Skip to main content

Commons Chamber

Volume 379: debated on Thursday 7 May 1942

House of Commons

Thursday, May 7, 1942

[Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.]

Death of a Member

MR. SPEAKER made the following communication to the House:

I regret to have to inform the House of the death of Major James Archibald St. George Fitzwarenne Despencer-Robertson, O.B.E., Member for the County of Wilts (Salisbury Division), and I desire, on behalf of the House, to express our sense of the loss we have sustained and our sympathy with the relatives of the honourable Member.

Oral Answers to Questions

National War Effort

Unemployed

asked the Minister of Labour the number of men and women who are registered as unemployed who are below the standard for normal industrial work; and will he consider removing this class from the live register of unemployed, so that only able-bodied unemployed are on the records?

On 16th March the number of men in this category was 25,973, and the number of women, 1,709. These will not in future be included in the general total of unemployed persons on the live register. It remains the duty of the Department, however, to assist these persons in finding employment for which they are or can be made capable, and for this purpose they are entitled to keep their names on the register.

asked the Minister of Labour how many joiners, bricklayers and labourers are at present unemployed in the town of Denbigh?

Would my right hon. Friend see whether it is possible to get better co-ordination between the local employment exchanges in North Wales. Some seem to have more demand for labour than others, and the result is that some workers are unemployed when they should not be—in Denbigh for instance?

Part-Time Women Workers (Southampton)

asked the Minister of Labour whether, in view of the fact that the output of women part-time workers is proportionately higher than that of full-time workers, he will consider recommending the opening of a works in Southampton staffed entirely by part-time women workers on the lines of a scheme a copy of which has been sent to him?

While I am anxious that the part-time services of women should be used to the fullest possible extent, I am not in a position to assess the practical advantages of a scheme such as that referred to by my hon. Friend. This is a matter for my right hon. Friend the Minister of Production, who, I understand, has it under consideration.

Would my right hon. Friend give any assistance and support he can to a practical scheme for giving employment to part-time workers?

Would my right hon. Friend also encourage those local authorities which are at present not engaged in part-time labour schemes to do so?

Automobile Association and Royal Automobile Club (Staffs)

asked the Minister of Labour whether, in order to effect a reduction in the number of staff employed and thus release labour for war work, he will take steps to secure the amalgamation of the Automobile Association and the Royal Automobile Club?

I am consulting my right hon. Friend the Minister of Transport on this subject. I should add that, in considering the position of men employed by these bodies in relation to deferment of service under the National Service Acts, the requirements of the two organisations are assessed together.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that these two organisations perform precisely similar services to the public, and that if it had not been for the opposition of vested interests they would have been amalgamated, to the public advantage, long ago? Does he not think that this is a good opportunity to amalgamate these two organisations, thus saving public money and preventing overlapping and waste of labour?

The task of amalgamating organisations, although one of which I have some experience, is not my function. I can only assess the two organisations as one. So far as I am concerned, in the number of people they can retain they are one organisation. I have a good deal of sympathy with my hon. Friend, and I agree with him that we might have had a nice world if it had not been for the opposition of vested interests.

I am much obliged for my right hon. Friend's sympathetic reply. But, although he may assess the labour requirements as one unit, he must be aware that both organisations maintain expensive and elaborate offices all over the country, and staff to man them; therefore, there is considerable waste, and no advantage to the public.

Interviewed Women (Financial Inquiries)

asked the Minister of Labour whether interviewers are authorised to question women called up as to their income and their husband's income?

No rules on this point have been laid down. It is open to any woman at her interview to draw attention to any financial hardship that might result from her transfer to war work, and in such a case questions as to her financial position might properly be put.

Has the right hon. Gentleman realised that such questions give great offence to the victims, especially when they are overheard by other victims in the same pews?

If my hon. and gallant Friend will give me any particulars as to where the interview has not been kept private, I will deal at once with the exchange concerned.

Can we look for the support of the hon. and gallant Member next time we propose the abolition of the means test?

Stock Exchanges

asked the Minister of Labour whether he will have an investigation made into the large number of men employed on Stock Exchanges and consider whether the continuance of these institutions is necessary in view of the needs of the country?

I have this matter under active consideration with my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer.

Trades Councils (Factory Visits)

asked the Minister of Labour whether he is aware of the satisfaction given by a visit of trades council representatives to two royal ordnance factories and of the objective and factual report they have issued; and will he take steps to see that trades councils throughout the country are invited to make similar visits and to see modem aircraft, aerodromes and other achievements in order that representative people may see what has been achieved?

I am glad to know of the satisfaction expressed by trades council representatives following upon a visit to certain royal ordnance factories. I am consulting my colleagues as to the possibility of encouraging further visits of this kind.

Will the right hon. Gentleman, in consultation with other Government Departments, consider the advisability of having the report published?

