Skip to main content

Commons Chamber

Volume 367: debated on Thursday 19 December 1940

House of Commons

Thursday, December 19, 1940

Western Desert Campaign (Egyptian Parliamentary Congratulations)

I have to inform the House that I have received the following cables from the President of the Egyptian Senate and the President of the Egyptian Chamber of Deputies:

[Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.]

"To the Speaker of the House of Commons, London.

In the name of the Egyptian Senate, and in my own name, I beg your Excellency to accept and convey to the House of Commons our most warm felicitations for the very brilliant victory achieved by the brave Armies of the British Empire against the Italian Army on the Western Front of Egypt.

This victory, in liberating Egyptian territory, adds a magnificent page to the glorious military annals of Great Britain and will contribute greatly to assure the triumph of Democracy.

(Signed) MOHAMED MAHMOUD KHALIL, President."

and

"To the Speaker of the House of Commons, London.

The Egyptian Chamber of Deputies has charged me to send this Message conveying the sincere congratulations to the House of Commons for the brilliant victory gained in the Western Desert. The Egyptian nation has met this victory with the greatest happiness, considering it as a happy step in the way of the establishment of freedom and democracy. It gives me great pleasure to send to the Speaker of the House this congratulation and to assure him of the strong belief of the friendly Egyptian nation in the success of the cause of justice and its hopes for the removal of the unjust aggression which endangered the peace of the whole world and was about to destroy the civilisation.

The President of the Egyptian Chamber of Deputies.

(Signed) AHMAD MAHER."

I have—I hope the House will think that I have done right—sent a suitable reply.

Oral Answers to Questions

National War Effort

Scottish Livestock Salesmen

asked the Minister of Labour whether he has considered the representations of the Scottish Livestock Salesmen's Association submitted to him, to the Minister of Food and to the Secretary of State for Scotland relative to the work done for the Government by these salesmen, the amount of public money involved and the necessity for the work being done by skilled men; and whether he has any statement to make regarding reserving or calling up of these men under the Armed Forces Act?

I have the representations under consideration. I would, however, remind my hon. and learned Friend that arrangements were made last July for the deferment for a limited period of the calling-up of men of the classes concerned who were engaged on essential work and could not immediately be replaced.

Will my right hon. Friend bear in mind that there is a difference between these men in Scotland and their confreres in England in that the Scottish salesmen do not do estate agency work and accordingly have no estate agency staff; and also that their work is highly skilled, that there are only 100 of them, and that they handle stock involving about £20,000,000 to £30,000,000 worth of Government money in a year?

Agricultural Workers

asked the Minister of Labour whether he has considered requests from any of the war agricultural committees to supply labour for work on the land of an essential character through his Department; and what response has been given to this request?

Demands for labour by County War Agricultural Executive Committees are notified to Employment Exchanges and are dealt with through the normal machinery of the exchanges. In addition, officers of my Department serve on the labour sub-committees of the County War Agricultural Executive Committees and maintain continuous contact with those committees. As to the general labour supply position in the industry, I would refer the noble Lord to the reply I gave on 17th December to the Question put by the hon. and gallant Member for Buckrose (Major Braithwaite).

Is my right hon. Friend aware that, in the case of at least one war agricultural committee who have a large programme of hedging and ditching to do, they have asked for hundreds of men from the Department and have received the reply that they could be supplied with only 10? What does he propose to do in order to deal with this most essential question; and is there any connection between him and the Minister of Agriculture on the subject?

Yes, Sir; I have put proposals to my right hon. Friend the Minister of Agriculture to deal with the whole problem of draining, hedging and ditching on rather a different footing from the practice which has been adopted hitherto, and they are now under consideration.

Will my right hon. Friend be in a position to make an announcement on this scheme when the House resumes?

Unemployed

asked the Minister of Labour how many wholly unemployed and part-time unemployed, respectively, signed the register at the Barnsley Employment Exchange for the most recent date and the comparative date in 1939 and 1938?

Can my right hon. Friend state whether there is any appreciable improvement, and are as effective steps as possible being taken to place those who are still out of work?

asked the Minister of Labour to what extent he is using his powers to direct unemployed labour to accept work of national importance in preference to more highly-paid work of a non-essential nature?

There has been in recent months a large transference of labour from less essential to more essential work. This has been effected mainly by voluntary methods, but these have been supported by inspections made by my munitions labour inspectorate and by the compulsory enforcement of the Undertakings (Restriction on Engagement) Order. Moreover, where I am satisfied in individual cases that it is desirable in the national interest to exercise my powers of issuing directions I do not hesitate to do so.

Is it not the fact that war industries require considerable additional manpower and yet a very large number of men are remaining out of them, because, quite properly, they think they can gain more money by so doing; and has my right hon. Friend the power to put this right, and, if not, will be obtain the power?

I would like to have notice of that question and the facts associated with it. I do not accept them.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that in Durham some 11,000 men have willingly been transferred and are showing a spirit in keeping with the national cause that is really commendable; and can he explain to the House why there are all these questions doubting the value and the real spirit of the men in their attitude towards the war effort?

Is it not the fact that while many men take the national viewpoint, others do not?

Is my right hon. Friend aware that certain firms offer considerable bonuses, and that it is a temptation to men to go from factory to factory in order to obtain the highest bonus and wage rates; and will he consider arranging for more uniformity in regard to this matter?

I think the necessary step that I may have to take is to prosecute employers who will not honour undertakings.

asked the Minister of Labour, whether, in view of the unemployment among women in certain areas, he will consider with the appropriate Departments the advisability of giving facilities to the older of these women for engaging in new work directly concerned with the war effort, and so enabling the younger women to be more fully engaged in their normal employment?

I am not sure what my hon. Friend has in mind, as in general I should have expected younger women to come forward first for war work, particularly if it involves transfer to other districts. Opportunities for employment are however brought to the notice of all women registered as unemployed at the Employment Exchanges, and, as I stated in my reply on 12th December to the Question put by my hon. and gallant Friend the member for the Chatham Division of Rochester (Capt. Plugge), there are large numbers of openings for women in the various services, particularly the A.T.S. Opportunities for training are also available to women either with employers or under the Schemes administered by my Department.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that this Question was put on the Order Paper in view of representations made to me by older working women in my district who were acquainted with munition work in the last war? Is he further aware that it was put forward with an altruistic motive, namely, to help the younger women to establish themselves and continue in their own industry?

I think that a great deal of what I call immobility among women is due to domestic circumstances and age, and to the closing down of certain works in districts under other orders. I can assure my hon. and learned Friend that I have asked the local employment committees to examine each case. Where women cannot be moved into suitable national work, I am bringing the circumstances to the notice of my right hon. Friend the Minister of Supply to see whether I can have work put in these districts.

Will the Minister bear in mind the previous experience of these older women?

asked the Minister of Labour whether he is aware that in certain parts of Scotland girls and young women are being offered employment in bombed areas in England under certification that, if such is not accepted, their unemployment benefit or other allowance will be cut off; and whether effective steps will be taken to find employment for these girls and young women in Scotland?

My hon. and learned Friend has written to me on a particular case. I am having inquiries made and will communicate the result to him in due course. He will be aware that claims for benefit are decided, not by me, but by the independent statutory authorities. With regard to the second part of the Question, efforts are always made, subject to the relative priority of different classes of employment, to find work for people near their homes if possible. The requirements of the munition factories must, however, be regarded as of first importance.

Is the Minister aware that, although I have sent him only one case, there are many others?

asked the Minister of Labour whether, in view of the large number of registered unemployed and the fact that in some districts no manual labour is obtainable, he will consider drafting these unemployed to centres where labour is required?

This is already the practice. Except in one or two areas the numbers of men available for transfer are small.

Is the Minister aware that where men who are in employment are transferred further afield to other jobs, they find them filled when they return to take up their original places and are often out of employment for some considerable time? Will he take action to stop this?

I am having a re-examination, with the assistance of the T.U.C. and the Confederation of Employers, of the whole working of the Order and the transfer schemes, and I am collecting the facts where hardships have been caused with a view to remedying them in a revised Order.

International Labour Branch

asked the Minister of Labour whether he is now in a position to make a statement on the progress of the work of the International Labour Force?

As the reply is somewhat long, I will circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

Following is the reply:

1. The International Labour Branch of this Ministry was created to be the instrument of a new policy in relation to Allied and other friendly foreigners in this country. This policy is to welcome them into the ranks of labour and the nation at large and to associate them to the fullest possible extent with our war effort in the struggle against the common enemy.

2. The I.L. Branch works in close collaboration, on the one hand, with Allied Governments, foreign trade unions in this country, and refugee organisations, and on the other hand with other Departments of His Majesty's Government, the T.U.C. and the British Employers' Confederation. A fully representative Advisory Committee has been set up to assist the Branch.

3. The Aliens Central Register, which was transferred from the main Central Register to the Branch towards the end of September, includes many highly skilled technicians and specialists. Placings have begun but there are still large numbers of men and women with high qualifications on this Register who are available for employment. They include scientists, industrial and other research workers, industrial chemists, aeronautical, civil, mechanical, mining and other engineers, not to mention a large group classified as linguists because of their outstanding linguistic abilities, but covering men who have held high positions in business of various kinds, banking, and similar activities.

4. In order to supplement the other placing machinery of the Department arrangements are being made to open central Employment Exchanges in the London area for certain nationalities, to be run on co-operative lines with the Allied authorities. The first of these exchanges—for the Poles—will shortly be opened and will be staffed jointly by British and Polish officials. Another office of the same kind is to be set up soon for the Belgians, and some similar arrangements are being considered for certain other nationalities.

5. Arrangements were recently made for admitting suitable foreigners to the Government training schemes and extending to them the same conditions as to allowances, etc., as are applicable to British trainees. It is expected that these arrangements will help considerably to absorb into the war industries numbers of men for whom employment in their own occupation is not available.

6. A special women's section has recently been set up in the Branch.

7. In the case of persons registered with the Employment Exchanges, the live register for the London area, which is the area chiefly affected, shows a decrease in three months (middle August to middle November) of nearly 4,000 men and women (from 10,286 to 6,305), the figure for November alone being a decrease of nearly 2,000, including about 1,000 refugees from Belgium, Holland and Norway. The number of employment permits issued for approximately the same three months for the whole country was about 7,000. It is the policy of the Branch to encourage the placing of foreign working men and women as far as possible by national groups; for example, Belgian, French, Norwegian and Spanish groups are employed in debris clearing and repair work in London; Belgians, Danes and Norwegians in forestry; Norwegians in rope works; Belgians, Czechs, French, Poles and others in engineering and aircraft works; Belgians, Dutch and Poles in diamond polishing and cutting; Belgians and other fishermen for Naval Auxiliary Service, etc.

8. The Branch is closely concerned with a number of steps that have been taken, or are still under consideration, for relaxing in suitable cases the restrictions on the employment of foreigners. Among these may be mentioned those relating to employment in auxiliary War Services, and Civil Defence Services, and the use of the services of medical practitioners and nurses with foreign qualifications.

9. The Branch is also associated with the consideration of arrangements by Allied authorities for administering with regard to their nationals in this country obligations of military service and civilian war service similar to those to which British subjects are liable.

10. In addition to these activities the Branch is interested in all matters affecting the occupational welfare of friendly foreigners, and even in general welfare questions acts as a medium for enabling Allied authorities and other bodies to obtain authoritative information and guidance.

Pioneer Corps

asked the Minister of Labour whether it is open for members of the Auxiliary Military Pioneer Corps to make application for registration on the aliens section of the Central Register?

Foreigners who are members of the Pioneer Corps may make such application.

Munition Factories (Stoppages)

asked the Minister of Labour whether he is aware that unofficial strikes are being promoted in munition factories by shop stewards who are working in the interest of a political party which is seeking to obstruct the national war effort and will he state what action he is taking in the matter?

I regret that there have been stoppages of work which have taken place in breach of the agreed procedure for dealing with disputes and before the constitutional authorities have had an opportunity of discussing the matters in dispute. Having regard to the persons concerned and to published statements, I cannot avoid the conclusion that in certain cases the stoppages have been caused as part of a settled policy. As recognised trade union representatives, it is the duty of shop stewards to act in accordance with agreements to which the organisations are parties, and I feel sure that the cases to which I have referred will receive consideration by the executives of the trade unions concerned. I have so far refrained from taking legal proceedings as I am convinced that it is the desire, as it is within the power, of the trade unions to take such steps as will maintain constitutional procedure and that in such action they will be supported by the general body of their members. It is, however, my considered view that, in order to avoid conditions which cause discontent, there should be established in all industrial establishments standing joint arrangements for regular discussion between managements and properly elected representatives of the workpeople of matters in which they are mutually interested. I would add that the time lost during recent months as a result of disputes has been exceedingly small and that, having regard to the abnormal circumstances, the general position is such as to give renewed confidence in the operation of voluntary joint collective machinery, supplemented as it now is by the provisions of the Conditions of Employment and National Arbitration Order.

While thanking my right hon. Friend for his reply, will he bear in mind that the people bitterly resent these Communist efforts to let down our fighting men; and will he also not forget that these very people who are now seeking to hamper us in our fight against Hitlerism were, before the war, loudest in their demand that Hitlerism should be smashed?

I will bear that in mind, but I also have to have regard to the fact that, if legal repression is applied too readily, without utilising what is the most powerful force in this country or in any other country—the voluntary discipline of the organised bodies—I might create a worse condition than I seek to remedy.

Will the right hon. Gentleman realise that time is of the essence of the whole matter?

I have already pointed out that the time lost by disputes in the last 12 months has been lower than at any period for the last 20 years.

Is it not the fact that during a period of vastly inflated wage rates, it is utterly impossible for the trade unions to keep control of the situation, and that the whole power evolves in the hands of the shop stewards?

I do not accept the view about inflated wage rates. My hon. Friend cannot have read the report of the actual return from 60,000 firms in the December "Gazette." Had he done so, I am sure he would not have used the term "inflated." The increase of wage rates since the war is approximately 10 per cent. as against a much higher cost of living. But I would emphasise the point that the more the men earn by way of bonus, which is based upon increased output, the lower is the cost of production.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that I am perfectly well acquainted with the situation, and that what he has said has given a totally wrong impression?

Calling-Up Dates

asked the Minister of Labour whether he will arrange that men who would normally, on being called up, report for duty with the Armed Forces on 24th and 25th December, shall have their date for reporting postponed until 26th December?

No men will receive calling-up notices requiring them to report on 24th or 25th December.

Is the Minister aware that this decision will give great and proper satisfaction?

Questions

Gibraltar (Evacuees)

asked the President of the Board of Education what arrangements have been made for the education of the children evacuated to this country from Gibraltar?

As the hon. Member will be aware, until very recently it was intended that the evacuees to this country from Gibraltar should be transferred before the winter to a more genial climate. As this step has proved impracticable, my right hon. Friend the Minister of Health has appointed a Departmental Committee to make recommendations for the best arrangements for their welfare for a prolonged stay in this country, including among other matters arrangements for the education of the children.

asked the Minister of Health whether women and children evacuated from Gibraltar to London and not wishing to go overseas can be found more comfortable accommodation in the country than their present largely unfurnished rooms?

I regret that the pressure on the available accommodation in the country does not permit of the evacuees from Gibraltar being accommodated outside London. The question of their accommodation and welfare inside London is now under review.

Civil Defence

Children (Evacuation)

asked the Minister of Health what steps he proposes to take to prevent parents from bringing their evacuated children back from the reception to the danger areas?

I am satisfied that it would be impracticable to enforce compulsory powers to prevent the return of evacuated children. In registering their children for evacuation in school parties parents since last February have, however, signed an undertaking to leave their children in the receiving area until the party with which they are sent out returns. My right hon. Friend the President of the Board of Education and I have recently reminded local education authorities, the governing bodies of certain schools and the local authorities concerned with the evacuation and reception of children, of the importance of discouraging any return and of impressing on parents that if the Government's advice is ignored and children are removed from their billets, those billets are likely to be filled, and the children may not be able to return to them if the parents desire subsequently to evacuate the children.

asked the Minister of Health whether he will now make a statement on the compulsory evacuation of schoolchildren from London and other danger areas?

As the answer is rather long, I will, with permission, make a statement at the end of Questions.

Later

I apologise for the length of the reply, but I think the House will expect me to make a full statement on the question of the compulsory evacuation of children from London and other danger areas. Since August, 1939, 456,000 or 84 per cent. of the schoolchildren in the county of London and East and West Ham and 223,000 or 83 per cent. of the children under five have been removed to safer areas. There remain 80,000 schoolchildren and 38,000 children under five in the county of London and 9,500 schoolchildren and 7,500 children under five in East and West Ham. The Government have again considered whether power should be taken to evacuate compulsorily the children still remaining, and I have discussed the matter once more recently with representatives of localities which would be most affected. They represented to me the deep feeling of many of the parents that they will not be parted from their children in these critical times; and advised me that the attitude of these parents is such as to make undesirable and even impractical any attempt to enforce evacuation. They did not think that any difference would be made by adopting the proposal to permit contracting out, which would either not solve this difficulty, or else largely nullify a scheme of compulsion.

This conforms with the view which I expressed on behalf of the Government in the Debate on 13th June last. It is a view which the Government still hold, and we have therefore decided not to adopt, in the present phase of the war, any general policy of compulsory evacuation. If a substantial number of children remain in London, two dangers have to be faced. The first is that if children were freed from school they would lose their education and become undisciplined. This we are seeking to meet, as hon. Members know, by enforcing attendance at school. The second danger is that, apart from the risks of bombing, children might suffer in health from the conditions of life in wartime London. I am glad to say that reports obtained by the Chief Medical Officer of the London County Council show that, while there are occasional cases of children whose health is affected, London children generally are healthy and their morale is excellent. Nevertheless, it is clearly undesirable that children should remain in London and other danger areas exposed to air attack and the risk of epidemics. While, therefore, we do not propose to make evacuation compulsory, we shall continue to advise and urge parents to send their children away.

But to the policy of voluntary evacuation there is to be one exception. There are occasional cases of children who are suffering from war conditions. I believe all hon. Members will agree that any child found to be suffering in body or mind from conditions in the danger areas should not remain in them. I am therefore taking power by a Defence Regulation to require any child to be medically examined who is thought to be suffering, or to be in such a state of health as to be likely to suffer, in body or mind as a result of war conditions in an area defined by an Order to be made under the Regulation. If the examination shows that the child is suffering or likely to suffer in this way, there will be power to require the child to be sent away from the area, under the Government evacuation scheme. There will be a right of appeal against the requirement to a court of summary jurisdiction. Lf no appeal is made or if an appeal is made and rejected and the child is not sent away, the parent will be liable to prosecution under the Defence Regulations. Such children will be cared for in hostels in the country wherever necessary. The Regulation will not apply to Scotland, where the conditions are different, and I contemplate that for the present the powers which it will confer will be applied only to the London evacuation area.

For children who remain in London and other areas exposed to attack the chief danger to health comes from living in shelters—particularly large public shelters—and I have been considering what can be done to minimise this danger. I propose therefore to take power by another Defence Regulation to enable us to arrange for the medical examination of children in shelters with the object of watching their health generally, detecting incipient disease and enabling direct medical advice to be given to parents. We are also taking power to examine any persons in a shelter who are thought to be suffering from an infectious disease or to be verminous and to require their isolation, removal to hospital or cleansing as the case may need. The Regulation will enable rules of this kind to be made for public shelters in any area in England or Scotland. I believe that by these means we can do much to safeguard the health of the public and particularly of children. But the safety of children in war-time is a problem which the Government will keep constantly under review and on which policy may have to be varied as the phases of the war change.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the vast majority of these 80,000 school children in London are still not attending any school at all, and, in view of the fact that many of the school buildings—more than half, I think—are being used for other purposes, is there any hope of these children attending school in the near future?

