-Col. E. T. R.

Morgan, R. H. (Worcester, Stourbridge)

Sexton, T. M.

Wilkinson, Ellen

Morris, J. P. (Salford, N.)

Shakespeare, G. H.

Williams, C. (Torquay)

Morris, O. T. (Cardiff, E.)

Shaw, Captain W. T. (Forfar)

Williams, E. J. (Ogmore)

Morris-Jones, Sir Henry

Shepperson, Sir E. W.

Williams, H. G. (Croydon, S.)

Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.)

Shinwell, E.

Williams, T. (Don Valley)

Morrison, Rt. Hon. W. S. (Cirencester)

Shute, Colonel Sir J. J.

Willink, H. U.

Mort, D. L.

Silkin, L.

Windsor-Clive, Lieut.-Colonel G.

Munro, P.

Simmonds, O. E.

Winterton, Rt. Hon. Earl

Naylor, T. E.

Smiles, Sir W. D.

Wood, Rt. Hon. Sir Kingsley

Nicholson, G. (Farnham)

Smith, Ben (Rotherhithe)

Woodburn, A.

Nicolson, Hon. H. G.

Smith, Sir R. W. (Aberdeen)

Woolley, W. E.

Nield, B. E.

Smith, T. (Normanton)

Wootton-Davies, J. H.

Noel-Baker, P. J.

Smithers, Sir W.

Wragg, H.

Oliver, G. H.

Snadden, W. McN.

Wright, Wing-Commander J. A. C.

O'Neill, Rt. Hon. Sir Hugh

Somerset, T.

Young, A. S. L. (Partick)

Paling, W.

Somervell, Rt. Hon. Sir Donald

Young, Sir R. (Newton)

Parker, J.

Somerville, Sir A. A. (Windsor)

Peake, O.

Southby, Commander Sir A. R. J.

TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—

Peat, C. U.

Spears, Brigadier-General E. L.

Captain Margesson and Sir

Perkins, W. R. D.

Spens, W. P.

Charles Edwards.

Pethick-Lawrence, Rt. Hon. F. W.

Strauss, G. R. (Lambeth, N.)

Main Question put, and agreed to.

Resolved,

"That an humble Address be presented to His Majesty, as followeth:

Most Gracious Sovereign.

We, Your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Commons of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, in Parliament assembled, beg leave to offer our humble thanks to Your Majesty for the Gracious Speech which Your Majesty has addressed to both Houses of Parliament."

To be presented by Privy Councillors or Members of His Majesty's Household.

Supply

Resolved,

"That this House will, upon the next Sitting Day, resolve itself into a Committee to consider of the Ways and Means for raising Majesty."—[ Captain Margesson. ]

Ways and Means

Resolved,

"That this House will, upon the next Sitting Day, resolve itself into a Committee to consider of the Ways and Means for raising the Supply to be granted to His Majesty.—[ Captain Margesson. ]

Expiring Laws Continuance [Money]

Resolution reported,

"That, for the purposes of any Act of the present Session to continue certain expiring laws, it is expedient to authorise:—

Resolution agreed to.

Sunday Entertainments Act, 1932

Resolved,

"That the Orders made by the Secretary of State under the Sunday Entertainments Act, 1932, for extending Section one of that Act to the under-mentioned areas, namely:— Mr. Peake. ]

The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.

Adjournment

Resolved, "That this House do now adjourn."—[ Captain Margesson. ]