Sheet Metal Workers (Dilutees)

asked the Minister of Labour whether he is aware that employers are still complaining of the refusal of the Sheet Metal Workers' Union to consent to work with or instruct women dilutees and are further complaining that male dilutees who have become members of the union receive very little help and are not allowed to participate in the bonus pool; and whether any recent steps have been taken to overcome this attitude?

I recently met representatives of the sheet metal workers' unions and of the employers' federation to consider the employment of women dilutees on sheet metal work, and as a consequence of the information laid before me at the meeting, I have decided to appoint a committee to inquire into the employment of women in the sheet metal working industry. I am not aware of any evidence in support of the statements in the question with regard to male dilutees.

In view of the fact that this dispute has been going on since the autumn of 1940, will the committee speed up their inquiry? It is a little late to be inquiring into the recalcitrant attitude of this particular union.

I desire to make it clear that the basis on which their agreement was reached was for the dilution of their own trade. At the moment, there is no definite shortage of people for sheet metal work. The matter of introducing women arises on entirely different grounds.

Is my right hon. Friend able to give the names of the members of the committee?

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the employers dispute the statement that there is no shortage.

Laundry Industry

asked the Minister of Labour whether he is aware of the pressure upon laundries by war workers and others unable to do their laundry work at home; that launderers in some districts are refusing new customers owing to shortage of workers; and whether he will arrange for the industry to be supplied with sufficient workers to ensure that all installed machinery is utilised to the fullest capacity?

I am aware of the demands at present being made on the laundry industry, and the Essential Work Order has been applied in appropriate cases. Laundry work is also an employment from which women will not be called up. In addition, my Department, in conjunction with other Departments concerned, is making an examination of the laundry facilities generally. I should add that this is an industry which will have to rely largely on part-time workers.

Training Centres

asked the Minister of Labour whether any Government training centres have now been closed, and which, or if they continue to be fully employed?

My policy in regard to the closing of training centres was explained in an announcement I made last January, of which I am sending my hon. Friend a copy. Eleven centres have been closed, and two more will close shortly, but use is being made of the premises for other purposes connected with the war. The remaining training centres are adequate for present needs; they are not all full at the moment, but special steps are now being taken in my Department to increase the number of women recruits.

Is use being made of these centres on behalf of young entrants into the Services, with a view to their employment after the war?

How many of the centres which have been closed are situated in Scotland?

Women Workers (Shipyards)

asked the Minister of Labour what progress has been made in the employment of women workers in shipyards?

Women are being employed at a steadily increasing rate in the shipyards. The numbers employed have more than trebled within the last 12 months.

Has the Minister considered the desirability of instituting lectures on this matter for prejudiced employers?

I met the employers' federation the other day. I must confess that they have been slow in the utilisation of women labour, but the thing is being speeded up very rapidly now.

Cotton Industry (Young Persons)

asked the Minister of Labour how many young persons employed in the cotton trade in Burnley are at present working more than the normal hours of the trade?

I am obtaining such statistics as are available and will communicate with my hon. Friend.

Will my right hon. Friend bear in mind the very bad record of the cotton industry with regard to the exploitation of juvenile labour and watch for a possible extension of this practice?

Absenteeism

asked the Minister of Labour whether he can furnish comparative figures for the latest available period for absenteeism in Royal Ordnance Factories and in coal-mines, respectively?

May I ask why the right hon. Gentleman refuses to give the comparative figures for which I have asked?

Because the comparison between the two sets of conditions is completely different.

Is that any reason why a Member of Parliament who asks a Question should not be supplied with the answer?

Absenteeism is the subject of a definition, and no two industries keep similar records of determining what is avoidable and what is unavoidable absenteeism, and, therefore, any figures, either given or collected—if I went to the trouble to collect them, which, I think, is unnecessary—would be completely valueless.

On a point of Order. If a Member of Parliament asks a Minister for figures which he is able to obtain and submit, is it in accordance with the procedure and courtesy of this House that there should be a definite refusal to supply the information when it is available?

In the matter of question and answer I can quite imagine that different circumstances might arise.

I did not ask for any inquiry into the circumstances, but for the actual figures. Those figures are available, and I have asked, on a point of Order, whether it is not discourteous to Members of this House that a blank refusal should be given with regard to a simple question of this kind.

Is not the only justification for refusing information the fact that it is contrary to the public interest, and as that is not alleged in regard to this Question, is the answer refused on partisan grounds?

The reason has been given that an answer to the Question on the Paper might be misleading.

Is it not the fact that the answer does not suit the mentality of the hon. Gentleman?

asked the Minister of Labour the number of English women war-workers fined, and the number imprisoned for absence from employment, up to date?

In the period from 1st January to 30th April, 1942, 24 women in England and Wales were fined and three sentenced to imprisonment for being absent or late in contravention of a direction issued by a National Service Officer.

Radio Engineers (Transference)

asked the Minister of Labour whether he has considered the resolution of the Radio Engineers No. 3 Branch of the Electrical Trades Union, sent to him by the hon. Member for West Fife, protesting against financial hardship caused to men who have been compulsorily transferred under Regulation 58A; and what steps he is prepared to take to ensure that such transfers do not result in undue financial hardship?