I understand that there are quite enough school buildings left for the schooling of these children. With regard to the question of getting the children to go to schools, my right hon. Friend the President of the Board of Education is being exceedingly energetic in the matter.

While generally approving of the statement, particularly the conditions about education, will the Minister consider making regulations to prevent the return of children without reasonable cause, once they have been evacuated?

I did answer a Question upon that point at Question Time to-day. We have examined the matter carefully, and we have come to the conclusion that it would be impracticable to compel the children to stay in the reception areas. We are, however, taking all the steps we can, short of compulsion.

Will the right hon. Gentleman reconsider the possibility of arranging for the inspection of children in shelters? At the present moment there is no proper provision for inspecting ordinary grownups in shelters. Will he reconsider the proposition that a health commissioner be appointed to supervise the health position in London, on the periphery and not merely in the centre?

Whether there is a health commissioner or not, if we are to have room for people in the shelters at all, it will clearly be impossible in certain cases to make room for the inspection of large numbers in these shelters. In those cases the rules will be so drawn that the inspection of children may be made either at the schools or the maternity and child welfare clinics.

In view of what has happened in the country and other places, and in view of the fact that the Minister is taking some compulsory powers, will he consider extending compulsion to the central areas, the target towns and other places of particular danger?

The regulations will be drawn so that it is possible to name any of the danger areas. At present I am satisfied that it is not necessary to apply this in the case of the London evacuation area, but the matter is kept under constant review, and changes are being made from time to time according to altering circumstances. Certainly there is no rigid attitude against the hon. Member's suggestion.

In his statement the Minister said that there will be compulsory evacuation of children who are likely to suffer from the results of air raids. Could he define that more clearly?

That is a ground upon which I would not presume to tread. It is a question for the medical officers.

Will the Minister be very cautious regarding any unnecessary extension of compulsion, and also will he pay particular attention to those young adolescents of the post-school age who may be affected by the war?

That is another question altogether. With regard to the first part of the question, I fully appreciate the strong and quite understandable feelings of many parents on this matter, and I can assure the hon. Member that we are proceeding with proper caution and have that point fully in mind.

Communal Kitchens

asked the Minister of Health what steps he has taken to assist local authorities to start communal kitchens in the reception areas for evacuees; and how many local authorities have already taken steps in this direction?

Communal meals for evacuated school children have hitherto been dealt with by the Board of Education and meals for mothers and children by my Department. The capital cost of equipment and other approved expenditure has been reimbursed to local authorities by the Exchequer. Complete statistics of the provision by local authorities of communal meals are not available, but a large number of the local authorities in the regions which have received the largest number of evacuees have made arrangements of this kind for a proportion of the evacuees.

Is the Minister aware that many more evacuees could be accommodated in many reception areas if communal meals were more widely established, and will he see that local authorities are made aware of the importance of organising these as widely as possible?

Yes, Sir, we are doing everything we can. My own representatives are visiting local authorities and urging them on with this work, and I believe progress is being made on a considerable scale.

Will my right hon. Friend ask the Minister of Food to give increased supplies of food to these areas which have an enormous increase of population? That is one of the chief difficulties in the matter.

Foster-Parents (Christmas Allowance)

asked the Minister of Health whether foster-parents of evacuated children can be granted an extra allowance during Christmas week to cover the provision of small extras for the children in their care?

I would refer the hon. Member to the reply given on 28th November to the hon. Member for Mile End (Mr. Frankel) of which I am sending him a copy.

Evacuation (Guides' Expenses)

asked the Minister of Health the remuneration paid to official guides taking evacuees to their destination; whether the payments made are for out-of-pocket expenses or a fixed amount for subsistence; and, if so, what is the scale of payments allowed per day and per week?

The guides are either teachers, council officials or voluntary helpers, and the only payment made to them for this duty is the refund of reasonable out-of-pocket expenses. There is no fixed scale of subsistence allowance in view of the fact that the expenses necessarily incurred vary rather widely as between one destination and another, but any unreasonable item would be disallowed.

I understand that that is entirely incorrect. The 10s. was for board and breakfast, including tea.

Billeting

asked the Minister of Health, in view of the many problems arising from billeting and the varying decisions given in different areas, whether he will summarise the procedure of billeting arrangements with a view to obtaining a uniform method to be followed in all areas?

I am in the next few days issuing a circular on the billeting of persons made homeless by enemy action and I will send the hon. Member a copy. I think that the procedure for billeting persons evacuated under the Government evacuation scheme is now generally well understood.

Does the right hon. Gentleman send a copy of that to the Regional Commissioners, or to all the local authorities in the country, or both?

In cases where the circulars go to the local authorities, copies also go to the Regional Commissioners, but there are certain instructions for Regional Commissioners alone which do not go to local authorities.

Bombed Houses (Rates)

asked the Minister of Health whether a local authority has been empowered to insist on payment of rates where a householder has been bombed out of the house and the said local authority has not provided alternative accommodation and there is still a small portion of the furniture lying in the uninhabitable house?

I have no jurisdiction to determine authoritatively questions as to legal liability for rates, but I have recently issued to rating authorities a circular, a copy of which I am sending to the hon. Member, indicating the course which in my view might reasonably be adopted by rating authorities in the circumstances mentioned.

Mobile First-Aid Units, London

asked the Minister of Health the average number of times each mobile first-aid unit provided by Metropolitan borough councils has been sent out to an incident during the past two months, taking London as a whole; how this compares with the use expected to be made of these units and will he consider, in the light of the above facts, whether the services of the skilled nursing personnel permanently attached to these units are being utilised to the best advantage under the present arrangements, or whether some of them could better be transferred to more needed duties?

The average number of occasions on which a mobile first-aid unit has been sent to an incident in London during October and November is 4.4. In addition, the doctor usually accompanied by a nurse, has been sent out without the rest of the unit on 5.3 occasions on the average, making a total of approximately 10. Up to the present these units have been used rather less than was expected, but their use, which has proved of great value, must of course depend upon the nature of the incidents. The nursing personnel are available to help in the work of the hospital or first-aid post on which the unit is based and to reinforce neighbouring first-aid posts when necessary.

Furniture (Storage)

asked the Minister of Health whether he will ask borough councils in London and other provincial towns, to arrange for the temporary storage of furniture of families who have evacuated, as well as those who have been de-housed by enamy action?

I will certainly consider the hon. Member's suggestion in consultation with my right hon. Friend the Minister for Home Security who is responsible for the storage of the furniture of those who have been rendered homeless. I understand, however, that the matter is one of some difficulty, due principally to the shortage of suitable storage accommodation.

Panel Doctors (Surgery Hours)

asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware that panel doctors have, in many cases, made no attempt to adjust their consulting hours to black-out conditions and that in consequence very few insured persons attend evening surgeries; and what steps he proposes to take to remedy this?

At the outbreak of war my Department recommended insurance committees to review the arrangement of surgery hours, having regard to the restriction of lighting and other war conditions. I have no reason to think that there is, at the present time, any general dissatisfaction as to surgery hours, but I shall be glad to inquire into any particular case of complaint which may be brought to my notice.

Day Nurseries

asked the Minister of Health how many day nurseries have been opened; their maintenance cost; and whether the mothers have to pay for their children attending?

The number of day nurseries established under the normal maternity and child welfare arrangements before the war was 103. The average cost was estimated at approximately 3s. per child per day, towards which the mothers were expected to contribute what they could afford. Most of these nurseries have been evacuated from the towns and have become residential homes.

Will the right hon. Gentleman make representations to authorities where married women have been asked to return to work to look over the hours so that they can fit in with the requirements of industry?

I am in constant touch with the Minister of Labour on that point with a view to the proper provision of day nurseries where war work is being done by women, and, if there are any cases which my hon. Friend has in mind, perhaps he will let me have the information.

I would ask the right hon. Gentleman to remember that some important industries are not recognised as on war work in the specific sense.

asked the Minister of Health how many day nurseries have been opened; and how many children have been sent to them?

Twenty-three day nurseries for the young children of mothers who are munition workers have now been approved. Full information as to the number of children sent to them is not available, but the number of places provided is 995.

I take it for granted that from time to time someone is sent to visit them and see that they are conducted properly?

I am not certain that there is anything like regular inspection, but they are watched irregularly, and we are satisfied that local authorities are making proper provision and that the maintenance of the nurseries is good.

Shelters

asked the Minister of Health how many boroughs within the London region have now provided a medical officer in charge of shelters, a canteen or catering officer to supervise communal feeding, and a shelter welfare officer?

With regard to the first part of the Question, 32 boroughs have made arrangements under which doctors are present in shelters all night, or pay regular visits, or are on call if required, the exact nature of the arrangements depending on the size of the shelter. Eight boroughs have appointed doctors to the staff of the medical officer of health to assist him in the regular inspection of shelters. With regard to the second part of the Question, this is a matter for my Noble Friend the Minister of Food, and with regard to the third part this is a matter for my right hon. Friend the Minister of Home Security. But I understand that an officer to deal with general shelter amenities, including food, has been appointed in 24 boroughs. As regards shelter welfare officers I am informed that whilst boroughs have not been required to appoint such officers one or two boroughs have done so.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that, in spite of the figures which I brought to the notice of the Minister of Home Security a week ago, a shelter which he said was receiving his immediate attention was in the same position at midnight last night and this morning? Is there any hope of getting an improvement without greater executive power? The right hon. Gentleman is asking for trouble.

The Minister of Home Security and I had a discussion on the matter with representatives of the London Passenger Transport Board about a week ago, and since then some of them have been down to the tubes with Lord Horder looking into the matter. I am satisfied that progress will be as rapid as possible.

When are the Government going to appoint a proper shelter dictator?

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department the policy of his Department in relation to further provision of surface shelters?

The brick and concrete surface shelter, which I assume is what my hon. Friend has in mind, is one of the most rapid methods of increasing the amount of shelter available. It may well be, however, that in some areas the numbers of shelters of this type are, for one reason or another, adequate for the demands made upon them, and I already have this aspect of the matter under consideration.

Have steps been taken to make the roofs of these shelters watertight?

Yes, Sir. Advice has been given covering that point, as far as it is practicable now to apply it.

Will my right hon. Friend take steps to see that the local authorities, particularly in London boroughs, ascertain the number of people who are using the shelters, because, in some cases, a good deal of money is being spent upon shelters?

Yes, Sir, we do periodically get the figures, but I think my hon. Friend will agree that the labour would be too much if we tried to get them every night. We get them periodically, and sometimes they are comparable and sometimes they are not. I am anxious to get that information. On the other hand, improvements are being made which may increase the use of the shelters.

Is the Minister aware that some local authorities are continuing to erect shelters of the same dimensions, which are unsuitable for the provision of fixed bunks?

Fire Precautions

asked the Home Secretary whether he will consider, in view of the fact that so high a proportion of the damage by enemy action is the result of fire, the setting up of a special fire prevention department by adding to the existing organisation in order to educate the public and force upon the industrial community their duty to take reasonable precautions by adequate watching, simple safeguards, and mutual co-operation?

I fully appreciate the importance of proper precautions to prevent fire, and a new division is being set up in the Ministry of Home Security to deal with them.

Does the right hon. Gentleman realise that Regional officers and fire authorities have stated that more than half the fires which have occurred already could have been prevented by reasonable precautions?

It is obviously not desirable to go into detail in public, but I can assure the hon. and gallant Gentleman that I am conscious of the point to which he is drawing my attention, and I am taking all possible steps.

Will the right hon. Gentleman bear in mind that in many industrial premises where fewer than 50 people are employed, and where consequently there are no fire watchers, there are inflammable goods, and they might receive his first attention?

asked the Home Secretary whether he is aware that many factories have been destroyed, or gravely damaged, by fire through failure to take elementary precautions; and will he consider taking powers, or enforcing existing powers, to investigate fires in all buildings and factories now subject to Government regulation and control, and to apportion blame on the analogy of inquiries into colliery accidents and losses of ships at sea?

In a number of cases the damage done to factories by incendiary bombs has been increased owing to a lack of adequate precautions, but I doubt whether the procedure suggested by my hon. and gallant Friend would be either practicable or appropriate in the case of factories damaged by air attack. Failure to comply with legal requirements would be a matter for prosecution.

Will my right hon. Friend bear in mind the intimate connection between the substance of this Question and the compensation which is looked forward to under the War Damage Bill?

Has my right hon. Friend considered the possibility of requiring the fire precautions officers, at any rate of controlled undertakings, to visit places where serious damage by fire has been done, and giving them instruction on the spot as to reasonable precautions which were omitted in those cases?

I will draw the attention of the appropriate Department to the Question of my hon. Friend.

Detentions

asked the Home Secretary what steps are being taken, or are in contemplation, for husbands and wives of British nationality who are now detained in separate prisons to be interned in company in more comfortable circumstances?

As regards the few cases where both husbands and wives are detained in preventive custody under Regulation 18B, I am afraid it is not practicable to arrange that men and women shall be confined together in the same establishment. I am anxious, however, that provision shall be made to enable husbands and wives to see each other occasionally. I am examining this question and hope to be in a position to make a statement at an early date.

Will my right hon. Friend see that British subjects interned receive at least equally good treatment as that given to extremely hostile aliens who are interned?

Certainly, in principle that would be my wish, but the fact must be faced that the circumstances of administration are somewhat different. In principle it would be my wish that British subjects should not be treated worse than aliens.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that in fact British subjects detained in prison have infinitely better accommodation and the cream of the accommodation in every prison?

asked the Home Secretary in how many cases the Advisory Committee, appointed to hear appeals from persons detained under Section 18B, have allowed a legal representative to appear before them on behalf of the appellant?

In no case have the Advisory Committee allowed a legal representative to appear before them to argue the case on behalf of the appellant; and in no case have the Advisory Committee felt it necessary to do so. In a few cases the Committee have asked the legal representative of the appellant, where such a legal representative has been instructed, to appear before them to give evidence on behalf of the appellant when he was able to do so, or to assist the Committee on the appellant's behalf in the investigation of the facts of the case. It should be borne in mind that in the vast majority of cases the appellants are quite unable to instruct legal representatives, and the cases where the Committee have been asked to allow a legal representative to appear are few. I explained the whole position with regard to legal representation in the course of the Debate on 10th December.

Is not the answer rather different from the impression conveyed by the Under-Secretary in the Debate last week?

I think that I dealt with this point in the Debate last week, and my recollection is that the answer I have given is in accordance with the statement I then made.

Is it the case that many of these persons are not furnished with any of the details of the evidence against them, are often asked questions that contain a false innuendo and are given no opportunity to defend themselves? Whether they are guilty or innocent, should not they be given a complete statement of the allegations against them?

The chairman of the committee informs the appellant before he appears before the tribunal what the specific particulars are. That is an instruction. Therefore, I do not think that any legitimate grievance arises on that account.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that many of these individuals have communicated with Members of Parliament alleging that they have been asked questions which contain innuendoes and that no statement is supplied at all? They are sometimes asked, "Did you say so and so?" but no proof or dates are supplied and no opportunity is given to see the evidence?

I should not like to express an opinion about that unless I know the context. Indeed, I am going through the process now of being asked questions on the spur of the moment. I think it would be most unfair to make any general reflections on the fairness of these committees. I have dealt with a large number of their reports, and I am bound to say that they are acting very fairly, and that, if they have a bias at all, it is rather in favour of the applicants than otherwise.

asked the Home Secretary how many appeals have been heard under Section 18B; in how many cases have the persons concerned been released; and how many persons were still awaiting appearance before the advisory committee on 30th November or near date?

The figures are 1,238, 315 and 341 respectively. The second figure includes some cases where release has been authorised without a hearing by an Advisory Committee.

As there were some 400 cases still unheard on or about 10th October, is the right hon. Gentleman really satisfied that the investigations are taking place with due expedition?

Will the right hon. Gentleman bear in mind that if the majority of the people referred to in this Question had had their way, the whole of the trade union and labour movement in this country would have been suppressed?

Air-Raid Precautions Co-Ordinatng Committee

asked the Home Secretary whether a body known as the Air-Raid Precautions Co-ordinating Committee has any official standing or recognition?

No, Sir. I understand that this body is what is known to those well versed in politics as a Communist subsidiary or innocents' club.

Bombed Areas (Military Assistance)

asked the Home Secretary whether he can make any statement about the assistance given by the military to the civilian authorities in dealing with problems arising out of recent bombing?

Yes, Sir. The civil authorities are responsible for dealing with problems arising from air-raid damage. In cases recently when civilian services have been severely strained the military authorities have immediately responded to urgent requests for assistance made to them by the regional commissioners. I should like to express my appreciation, and I am sure that of the civil authorities concerned, for the way in which the military commands have been ready to cooperate and for the generous and invaluable assistance they have given, particularly in restoring communications and public services. Such assistance is to be called for only as a last resort and it does not relieve the civil authorities of their primary responsibilities, but the fact that military assistance has been available in an emergency has contributed in a marked degree to the resumption of normal activities in the areas affected.

Is it contemplated that any period will be set to the availability of the services, particularly in the Metropolitan area?

I am afraid that this is at the moment the subject of a little bargaining on both sides, but, frankly, I have to be a little careful, in justice to the military authorities, about the civil authorities not relying indefinitely upon military help and falling on their own feet, but subject to that we will do all we can. I am indeed grateful for the splendid spirit in which the military have co-operated with us.

Rescue Parties (Training Schools)

asked the Home Secretary whether training courses for rescue parties engaged on work on demolished buildings, similar to the course established in London, have been established in other large centres; if so, how many and in what towns; and whether it is the intention further to extend this provision?

Schools similar to those established in London have been set up in all the regions for the purpose of training rescue party leaders; I will send the hon. Lady details of the schools. In addition, all scheme-making authorities outside London arranged for the training of their rescue party personnel by the leaders who had been through the Government schools. There is no present intention to increase the number of such schools.

Entrapped People (Information)

asked the Home Secretary whether his attention has been directed to a device now on the market, of which a sample has been sent him, for enabling householders to enter on a special form the number and location of the persons sleeping in the house for deposit in a prominent position near the house or with the air-raid warden, in order to facilitate the finding of entrapped people; and whether he will recommend its use?

I have received several devices of the nature mentioned. As regards the last part of the Question, the practice whereby householders display a notice or inform wardens of the position of their sleeping quarters or shelter is to be encouraged, but it must be realised that in view of the possibility of last moment changes in arrangements, too much reliance cannot be placed on this practice for directing the operations of rescue parties in case of need.

While recognising the difficulties, may I ask whether it would not encourage their use if some form were made easily available in a water-proof cover, such as the device I sent to the right hon. Gentleman, so as to make it easier for not very educated people to enter the particulars properly every night and keep them up to date?

I will consider that, but there is no guarantee that these particulars would necessarily remain accurate and it might lead to a good deal of loss of time by rescue parties.

Does my right hon. Friend realise that a public notice outside a house that there was no one at home would be an open invitation to thieves?

Would it not be better to spend more money on this than on ear plugs?