Yes, Sir. A reply was sent to the Branch on 23rd April which stated that while transfers must be effected if this is necessary in the national interest, every effort is made to ensure that no avoidable hardship is caused. I would remind the hon. Member that any worker who is directed to transfer can appeal to the local appeal board if he feels that undue hardship would result.

Women Bus Conductors (Training Pay)

17 and 18.

asked the Minister of Labour (1) whether he is aware that young women directed to take up training as omnibus conductors under the London Passenger Transport Board are entitled, during training, to 3s. 6d. a day, but under a rule of the Board no payment is made until the end of the first fortnight; and whether he will see that in cases of this kind, especially where the woman has been brought away from her home, the rule should be relaxed;

(2) whether he is aware that a young woman was directed to take up work as a conductor for the London Passenger Transport Board at Hatfield, from her home in Sudbury, Suffolk: that the woman was penniless and, when it was realised that she was unable to pay her landlady, it was discovered that for a week she had lived on bread and butter; that, on taking the matter up at the Hatfield employment exchange, it was ascertained that she was entitled to 24s. 6d. for the first week and 10s. for the second week! and whether he will make inquiries as to why the woman was not informed in the first instance that she was entitled to these grants?

While I thank my right hon. Friend for his reply, will he communicate to me the result of his inquiry?

Hospital Collection, London (Flower Sellers)

asked the Minister of Labour whether he has any information as to the number of women who were engaged in selling flags or artificial flowers on "all hospitals day," 5th May, 1942, on the streets of the county of London; what was their average age; and how many women-hours were thus lost to the war effort?

Women Interviewers, Scotland

asked the Minister of Labour how many of the women in Scotland, who carry out the interviewing of women registered under the Defence Regulations, are under 35 years of age?

In Scotland 59 women under age 35 are employed on the interviewing of women registered under the Defence Regulations.

Can the right hon. Gentleman state what pecrentage that is of the whole number of women who carry out these interviews in Scotland?

Questions

Armed Forces (Pensions and Grants)

asked the Minister of Pensions whether the form of enrolment, W 3066, precludes widows of commissioned officers in the Home Guard who have been accidentally killed in the course of their duties from receiving pensions on the same scale as widows of other commissioned officers killed in the same circumstances?

When the Local Defence Volunteer Force, the predecessor of the Home Guard, was formed, the Government decided that compensation for death or disablement sustained in the service would be on the same scale as for the private soldier. That decision was reaffirmed when it was decided to grant commissions in the Home Guard and it has been embodied in a Royal Warrant dated 9th December, 1941. The position is therefore correctly stated on the Home Guard enrolment form.

While this may be contractual, does the right hon. Gentleman feel that it is really equitable?

This is a war for democracy, and I think that this is a very democratic system of dealing with pensions.

If there is a justification for discriminating between the widows of officers and other ranks at all, is there not the same justification in the case of the Home Guard?

It is a matter of Government policy and I cannot give an answer to that question.

asked the Minister of Pensions whether he will amend the present maximum pensions of 27s. 6d. for women and 37s. 6d. for men of private soldier status who suffer amputations of both arms or other disablement resulting in total incapacity, or authorise supplementary allowances to ensure adequate maintenance?

Where the pensioned disability is so severe in its effects that the pensioner requires the constant and continuous attendance of another person, as would normally be the case where both arms are amputated, the Royal Warrant already provides that an allowance not exceeding 18s. a week may be granted in addition to pension at the total disablement rate and any family allowances which may be payable. I have obtained authority to pay a similar allowance in the like conditions to women members of the Forces.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say why a woman who suffers the loss of two arms is assessed at 10s. less than a man who suffers the loss of two arms?

That is another question entirely. There is no difference as regards this extra amount.

asked the Minister of Pensions whether he will follow the example of the Service Departments and appoint welfare officers to act as war disabled pensioners' friends and assist and advise in regard to all matters arising from the war disabled condition?

There are already in existence 155 War Pensions Committees, with 3,630 members and 10,200 voluntary workers, to assist and advise disabled members of the Armed Forces; and assistance and advice are afforded to disabled officers by "Officers' Friends" appointed by my Department. In addition, a Civil Injuries Advisory Committee has been appointed in association with each War Pensions Committee to assist claimants to compensation under the Personal Injuries (Civilians) Scheme and the War Pensions and Detention Allowances (Mercantile Marine, etc.) Scheme.

India

Political Bodies (Resolutions, Censorship)

27 and 28.

asked the Secretary of State for India (1) whether he will, with a view to inducing a better understanding between the peoples of India and those of this country, remove the present rigid censorship now applied to the deliberations and decisions of representative bodies of Indian people;

(2) why the publication of the resolution, passed on 28th April, 1942, by the Working Committee of the Indian National Congress, was banned and all printers, publishers and editors were prohibited from publishing the whole or any part of the resolution?

asked the Secretary of State for India what restrictions are imposed on the publication in India of declarations or resolutions adopted by the Indian National Congress or other political bodies; and whether there is any interference in the transmission of these pronouncements sent to this country by cable or otherwise?

These Questions have regard to the Government of India's action in respect of three resolutions adopted by the All-India Congress Working Committee on 28th April. These resolutions, which rested on gross misrepresentation of fact or on unverified rumour, criticised in unbridled terms the recent actions of the military and civil authorities in India and Burma. They were calculated—and, to judge by their language, were I think deliberately calculated—to undermine public confidence in the Government and the Armed Forces. The Government of India would in present circumstances have been justified on these grounds in suppressing publication of all three resolutions but they confined their prohibition to one resolution and to part of a second. This of itself is sufficient to disprove the suggestion that censorship is exercised in the rigid and undiscriminatory manner which the Questions imply.

Is not the right hon. Gentleman aware that the resolution that was banned was passed after a detailed examination had been made into the conditions prevailing on the Indo-Burma border; and will he inform the House, and myself in particular, what grounds he has for stating that the information embodied in the resolution which had been obtained on the spot is information which he, remotely situated as he is from the situation in India, is in a position to describe in the language which he has just used?

I rely with confidence upon the judgment of the Government of India, and I have no intention of giving wider publicity to these unfounded allegations.

Will the resolutions at least be available to Members of this House if they ask for it, so that we can judge for ourselves as to the exact nature of these resolutions? What would be the action of people in this country if an Indian body were to prevent the circulation of resolutions passed by the Labour party?

The published part of the resolutions I am willing to lay upon the Table of the House, but I do not propose to give wider publicity to the unpublished parts.

Would there be any wider publicity in giving it to Members of this House, and are we not as capable of judging as the right hon. Gentleman?

Indian Refugees, Burma

asked the Secretary of State for India whether he will now give a detailed report as to the measures taken by the Government of India to evacuate Indians from Burma and as to conditions among the Indians in the evacuee camps on the Indo-Burmese border?

A fully detailed report on the evacuation of Indians from Burma is not yet available, but I understand that already upwards of 300,000 Indians have been evacuated and that a steady flow of Indian refugees continues to pass over the frontier. The Government of India have recently stated that the organisation of food, water and shelter along the long and arduous route was completed in a remarkably short time and that no distinction whatever is made between the treatment of Indians and non-Indians in the refugee camps. All indigent refugees are being returned to their homes free of charge and given a subsistence allowance. The refugee problem created by the invasion and enemy-occupation of large parts of Burma is of unexampled magnitude and difficulty. Numbers were evacuated by sea so long as this remained possible and subsequently by the land routes supplemented by air transport. The efforts of the authorities in India and Burma in grappling with the problem in the midst of their other anxious preoccupations deserve great credit. The problem of evacuating the refugees who still remain in northern Burma now presents even greater difficulty, because, owing to the rapid advance of the enemy, only one route through difficult frontier country is available. Vigorous measures have been initiated by the Viceroy in concert with the Governor of Assam for assisting evacuation by this route by the provision of food, medical stores, guides and other means.

In view of the complete difference between the report which the right hon. Gentleman has obtained and the report presented to the Indian National Congress, will the Minister take steps to consult representatives of Congress with a view to correcting what I am informed is the misleading report he has just read to the House?

Questions

Juvenile Delinquency, Durham County

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department the number of boys under 16 years of age that have been charged before the juvenile courts of the administrative county of Durham and the county boroughs of South Shields and Sunderland, respectively, during each year from 1936 to 1941?

The available figures relate to boys under 17. I will obtain these and send them to my hon. Friend.

Has the right hon. Gentleman seen the report of the Director of Education for Sunderland about the increase in juvenile delinquency? Could he take special action?

Civil Defence

Lighting Economy (Movable Blackout)

asked the Home Secretary whether, in order to save electric lighting, he will consider making it compulsory for offices and public meeting places which at present have permanent blackout structures or painted windows, to be fitted with blackout curtains which can be drawn aside during hours of daylight?

Movable blackout has always been recommended, where practicable, as preferable to permanent blackout. In view, however, of the many factors which have to be taken into account in determining the type of blackout to be adopted, an order making movable blackout compulsory would not, in my view, be appropriate.

Prosecution, Chertsey

asked the Home Secretary under what Act, Order, or Regulation Henry Evans, Croft Kennels, Alfold, Surrey, was fined 40s., at Chertsey, on Wednesday, 30th April, for giving food to Italian prisoners of war?

I understand that this was a case of illicit trafficking with prisoners of war and that proceedings were taken under the Prisoners of War and Internees (Access and Communication) Order of 27th July, 1940, made under the provisions of Defence Regulation 18( c ) which empowers the Secretary of State for War to regulate access to such prisoners.

When the Minister says "illicit trafficking," does he mean that this person was trying to sell to prisoners or was giving?