Members of Parliament (Detention)

asked the Prime Minister whether he will consider the advisability of amending Regulation 18B made under 1(2)( a ) of the Emergency Powers (Defence) Act, with a view to including the principles of the Act of 1715, which laid down that a Member of Parliament shall not be detained until the consent of the House has been obtained?

No, Sir. I hope it will not be necessary again to exercise this power in the case of a Member of Parliament, but if in the course of this war— a war in which Parliamentary liberties and all other liberties are at stake—it should be necessary for purposes of public safety to make an order for the detention of a Member, I do not think it would be right that the Minister charged with this grave responsibility should be powerless to take action—however urgent the need might be—unless Parliament were sitting or were specially summoned, and until after there had been a Parliamentary Debate and a disclosure of the information available to the Government, information which may possibly relate to matters of a most secret character.

Will my right hon. Friend consider giving an assurance that if any future case should happen it will be automatically referred to the Committee of Privileges, so as to enable this House to keep a check on the actions not of this but of any possible future Government?

We found that course convenient and appropriate in the only case that has arisen, and without committing myself to some absolute general rule, I imagine it is the course which the House would desire to be followed.

Will the Prime Minister see that the Committee of Privileges appointed in such a case has power to find out some of the reasons for the action taken?

Is it not the fact that the Home Secretary has to inform Mr. Speaker when a Member is detained and that provides an opportunity for the House to take up the matter if necessary?

Has the attention of my right hon. Friend been called to a Motion standing upon the Order Paper in the name of the hon. and gallant Member for Epsom dealing with this matter, and will he give that Motion his consideration?

[ That, in the opinion of this House, Regulation 18B of the Defence (General) Regulations should be modified so as to provide that the detention of a Member of this House, under the powers conferred by that Regulation, should be reported immediately to the House and should not continue without the approval of the House after consideration of the charges against the Member and his defence against them. ]

I am ashamed to say that my attention has not yet been called to it, but I will see that that deficiency is repaired.

May I ask the Prime Minister, in view of his well-known support of all constitutional principles, whether he does not think that Regulation 18B could now be amended to introduce safeguards of a general nature?

I do not think the time has yet come when our dangers have receded sufficiently far for us to be able to relax the special precautions which the House has thought necessary, and to withdraw the exceptional powers which Parliament has entrusted to the Executive under the constant supervision and control of Parliament. The time may come, but it has not come yet.

Chemists (Shop Hours)

asked the Home Secretary whether he is aware that the early closing of chemists' shops makes it difficult for persons working to 5.30 or 6 p.m., who have to visit a doctor, to get the medicine prescriptions made up before the shops close; and whether some arrangement can be made whereby chemists will remain open for a reasonable time to complete the doctor's prescription?

The general closing hours for shops do not apply to the sale of medicine, and so do not prevent chemists from making up doctors' prescriptions at any hour in the evening. Chemists who dispense National Health Insurance prescriptions are obliged to be available for service until the hours fixed by the local Insurance Committee who no doubt have due regards for the needs of workers in the locality. I have received no evidence of hardship resulting from chemists closing earlier on account of the black-out and air raids, but if my hon. Friend will send me particulars of any difficulty that has come to his notice I will have inquiries made.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that there is great difficulty in getting these prescriptions made up in country districts? I will send him a number of cases.

Rescue Work (Miners)

asked the Home Secretary whether, and to what extent, miners experienced in rescue in mining disaster work are being employed in rescue work in large centres away from mining areas; and whether, in view of the importance of employing the most skilled and experienced form of labour in this work, preference is being given to the employment of miners and other persons with the requisite kind of experience rather than to local unemployed persons?

On the first part of the Question, I would refer to the reply given to the hon. Member for Broxtowe (Mr. Cocks) on 5th December. As regards the last part, experience shows that special training is necessary for this type of work, but, subject to this, endeavours are made to obtain men who by reason of their previous occupation are likely to be most suitable for the work.

May we take it that no obstacles are being placed either by the Ministry of Labour or the local Employment Exchanges in the way of the employment of skilled men from a distance rather than unemployed on the spot, and that the relations between the two Departments are quite cordial?

The relations of all Departments are quite cordial, but I think the Question should be put to the Minister of Labour. I can only add that, so far as I know, there is no foundation for the belief which the hon. Lady has expressed.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that my Question was put to the Minister of Labour but has been transferred?

Internees

asked the Home Secretary whether it is on his instructions that a book in the Penguin series entitled "Aliens" has been confiscated in several internment camps?

No, Sir. No such instructions have been issued. If my hon. Friend will be good enough to let me have some particulars to enable me to make inquiries I shall be glad to investigate the matter.

Pioneer Corps

asked the Home Secretary whether he will take steps to ensure uniformity of treatment of the wives and dependants of men serving in the Auxiliary Military Pioneer Corps by the police authorities throughout the country?

asked the Home Secretary whether he has any information to give the House in regard to alterations as regards restrictions placed upon wives of men in the Auxiliary Military Pioneer Corps?

I have already had this matter, of which I recognise the importance, under consideration, and I hope to be able to make an announcement at an early date.

Communist Convention

asked the Home Secretary whether his attention has been drawn to a proposed antiwar convention which is being organised by the Communist party to be held in Manchester in January next; and whether, as the holding of this convention might lead to misunderstanding abroad and would be likely to hamper the British Government in its prosecution of the war, steps will be taken to prevent the holding of any convention of the kind?

asked the Home Secretary whether his attention has been drawn to the People's Convention advertised to be held at Manchester on 12th January; and, whether, since its object is to create an anti-war movement in this country, he will consider the desirability of banning the Convention?

This convention is being organised by the Communist party, who probably hope by means of such a gathering to gain some support from loyal people who have no intention of impeding the war effort and are unaware of the ulterior motives for which the conference has been organised. I must hold myself free to exercise, whenever the need arises, the power conferred upon me by Defence Regulation 39E, and it would be wrong for me at this stage to fetter my discretion by announcing beforehand whether use will or will not be made of that power. I will, therefore, confine myself to saying that one of the disadvantages of prohibiting the meeting is that such a course would not be likely to contribute to the enlightenment of those whom the organisers hope to beguile.

Does the Minister not realise that the danger of this convention is not from within this realm but in the misunderstanding that it may cause abroad about the solidarity of this country in connection with our war effort; and will he bear in mind also that the convention was condemned by all parties and, in particular, only a few days ago by the National Council of Labour?

I will certainly keep that point in mind, but, as I have said, and as the House would wish, I should have freedom of action, in the light of circumstances at any time. On the other hand I should not have thought that there was much misapprehension abroad as to the insignificant political influence of the Communist party in this country.

Is it not a fact the National Council of Labour has especially warned its members against having any association with the convention, on the ground that the convention was specially designed to weaken the Government's war effort?

Yes, Sir, I am aware of that, but I think the hon. and gallant Gentleman would agree that it would be wrong for me to regard myself as having to apply that view in this case I must regard the matter judicially. I am sure it would be the wish of the National Council of Labour that I should do so.

Does not my right hon. Friend agree that somewhat similar conventions were held during the last war, and does he think we should be more reactionary now in regard to unpopular opinion than we were during the last war?

Is the Minister not aware that this is not a genuine anti-war conference but is merely conforming to the Stalin-Hitler Pact; and will he ask for a report from the hon. and learned Member for East Bristol (Sir Stafford Cripps) at headquarters as to why this conference has been convened?

Fire Services

asked the Home Secretary the difference in the hours of duty betwen established members of the fire brigades and members of the Auxiliary Fire Service, both in London and in provincial towns?

Auxiliary firemen are required to perform a minimum duty period of 72 hours a week. The hours of duty of members of a professional fire brigade is a matter for determination by the fire authority, and there is no uniform practice. In London, regular and auxiliary firemen perform the same duty period, and this is the general rule, though there may be a few exceptions.

Is it not the case that auxiliary firemen work very much longer than regular firemen, and have there not been complaints about it?

I should imagine these cases to be very few. It is a matter for the local authorities, but, in so far as I can take an active interest in a point affecting local administration, I will, if my hon. Friend will let me have particulars, consider the matter.

asked the Home Secretary whether he will issue instructions that fire brigade units sent on duty to a locality far distant from its own area should take with them food for their personnel?

Fire authorities have been instructed to provide emergency rations sufficient for a 24-hour period to fire brigade personnel who are despatched out of their own district.

Metropolitan Borough Councils (Rate Estimates)

asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware that early in the New Year it will be incumbent on Metropolitan borough councils to frame their rate estimates for the ensuing 12 months; and will he indicate the Government's financial intentions towards these authorities before that time, seeing that present conditions will otherwise necessitate severe rate increases concentrated upon those people who have not left London?

I recently received representations on this subject from the Metropolitan Boroughs Standing Joint Committee, and I have asked the Metropolitan borough councils to furnish me with certain information in regard to their financial position. There will be no avoidable delay in dealing with the matter when the replies are received.

Would not one of the ways out of the difficulty be to grant local authorities the power to place rates on site values?

Questions

India (Political Situation)

asked the Secretary of State for India whether he has any further statement to make respecting the political situation in India; whether he has any information respecting a temporary political truce proposed by Mr. Gandhi; how many political prisoners are now serving sentences and awaiting trial, respectively; and why cables from or to India are now subject to prolonged suspension?

The political situation is as described in the Viceroy's speech of 16th December reported in the Press. As regards Mr. Gandhi's action in calling a temporary suspension of Civil Disobedience during the Christmas period, I have no information beyond what has appeared in the Press. As regards numbers of prisoners I would refer the hon. Member to my reply to his Question of 20th November. The statistics referred to have not yet been received, but I understand that up to 11th December slightly over 300 satyagrahis had been dealt with in connection with the Civil Disobedience movement. In regard to the last part of the hon. Member's Question, I have no knowledge of any general suspension of cables.

Are those 300 prisoners undergoing rigorous imprisonment, and will the right hon. Gentleman inquire as to whether in fact cables from India are suspended indefinitely?

No, I understand that in certain cases imprisonment is simple, but I have no details, and I do not understand that there has been an indefinite suspension of cables.

Is it not a fact that, in spite of Mr. Gandhi's anti-war efforts, Indian troops are fighting for us bravely in Libya?

Could not this matter be settled by applying the principles of democracy in India?

If the hon. Member will draw my attention to particular cases, I will inquire.

Negotiations (Herr Hitler)

asked the Prime Minister whether, in order to make it clear to the world that in no circumstances can there ever be any negotiations with Herr Hitler, His Majesty's Government will consider, after consultation with the Allies, issuing a declaration to the effect that Herr Hitler, having broken every pledge and treaty, has placed himself outside the bounds of civil and social relations and, as the general enemy and disturber of the peace of the world, is abandoned to public justice?

These admirable sentiments so happily expressed do not at this moment require to be embodied in a formal State declaration.

Would not those historic phrases apply more properly to Herr Hitler than to the much greater man to whom they were originally addressed—Napoleon.

German and Italian Peoples

asked the Prime Minister whether he will take all appropriate steps to convey to the German people a statement to the effect that immediately their forces are withdrawn to the German frontiers, as they were before the Munich agreement, negotiations for an armistice can be begun; that food will be made available when the terms are signed and carried out; and that they will have a full opportunity of choosing whatever form of self-government they think fit?

asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the past incapacity of large numbers of poor Italian families to express their dislike of their government, so that they are suffering as victims of circumstance, he is taking, or has taken, steps to encourage Italian people to demand peace, together with a guarantee of political freedom and economic improvement?

All suggestions which are likely to rouse the peoples of Germany and Italy against their arbitrary Governments are the subject of constant study by His Majesty's Government, but I do not think that the public interest would be served by discussing these topics, or the matters raised in these two Questions, in public at the present time.

In view of the fact that those proposals involve something like unconditional surrender for the Nazis, is there anything very much wrong with them?

I have said that I do not wish to discuss them at the present time.

Would the Prime Minister agree that one means of expediting the collapse of Fascism in Italy would be to convey to the Italian people the fact that they would be much better off under Democracy than under Fascism; and would he agree that it is highly desirable to convey to the Italian people the very generous way in which our own sailors have treated the Italians whom they have rescued?

I do not want to discuss it. All these matters are being studied by the appropriate Departments. They are not being studied in an academic sense, and whatever action is possible to rouse these people to resist the tyrannies by which they are being oppressed will certainly be taken.

Will the Government endeavour, in the phrase of one of its Ministers yesterday, to speak to the Italian people with the voice of Garibaldi?

Household Means Test

asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the disappointment caused by the fact that the Measure dealing with the means test is to be postponed until after Christmas, he will issue a general instruction to the various Departments concerned that in the interim the administration of ascertainments involving the means test shall be dealt with in a generous spirit, and that where there is a conflict of opinion applicants for benefit shall be given the benefit of the doubt?

Until new legislation is enacted and new regulations made, the authorities concerned must necessarily carry out the existing law, but the hon. Member can be assured, and I have it from the Chancellor of the Exchequer himself, that in all cases in which there is genuine doubt the administration already conforms to the principle he suggests.

Will the Prime Minister consider that such an act at the present time would bring joy and gladness to thousands of very poor people in humble homes?

Farm Tenancies

asked the Minister of Agriculture whether he will take steps to hinder any worsening of the conditions under which farmers hold their farms, in the case where there has been a change in the ownership of such land, particularly in those cases in the North of England to which his attention has already been drawn?

My right hon. Friend is prepared to consider taking any necessary action in cases where the conditions governing the tenancy of ordinary agricultural land are calculated to interfere with the maximum production of food. The particular cases to which the hon. Member has drawn his attention are, however, exceptional inasmuch as coal, which is essential to the life of the community, is being worked under the land and, owing to the risk of damage by subsidence, it is necessary to apply special conditions to the tenure of the land for agricultural purposes.

Is my hon. Friend aware that this is worsening the condition of these farmers, and that the uncertainty at the present time is leading to a falling off in working the land?

I understand that the special conditions now being applied are due to the fact that the farms are subject to immediate subsidence. Therefore, rents have been reduced, because the land will no longer be suitable for ploughing up, but there is no reason why the land should not be improved as grass land.

Is it not a fact that the conditions have been altered because the ownership has been altered?

The only two ways in which conditions have been altered are, first, that the rents have been reduced and that in future no compensation will be payable should crops be destroyed by subsidence.

Polish Civilians, Great Britain

( by Private Notice ) asked the Home Secretary whether he is aware that police officers, under the direction of Scotland Yard, are arresting Polish subjects without warrant or other lawful authority and handing them over in London to Polish gendarmerie; whether he is aware that the persons so arrested are civilians; what facilities are afforded them to appeal to the Courts; and whether he will take immediate steps to see that the Allied Forces Act is not abused?

In the short time available since I received notice of this Question this morning, I have made some preliminary inquiries and have found no ground for my hon. Friend's allegations as to civilians. Further inquiries are being made, and these inquiries will be facilitated if my hon. Friend will be good enough to give me particulars of any cases of which he has heard.

Will my right hon. Friend bear in mind the fact that when the House consented to the passing of the Allied Forces Act the most specific assurances were given that it would apply only to those who were then serving soldiers in the Allied Forces concerned, and while the investigation which he has promised proceeds will he see to it that no further arrests are made until the matter has been cleared up?

Certainly the terms of the Statute will be borne in mind, but it would not be wise for me to develop any answer on this point. I received notice of this Question only at 10.20 this morning. There were no particulars in the Question, and if the hon. Member really wanted a precise answer, it would have been helpful if he had given me some particulars.

Will the right hon. Gentleman bear in mind that my own information reached me very late, and that this is the last day before the Recess? I gave him the fullest information I had to enable him to make the investigation.

Blast Furnace Cement

( by Private Notice ) asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Works and Buildings, whether, arising out of his answer on 3rd December in which he stated that the question of making provision for the manufacture of Blast Furnace and other types of cement and for laying down additional plant was under active consideration, any further action has now been taken?

Yes, Sir. Since my reply to which reference has been made, I have now received the report of the Committee appointed by the Controller of Building Materials to report on the immediate manufacture of blast furnace cement. Instructions have been given to certain cement works and iron works to instal the necessary plant for the manufacture of such cement using all the most suitable slags available in the country. I am glad to say that my Ministry has been assured of the willing co-operation of all parties concerned. It is hoped that manufacture of the product will commence in time for the Spring. At the same time steps have been taken to increase grinding capacity in certain works. Of the two small works which were being brought back into ope- ration one is now structurally ready to start operating and the other will be so before the end of January of next year. With regard to what I may call the longer view, that is to say, the promotion of new cement works that require the provision of new machinery and come into effect at a later date, my Noble Friend has accepted the recommendation of the Controller that an independent committee should be appointed to consider the whole matter fully.

While thanking the hon. Gentleman for his answer to this Question, which is of very great importance to the organisations affected, may I ask him how much extra blast furnace cement his arrangement will provide; and further, is it not a fact that there is a large amount of slag all over the country which could be used for making cement for air-raid shelters?

I can give a general answer, but I hope my hon. Friend will not press me for details now. The most suitable slag for the manufacture of cement is what is known as hematite slag, and the total manufacture that could be obtained from such slag would be less than 300,000 tons a year. If the hon. Member will permit me to say so, I would like to add that the fantastic claims that have been made for slag cement ought to receive very early consideration and a satisfactory answer. For instance, I think I would be overstating the case if I said that there were 300,000 tons of hematite slag available, and even providing that that was manufactured, it is of very low cementitious value. In order that it should have a value comparable with that of Portland cement, if 300,000 tons, for illustration, of such slag were available, we would have to provide at least a further 600,000 tons of Portland cement, to make it of any use at all.

Can the hon. Gentleman indicate how soon the independent committee to which he referred will undertake its duties, and whether those duties will be of an advisory character?

It is proposed to set up an Advisory Committee very early. The committee will make inquiries into the present manufacture of cement, its inadequacy and how it can be enhanced, and also what other resources can be brought into being, in addition to the possibility of laying down additional plant.

Is it not the fact that, in Scotland, very large quantities of slag cement have been manufactured for years on a commercial basis?

The only answer I can give to the hon. Member is that there are other kinds of slag apart from the hematite to which I referred, but again I would say that the cementatious value of slag is particularly low. I can tell the hon. Member, for instance, that it would take at least 28 days to set hard enough for the purposes of work in either air-raid shelters or such things as aerodromes and runways.

Conduct of a Member

May I ask you, Mr. Speaker, whether you can inform the House when the Report of the Select Committee on the Conduct of a Member will be available?

As the House is aware, the Select Committee on the Conduct of a Member have presented their Report to the House. I am informed that the Committee have decided that the minutes of evidence and appendices should accompany their Report, and that although the Report has been formally presented, it will not be possible to make it available to the House until Tuesday, 21st January. The documents are of considerable bulk. A great deal of the matter was already in type in the normal course, but, since then, the type has been completely destroyed by fire. I understand that arrangements have been made for the printing process to begin afresh. This is the reason for the delay in the issue of the Committee's Report.

Business of the House

May I ask the Prime Minister whether he has any statement to make on the future Business of the House?

On the first Sitting Day after the Adjournment for the Christmas Recess, the Adjournment will be moved, and a Debate will take place on a subject to be arranged later. Accord ing to the subject chosen, the Debate will be either in Public or in Secret Session.

On the two following days, we shall take the Committee stage of the War Damage Bill. I would remind hon. Members that, under the Resolution passed this week, Members will be able to send in any Amendments to the War Damage Bill to the Clerks at the Table during the Recess, and such Amendments will be printed and circulated at convenient intervals.