There was trading being done between the prisoners and this person, which was contrary to the Order.

Will the Minister consider publishing an alphabetical index of these new crimes, so that we may know what they are?

Invasion Exercises

asked the Home Secretary whether any steps are being taken to bring the public into invasion exercises and thereby make them more conscious of the part they would have to play in the event of invasion?

Yes, Sir. A Defence Regulation has recently been made which will enable a Secretary of State to empower a Regional Commissioner to close all shops and places of entertainment and to prohibit or restrict assemblies of persons and the sale of intoxicating liquor during an invasion exercise. This will make it possible to reproduce, in an area covered by an exercise, the conditions which, by Governmental action or the force of events, would be likely to obtain in areas where fighting was in progress; and will facilitate the fullest possible participation of the public in the exercise. The power of closure will not extend to places of public worship, and care will be taken not to interfere with vital war industries.

Personnel (Part-Time Employment)

asked the Home Secretary to whom should employers of labour, willing to employ members of the Civil Defence services temporarily released from duties, apply?

As employers notify vacancies to the local offices of the Ministry of Labour and National Service, the officers in charge will determine, after consultation with the Civil Defence authorities, how far these vacancies can be filled by such persons as are available for temporary release from the Civil Defence services.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that his answer does not in the least meet the necessities of the case? It is not a matter of employers having vacancies but of employers making arrangements whereby if there are a certain number of Civil Defence workers available for work, they could make such arrangements as would enable those workers who are temporarily released to be employed. Is it not desirable that there should be a more well-defined procedure laid down whereby this desirable state of affairs could be brought about?

I think that if employers make application to the local offices of the Ministry of Labour, they should be able to settle with them.

Will the right hon. Gentleman bear in mind, as a preferential claim, the claims of discharged soldiers, sailors and airmen who are being returned to civil life and finding it difficult to become absorbed in the labour market?

That would be a matter for my right hon. Friend the Minister of Labour and I am sure he will keep it in mind.

Invasion Committees (Voluntary Helpers)

asked the Lord President of the Council whether Invasion Committees have been instructed to organise voluntary helpers who would be ready to deliver food and other necessary commodities?

I have been asked to reply. The distribution of food supplies is the responsibility of the food executive officer or voluntary food organiser as the case may be. This is only one of the purposes for which unskilled labour will be required, and it will be the function of invasion committees to co-ordinate the requirements in this respect of the various Services. No special instructions appear to be necessary.

Is not this an opportunity of training various voluntary helpers so that they will be ready to meet an emergency when it comes, and could not a little direction come from the top to invasion committees, which in some places are good and in some places bad, and which need consistent advice?

This will be one of the items that will be considered by invasion committees in advance, and suitable guidance will be given to them. I will keep in mind my hon. Friend's suggestion.

Has it been brought to my right hon. Friend's notice that in some areas these voluntary workers have compiled admirable surveys of the food, water and other resources in their areas, and will he not consider giving instruc- tions in an effort to bring the general standard up to the standard of these places?

Questions

Licensed Trade (Closing Hours)

asked the Home Secretary the names of the licensing districts which, at the recent licensing sessions, were granted an extension to 10.30 p.m. on weekdays, specifying which were for the whole year and which for a lesser period; the names of districts in which, last year, the permitted terminal hour on weekdays was 10.30 p.m. during the summer months, but which have, this year, reverted to 10 p.m. closing; and whether he will give a complete list of licensing districts where the justices have extended permitted hours on weekdays to 10.30 p.m., either for the whole year or part of the year?

I am sending my hon. Friend the particulars asked for, as they are too lengthy for circulation in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

Gaming Machines (Ban)

asked the Home Secretary whether he is aware of a recent police court case where a club was using a fruit machine which had been rigged by the makers; whether the manufacturers were British or foreign; if, in the former case, proceedings will be taken; and whether he will consult with the appropriate Department in order to place a permanent import ban on all such productions from abroad?

I have made inquiry about the case to which my hon. and gallant Friend refers and am informed that the machine was of foreign manufacture, so that no question arose of taking proceedings against the maker. As regards the last part of the Question, I have consulted my right hon. Friend the President of the Board of Trade, who informs me that any application for a licence to import a gaming machine of any kind would certainly be refused in present conditions.

Nominee Shareholdings (Identity)

asked the Home Secretary whether, in the public interest, he will now exercise his powers and disclose the identity of bankers' nominee holders of blocks of 10,000 shares or over in the "Daily Mirror" as on 27th February last; and the approximate number of nominees' shares held in blocks smaller than 10,000?

As he indicated in reply to a Question by my hon. and gallant Friend on 28th April, my right hon. Friend the President of the Board of Trade is in consultation with me on the question whether it is necessary or expedient to impose any general requirement of disclosure of the beneficial ownership of shares in newspaper companies. Pending a decision on this question, I do not think that I should be justified in singling out this particular newspaper for the exercise of the special powers given to me by Defence Regulation 80A for obtaining information which it is necessary or expedient to obtain in the interests of the public safety, the defence of the realm or the efficient prosecution of the war. I understand that 205,571 ordinary shares in this newspaper are held by nominees in blocks of less than 10,000.

Is the Minister aware that this is purely a question of principle and not an attack upon a newspaper? If I put a Question down in about a month's time, will he then be able to give an answer?

Is my right, hon. Friend aware that merely to compel disclosure by the bankers' nominees will not meet the situation in full, as many shareholders who apparently hold shares in beneficial ownership may be nominees without any apparent indication of that fact on the share register?

That may be so, and if it is so, I am not quite clear what I can do about that.

Is it not only fair that if this is done in regard to one newspaper, it should be done for all newspapers?

If my right hon. Friend reads my Reply, he will find that that is exactly what I said.

Education

Camp Schools

asked the President of the Board of Education, whether he is now in a position to make a statement on camp schools?

I am not yet in a position to add anything to the information which I gave the hon. Member on 30th April.

In view of the fact that there are 1,500 empty places in these camps, will the Minister try to speed up the decision?

Children (Farm Work)

asked the President of the Board of Education whether he will make a statement on the policy of his Department as regards children from elementary and secondary schools assisting in farm work during the coming months?

The policy is set out in the Memorandum and Circular copies of which I am sending to my hon. Friend. The earlier communication dealt with the organisation of schoolboy harvest camps. The second recommends that school holidays should be timed to meet local agricultural needs, and where necessary should be arranged at short notice. A Defence Regulation has been made authorising the exemption of individual children of 12 years of age and over from the obligation to attend school for the limited number of 20 school meetings in the year. It prescribes conditions designed to safeguard the health and welfare of children employed in agriculture both in term time and in holidays.

While I do not oppose this Circular, will my right hon. Friend bear in mind that the whole question depends upon administration? Will he consider making the medical inspection compulsory, and not simply permissive, on the local education authorities, and will he reconsider the provision concerning 36 hours a week during school holidays, as previous experience has shown that it might easily go up to 46 hours?

As my hon. Friend will see when he reads the Circular, the whole of the conditions of work are carefully set out. I have been in close touch with my right hon. Friend the Home Secretary, who is taking a close interest in this matter, and with the Minister of Agriculture, with a view to seeing that the matters about which my hon. Friend is concerned are borne in mind.

Does my right hon. Friend really think that child labour should be encouraged during school terms, and does he think that in the long run it will be in the national interest?

The right hon. Baronet gives a rather sinister implication to what is a perfectly normal war-time occupation for children. I think that when he reflects upon the trouble taken by the Government to ensure that conditions are satisfactory, he will not feel so disturbed about it.

Will the Minister reply to the question about compulsory medical examination, which is most important?

Conditions are set out in the Circular, of which I shall be glad to send the hon. Member a copy, which ensure that this matter will be looked into by the authorities concerned, although I cannot guarantee to go as far as the hon. Member wants.

Will additional provision be made for inspection of conditions of work of the children between 12 and 14 years of age under this Circular?

The provisions are set out in the Circular. I think I had better see that hon. Members have these documents before them so that they can see that matters will be very carefully watched.

Will this Circular apply to all schools, or only to those which receive grants from the Board?

It will apply to schools which come under the purview of local education authorities.

Nursing Cadet Corps (Proposal, Hertfordshire)

asked the President of the Board of Education whether his attention has been drawn to the proposal of the Hertfordshire education authority for the institution of a nursing cadet corps to fill the gap between school and professional nursing; and whether, in consultation with the General Nursing Council and the Minister of Health, he will give it his most favourable consideration?

My attention has been called to proposals by the Hertfordshire local education authority for a nursing cadet corps, and, in the event of these proposals being formally submitted, they will receive careful consideration. My hon. Friend will however appreciate that, in so far as they are intended to provide a preparation for hospital nursing, such proposals would have to follow the principles agreed with the General Nursing Council and set out in Circulars 1471 and 1568, copies of which I am sending to my hon. Friend.

Does my right hon. Friend recognise that this proposal is not only for hospital nursing, but also for nursery nursing and general education for maternity nursing, for those girls who like to choose it?

In view of the shortage of organisations into which girls between 16 and 18 years of age can be directed or encouraged to enter at the present time, does the right hon. Gentleman consider that this excellent experiment in Hertfordshire should be encouraged in other counties, in view of the shortage of nurses?

Public Health

Drugs

asked the Minister of Health what representations were made to him, on 14th October, 1941, by the Pharmaceutical Society in respect of the adequacy of the supply of drugs to hospitals, doctors and chemists; and whether he is aware that this adequate supply is being prejudiced by the distribution of pre-packed drugs by chain stores?

I received a letter from the Pharmaceutical Society, dated 14th October, 1941, urging that as and when shortages of medical substances occurred, steps should be taken to ensure that these substances are first supplied to those wholesalers and manufacturers the bulk of whose business lies in supplying pharmacists in retail business, hospitals and doctors. I am not prepared to admit the implication in the last part of the Question, but I am carefully considering in consultation with my right hon. Friend the Minister of Supply the question of further restricting the supply of essential drugs to essential medical purposes.