On the subject of Business, may I ask my right hon. Friend whether he is aware that a number of us in different parts of the House feel it highly desirable that, at the earliest possible opportunity after the resumption of Business, a Debate should take place on the connected questions of man-power, supply and production; and will he, without giving a definite answer now, undertake to give favourable consideration to this point when considering arrangements for future Business?

Yes, Sir. As to the exact date, I could not give an answer now, but that such a Debate should take place, the Government are entirely agreeable.

Adjournment (Christmas)

Resolved,

"That this House, at its rising this day, do adjourn till a date in the New Year."— ( The Prime Minister. )

Publications and Debates Reports

First Report from the Select Committee brought up and read; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 8.]

Minutes of Evidence to be printed. [No. 8.}

National Expenditure

First Report from the Select Committee brought up and read; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 9.]

Second Report from the Select Committee brought up and read; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 10.]

Third Report from the Select Committee brought up and read; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 11.]

Orders of the Day

Local Elections and Register of Electors

(Temporary Provisions) Bill

Order read for consideration of Lords Amendments.

I beg to move, "That the Lords Amendments be now considered."

I apologise for standing between the House and more important Business, but the further stages of this Bill are extremely urgent, as the existing legislation expires on 31st December. Clause 2 of the Bill, which was passed through all its stages in this House last week, was designed to safeguard the position as regards the superannuation of certain local government officials. That Clause, as passed through this House, was deficient in two minor respects. In the first place, there were certain officials whose superannuation depended upon local Acts and who were not provided for in the Bill; and in the second place, the basis for calculating superannuation allowance to officials provided by Clause 2 was too narrow. Government Amendments were consequently introduced in another place to meet those two points. The Amendments can, if necessary, be explained in greater detail by my hon. Friend the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Health (Miss Horsbrugh), but, in effect, they deal with these two matters which it was the intention of the House and the Government, should be provided for in the Bill, as passed by this House.

Question put, and agreed to.

Lords Amendments considered accordingly.

All these Amendments raise questions of Privilege. The House, of course, can waive their Privilege if they so desire. [HON. MEMBERS: "Agreed."] In the case of Amendments which are accepted, I will have a record made in the Journals of the House. After what has been said by the Under-Secretary of State for the Home Department, I think I should be right in putting all the Amendments together. [HON. MEMBERS: "Agreed."]

Motion made, and Question, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendments," put, and agreed to. [ All with Speeial Entries. ]

Adjournment (Christmas)

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House do now adjourn."—( Captain Margesson. )

War Situation

Before I come to the immediate business which this Motion suggests, I take the opportunity of expressing the grief which the House has felt in all quarters at the untimely, sudden death of our Ambassador in the United States, Lord Lothian. He was a man of the very highest character and of far-ranging intellectual scope. All his life his mind played about broad issues of human progress, and, whether at home or abroad, he animated an ardent philanthropy with the keenest and brightest intellectual powers. In India his work is much respected. His work in the last war was already important, as my right hon. Friend the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George)—whom I am very glad to see here to-day—could no doubt remind us. But all the same, when he was appointed before the war to the Embassy in the United States, the most important of all the functions outside this country that can be discharged by any British subject, there were various opinions upon the wisdom of that choice. Very soon, however, it was seen that the new Ambassador was gaining in influence every day, that his stature rose with the greatness of the topics confided to him, and that the contacts which he established, the intimate relations which he developed, with the high personnel of the United States Administration, the friendship to which the President of the United States has himself testified—all the evidence showed the remarkable efficiency and success with which he discharged his important and extremely, delicate and difficult mission.

Suddenly, he is taken from us. He passes away. But I cannot help feeling that to die at the height of a man's career, the highest moment of his effort here in this world, universally honoured and admired, to die while great issues are still commanding the whole of his interest, to be taken from us at a moment when he could already see ultimate success in view—is not the most unenviable of fates. I feel that the House would have wished me to express, in these few words, the sorrow which we feel at his death, and also the very grievous and practical sense that we have of the loss we have suffered at this particular juncture in having been deprived of his invaluable services.

I should like to put rather frankly to the House a difficulty which I feel about making frequent statements on the war situation. I have to be much concerned in the conduct of the war in consequence of being called upon to occupy the offices which I do as Prime Minister and Minister of Defence, and there is a danger, if one gives full and frank and frequent statements revealing one's own point of view, or the point of view of the Government or of those who are charged with the strategical and tactical decisions, that the enemy may gain an advantage. Certainly it would be very convenient if Herr Hitler or the important chiefs in Germany were to give us, every fortnight or so, an honest-to-God—if they were capable of it—statement. I am sure we should immediately set a dozen active and agile Intelligence Officers to study not only what was said but what was not said, and to read not only the lines but between the lines, and to collate any stray words with the other information which might perhaps afford a clue. Therefore, I hope the House will be indulgent to me if, although always at their service, I choose the occasions somewhat rarely, and, in the event of their desiring information at some period which I do not feel convenient, I hope the House will allow me to impart it to them as far as possible in Secret Session.

With this prelude, let me remind the House, in reinforcement of my plea for not making too many speeches, that I did say when we opened the Session, in a speech which I made on the Motion in reply to the Gracious Speech, that what was wanted was deeds, not words. Well, I do not think we have wholly failed to make good that hope. The Battle of the Libyan Desert is still proceeding, and I have no later news than that which is contained in the public Press at the moment. We are attacking the fort and town of Bardia with strong and increasing forces, and the situation there is not such that T can make any decided statement upon it. But I will go so far as to say that I have reason to believe it is developing favourably. Of course, of this memorable battle, spread over this vast extent of desert, with swiftly moving mechanised columns circling in and out of the camps and posts of the enemy, and with fighting taking place over an area as large, I have been told, as Yorkshire, it is not possible to give all the details at the present time. I am, however, sure that the figure of 30,000 prisoners is, even up to the present moment, a considerable under-statement, and 100 serviceable guns and 50 tanks, together with a great quantity of invaluable stores, have also been gathered by our troops. At Sidi Omar, the day before yesterday, operations resulted in another 800 prisoners and a battery of artillery being captured, and on the same day at Giarabub Oasis, West of the Siwa Oasis, that was being attacked by Australian Forces, it happened that an Australian cavalry squadron charged sword in hand and gathered both guns and transport as its trophies.

One cannot say that the Italians have shown a high fighting spirit, or quality, in this battle. In other periods of Italian history, we know, they have shown great courage; and I am certainly not going to frame a charge of lack of military qualities against a people with whom up to this time we have had—and God knows we never sought it now—no quarrel. But perhaps their hearts are not in their work. Perhaps they have been so long controlled and disciplined and ruled, and so much relieved of all share in the government of their own country, that they have not felt those virile emotions which are the foundation for the actions of brave armies, and which are best nourished by discipline imposed upon freedom. At any rate, we have seen the spectacle of at least one whole Italian division laying down its arms to far inferior forces; and our Air Force, which has been contending at odds of three or four or five to one has been fighting with continued success. The House will be anxious to know what in this fighting the cost has been in life and limb to our troops. Up to the night of the 16th, which is the latest return I have, the British Army, a considerable Army, which was moved so rapidly into the desert, having continuous fighting the whole week, lost less than 1,000 killed and wounded, of all ranks, British, Indians and Imperial troops. There, no doubt, have been other losses since. We must regard this event as highly satisfactory; and its reactions in other directions will be favourable, and should permit us to take bolder views than those which have been open to us before.

This is a case where risks have been well run. The risk in the desert was considerable. The movement across 70 or 80 miles of desert of this large force was open to very considerable hazards, and the assault upon Sidi Barrani had about it this cause of anxiety— with which I did not trouble the House at the time—that petrol and water were strictly limited in the attacking force, and that failure or delay would have entailed considerable curtailment of our operations. But these risks have been surmounted by the great skill of our Commander, General Wilson, who is reputed to be one of our finest tacticians; and General Wavell, whose figure grows upon the Eastern horizon, rises there to the very great pleasure and encouragement of all the people over here who look eagerly to see the arrival upon the scene of this great war of military, naval, and air figures to whom the Armies and the Fleets can give their enthusiasm. I must not forget the work which has been done in this battle by Air Chief Marshal Longmore, who at the most critical moment in their preparations had to have a very large part of his force taken away from him for Greece, but who nevertheless, persevered, running additional risks, and whose handling of this situation, in co-operation with the Army, deserves the highest praise. It is, indeed, a pleasure to me personally, because when I was at the Admiralty in 1912, forming the Royal Naval Air Service, he was one of the first few fliers there, and in those days of very dubious machines he several times used to fly me about, We were personal friends as long ago as that.

I hope that the House will be contented with the present results achieved by this offensive. I do not consider that it is by any means at an end, but I think it will be better to let the future unfold as it will, without attempting to skip on ahead or in any way to forecast how the play may run. I have said that I considered that risks were well run there. They were also well run here by the General Staff of the British Army and by the War Cabinet and by the staffs who studied this matter; because it was not an easy thing in July and August—if we cast our minds back to that date —to send precious tanks of the best quality and cannon, of which we were then so short, on that long journey around the Cape of Good Hope, in order to enable us at first to defend ourselves, and later to assume the offensive. I can only say that those were hard decisions to take, and that my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for War and I had many anxious days in coming to those conclusions. But you will not have any means of abridging this war, or, in deed, of emerging from it safely, unless risks are run. Risks do imply that when forfeit is exacted, as it may be when the great ship is sunk or some great attack repulsed with heavy slaughter, the House will stand by the Government and the military commanders. I have endeavoured always to say that those who launch themselves against the enemy, in any action, with vigour and violence will, whatever the upshot, receive the support of His Majesty's Government and, I doubt not, also of the House of Commons.

Another reason which makes this victory gratifying to us is that the British Army has at last had an opportunity of showing its quality. We have had hard and unfortunate experiences in this war; but in the fighting around Dunkirk all the divisions which were engaged with the enemy had the consciousness that they were fully a match for their German opponents Several battles fought on a front of one or two divisions showed that we had not the slightest reason to shrink from contact on anything like equal terms or even against a show of arms with the regular mass of the troops of the German Army. Now we have seen in Libya that our military science and staff officers are capable of planning and executing extremely complex and daring operations with efficiency—and it is not there only that we have such officers. Therefore, I renew my advice to the House to do all possible to cultivate and develop the strength and efficiency of the great British Army now building up at home. Certainly, it will give its help in any emergency where air-raid damage occurs, but we must have here an Army on a large scale—I carefully avoid say- ing what the numbers should be, but on a large scale—not only, to defend this Island, but for action in other theatres should they suggest themselves at any time. We must have a large Army, well found, equipped with the very best weapons, and drilled, trained and practised in what I have ventured to call all the arts and manoeuvres of war.

I am sure the House will feel that is a wise and provident provision for the year 1941. in which we shall, I trust, find opportunities of using our Forces, if not in defence of this Island, in other theatres, where we may hope that they will' be able to contend with their opponents on terms of a moderate equality in numbers and, I trust, in terms of equality of equipment. This is the first time that we have had equal equipment. As I have said, we are still only half armed. It is no good hoping and asking for immediate conclusions. We are still a half-armed nation, fighting a well-armed nation, a fully-armed nation, a nation which has already passed the saturation point in its armaments. But in the course of 1941 we shall become a well-armed nation too, and that will open possibilities to us which have not been opened up to the present. As my right hon. Friend the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs knows so well, it takes three or four years to put the industries of a country on to a war basis. The Germans reached the saturation point, the culmination point, certainly at the end of last year, and now we ourselves are still only in the second year; but by the efforts which are being made and by the great supplies which are reaching us and will reach us from the United States, we hope that we shall become well armed during the course of 1941. It is essential that every effort should be made in the armaments and munitions factories to improve the supplies not only of the Air Force but of the Army, and every risk well run there under the fire of the enemy, every loyal endeavour which our united nation can procure from the workmen in those factories, who themselves are whole-hearted in the vigorous prosecution of the war, everything that can be done to accelerate and to make a more abundant production, will be a step towards victory, and towards an earlier victory than would otherwise be possible.

The House is now separating. Hon. Members will be in their constituencies in many cases. Let them use their influence wherever they can to speed the good work, to sustain the morale, if ever it were necessary, and to speed the work of production in every way they possibly can. When we come back we can indeed debate these issues of man-power and production. We are not by any means content with the results, but they are certainly on a very great and very substantial scale. We must never be content. We must continue the drive to our utmost in order to see that our men have weapons placed in their hands worthy of the task that they have to perform and worthy of the qualities and sacrifice that they bring to the discharge of that task. What I have said in respect of munitions applies with equal force to food production in all its forms. When I spoke the other day of the years 1943 and 1944, I did not mean that I believed the war would go on then, but in matters like agriculture and shipbuilding you have to get on to steady grooves. You have to look ahead. If you do not make plans on that scale, you will not even get the first fruits in good time. Anything that can be done to increase the volume of our food production will be the wisest insurance for the later years of this war, assuming it should unhappily be prolonged to such a period, which is by no means certain.

We are separating for a short Recess, and we may, I think, look with some sense of composure and even satisfaction at the progress which has been made and at the state of our affairs; but it would be a disaster if anyone supposed that the supreme dangers, the mortal dangers, are past. They are not. There are the dangers of prolonged deadlock, but there may be also more immediate dangers. The winter season offers some advantages to an invader to counterbalance those which belong to the summer season. It would be a very great lack of prudence, a lack of prudence amounting to a crime, if vigilance were relaxed in our Armies here at home, or if in any way it was assumed that the dangers of invasion had passed. Most careful preparations must continue to be made, and although it has been for some time past possible to give a proportion of leave to our troops to their homes which are close at hand, which are in this small Island, yet that should not in any way be taken as the slightest justification for supposing that we must not watch from hour to hour the dangerous menace which still exists in full force at so very short a distance away. I may say that, of course, our defence of the beaches is complete. From the North of Scotland right round the Island enormous masses of guns and machine guns and fortified posts, with every device of defence, have been erected and are guarded by large numbers of ardent and well-trained men.

But we are not making the mistake which was made by the French General Staff when they thought that holding the Maginot Line was all that was necessary. I remember well going to Paris at that dark moment after the first defeat and asking immediately, "What are you going to do with your mass of manoeuvre or general reserve?" It was with the greatest sorrow that I learned that a general reserve did not exist and had to be drawn from different parts of the line. Well, we have now got a very large Army behind in this country which is capable of moving to any place with great rapidity and going into action in the strongest counter-offensive, and, therefore, one may have good confidence in our power to beat the enemy, even supposing he should succeed in setting foot in any strength on these shores.

Nevertheless the watchword which we must carry must be that vigilance must be unceasing. We must remember that Herr Hitler—and I certainly deprecate any comparison between Herr Hitler and Napoleon; I do not wish to insult the dead—who wields gigantic power and is capable of wielding it in a ruthless manner, has great need of doing something now, or soon, at any rate, in the next few months. When the war began he had his plans all ready for Poland, and he doubted whether Britain and France would come in, or, if they came in, would persist. When he had destroyed Poland, he found himself faced with the war effort of Britain and France. He waited a long time in complete quiescence, as it seemed, and then struck those terrible series of blows which shattered France. He then thought that in the fall of France would be involved, the fall of Britain, but it did not turn out that way; it turned oar differently, and one must suppose that he is making other plans which will be particularly directed to our benefit and our address. Therefore, I am using this opportunity of addressing the House to urge not only increasing vigilance but the increasing effort of all, wherever they may be.

We are not afraid of any blow which may be struck against us, but we must make increasing preparations. The attacks in the air have slackened somewhat because of the weather, but they might easily have slackened in preparation for some other form of activity. I need hardly say, however, that the method of dealing with them and fighting by night is being studied with passion and zeal by a very large number of extremely able and brilliant scientists and officers. So far we have been no more successful in stopping the German night raider than Germans have been successful in stopping our aeroplanes, which have ranged freely over Germany. We have struck very heavy blows; the blows at Mannheim appeared to be of a very heavy character, and the enemy have not found any means of preventing them. So far we have not reached any satisfactory remedy, although we have noticed a considerable improvement in various directions. We must expect a continuance of these attacks and must bear them. The organisation of shelters, the improvement of sanitation, and the endeavour to mitigate the extremely painful conditions under which many people have to get their night's rest—that is the first task of the Government at home. The Air-Raid Precautions, the Home Office, and the Ministry of Health are just as much in the front line of the battlefield as are the armoured columns which are chasing the Italian columns about the Libyan desert. I hope and trust, indeed, that we shall succeed in mitigating increasingly the conditions which prevail in shelters. It will not be for the want of trying or for the lack of spending money. But the difficulties of handling such great numbers of people under conditions where materials are short and labour is so fully employed on this or that other task are very great. It is a matter in which we welcome the assistance of Parliament, in either Public or Secret Session. Complaints can be made, and should be brought to the notice of Ministers in order that everything possible may be done.

The only other point I would mention is the sinkings in the Atlantic. They still continue at a very disquieting level; not so bad as in the critical period of 1917, but still we must recognise the recrudescence of the danger which, a year ago, we seemed to have mastered. We shall steadily increase, from now on, our resources in flotillas and other methods of defence, but we must regard the keeping open of this channel to the world against submarines and the long-distance aircraft which are now attacking as the first of the military tasks which lie before us at the present time.

I have spoken rather longer than I had intended, but the interest of these topics is such that one is bound to refer to them. All I can say now is that if we look back to where we were in May and June, there is not one of us who cannot go away for Christmas—I would not say for holidays, because, so far as Ministers are concerned, any relaxation must only be the opportunity for making up arrears—or separate for the time being without a feeling of thankfulness that we have been preserved so far and that we have made progress after a moment when many in the world, including our best friends abroad, despaired of our continued power of resistance, that we have maintained ourselves, that our resistance has grown, that we have preserved ourselves secure in our Island home and reached out long and strong hands across the seas to discharge the obligations which we have undertaken to countries which have put their faith in us.

I would like to add a few words of personal tribute to the very eloquent homage paid by the Prime Minister to Lord Lothian. It is difficult for me to speak of him. I was personally associated with him during the most critical times through which this country and the British Empire passed, not even excepting, thank God, so far, this war. As the Prime Minister reminded the House, we had the submarine attack upon our shipping at a peak which has not yet been reached. We had responsible advisers who told us that, if it went on at that rate, we would not be able to conduct the war to the end of that year. We had the following year the complete shattering of our most powerful military Ally, the Ally that had practically kept the battle going when we were in a state of almost complete unpreparedness. That Ally was completely destroyed. We endured one of the two greatest defeats in the war. It was a question whether we would be able to recover, because our remaining Ally had to face the fact of mutiny in its own Army, and the Italian support became very doubtful after Caporetto. Mr. Philip Kerr was my constant comrade throughout the whole of that very dark, anxious period, and I wished for no better comrade or more stout-hearted. His deep spiritual placidity was unshakable by any events, and he was very cheerful at the worst moment. He was a good comrade in the black-out.

He was a man of remarkable abilities. As the Prime Minister stated, the depth and the breadth of his intellectual capacity impressed some of the greatest men of that day—Clemenceau, President Wilson, Venezelos—that galaxy of great men. They were very impressed with Philip Kerr and treated him, not as a Prime Minister's secretary, but ad if he were an emissary to the Conference, and a very important one. But the basis of his character was deeper than his capacity. His abilities were consecrated and inspired by his deep faith. He was intensely religious, but never flaunted it; he was intensely religious without bigotry, without intolerance and without any of the hatreds that too often mar an ardent faith. He had none of these, but was a Christian gentleman in every sense of the term. It was good to know him as a colleague; it was better still to work with him, and it is a sad loss to lose him. As the Prime Minister said, he departed when most of his task, and the most difficult part of it, was accomplished. There could have been no better choice for that task. He knew America. He was a constant visitor there. He understood the American people and had a great affection for them, and they knew it. So Philip Kerr—forgive me for using his name—could talk to them in a language which no other man of British birth could dare. They took it from him. He made bold, outspoken, blunt speeches. I do not know of any other man from whom they would have taken it as they took it from Lothian. He accomplished most of his task. He told me himself, when I had the privilege of lunching with him in the House, that it was very hard work, and he doubted whether he could last another six months at the work. I think, and I speak as one who knew him well, that he showed signs of the strain. His sudden, tragic death has made as deep an impression if riot a deeper impression in America than it has here, and the difficulties of his successor will be eased by what has been done. In fact, there is further evidence that his task is accomplished. I hope that the House will forgive me for paying that tribute to him.

I would have liked—but this is a very inconvenient time for the House of Commons— to have said a word or two about the Prime Minister's review of the Italian campaign. [HON. MEMBERS: "Go on."] I attach very great importance to what has happened, not merely because of the victory itself, but because of its reactions. I think the reactions will be very considerable. That is why I am very glad to hear from the Prime Minister that we propose to press on. From such experience as I have had of the Italians in the last war, it is the time to press on. They are not the sort of people who would fight great battles like this and only inflict casualties by thousands if their heart was in it. Their heart is clearly not in the job, and that is the great revelation of this attack. I have nothing but admiration for the skill with which it was organised, designed and carried out, but the great fact which emerges from this and the Greek campaign is that the Italians have not their hearts in this job. If you press on, the possibilities are tremendous.

Mussolini is a dictator who has been there for 18 years, and that is a very dangerous period for a dictator to face disaster after. Napoleon I was dictator for about 18 years, and Napoleon III was dictator for 18 years, and disaster finished them. A dictator who has nothing but a humiliating series of defeats with which to encourage his people, in a war which they do not want, will not be able to carry his people very much further in this war. I knew it in 1915 up to 1918. Their heart was not in that. They were not the people to run away from Caporetto merely because they saw people on the Julian Alps. The Italians have a record of great bravery in their past, but the peasant never wanted that war. He entered into it purely as a result of bargaining with both sides. Giolitti wanted them to bargain with the Germans for Austrian territory. Sonnino, on the other hand, wanted to bargain with us, and he was a pretty astute bargainer—he was half a Jew and half a Welshman. He got a very good bargain, but after the war the Italians did not know how to make the best use of it because they got rid of Sonnino. A good deal of the mischief is due to that. But at any rate we were able to give a better bargain. We had more to give because we gave Italy something which belonged to the Turks and Austrians, and we had no scruples or difficulties. Therefore we gave them a good bargain.

But what I want to press is that the Italian peasant did not want to go into the war. The Vatican was against it, and the priests were against it, and they have great influence over the peasants. They entered into the war reluctantly, and they did not care very much about the names of places, which we put down in the Treaty, which they had never heard of; or about which they knew nothing at all. What was the result? The moment they came up against a disaster they ran away, and one thing which has never been recognised is that they never rallied after Caporetto. They talk about the great victory of Vittorio Venito, but they were then fighting an army which was broken and which was practically retreating—the Austrian army was retreating. When Foch tried to persuade them to engage in an offensive, in 1918, in order to relieve the terrific pressure upon France and ourselves, they absolutely refused. Why? Not because Diaz was not prepared to fight, but because Diaz knew his men would not fight a war in which they did not believe. Who thinks that they believe in this? This was of the same sort, but it is worse. It was purely a case of Mussolini coming in as the receiver of stolen goods after he thought the burglary had been accomplished. That is not a thing which stirs up the soul of an artistic nation, especially if they find the goods are not there, and especially if they have got to be fetched from the deserts of Libya, and from the impenetrable fastnesses of Epirus. That is not what they came in for. If you press them—and I am glad the Prime Minister has said that it is going to be done— with all the resources at our power, they will not stand. Mussolini cannot persuade them, in my judgment, to fight, and the consequences may be very far-reaching indeed.

I want to urge one thing—I do not know that it is necessary to urge it—and that is that you should arm the Abyssinians. They are a first-class fighting race, and they have had plenty of time to loathe the Italians during these few years, whatever they thought of them before. They will fight. They are excellent soldiers, but we deprived them of guns, otherwise they would have beaten Mussolini the first time. If you give them rifles, machine guns, and some simple weapons which they can handle without much training, they will win their independence, and Abyssinia will be the firstfruits of them that have slept in this cemetery of the aggressors among free nations. That is worth doing. Let us have one of them free. I believe you will get it. I urge it.

I only have one word to say about the Greeks. The Prime Minister and I were in another Greek "schemozzle" in 1322. We both believed in the Greeks, and we were almost alone. Our view was that the Greek was a fine soldier and extraordinarily intelligent. If he believes in what he is fighting for, and if he believes in his leaders—he evidently does— he is a first-class fighter. I believe it is in the interest of civilisation and of the British Empire that we should have a powerful Greece in the Eastern Mediterranean. He has shown his qualities and has beaten the Italians by brains as well as by courage, and is still doing it. I hope by the time we meet again we shall be able to congratulate the Prime Minister on having eliminated the more squalid of his opponents.

Tangier

I do not intend to deal with the general discussion on the war situation which the Prime Minister has opened. I rise to discuss the question of Tangier, and I am rather encouraged in dealing with this question by the Prime Minister's remark that, as the result of our successes in Libya, we are now permitted to take bolder views than perhaps we have done in the past on this particular matter. The strategic importance of Tangier, situated as it is about 35 miles south west of Gibraltar at the entrance to the Mediterranean, has been recognised for many years, especially by naval authorities. Nearly 300 years ago Admiral Blake, fresh from his dashing victory over the Spaniards at Santa Cruz, made this statement:

The international character of Tangier was affirmed by the Franco-Spanish Convention of 1904, and by the Act of Algeciras of 1906, and when, in 1911, Germany gave France a free hand in Morocco, His Majesty's Government would not adhere to that Convention until they received an assurance that the special status of Tangier would be maintained. The special status of Tangier was further affirmed by the Franco-Moroccan Treaty of 1912 and the Franco-Spanish Convention of the same year. The international status of Tangier was finally determined by the Convention signed by Britain, France and. Spain in 1923 and by the further Convention, five years later, by which Italy was brought into the administration. By this Convention the zone of Tangier was "placed under a regime of permanent neutrality" and there were set up a Legislative Assembly, a Committee of Control and an international gendarmerie. That Convention was adhered to by Belgium, Holland, Sweden and Portugal as signatories of the Act of Algeciras. I do not know whether the United States adhered to it. They did not then and I do not know if they have done since, but they reserved all their rights. That is the diplomatic position.

On 14th June of this year, the day the Germans, entered Paris, the Spanish Government suddenly declared that they had abandoned' their attitude of neutrality and changed it to non-belligerency—whatever that may mean. On that day Spanish troops, "in agreement," it was said, "with the French Government," occupied Tangier. The Spanish Consul-General on that occasion informed the British Consul-General that the occupation would be of a provisional character only and that it had taken place "with the exclusive object of securing the neutrality of Tangier," and the Undersecretary of State on 19th June said: to Madrid. There were great festivities and a bull fight was held in honour of Herr Himmler. I do not know whether our Ambassador has ever enjoyed a similar entertainment. Senor Suner, who had become Foreign Minister, stated that his appointment signified "Spain's acceptance of the new order."

On 24th October Herr Hitler arrived on the frontier of Spain with a staff of Generals. He saw General Franco and it is said that he tried to persuade him to throw in his lot with the Axis. Apparently General Franco, who rules Spain to-day by the method of the firing party and the execution squad, was very reluctant to do this. Certainly there are many grave reasons in the economic and social condition of Spain— and many of these reasons are in prison—why General Franco should not be drawn into war at the present time. On 3rd November, only a few days later, the Spanish authorities seized the International Zone of Tangier and dissolved the Committee of Control, the Legislative Assembly and the International Gendarmerie. We protested against this action and Senor Suner paid a hurried visit to Herr Hitler. He saw not only Herr Hitler, but M. Laval as well. On his return on 1st December a decree was issued applying Spanish laws to the Tangier Zone.

In spite of this further defiance and of all our protests, and the fact, as the Under-Secretary had stated, that the British Minister had left the Spanish Government in no doubt regarding the attitude of the British Government as to this further unilateral action, on the following day our Minister and Senor Suner signed an agreement granting special financial advantages to Spain. It seems to me that if you protest against a certain thing and the day after you sign an agreement giving financial advantages to a country, it rather takes the sting out of the protests. It is like a, man saying to another, "I am forced to protest against this thing, but you need not take very much notice of it for nothing will happen." Neither protests nor acts of good will seem to have the slightest effect upon General Franco's Government, because on Friday last, after all this had been happening, and without any warning, the Spanish authorities dissolved the last remnants of the International Administration in Tangier. They dismissed the British, French and Italian officials, including the British Finance Officer and a British judge.

This is a grave situation, and I hope that the Government fully realise its gravity. Tangier is now full of Spanish troops, and the Under-Secretary said yesterday that it was a matter for the Spanish Government to say how many troops they should have there. Seeing that Tangier is an International Zone, I do not think that is correct, for we have a right to say a word about that. It has been stated that German aeroplanes are also there and there have been rumours that there are even German troops in Tangier. It is impossible for a private Member to obtain these facts, but that is what one sees in newspaper reports. Seeing that Herr Hitler has long wanted to have air bases in North and West Africa it is certain that if we allow Tangier to be fortified German troops may soon be there. Again, if the Free French Movement under General de Gaulle makes headway in French Morocco there is the possibility of Spanish troops from Tangier helping the Vichy Government to suppress it. That is another danger.

The Under-Secretary has told us that the Government attach great importance to this matter, and that they have already registered several protests. I hope that they will go further and be prepared if necessary to take even drastic measures to preserve the neutrality and the unfortified character of Tangier. There seems to have been far too much of the discredited policy of appeasement being .pursued regarding our relations with the Spanish Government. That was indicated by the deplorable attempt to get Dr. Negrin to leave this country. It is as well he is in London at the present time. It may give General Franco a hint that if he thinks of joining the Axis we have an alternative Prime Minister over here, who would enjoy the support of the majority of the people of Spain. In any case it is one thing to give legitimate help and to show good will to Spain, and it is another thing to fawn on a Fascist dictator and submit to blackmail. A great country like ours can never afford to submit to blackmail, and it is useless to offer good will to any country unless we meet with good faith in return.

It is all very well to facilitate the supply to Spain of wheat, cotton and petrol, but we do not expect these friendly and helpful acts to be met by a rebuff and a menace. It is all very well for our Ambassador to attempt to placate the Spanish Government by presenting the religious ornaments of the late Duke of Wellington to the Cathedral of Valladolid, but we do not expect the reply to that to be the broken word of a hidalgo of Spain. Senor Suner ought to be shown that the velvet glove of the right hon. Member for Chelsea (Sir S. Hoare) conceals the iron gauntlet of the right hon. Member for Epping (Mr. Churchill) General Franco ought to be told that the Prime Minister's declaration, "We must be undaunted, we must be inflexible," applies to British policy in Spain as elsewhere. The Spanish Government must be made to understand that the shameful policy of the Non-Intervention Committee is dead and that there is alive in England to-day the spirit of Blake and Nelson who knew the importance of this issue; and that just as Blake swept into the harbour of Santa Cruz and Nelson swept into the Bay of Trafalgar, so, if need be, Cunningham or Tovey can sweep into the Port of Tangier, our aeroplanes can land on the aerodrome, and our soldiers, be disembarked on the quays. We hope that it may not have to come to that. It need not come to that if the Government adopt a firm, resolute and definite policy. This is not a matter which can be left until after the war, as some Fifth Columnist has whispered into the ear of the Editor of the "Times." I ask the Government to take rapid and decisive action now to preserve the neutrality and the unfortified character of Tangier. If they fail to do this they will be committing an error which may lead to the gravest consequences and result in the swift termination of the careers of the Foreign Secretary and his Minister at Madrid.

I do not propose to detain the House more than a few minutes, but as I was actually the negotiator, with the French and Spanish representatives, of the 1923 Tangier Convention, I think I may be able to add a few words to the very able and well-documented speech which has just been made by the hon. Member for Broxtowe (Mr. Cocks). I need hardly insist, or remind the House further, in view of what he said, of the vital importance which must be attached to the position of Tangier from the strategical point of view. His Majesty's present Government, and also their predecessors, have always been fully alive to that position. I am myself satisfied that in the somewhat perilous circumstances in which we find ourselves in the rest of the world, His Majesty's Government are doing all that they possibly can do for the moment to indicate to the Spanish Government that they take a very serious view of the position. I am not going to take the House through a long story, but when I negotiated in 1923 the position was that the French were the dominating Power and that the Spaniards argued that, as Tangier was situated geographically within the Spanish zone of Morocco, therefore they ought to be the administrators. We argued with vigour, consistency and determination for a number of years that we could not afford to allow any first-class Power to dominate in Tangier. We stuck to that rigidly. The result was the Tangier Convention of 1923, and that internationalised the zone, which we thought was the safest and the best thing to do.

Events now have unfortunately torn up—because that is not too strong a word—that Convention. The hon. Member for Broxtowe advocates rather stronger measures than I think we are capable of carrying out at the present moment; we have too many serious obligations; but I would venture to make one suggestion to my right hon. Friend the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. As he knows full well, and as the House knows full well, you cannot carry on foreign policy or make representations to foreign Powers unless yon know something of their psychology. Now, the psychology of the Spanish people, and therefore of the Spanish Government, is in one point a very simple one. They have a very great sense and idea of their honour. It is partly for that reason that the present Spanish Government feel that they owe an obligation to the German Government, and that they are inclined for the moment to be pro-German. I would suggest to my right hon. Friend that that is a line of approach, that we should go to the Spanish Government and say to them, quite simply, "This is a Convention which was freely negotiated. It was freely signed by you after negotiations which lasted a very considerable time. We cannot honestly believe that the Spanish Government, with the tradition of a sense of honour which that Government and the people have, extending through the centuries, will, now that one of the signatories of that Convention finds itself in very perilous waters, take advantage of those circumstances and tear up a Convention which they freely signed not so very long ago."

The hon. Member for Broxtowe (Mr. Cocks) has shown a sustained interest in Tangier throughout the Session, and he has to-day set out the history of this subject. I do not differ from him in his exposition of the case, and I do not quarrel with the significance which he attaches to recent events. During the developments since the beginning of November I have left the House in no doubt of the importance which His Majesty's Government has attached to recent Spanish action. This Spanish action has, in fact, resulted in the dissolution of the International Administration. The Committee of Control, the Legislative Assembly and the Bureau of Information were dissolved on 3rd November. It was on 13th December that the Departments of Finance, Police, Health and Public Works were taken over by the Spaniards. The House has been kept fully informed of all these developments, as the hon. Member for Broxtowe indicated. On 9th June we first made representations with a view to securing the strict neutrality of Tangier. In fact, up to 3rd November the organs of the international regime continued to function. Then came the developments of 3rd November, when, through His Majesty's Ambassador, the British Government reserved their rights under the Instruments of 1923 and 1928— the hon. Member referred in particular to the Instrument of 192i—which govern the International Administration.

Reference has been made previously in an answer to one of the many Questions on this subject, to the law of 1st December which established a new juridical régime in the Tangier zone, applying to that zone the laws of the Spanish Protectorate in Morocco. I informed the House that His Majesty's Government expressed their definite disapproval of this further unilateral action. I informed the House that we were attempting to elucidate its precise effects, and it was when trying to find out the full effect of this somewhat obscure law that His Majesty's Ambassador received assurances from the Spanish Government that the collective and individual rights of British subjects would be safeguarded, that no hurried economic changes were contemplated, and that Spain would guarantee peace in the zone. It was on the same occasion that the Spanish Minister of Foreign Affairs gave an assurance that, there would be no permanent fortification of the zone, and I conveyed that information to the hon. Member for Broxtowe himself in the course of an answer to a Question.

Now the House will be interested to know what action is being taken as a result of the further coup of 13th December. As I told the House yesterday, the most definite language is being used by the local Consul-General in Tangier and by His Majesty's Ambassador, both to the authorities in Tangier and to the Spanish Government itself in Madrid. We are particularly anxious to know what is the practical effect of the general assurances about British subjects which were given at the beginning of December, and we are concerning ourselves about the future of the British personnel in the administration. The House may be interested to know that the British officials consist of a Finance Member, a Treasurer, a British Judge, and a British second-in-command of the Police. There are 14 other British subjects in subordinate positions, making 18 in all. Of these, the Judge and one minor officer in the Mixed Tribunal still hold their posts, as the Mixed Tribunal still exists.

It is to be noted that it is not only the British officials who have received this treatment at the hands of the Spanish authorities, but also foreign officers of the other nations concerned. For the most part, these are French or Italian. Similar treatment has been meted out to all of them. As regards British residents in Tangier, there are some 1,700, and it is about these that we have so far received an assurance. It is about the officials that we are making further strong and definite representations in the course of the negotiations now proceeding. Hon. Members will rightly wish to follow what success we have in securing the rights of the British subjects and the British officials concerned, and these matters are under discussion at the present moment between His Majesty's Ambassador and the Spanish authorities.

The hon. Member showed an interest in the position of the other foreign Governments concerned. The signatories to the Statute are France, Spain, the United Kingdom and Italy. As the hon. Member pointed out, the Netherlands, Belgium, Portugal and Sweden are adherents. I cannot speak for Italy and France, but I understand that the Netherlands and Belgian Governments have protested, with us, against the Spanish action. Meanwhile, we have informed the Portuguese and Swedish Governments of the action we are taking. The hon. Member raised a query about the position of the United States Government. The United States Government are not an adherent, but the hon. Member may rest assured that they are fully aware of the position and that there is contact between us.

The House may wish to know in greater detail the nature of the representations being made by His Majesty's Ambassador. Since this matter is now the subject of diplomatic exchanges between the two Governments, and my Noble Friend has not yet received from the .Ambassador a report of his interview. I can only say that the latest Spanish action, with all the consequences which flow from such an act, is now under discussion; and, with a view to assisting His Majesty's Ambassador in those discussions, he has been authorised to invite, and has invited, His Majesty's Consul-General in Tangier to proceed to Madrid at once. I think this will illustrate the importance that we attach to the discussions at present in progress.

Reference has been made to our economic policy towards Spain. I cannot go any further to-day than to remind the House of the policy laid down by the Minister of Economic Warfare, when he stated that His Majesty's Government did not intend to extend the blockade to neutral countries, such as Spain and Portugal, and that we should grant navicerts, where supplies could reach such neutrals without the risk of falling into the enemy's hands, on such a scale as to allow imports adequate for their needs but not for re-export. This was designed, of course, to enable the Spanish Government to provide for the immediate and pressing necessities of the Spanish people, who are still suffering from the effects of the civil war. There is a particular want of food and raw materials. It has always been the policy of His Majesty's Government to encourage Spain to adopt an independent policy, and, despite any propaganda put about by our enemies and any steps they may take to give a false impression of the attitude of His Majesty's Government, that remains our policy.