In view of their great interest in this question, will the right hon. Gentleman send a copy to the electors of Putney, whose loyalty is now divided between the War Cabinet and the Pharmaceutical Society?

Scabies

asked the Minister of Health whether he is yet in a position to circulate the promised further information on the methods of dealing with scabies?

Yes, Sir. I have decided to publish a White Paper on the prevalence and control of scabies, which will be available to the House early next week.

Hospital Nurses

asked the Minister of Health what arrangements have now been reached for the transference of nurses and other staff from military or other hospitals to those hospitals where there is an urgent need?

I am in communication on this matter with my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for War.

Can the Minister say whether he is likely to make some report on this matter, and whether any progress has been made up to now?

In certain small cases the transference has been effected. My hon. Friend now raises the main issue, and conclusion has not yet been reached on that.

Would my right hon. Friend reply to the first part of my Question and say whether a report will be available at some subsequent date?

Of course, when my consultations with my right hon. Friend are concluded, I shall be able to tell the House the results.

Agriculture

Requisitioned Land, West Riding

asked the Minister of Agriculture of how much land the Yorks (West Riding) War Agricultural Executive Committee have taken possession under Defence Regulation 51; how much of that land is farmed by the Committee or under its management; and how much of it has been let to tenants?

As I have already stated, I deprecate the issue of county figures which would lead to very misleading comparisons. The national total has already been given and I hope my hon. Friend will not press for further details.

Will the right hon. Gentleman refer that to the other hon. Member who was pressing the Minister of Labour for information?

Why will not my right hon. Friend give these figures now? I have asked for similar information concerning other war agricultural committees and I have had the information, and I cannot understand why I cannot have it now.

The reason is that the hon. Member asked me some time ago whether I would let him have figures for all counties, and I said at that time, as I repeat now, that to publish these figures would lead to very misleading comparisons. Subsequently, the hon. Member asked me for particulars concerning two counties; I thought he had a particular interest in those counties, and I gave him the figures. He has now put down what I assume to be the first of a series of Questions asking me for figures for each county, and if I gave them, it would, of course, defeat the original objection which I had.

On a point of Order, Mr. Speaker. There are several war agricultural committees in connection with which farmers have communicated with me, and it is because of those communications that I am now seeking information. This is not the last county about which I am going to put down Questions. I think the right hon. Gentleman should give me the information if he is going to respect—

Farm Cottages (Non-Agricultural Occupants)

asked the Minister of Agriculture whether further facilities will be given to farmers who own cottages which, in pre-war years or at the commencement of the war, were let to persons other than those following an agricultural calling and now controlled under the Rent and Mortgage Interest Restrictions (Amendment) Act, to obtain possession where they need it for labour working on food production on their own land; and, since power is vested in the County War Agricultural Committees to give a certificate to enable the owner to obtain possession, will he consider introducing legislation to make it obligatory on the court to make an order for possession, as at the present time there is no such obligation on the court to endorse the certificate?

As regards the first part of the Question, in view of the existing provisions of the Rent and Mortgage Interest Restrictions (Amendment) Act, 1933, as affected by Part XI of the Defence (Agriculture and Fisheries) Regulations, 1939, I do not consider that additional facilities for securing possession of such cottages are necessary. I have consulted my right hon. Friend the Minister of Health, and the Government are not prepared to consider introducing the further legislation suggested in the second part of the Question.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that it is no good shaking his head and saying that nothing can be done? The all-important point about this system is that it does not work.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that there is a really serious sense of injustice in the minds of agricultural labourers concerning the way in which cottages suitable for their occupation are taken by people of other classes, and is he aware that I have called attention to this matter for the last 35 years?

Has my right hon. Friend any evidence of cottages on farms which are occupied by persons who are not concerned with agriculture, and does that interfere with the production of food?

I imagine that my hon. Friend has a particular case in mind, and as I think I told him, we are satisfied in that particular case that it does not interfere with production.

In view of the thoroughly unsatisfactory nature of the reply, I beg to give notice that I shall raise this matter on the Adjournment.

Rats and Mice (Destruction)

asked the Minister of Agriculture the approximate food loss to the community, per week, by the activities of rats and mice; and what action is proposed for the destruction of these pests?

While it is not possible to make any reliable estimate of the loss referred to in the first part of the Question, the damage done by rats has been estimated at £25,000,000 per annum. As regards the last part of the Question, I am glad to say that the activities of county war agricultural executive committees and other authorities responsible for rat destruction in England and Wales have met with a considerable measure of success, but I am considering what additional steps it may be possible to take to reduce the depredations of these pests still further.

Straw Pulping Plants

asked the Minister of Agriculture under what safeguards and conditions straw pulping plants are to be issued free to farmers by his Department?