Spain can be independent if her people are properly cared for. But she must realise that recent action, such as that taken by her at Tangier, must influence the minds of the British people. We recognise the particular interest of Spain in Tangier, but we are fully entitled, indeed it is our duty as one of the signatories of an international agreement, to claim respect for the provisions of that agreement and for the reasonable rights of our own nationals. I have borne in mind the suggestions made by the hon. Member for Broxtowe for some drastic action. I have also listened to the advice of my right hon. Friend the Member for Mitcham (Sir M. Robertson), who had so much to do with the drawing up of the instrument itself. I am sure that the gravity of their statements and the obvious signs of their interest in this question, as representing the interest felt in the House, will not be lost upon the Spanish people when they read the reports of our Debates. I must say that, realising, as I do, the gravity of the position as set out in the historical sketch made by the hon. Member for Broxstowe, there is much to be said for the line of action suggested by my right hon. Friend. I think and hope that the Spaniards will realise the importance that is attached here to this question. It is clearly in the interests of an independent Spain and of the United Kingdom that there should be co-operation between our two Governments, but such co-operation equally clearly depends on the readiness of both parties to make a contribution to it.

I do not desire to prolong this Debate or to keep the Under-Secretary of State here for more than a moment, but I have risen to thank my hon. Friend the Member for Broxtowe (Mr. Cocks) and my right hon. Friend the Member for Mitcham (Sir M. Robertson) for the powerful speeches which they have made. They have certainly rendered a service by raising this subject to-day. Unhappily, a dangerous situation has developed in Tansrier, as the Under-Secretary said. It may easily turn to greater danger and to our grave disadvantage. The history of the Italian submarines has not yet been properly cleared up. It has left me feeling extremely uneasy. If things were to go on from bad to worse, and if they took the turn which my hon. Friend the Member for Broxtowe suggested was possible, and if Italian or German bases were, in fact, established, we should, of course, have to intervene by armed force; and, of course, we should do so. We all hope that the situation may be cleared up by other means and that the status quo will be restored.

I would only say one thing to the Government and to the Under-Secretary of State. We have had a long experience of appeasement. It has never once succeeded in achieving the purpose for which it was designed. It has always led to developments of greater danger. The Under-Secretary pointed out that our legal rights have, quite plainly, been trampled underfoot. If the appeal to honour so admirably suggested by the right hon. Member for Mitcham does not succeed, I hope that the Government will remember that, apart from armed intervention, we have other very powerful means of pressure in our hands. I welcomed very much some of the concluding sentences in the Under-Secretary's speech; I hope that he and the Government will remember that the course of greater safety may very easily lie in making it plain to the Spanish' Government that we have means of pressure and that we are quite prepared to use them if they are required.

Royal Air Force (Coastal Command)

I make no apology for raising the matter of the Fleet Air Arm and the Western approaches to this country, since I believe it to be a matter of vital interest to the country. I have no desire to rake over the ashes of an old controversy which, in my submission, need never have arisen, and which should have been settled in July, 1937, when the principle that the Navy must control its own Air Force was accepted. Indeed, the failure since the last war to put right a strategical blunder, in spite of the repeated requests and demands of the Admiralty that it should he put right, has contributed in no small measure to the very dangerous position in which this country finds itself at the present moment.

We are fighting for our lives, and we cannot afford half measures or compromises when dealing with any weapon which is vital to our success. Our vulnerable spot, as I have said before in this House, lies in the Western approaches to this country. There our shipping by which we live, and the safe passage of which can alone enable us to win the war, is being attacked by Germany, employing a completely new technique. Submarines and surface raiders are working in conjunction. At the same time they are working in conjunction with long-distance land-based aircraft. It is idle for us to close our eyes to the fact that they are at this moment playing havoc with our convoys. There is no harm in saying this, because it is something which should rivet the attention of this House and of the people of this country. By itself the Navy cannot completely conquer and meet the menace. The new technique employed by Germany requires that we ourselves should employ a new technique in order to meet the danger. That is, the employment of longdistance shore-based aircraft working in conjunction with surface and submarine craft and the hunting flotillas. Since it is obvious that the naval authority must control these operations, surely it is common sense to suggest that they should control not only the submarine and surface craft employed in these operations but also the long-distance shore-based aircraft, the employment of which can alone make the operations entirely successful. Everybody in this House knows perfectly well that divided control in the end spells disaster. Were the Navy in full possession of its own fleet air arm there would at the present time be no question of divided control.

The House will ask, Why is it not in possession of the necessary machines and aerodromes? Twenty years ago a fundamental error was made when the Royal Naval Air Service was merged with the Royal Flying Corps into the Royal Air Force. I have often heard it said that that amalgamation was the result of war experience. As a matter of fact, any statement of that kind is completely devoid of truth. It was not as the result of war experience that the Royal Naval Air Service, as every impartial student of its history knows, was transferred at a most critical time in the last war, namely in the Spring of 1918. The right hon. Gentleman the Prime Minister referred to that particular time in the war in his speech this afternoon. It was transferred by reason of the efforts of certain people who possessed great influence with the then Government. There is no good our shutting our eyes to that fact; it is an historic fact. Indeed it would be fair to say that it was owing to its exceeding efficiency and to the fact that the Royal Naval Air Service possessed machines and engines which were coveted by the Royal Flying Corps, and which that Corps could not obtain in any other way that the amalgamation took place. In 1918 the Royal Naval Flying organisation was broken up. The result of the amalgamation into the Royal Air Force was the complete ruination of naval flying. Ever since the transference naval flying has been starved and stunted at a time when any student of war would be bound to realise that the future would demand a completely new technique so far as naval flying was concerned and when it was obvious that its role in any future war would be very important.

In time of peace all of us, except perhaps those who have had any close connection with the sea, as many Members in this House have, are inclined to forget that nothing is more important in time of war than the safety of our merchant ships and seamen. That is one thing without which we cannot possibly win this or any other war. Upon our merchant ships and seamen depends not only our national life here but our ability to win the war. Ever since the last war the Admiralty have been pressing and pressing that they should be given complete control of their own flying service, and every experience since this war began has proved how completely right the Admiralty have been in their demand. It is not only a matter of sea-borne aircraft, that is to say, aircraft carried in aircraft carriers, which operate both against land and surface vessels, but it is a question of land-based aircraft working under the direct control of the naval authorities in conjunction with surface and submarine craft. Indeed, it would be fair to say that during this war because the Admiralty have not had control of these shore-based aircraft we have had merchant ships sunk and damaged, with the consequent loss of the lives of many seamen. After years of effort the decision was reached that the Navy should control the Fleet Air Arm, but at the same time flying boats and other shore-based aircraft and the aerodromes from which they could operate were left to the complete control of the Air Ministry. The Admiralty have no say in the training of the personnel or the type or number of the aircraft and not enough say in their operation. It is a significant fact that when there was a demand for pilots to man flying boats and the Coastal Command machines a great effort was made by the Air Force to obtain pilots from young officers in the Merchant Navy, showing that they realised that if you are going to have machines operating over the sea they will operate much better if the pilots flying them have knowledge of the sea and of ships. I make no sort of reflection upon the very gallant personnel who man the machines of the Coastal Command. They have done their best and more than their best, but the divided control now being exercised in the operation of these craft makes quite impossible the smooth working which it is essential should exist.

May I remind the House that when the decision regarding the return of the Fleet Air Arm to the Navy was taken in 1937, the then Prime Minister, now Lord Baldwin, actually appointed a Cabinet Committee which consisted of Lord Caldecote, then Sir Thomas Inskip, the right hon. and gallant Gentleman the Member for Westmorland (Mr. Stanley), and the present Foreign Secretary, Lord Halifax? I believe it to be a fact that on the day that the appointment of the Committee was announced in the House of Commons by Sir Thomas Inskip, Lord "Weir, who held an unofficial position as adviser to the Air Ministry, threatened to resign his position if the inquiry took place. The Government, in my opinion very weakly, climbed down, but, apparently as the result of very strong and proper pressure by the First Sea Lord, the Prime Minister and the Government summoned up enough courage to allow an inquiry by Sir Thomas Inskip and the three Chiefs of Staff. To-day we are reaping the fruits of that lack of courage on the part of the Government. I venture to suggest that had the inquiry taken place, not only would we have had in the Fleet Air Arm the machines carried in the aircraft carriers, but the whole of the flying-boat service and sufficient aerodromes and long-distance aircraft to enable us to meet the menace with which we are now faced in the Western approaches. One is tempted to wonder, Who is Lord Weir that he should threaten to resign as a retaliatory measure because the Prime Minister of this country appoints a committee of inquiry? I would remind the House that so great a man as Marshal Foch, whose opinion is of weight and must be listened to with respect, said in November, 1923, that, from the Army point of view, he would as soon part with control of the artillery as control of the Air Force, and that he could not understand why we in this country had ever agreed to an amalgamation between the Royal Naval Air Service and the Royal Flying Corps. Guns are common to all three Services, but I have never heard it suggested here or anywhere else that there should be a separate artillery service. With the strategical relations between the Army and the Air Force I have nothing to do. I am only concerned with the question of naval strategy and naval flying. In reply to a question which was asked on 10th December, the Prime Minister, in his reply, said this: and as a matter of common sense the Admiralty should be given sufficient aerodromes and sufficient aircraft under its sole control to enable it to carry out its duties. It is a matter of plain sense and of simple naval strategy. I will go further, and say with the deepest conviction that until and unless the Admiralty gets under its control as many aircraft and aerodromes as it needs, we shall not and cannot meet satisfactorily the attacks now being made upon our shipping in the western approaches, and I would point out that unless we do meet these attacks we cannot win this war.

This is not a matter of Departmental jealousy. It is something which affects the nation as a whole. It is something far greater than whether one Minister thinks another Minister should have some of his aerodromes and machines; it is a matter of whether we are going to win this war or not, and the sooner that is got into people's minds the better. Twice the Prim: Minister, to whom I pay my tribute of respect for the work he is doing and has done while he has held office during this war, has been First Lord of the Admiralty. Nobody knows better than he does the Admiralty point of view; nobody knows better than he how just are the Admiralty demands. It is not a matter of haggling, bickering and compromise; compromise is going to lose us this war if it is allowed to go on. This question vitally affects every soul in this country, and I make no apology for raising it. If this House is to do any good at all, Members of it have got to speak what they believe to be the truth and call attention to vital facts. I speak with some knowledge because of my early association with the sea and of some study of tactics, and also my knowledge of the last war. I have therefore some claim to say from my place in the House that it is my deep conviction that the greatest danger with which we are now faced lies in the Western approaches to these Islands. That is where we are faced with defeat. Our eyes have been turned, of course, towards the splendid victories won in the East, but the big attack is coming in the Western approaches. Day by day, week by week, we see shipping losses mount, and I say as a professional seaman that the only way in which that attack can be met is by a new technique —by using long-distance aircraft in conjunction with submarines, and, having said that, I leave it to the House to judge whether it is not obvious that control of both these weapons, the long-distance submarine and the long-distance aircraft, must not be in one set of hands and one only.

People may ask why am I pulling up an old controversy by the roots. It is not a controversy, and I am not pulling it up by the roots. War-time is a time when you had better take any and every step which reason demands if you desire to win. It is no good saying: "Let sleeping dogs lie." Better let the dogs get up and bite. If we fail in the Western approaches, we are beaten. If the Admiralty is not given a free hand and full control, our failure in the Western approaches is more than a possibility. To the Lord Privy Seal, who, I presume, is representing the Prime Minister on the Front Bench, and to the First Lord of the Admiralty, to whom I gave notice that I was going to raise this matter, I say, "Give back to the Navy, before it is too late, full control of sufficient shore-based aircraft and sufficient aerodromes to enable them to do their work satisfactorily."

What does the hon. and gallant Member mean by full control? Will he be specific?

I mean by full control exactly what I said. I mean that control of the aerodromes and the aircraft upon them shall be under the Admiralty, and shall be subject to no control by the Air Ministry at all. They should be controlled by the Fleet Air Arm. I am not asking that the Coastal Command shall be done away with. I am only asking for a sufficient extension of the Fleet Air Army to enable it to carry out its function. It must be obvious to almost anybody that there can hardly be, if I may use the term, anything more naval flying in the air than a flying boat, yet instead of the Admiralty controlling flying boats, they are controlled by the Air Ministry. That might be excused, but here is the one weapon which will enable us to meet the German attack in the Western approaches, the long-distance aircraft, and a divided control is allowed to spoil the operations which those responsible for the safety of this country have to undertake. I do beg my right hon. Friend, with all the earnestness I can command, to raise this matter again. I am sure that the Admiralty view is that it is essential they should have extended control. They should not have to go—I do not say cap in hand, for there is no question of that—and seek the cooperation of another Service; they should have sole control of the weapons they find necessary. It is in the interests of this country that I raise this question, and most certainly not with any desire to stir the fires of an old controversy. I beg that the Government will give it further consideration.

Does my hon. and gallant Friend see any reason to suppose, or any evidence, that any requirements for which the Fleet Air Arm asks the Coastal Command, such as the temporary control of squadrons, will not be at once met by the Coastal Command?

I am not suggesting that there is any lack of co-operation, but cooperation is not the same thing as undivided control. It must be obvious to my hon. Friend, who is wearing the uniform of the Fleet Air Arm at the present moment, that it is essential that there should be only one control and not divided control. It is better to have a single control if you are to succeed in any operation which you undertake.

As things are at present, if the Fleet Air Arm makes demands upon the Coastal Command, those demands are fulfilled. From the point of view of the Fleet Air Arm, we cannot see why all this agitation is raised, which is doing nothing at all except sawing dissension between two branches of the Service which are working perfectly together.

I must dissent from the suggestion made by my hon. Friend. There is no question of sowing the seeds of dissension. Such a thing is completely foreign to the ideas of the Royal Naval Air Service.

It is quite obvious that, despite the protestations of the hon. and gallant Member, he has, by raising this matter, blown upon the embers of an old controversy. No one who has had any knowledge of this question can doubt that while there is a point of view—and an extremely cogent one—that can be put on the one hand, there is certainly a case on the other, and I would remind the hon. and gallant Member that the Prime Minister himself, while he has twice been First Lord of the Admiralty, has also been head of the Air Force. Probably no one has a greater experience in this matter than he has himself. I would say to the House that this is a matter which concerns very vital defence questions. It is not a matter that should be discussed or could be discussed fully in open Debate. Sooner or later one would be bound to trench on operational matters, and if there is to be a full discussion at all, it ought to be in Secret Session. I think it is unfortunate that a discussion should be raised now that the working arrangements Have been agreed by both Departments. They are working satisfactorily, and I think it is entirely unnecessary to raise this controversy, which can only impair efficiency by dividing where there should he unity. Speaking on behalf of the Government, I am not prepared to add anything to what the Prime Minister said in reply in this House.

Would my right hon. Friend bear in mind that, although he says that everything is working so satisfactorily, the sinkings are going up by leaps and bounds? That is a vital matter.

Industrial Planning

I am in the happy position of knowing nothing at all about the controversy that has been raised. But before this House parts, I would like to express my deep regret, and, I am sure, the deep regret of quite a number of Members, at our dispersing for so long at such a serious moment. There are so many questions which require constant attention that I think it is only right that, we should keep together, that we should consult with one another, and that we should be in a position to put our views before the members of the Government from time to time. What is more, word has gone out from the Government to the country that it is undesirable that work should be discontinued, even on Christmas Day, if it is possible to work upon that day. I am afraid it will have a bad psychological effect upon the country for us to disperse at such a time. It is said that we go back to our constituencies, that we have other work to do; but our constituents expect us, in the main, to do our work in this House.

We have been heartened very much by the success of the Italian campaign, not only by the success achieved militarily, but the success achieved by the inevitable repercussions of our military victory. It has heartened those in the Near East who were obviously waiting for the blow to fall upon them. They can feel that they will have, at any rate, a little respite; and it may be that the blow will never fall. But, looking deeper, one hopes that if our victory is pressed on, and if, as a result, Italy collapses, it will free that very necessary shipping that we require, and also free the protective shipping which is urgently needed. The victory shows not only the rottenness of the Italian position and of the Italian form of government, but also the magnificent way that the lessons of the previous campaigns have been learned. Above all, it shows the advantage of unity of command and of purpose which has been achieved under the magnificent leadership of the Prime Minister. But that very success, achieved by unity of command in regard to naval, air and military affairs, is a reason for adopting unity of command here. It should encourage us to establish that unity of command in the home organisation which, even to-day, is so sadly lacking. Then we could have a strategic plan for what is required in the way of production, what is required in the way of industry, and what is required in the way of mobilisation of labour. But, unfortunately, even to-day, we have no plan for the mobilisation of labour.

We have had two Debates on this question, and we are still awaiting the Government's reply. We are still awaiting the plan by which they hope to re-absorb men who have been thrown out of industry. Day by day, as consumption will be cut down, not through control of consumption but through the cutting down of the raw materials which otherwise would have gone into production, men will be thrown out of work; and there is no suggestion of a full plan for absorbing them into employment again. The managements will be faced with bankruptcy unless the plan comes, and unless these men can be absorbed. What is the plan with regard to coal? The only plan we have heard of so far is that which this House passed yesterday, for adding another sixpence to the cost of coal. That, in itself, will be a burden on every person in this country, apart from the cost to industry. It will go on to the cost of every single thing—of transport, of electric power, of electric light; it goes on to the cost of every household.

What plan have the Government to solve the coal muddle? Miners are being thrown out of world Representations have been made to me by the Coalowners' Association as to the conditions prevailing in South Wales. The coal trucks are not being provided. Why? Our export of coal has gone down very considerably. We have lost the market for millions of tons to France, and for millions of tons to Italy. We can no longer export anthracite across the Atlantic, because we have not the ships. That means the release of thousands of railway trucks. Our imports have gone down. Whereas we used to import, say, £5,000,000 worth of goods a month, we now import £3,000,000 worth per month. That means the release of thousands of trucks. Where are those trucks? Why is it that men turn up at the colliery, ready to work, but the lamp is not handed to them, because there is no means of moving the coal away? When are you going to produce the plan for pooling in the coal industry? Why does coal from one district cost more than coal from another? At the present moment all that we require, surely, is that the greatest possible production should come from every factory. Every kind of help that they need in the, way of transport and of coal should be given them. Where is your plan for transport?

Royal Assent

Message to attend the Lords Commissioners.

The House went; and, having returned

Mr. SPEAKER reported the Royal Assent to :

1. Scottish Fisheries Advisory Council Act,1940.

2. Expiring Laws Continuance Act, 1940.

3. Local Elections and Register of Electors (Temporary Provisions) Act, 1940.

4. Naval and Marine Forces (Temporary Release from Service) Act, 1940.

5. Railways Agreement (Powers) Act, 1940.

Question again proposed, "That this House do now adjourn."—( Mr. Boulton. )

Industrial Planning

I was asking what is to be the transport policy. At the present time, the position is chaotic. The railways are partly controlled, trucks are partly pooled; but the lorries on the roads are not controlled. There are still lorries competing with the railways; there are still charabancs and 'buses competing with the railways. When is there to be a policy for dealing with transport? When are the whole of the transport services to be co-ordinated so that they do not compete? When is the chaos to come to an end? When will it be realised that transport is essential for better production, for the carriage of raw materials, labour, and finished articles? After 15 months of war we are living in just the same state of laisser faire and hoping for the best. When are we going to have a food policy? Certain things are controlled, certain things are rationed, and others are not. When are we to have a wages policy? When are we to have a prices policy?

Consumption at the moment continues at a high level. We are eating into stocks. When are we to have a policy with regard to the increase and preservation of stocks? When are we going to have a policy with regard to reserved factories and industries? Only just recently we have been discussing the grim situation with regard to shipping. We have been told of the difficulties which the Admiralty have to face; we all know these, but in order to increase our shipping capacity better management is required. When will that be tackled? When will ships be discharged at the port they reach instead of being sent from port to port? Why, even now ships and discharge are being hampered by the collection of port dues, measurements and weighing. [An hon. Member "Private interests!"] Yes, I quite agree with the hon Member. Vested interests are standing in the way all the time, and we are searching a vital crisis. Take the Port of London to-day. Steel comes into London and is discharged into barges. Why? Because by taking the barge a little distance and discharging on to a railway Port of London dues are avoided, whereas the ship itself could discharge straight away on to a railway line and the goods be taken off. Ships are being detained because of vested interests, and this at a time when, as we were told by the Prime Minister in his wonderful speech to-day, we are as much in the front line as the men fighting in Libya.

What worries me is who is putting these questions in the Cabinet. Who is taking control over organisation? We know how much the Prime Minister has devoted himself to his duties as Defence Minister, and that he has been responsible for our wonderful successes in Libya, but who in the meantime is looking after these vital matters at home and putting these questions daily to executive Ministers? How can we have these questions put when some executive Ministers are themselves sitting in the War Cabinet, and we have men who have full-time duties? I would like to know, the country would like to know, and certainly this House would very much like to know, how much time the Minister of Labour devotes to the Ministry of Labour to-day, and how much time he devotes to his duties in the War Cabinet. How often has he appeared at the Ministry of Labour during the last month, and who in the War Cabinet says to him, "What is your plan and policy with regard to labour and when will you absorb these people who are in non-essential industry into essential industry? When will you take control over the dockers and see that time is not wasted between an Alert and the 'All Clear'? Who puts these questions?

The right hon. Gentleman the Prime Minister used a phrase which, I suppose, he was justified in using—that we can part to-day with a certain amount of composure and satisfaction. If we do part with that, do not let us part with feelings of complacency. I am positive that the dread time is coming—about March or April, if not sooner—and now, and only now, is our time for work and for getting everybody on his toes. Now is the time to organise men and industry; do not let any private interests stand in the way of victory at this time.

I am sure we are all very grateful that the Prime Minister has spared the time from his great responsibilities to come down to the House and give us the survey which he has been able to give us before we adjourn for the Recess. I think that the victory which the Army has achieved in Egypt has been a very great fillip to the country and, as the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) said, there is no knowing how far the effect of this will go. It has weakened the Axis; it has probably stopped the drive to the East through the Mediterranean, which was Rosenberg's Nazi dream, and it has demonstrated that the British Army is as good as ever it was and that we can achieve victories when we have the opportunity of fighting the enemy on reasonable terms, both as regards numbers and equipment.

I was very glad to hear the Prime Minister, however, add a note of warning which was taken up by the hon. and learned Member for Montgomery (Mr. C. Davies). Ministers make speeches in the country from time to time, and, as is certain in a democracy, they vary. Some are optimistic and some are otherwise, but I do hope that the great victory we have achieved in Egypt and the rallying of the country to a more comprehensive war effort since the Prime Minister began his vigorous leader ship will not blind us to the grave difficulties which lie ahead. The Minister of Aircraft Production made a speech on the wireless two nights ago, from which I will not quote, because I am sure that hon. Members either heard it or read it, in which he pointed out the great efforts being made in industrial Germany at the present time to mobolise a vast striking force and to increase the power of the Luftwaffe. He pointed out that in the Spring there is no doubt that we shall have to face an increased air offensive on this country. It has been pointed out by hon. Members in this House that attacks on shipping are not likely to diminish and that German squadrons have increased the numbers of long-range aircraft operating from Cherbourg and Brest, including torpedo-carrying machines. So, therefore, there is no doubt that the danger to our shipping will be increased in the coming months.

The Prime Minister also said to-day that we must not free our minds from the possibility of invasion of this country, and I think that at the same time we must not rule out of consideration what the Communist party are going to do in future months in this country with regard to assisting the diplomatic peace offensive which is going to begin. We will need in this country in the spring a great and virile fighter force to resist any German attempt to gain the mastery of the air by day, and we will need a great bomber striking force to hit the main enemy, which is Germany, where she can feel it most—that is, in Germany. One of the tragedies of the past is that in the last war Germany never felt the heel of invasion, and, while I am for stating my war aims, which should have been spelt "war arms," many years ago, instead of "war aims," I believe the most effective way of bringing victory in the shortest possible time in this war is by using the powerful bomber striking force to bring the war home to the war machine in Germany. My right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for War is right in demanding that industry and the planning activity associated with it shall give us a powerful defensive army in this country and the full arms to be able to repel the enemy in time of attempted invasion. The Prime Minister told us that that Army was being organised both in mobility and in depth. The answers to all of these questions— and I make no apology for returning to this subject again—are involved in the single Word "production."

Members of this House have uttered warnings before, and it has been thought that they were unduly pessimistic or alarming. The Prime Minister said that equipment is the all-important question. He pointed out that the tanks and mechanised forces, and the equipment we have in the campaign in Egypt, were very much a decisive factor. Next year's victories are being prepared in the workshops of this country to-day, or should be. If they are not, if we are not using the full mobilisation of the industrial resources of production to equip our Army, Navy and Air Force to bring this war to a successful conclusion, then someone in the War Cabinet must be responsible for it. I want to appeal to the right hon. Gentleman who has had great experience and responsibilities in the past and to whom the Prime Minister referred in endearing terms as the good old war-horse. I have a great regard for the judgment of the Prime Minister but he has enormous responsibilities in a war in which we have had initial difficulties to overcome—I appeal to him to go into all these vital industrial questions now which so much affect the future. I would ask the Lord President whether he is satisfied now that We are getting the 100 per cent. war effort of production for the equipment of our forces for the future. I would like to follow my hon. and learned Friend in asking whether the Minister of Labour, not in a normal situation, but a situation which the British Empire is fighting for its future, is satisfied that he is getting the full cooperation between managements and men in the war industries of this country. I would ask the Lord President whether the Government are satisfied that the system of priorities of the Ministry of Aircraft Production, the Ministry of Supply and the Admiralty is working efficiently to-day. If not, where is the responsibility of the Production Council? At a time when our supplies into this country are being attacked on the Western approaches, when there is a certain amount of bombing of factories and a minimum Of dislocation, when the comparatively new industries which are engaged on aircraft production have no great reserve of skilled engineers behind them and when vital decisions have to be taken, as between the three Service Departments, Which must be closely allied to the war strategy, I should like to ask, What are the functions of the Production Council and the Minister without Portfolio in the allocation of vital and necessary priorities?. I believe these questions to be pertinent. I agree with the hon. and learned Member for Montgomery that we must face up to these questions now and not next spring. We must take decisions now for the planning, organisation and preparation of our industrial production, however unpopular or unhappy the decisions may be. Nothing must be allowed to stand in our way.

If there is one thing which distinguishes this war from others, it is the vital part which is played by industrial production. Therefore, I make this appeal to the right hon. Gentleman. The Prime Minister has his hands full, but he knows the sort of questions which come up from day to day, and I am perfectly certain that he will keep in mind the importance of national unity in settling them. There is to be a Debate on these questions when we meet again, but that is a long way ahead. Industry has responded magnificently under attack, and has partially overcome some of the siren and certain other difficulties. But industry should be mobilized upon an agreed policy between the three Departments, and should be closely allied to the strategy of the War Cabinet. There is a tendency to pessimism when one regards the overwhelmingly industrial power of Germany, particularly in regard to the occupied countries, and compares it to the industrial production of this country. For my part, I think there is a tendency to over-estimate Germany's power of production and what she can obtain from these occupied territories and their factories. She may obtain a certain amount of raw materials, alloys and metals, but I do not think she will be able to add largely to her regular output by them. If there is a tendency to pessimism in that direction, I would point out that we have an overwhelming preponderance of resources to call upon in the British Commonwealth and the United States of America compared with Germany, which we can and must call on.

I want to make a suggestion, as one who has gone into this matter of production carefully. I should like to suggest that there should be created a joint American-Canadian Industrial Board. I have not time to deal with the question of what Canada has or has not been able to produce. Most Members know the facts of the situation. If you can imagine the difficulties of having to send raw material from this country to Canada, of having to send certain parts and equipment, engines and things of that kind, to Canada to be erected there and brought back complete across the Atlantic, surely it would be worth while getting America to supply those things to Canada so that you could create a joint war industrial effort between America and Canada. I make that suggestion because it is taking the long view, and I believe that in 18 mouths, or perhaps less, if we went about it in the right way, we could, with America and Canada working together on a joint production basis, get from the Continent of America a considerable number of war planes of our own standard design which would come in at the right time as a powerful striking force to demonstrate to Germany that we were all-powerful in the air. Once you have done that, I believe Hitler is doomed. I emphasise the importance over and over again of aircraft. It affects every department of the war effort. It affects every phase of our war strategy. It is the one thing that Germany is depending on more than anything else. If you can back up the wonderful victory of the R.A.F. fighters in daylight over this country and the gallant work of the Bomber Command by demonstrating to the people of Germany that we have a preponderance in striking force not only in quality and in morale, but in numbers, the day of victory is in sight. Anything is worth while to achieve that. A word from the Prime Minister to the President of the United States, who is with us on these great issues, .and I believe you could effectively mobilise the industrial resources of the British Commonwealth and the United States until victory was absolutely certain.

Civil Defence Services

What I was intending to say, I believe, fits in quite closely to the very interesting speech that we have just heard. The hon. Member has been concentrating very largely on production. One of the pre-requisites of production is a, proper system of warning, and a proper system of warning depends on the proper functions of the Regional Commissioners. That is the problem that I wish particularly to raise throughout the country. The hon. Member also said that this war was distinguished by its modern technique. I wish to refer to the ancient technique of local government, and to say that it is quite impossible for the hundreds of authorities, constituted as they were many years ago, to carry the burden of the problems created by the modern air raid. The Prime Minister said today that vigilance must be unceasing. There is sufficient evidence at the present moment to show that there has been neither vigilance nor prevision in the areas among the Regional authorities and that a great deal of suffering might have been saved if the powers and functions of Regional Commissioners had been a little more clearly denned. I am glad that my right hon. Friend the Lord President of the Council has been able to come, because he was primarily responsible for this organisation.

I do not wish to be wise after the event. I do not believe any of us knew, six or 12 months ago, that we were to have to sleep in shelters. But three months have passed and we have had sufficient experience for much more rapid action to have taken place. There are a number of hon. Members who will support what I am going to say on grounds of health, and I believe there are others who would support it if a day could be found for a general Debate on this problem. I am aware that problems affecting security put a special responsibility on a^ Member who speaks about them. I will, therefore, not give any names of places, because I do not think it would be in the public interest. Again, I am aware of the magnificent services done by Civil Defence workers, and we do not want to speak about what we are all agreed on. Lord Beaverbrook said in his broadcast the other night: through the whole of the tubes. Incidentally, the money for that came from? the Lord Mayor's Fund. Is that the way to tackle a problem of this order?

Now that finance is no longer a difficulty, the only problems left are the proper organisation of labour and materials. Finance is no longer a difficulty, because the local authorities get a 100 per cent. grant for all this work. The time for government by circular, has, gone now that we have Regional Commissioners, The position of the Minister of Health Is anomalous. Each Region should by now have a complete staff organisation and daily meetings comparable to the sort of meetings, over which my right hon. Friend used to preside. That is impossible because, while, there is a direct line of communication between the Minister of Home Security and the Regional Commissioners, there is no such line from the Minister of Health- to the Commissioners, I am talking now not so much about the Civil Defence services proper there are criticisms to be made of them here and there, but on he whole they have worked amazingly well—but am concerned with what is called the second line of defence—shelter, health, communal feeding, evacuation, public utilities and industrial reorganisation.

There is one question I wish to put to my right hon. Friend. It was assumed that the Regional Commissioners would assume powers, which meanwhile would lay dormant, when communication with the central Government became difficult, or when central Government broke down. I respectfully suggest that it is local government which has broken down, and that the powers which the Regional Commissioners were given should be put into operation. I am not saying that Regional Commissioners with personality have not done a whole series of things and asked for permission afterwards, but when I come down to specific questions of health, which my hon. Friend will take up subsequently, I think I can show that those powers cannot be worked at the moment, and that no-Minister could make them work, because there is such confusion between the various authorities. What are the powers? I am told -they are co-ordinative—it is all very well to bring people together round a table—and that they are operative or administrative, with regard to Civil Defence; but where does Civil Defence end? What about welfare? Welfare comes under the Ministry of Health. There ought to have been welfare wardens a long time age, and, indeed, in Leicestershire and- in some other places there are very complete schemes under which welfare work is closely tied up with Civil Defence. In fact, we want the best type of Army organisation for this, with staff and line and reserves complete. We cannot deal with emergencies such as are created by bombing with an antiquated system of local government, I am an upholder of the democratic system, in ordinary times, but we are not living in ordinary times. So far did the Government recognise this that in London they appointed the hon. Member for North Croydon (Mr. Willink) and Sir Warren Fisher, the one to supervise the rehousing of the homeless and the other to deal with debris and with the authorities responsible for repairing roads. The appointment of those two gentlemen was a recognition of the fact that Government by circular had broken down. There is this problem which I quote by way of illustration. If we are to make evacuation work, if we are to get children out of London, we have to make arrangements in the areas and to have hostels in London. Something like two months ago a Hostels Association -was" formed, and my hon. Friend (Miss Horsbrugh) was made chairman of it, but to all intents and purposes nothing has happened. I know that certain buildings are in course of being improved, but what is the good, in the middle of the war, of setting up a separate committee of 12 persons when the hon. Member for North Croydon has the main body of the problem under his control?

The hon. Member knows that that is not the problem. The hostels are mainly for those who are part of families who have been left behind when the others have gone to the reception areas. The main problem of the hon. and learned Member for North Croydon (Mr. Willink) is finding homes for homeless families who are remaining in London. The hostels mainly deal with those husbands or boys and girls left be hand when the mother and the rest of the family go to a reception area. That is a different problem.

They are both under the Ministry of Health. The hon. and learned Member for North Croydon (Mr. Willink) is responsible to the Ministry of Health These same jobs are being done by a borough council in London at the present time, Greenwich, which is not only looking after the homeless but after husbands whose wives have gone out. There is a slight difference, of course, hut, bless my soul, you are not going to say in the middle of a war: "This is a slightly different function, and therefore we have to set up a separate organisation." Incidentally, a separate organisation has not produced results.

There is another point. At the present moment it appears to be nobody's responsibility in any borough of London to look after shelters or, if it is, I would like to know whose it is. That is the reason why, for a whole week, I have pointed this matter put. I pointed out again to-day what is happening in one tube. It is much better to stick to a concrete point. I have made a special point of this tube because it is the only practical way of bringing the matter to the attention of the Government and is better than talking in generalities. One week ago I went down with experienced people to a London tube where there were 2,700 people. There were only one lavatory and a few pails. There were children and people sleeping alongside, and there were people queueing up to the number of 30 or 40, waiting to go to the lavatories. That is a serious problem, too serious to wait for a month. I do not want to criticise the Government. I have no special interest in this criticism, but I have a very great interest at the moment in trying to see conditions put straight round which I live, and so have other people who live in this city.

At the present moment yon have a medical officer of health who gets circulars from my right hon. Friend and the Ministry of Health. You have Admiral Evans, who goes round to shelters night after night, applying what is called ginger. After those things are done, nothing necessarily happens. The more I think of it the more I am convinced that the non-publication of the Horder Report was criminal. What has happened is that people have had no guidance for months, and we know, those of us who have seen something of this problem, that some change will have to be made. I am told that there are 155 medical-aid posts, but I doubt whether there are as many fully equipped. Two nights ago I was speaking to a young nurse in a Tube and found that she had been at work in the day and on duty every night, and she was tired out. Why is this necessary? Not because of any lack of interest on the part of the Parliamentary Secretary or of the Ministry of Health, but because they are trying to do a job which they cannot possibly do. I wish they would believe me. I do not want to mention Bristol, Coventry and Sheffield, because I have not the full facts, but I have enough to show that it is not possible for my right hon. Friend to go round to all these places and take the intimate interest that he is doing in London. It cannot be done.

I come back to the point that the only way to deal with the problem is to give full power to the Regional Commissioners to act on the spot. I would mention three reasons why the health problem in London is so serious. First of all, even though a large number of people sleep in their houses, 15 per cent. of the people sleep in shelters which are overcrowded and, in many cases, still insanitary. In the second place, there are Anderson shelters, but they are frequently damp and to keep them dry is, as the Minister knows, a very difficult matter. There is lack of fresh air and of change of clothing. There is also a lower standard of cleanliness generally, as one can observe when people are hurrying to get back to their houses in the early morning. The school medical service has been practically abandoned and so has the schools milk scheme.

There are a thousand empty places in camp schools. Why? It is the best experiment which we have had in education for years. All this points to one conclusion. I have with me a letter—I cannot go into it—which was given to me by my Noble Friend the Member for Horsham (Earl Winterton). Complaints were made to the Regional Commissioner on 19th August, and on 10th December he said the matter would, be dealt with at the earliest possible moment. That is a problem of a compulsorily evacuated area. I can give examples from Coventry and from Birmingham where the most serious lack of preparations exists, not only for communal feeding but in other ways. Who is responsible for this? It is time that some Minister—I would prefer the present Minister of Home Security—should take complete charge, give up matters concerning aliens and Regulation 18B, and make himself responsible for Civil Defence maters linked together with the second line of defence, shelters, health, evacuation, the industrial reorganisation and public utilities.

I therefore ask for full executive powers to be, given, for welfare to be made an integral part of Civil Defence at every level right through, for the hostel and evacuation problem, into which I obviously cannot go, to be taken a little more seriously in the reception areas. I do not believe that at the moment the staff exists to deal with it. The problem is not one concerning a few children. It is something much bigger when you are competing with military and industrial labour to try and find billets which can hardly be found for the total number of people needing them. Finally. there should he in each area a Health Commissioner, and one should he appointed in London forthwith because I do not see any other wav of getting executive action. Lord Horder. Lord Teynham, Lord Addison and others said in the House of Lords yesterday that the real problem is not what was written on a circular, not pieces of paper exchanged between the Ministries, not the continual announcements which are being made—and, by the way. I have never known so many announcements made— but the problem is the translation of those into action down in the boroughs, down in the black snots in London. Unless the proper machinery. materials and labour are released we shall not be able to solve this problem. Therefore. I would like my right hon. Friend to ask the Cornet, in accordance with the spirit of the prime Minister's speech to-day, whether we cannot have in Civil Defence and its kindred problems the same sort of drastic and thorough organisation as that in the Army, Navy and in Air defence.

The hon. Member for Kilmarnock (Mr. Lindsay) has in a short speech brought up quite a number of points in. regard to social and welfare services in connection with Civil Defence which I should like to discuss. I propose to deal only with that particular aspect of the matter which concerns the health problem in air-raid shelters. That problem is one of such urgency that we cannot leave this House to-day without receiving an assurance that it is being seriously tackled by someone who has the requisite authority. I do not wish to make any complaint about the Ministry of Health or the Ministry of Home Security in this matter. Immediately night bombing commenced, those Ministries recognised that we would have a real problem, that shelters which had been erected perhaps for occasional occupation were going to become the dormitories, and almost the homes, of the people. Without any delay they appointed the Horder Committee. Within four days the Committee issued an interim report. That report, which has since been published—on 19th November—was at once implemented by the Department, and the local authorities were invited to take the necessary measures. I think the hon. Member for Kilmarnock put his finger on the spot when he said that some of us suspect a complete breakdown of local administration. It is to that breakdown which I want to refer to-day.

We know that even to-day there exist in some of the London boroughs all the conditions of dancer and threat to health which are referred to in the Horder Report, and which were brought to the attention of the borough councils early in September. It is obvious that, although we have had the advice and guidance from the centre which we expect, there has been, as I say, a breakdown at the periphery. I am making no general indictment of the London boroughs, their conditions vary so much. In some they have greater difficulties than in others, and in some cases they have even anticipated the measures which have since been adopted on the advice of the Ministry. But even to-day in some of those boroughs there is inadequate shelter provision, and hygienic conditions in such shelters as exist constitute a real meanace to the public health. Lord Horder says in another place that the failure is due to the fact that no one official is responsible for the supervision of shelter schemes. I Kb further and say that it is also most unfortunate that the local authorities of London have in many cases delegated their duties to small emergency committees. I believe that if the councils had been carried on as in normal times, with, the regular meetings of committees, the general exchange of ideas and information, you could never have had such conditions as exist in the sorters to day.

Now I should like to refer to the solution that, has been suggested. In the Royal Borough of Kensington they have appointed a director of shelters. He is a senior official, and has charge of the shelter wardens and the sanitary squads. He has the medical officer of health and the borough engineer as his expert advisers; he is able to speak with authority and to take the initiative in any new departures which may be required in connection with his scheme. He is also given certain priorities in regard to labour and materials. If that is possible in Kensington with good results, it should be possible in other boroughs. I: agree with the hon. Member for Kilmarnock that something more is needed. The Regional Commissioner should have some authority to require the borough councils to carry out their duties. To-day they are not only local duties; they are national duties, because the health of the people and the health and morale of the workers form a national asset which should be safeguarded: with the greatest care. So far we have been fortunate enough to escape epidemics. Perhaps the weather has helped us, perhaps the people are better fed to-day and therefore better able to resist the dangers of disease. But disease and sickness may come at any time. If the people, tired from working long hours, have to go straight from their workshops to the shelter and back again from the shelter to the workshops, and if they have to carry on hr these conditions for long periods, their resistance to disease is bound to break down.

I therefore say that it is not only the duty of the London boroughs to safeguard the health of the people, besides giving them safety from the dangers of bombardment, but that these people are entitled to something more. They are entitled to decent comfort; and if the Government are footing the bill for such measures as are necessary, it is not too much to ask that the borough councils, should do their part, and see that the money is properly expended for the well-being of the people. I will not go into this at greater length, as other hon. Members wish to speak; but I should like to press the point that, the central departments having done their part, and. the borough councils knowing what is wanted, if those councils do not carry out their responsibilities the regional commissioner should have power and authority to enforce the proper discharge .of those obligations.

I desire to draw the attention of the- House to the unsatisfactory reply which was given to me on Tuesday when I put a question in respect of an important problem of evacuation affecting my own constituency. I shall be handicapped in speaking this afternoon by the limited amount of time available and by the fact that I do not think it wise to say too much about the situation, as we never know into whose hands the OFFICIAL REPORT may fall But everyone knows that the Dartford division is engaged in work of .the highest, national importance. We have been forced to the conclusion that the Ministry of Health, right from, the start, even in pre-war days, when they were considering, the lines of demarcation for evacuation from the various districts, have shown lack of imagination foresight, and knowledge. In pre-war days the Ministry drew a line round London, and classified the area inside that line as a complete evacuation zone. Members from vulnerable constituencies outside London then had to scramble to get their constituencies included in later schemes of evacuation. I took part in the agitation. We had deputations to the Minister, we put forward our arguments, and, as a concession, they scheduled part of our division as evacuable. That has led to a great many anomalies. We have in my division what we call "the red-tape line.", The people on one side of a street can be evacuated and can receive allowances, but the people on the other side, who may be more hard-placed financially, are outside the scheme, and have to stay put.

One district in my constituency—the hon. Lady the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Health knows the name of the district—had a raw deal. Although, according to the map, they are within the area which was ultimately classified as evacuable, they have been completely left out of the scheme. I have had hundreds of letters from distracted mothers in my constituency who desire to take their children out of the danger zone. We have placed evidence before the Ministry that, although we are just outside London, we are indeed a danger area. I would have liked the Minister, when he was. making his statement on evacuation to-day, to have said what, in his opinion, constituted a danger area; but the House was very busy, and so many Members desired to get in, that I refrained from putting that question, in the hope that I should get a chance in this Debate. What exactly constitutes a danger area? I contend that the fighting in the battle of London begins, on the outer belt of London. If the enemy are trying to make an assault on London, they start out side and try to force their way in. If they are unsuccessful, they jettison their bombs on the outer belt of London. The people in my constituency are having a very difficult time. I live in London, in a district which has been scheduled as completely evacuable, but I know that, bad as may be the position for us inside London, it is infinitely worse outside.

We have tried by all the methods of peaceful persuasion to get the Ministry to alter the line, but up to the present we have had no success. I have sent to the Minister dozens of letters from these mothers. They have listened to, his speeches over the wireless; they have read his Press appeals in which he has made an eloquent plea to the mothers in London and outer London to take their children to safe districts. Many of the mothers in my constituency, after, experiencing nights of terror, have gone out with their children, thinking that, after the Minister's statements on the Wireless, if they applied for a billeting allowance they' would receive it. They have not asked the Minister to find them billets. They haw have gone to friends, and those friends may be poor people who can open their doors to friends or relatives, but cannot afford to maintain them and their children. These women, therefore, are faced with the position of having double expenses—the expenses in the district to which they have gone and the living expenses of their husbands at home. Moreover, they have had to find the money for travelling expenses, and the rent of the home in the district which they have left has always to be met. The result is that the Minister, by his action, has forced these mothers, who have a high sense of their responsibility to their children and who have perhaps not listened too carefully to the statements that have been made—and not being politicians have not realised that there might be a snag in the Minister's statement about the outer belt—to come back owing to financial stringency.

I listened very carefully to the speech which the Minister made to-day concerning the question of compulsory evacuation of the mothers of London. Why Should there be all these appeals over the wireless, why should there be these Press statements, why send canvassers round to try to compel women to send their children away, when at the same time all the appeals from the distracted mothers in my constituency, who are facing death and danger from day to day and from week to week, fall on deaf ears, and those who have gone out to relatives and friends are being forced to come back into the danger zone? I should be lacking in my conception of my responsibility to my constituents, and particularly to these women, if I did not make my protest in the House. I accuse the Minister of Health of stonewalling all our efforts to try to get our womenfolk and children into places of safety. Last Tuesday, in reply to a Question which I asked in the House, the hon. Lady the Parliamentary Secretary said: public shelter, and the majority of Anderson shelters in nay district are unusable because they are waterlogged. As one who has brought up a family myself, I would not envy any young mother the job of trying to take young children into a shelter at night.

What the Ministry of Health cannot realise is that the majority of people are not using shelters at the present time. They are making beds under tames or stairs either because their Anderson shelters are waterlogged and un-usable or because they have a smiling or two above the income limit and are not eligible for a shelter. It is nigh time that we took into consideration these vital facts. Here are we in this vulnerable area trying hard to make the Ministry realise their responsibilities in this matter. There axe other facts to which I could have drawn the attention of the House, but time is pressing, and I. understand a reply is to be made. I protested against the reply of the Ministry of health regarding the claims of my constituency to be wholly evacuable, and although I have been turned down this time, I hope to arouse public opinion in my constituency to such an .extent that they in turn will make a favourable impression on the Minister of health at some future date, so that he will help our children and women-folk to get into safer areas.

Before I reply in detail to what me hon. Lady the Member for Dartford (Airs. Adamson; has said, of which she gave me notice, I would like to say to the hon. Members for Kilmarnock (Mr. Lindsay) and black-burn (Captain illusion) that although we did not have notice of the particular points they raised to-day, these are subjects which my right hon. friends the Minister of Home Security and Minister of Health are continually keeping under review. I think that the hon. Member for Kilmarnock pointed out that before the war it was always very difficult to visualise how best to organise a service. He also pointed out that once you see the various services being utilised, or failing on some occasion to perform all you had hoped of them, then these comes a time to look at them again and see whether better regional organisation and health services in the stress of air raids may be devised.

The hon. Member for Kilmarnock also said that in many cases local authorities were not able, with their ordinary work of peace-time, to stand up to the difficulties that occur after intensive bombing. I have visited most areas, and I have seen the difficulties, and it is not to be wondered at that officials and those, interested in any particular place, who haw suffered aerial bombardment for eight, nine or ten hours a night, are not always able to stand up to the difficulties of the day-time. There are homeless people to be looked after, and public utility services to be dealt with, so at is not surprising that they are not able to carry on as before. It was realised before the war that this would be the case, and that was why regional organisations were set up to help local authorities carry out their difficult work.

Could my hon. Friend give some guarantee that in addition to these original junctions the Government will have this second the service which I mentioned? This is a new problem, and it ought to be added now, before Christmas.

I think my hon. Friend will agree that not having had notice of this, he cannot, naturally, expect any definite statement of that sort, but I prefaced my remarks by saying that services such as these winch are now being tried in war-time must for ever be continually under review so that the best methods may be devised. The hon. Gentleman asks whether I can say now that definite changes will be made before Christmas. He must know that without notice it is impossible for such a statement to be made, but I can assure him that changes in organisation are being made and are fitting in with the new conditions. Whatever criticisms there may be, we need to hear criticisms in order that we may improve the services. But apart from that, I think that we all can have a certain feeling of saisfaction that, in spite of all the talks of air bombardment and threats of in vasion, we have been able to carry on in this country, and that the health of the people has as yet shown no signs of being badly impaired. The services as a whole are being carried on. The great majority of homeless people, who are not in such large numbers as one might expect after going around the country and seeing the wrecked houses, have found shelter, and have been given food and helped to keep up that spirit which is the marvel and wonder of the world to-day. We have been able to help them to do that, and I can assure the hon. Member that I have heard words of appreciation as I have gone round rest centres and among homeless people and people suffering from these appalling conditions. It has been a great encouragement to me and my right hon. Friend to press forward with the work of improving the conditions, which certainly need improving and further organisation.

Now I take up the point referred to by the hon. Lady the Member for Dartford, and of which she gave notice. I would say to her and to every Member of this House, that we all wish that we could say to-day that every child and mother throughout this country would be given a guarantee that, while the war lasted, we could take them somewhere where they would be absolutely safe and free from fear. We would all like that to be the case, but we know that it is impossible. Our continual task at the Ministry of Health on the subject of evacuation is to see what best can be done. The hon. Lady said that she could not go into details because for security reasons it would not be wise to do so, and I think that she will understand that I am handicapped in the same way in what I am able to say to the House. But we can go as far as this. Any hon. Member who looks at a map of this country and takes note of the places where it is officially announced that heavy bombardment has taken place, and begins to consider that from the crowded areas and cities we have taken away school children, young children, and mothers with young children into areas where there has been less housing accommodation, and also considers various other schemes such as moving munition workers and the housing of the Army, will realise how enormous is the task. Although an hon. Gentleman said that he is tired of hearing Ministers make new statements, we shall probably have to make a good many new statements as time goes on in regard to evacuation. The hon. Lady said that, when, in reply to a question of hers last Tuesday, I said that the information would be circulated in the OFFICIAL REPORT, she knew that there was something fishy, and that she found that her area was not included. At any rate, we did add at that time more districts to the evacuation areas, but, unfortunately, not the particular district for which the hon. Lady was speaking. This sort of thing is not done in a haphazard way, but very carefully, after consideration of the figures to do with bombing and with dispersal.

The hon. Lady referred to the fact that part of her constituency was included as an evacuation area, but I think she will agree when we looked at the map that we were able to show her that that part was more densely populated. The area to which she refers, and which she wishes to become an evacuation area, is much less densely populated—for the most part it is 12 to an acre. If we took in areas like that on the fringe of suburban London, and areas with a population of that same density where bombing has been on the same scale, it would mean bringing in a very large nuumber of places around the Metropolis. I am not going to say exactly what the size of that area would be, or the numbers of mothers and children who would be affected—I know the hon. Lady did not agree with the answer I gave on Tuesday—but it would be very difficult for me to point to any safer areas where these mothers and children could go.

If the hon. Lady considers the various places where we have heard aerial bombardment has taken place, and then thinks of the cities, in addition to London, from which there has been evacuation, she will know what small geographical spaces are left on the map where it could be said there might not be air attacks. People often come to me and ask whether this or that area could not be made an evacuation area, pointing out that, there are many districts in Devonshire and other isolated parts of the country to which there could be evacuation. The fact remains that there are very few houses and stretches of rural country which have the accommodation because they have already received evacuees from other places. There is a lot of talk about the red tape line, and of how, on the one side, evacuation takes place, and on the other side people have to stay put, but wherever the line is drawn you will be left with that situation. A large number of areas must come on the priority list because of-their geographical situation or the density of their population, before the particular district to which the hon. Lady has referred. Every single day and night we are examining the facts of the districts, noting the bombs which have fallen in particular regions, the number of casualties, and the density of population. My right hon. Friend is willing at any time to reconsider arrangements in any particular district. As the war has gone changes have had to be made. Hundreds of thousands of people have been evacuated because of the danger of invasion and because of other war developments. There must be changes on the evacuation map; but my right hon. Friend is not ready to make changes unless he is certain that the district into which people are to be evacuated is a safer area. There are' other people in the centre of some of our cities where dispersal is badly needed, and our offer to evacuate them is still open.

It being the hour appointed for the interruption of Business, the Motion for the Adjournment of the House lapsed, without Question put.

Question again proposed, "That this House do now adjourn."—( Mr. Boulton. )

British Broadcasting Corporation

I desire to raise a matter which is not on the same scale as the large issue which we have been discussing, though it is an issue which contains a principle, I believe, of very considerable importance. I want to refer in particular to an incident which aroused very considerable feeling in. many parts of the country, particularly in Scotland, and that is the decision of the British Broadcasting Corporation's governors to stop a broadcast by the very popular Orpheus Choir, because the conductor of that choir, Sir Hugh Roberton, is a Pacifist. This is not the only incident in which the British Broadcasting Corporation has shown itself irresponsible. It seems to me that the governors have acted, in a number of cases, in a way contrary to the views of Parliament and the express views of Ministers of the Government.

I should like to mention two examples before I deal with the particular case of Sir Hugh Roberton. The Minister of Labour has many times reproved local authorities for dismissing from their service men who have proved, before the tribunals set up by Parliament, that they are conscientious. I objectors, In the Civil Service, if a man has; proved his case before the, tribunal, he is, not victimised, in any way in regard to his employment. The B.B.C. alone, as far as I know, of any public or semipublic authority does not even wait for the decision of a conscientious objectors' tribunal, but the moment a man registers as a conscientious objector he is immediately dismissed from the staff. I am not speaking of those who give talks and lectures but of technicians and musicians. In one case exemption was given on the understanding that the man should continue his work on the B.R.C. hut the Corporation refused to allow him to continue in employment. Another case, I believe, typifies the attitude of the governors. There was a man named Charles Kahn who was the principal second violin in the B.B.C Television Orchestra. He has .been in it since 1936. In July last he was called up and asked what was the nationality of his parents. They were Russian, though he himself was born in this country in 1905. They said they were sorry, but he could not continue in their employment.

I am afraid the hon. Member is now dealing with something for which the Minister is not responsible. The British Broadcasting Corporation deals with its programmes generally. The only way in which the Ministry of Information is concerned is when it comes to a question dealing with matters of national interest, or what one may call polities. As I understand it, this is a matter in which the Minister has no responsibility.

I only mentioned it by way of illustration. I will go to the point of the political action taken by the B.B.C. in regard to a performer because of his politics, a matter on which I asked a question. I refer to the political decision of the B.B.C. to prevent the performance of a very distinguished conductor, because of his political views. I refer, as I have said, to the case of Sir Hugh Roberton, who is the conductor of the Orpheus Choir.

I am afraid that the hon. Member has not been successful even in this. The only matters he can discuss with regard to the B.B.C. are what I may call questions of national interest where the Government have a responsibility in regard to news and matters of that kind. The Ministry have no responsibility with regard to the ordinary programmes, or the people whom the B.B.C. employ or dismiss.

That may be, but I do not see that it comes under the jurisdiction of the Minister in any way.

In reply to a question I asked the other day, the Minister replied that the Ministry interfered as little as possible with the entertainment side, indicating that they did interfere when they thought it desirable. The Minister will admit that they are able to interfere on the entertainment side, although I submit that this is not an entertainment tout a political matter.

The last sentence of my right hon. Friend's reply was, "I really cannot be held responsible."

There might be questions of the Government interfering in anything in regard to personal doings, but questions which can be discussed on the Adjournment are only those which come definitely under the responsibility of the Government Department concerned, if there is one, and I do not think there is one which is concerned in this matter.

May I, as one interested in this matter and anxious to see the war effort of the Government maintained, submit that this question does come under the jurisdiction of the Government? This conductor is giving concerts of national importance and controls a choir who do not all agree with his pacifist views; and the refusal to allow his broadcast has gravely affected the ideas of many people in Scotland who are engaged on war production. That is a matter of great importance to the Government and because of that, I would like to see the matter satisfactorily cleared up.

I can quite understand the hon. Member's wish, but I am afraid that it does not get round the principle which exists and which I have been bound to enunciate.

The B.B.C. are largely responsible for providing entertainment for the troops and munition workers. They give concerts and entertainments for this purpose, and it is a vital part of the war effort. Suddenly one part of this entertainment is cut off for a curious and political reason. Surely the Ministry of Information, with their responsibility for information and for keeping up the moral of the people, are vitally interested and must have some responsibility.

I do not know whether they can deal with it in. any way, but am clear that it. is not a matter that can be, discussed on the Motion for the Adjournment.

May I ask whether it is not possible, when an individual who takes part in B.B.C. entertainments is prevented on purely political grounds, to raise the matter in the House of Commons?

The hon. Member has put it with certain garnishings from his own point of view, if I may say so with, respect, but I do not think he has taken the matter outside what I have already said, that the Minister has no responsibility for the programmes of the British Broadcasting Corporation or for the persons whom it employs or refuses to employ.

If that is so, I cannot take the matter any further to-day. It is difficult to know how this matter can be raised, and as it is plainly a political matter I would ask how it can be raised, or whether a Question, should be put to another Minister.

The hon. Member can, no doubt, do it by putting down a substantive Resolution, but a matter of this kind, for which no Minister is directly responsible, is certainly not a matter which can be discussed on the Adjournment.

It seems that the musical programmes and propaganda are so mixed up that the Minister of Propaganda can use his influence in some way on that part of the programme if he does not approve of it.

I have no doubt that the hon. Member also can use his influence, but that does not make the Minister responsible.

Question, "That this House do now adjourn," put, and agreed to.

Adjourned accordingly till a date in the New Year, pursuant to the Resolution of the House this day.