Straw pulping plants will be supplied free to farmers in cases where their installation is approved by the county war agricultural executive committees. I am sending the hon. Member a copy of a leaflet which is being issued by my Department giving details of the offer.

Can the Minister say what will happen to plant which is not used after it has been issued? Will it be taken away, and will district committees be consulted before plant is issued free of charge to farmers?

I assume that the war agricultural committees will make sure, as the number of plants available is limited, that they are supplied only to those farmers who are likely to make full use of them.

They will be constructed for the most part of materials most suitable to the locality.

But of what material will the plants be constructed, and what will be the total cost?

Wages (Women)

asked the Minister of Agriculture whether, in view of the wide discrepancy in the minimum wage rate paid to women agricultural workers, he will reconsider his decision to fix the national minimum wage?

I do not think it would be desirable to introduce new legislation on this subject, and I will consider whether some other steps can be taken to secure greater uniformity.

While I thank the Minister for his reply, is he aware that the list which he sent to me in answer to a previous Question shows that in 17 counties there is no fixed minimum weekly wage—it is on an hourly basis, which is a very unsatisfactory arrangement—and will he bear this in mind in any conclusions he may reach?

It is because the present situation is unsatisfactory that I am considering the matter in conjunction with the Minister of Labour.

If it is necessary to fix a minimum wage so that men shall not be exploited, why does not the same principle apply to women so that they shall not be exploited?

Questions

Widows' Pensions

asked the Minister of Health how many claims for a widow's pension have been rejected for the year ended 1941; and how many of such claims failed because they had not the necessary qualification of the 104 stamps?

The number of applications for widows' pensions under the Contributory Pensions Acts in England, Scotland and Wales which were rejected in the year ended 31st December, 1941, was 10,310. The rejected claims have not been classified according to the specific ground of rejection and I regret that I am, therefore, unable to give the particulars asked for in the last part of the Question.

Is the Minister aware that great hardship is caused in these cases, and cannot he arrange some scheme which will entitle widows to pensions?

In view of the changed circumstances and the unfairness of this stamp disqualification, will not the Minister agree to reconsider the matter?

As the House knows, the whole subject is under consideration by an Inter-Departmental Committee.

Cannot this question be reviewed, particularly in view of the numbers of people re-entering employment and their difficulty in securing the necessary 104 stamps?

War-Disabled Pensioners

asked the Minister of Health whether his Department has now concluded its consideration of the representations made urging early legislation for the provision of supplementary allowances to war-disabled pensioners when incapacitated and in need by the Assistance Board instead of local public assistance committees; and on what date can a statement be expected?

I have received representations on this problem which is one of a number under consideration by the Inter-Departmental Committee on Social Insurance and Allied Services as a postwar problem.

National Health Insurance

asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware of resentment and hardship arising out of delay by approved societies in dealing with sickness claims by their members; and whether any steps are being, or will be, taken to inquire into the administration of approved societies on this point with a view to securing more speedy settlement of claims?

My hon. Friend will appreciate that many approved societies are at present carrying on the work of National Health Insurance under considerable difficulties, and that it is hardly practicable for every benefit claim to be dealt with as speedily as it would be under more normal conditions. I am, however, sure that societies fully realise the importance of making every effort to avoid unnecessary delay, but, if cases of what would appear to be undue delay have come to the notice of my hon. Friend, perhaps he would be good enough to let me have particulars.

National Finance

Indirect Taxation

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he has considered the resolution of the Brechin United Co-operative Society, Limited, sent to him by the hon. Member for West Fife, protesting against the increase in indirect taxation and, particularly, that the increase in the tobacco duty does not materially affect those with good incomes, but bears harshly on the lower-paid workers and the old age pensioners; and what steps he is prepared to take in the matter?

I would refer the hon. Gentleman to what I said in my Budget Speech, and to my Speech on the Report of the Budget Resolutions.

Is the Minister not prepared to give any consideration at all to the old age pensioner who has to pay such an exorbitant price for a little tobacco out of his very small income? Has he seriously considered the letter from an old age pensioner which I forwarded to him, and has he given some thought to the matter to see whether something can be done to ease this burden?

Family Allowances

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer why the publication of the Report of his inquiry into family allowances was deferred until too late to influence discussion on the financial provisions for the year; and how soon will the House have an opportunity of seeing the said Report?

The White Paper will be available in the Vote Office this afternoon. My hon. Friend will appreciate that inquiries of this kind, if carefully conducted, require considerable time.

May I call the attention of my right hon. Friend to a misprint in the Question? What I want to know is how soon we shall have an opportunity to discuss the Report? Is it not the case that it has been deliberately held up so that there shall be no Debate on the Finance Bill?

With regard to the first part of the Question, the question of discussion is for the Leader of the House. So far as the second part of the Question is concerned, my hon. Friend will appreciate that she was at liberty to discuss the question of family allowances.

Will the Chancellor try to influence the Leader of the House to give us an early date for discussion?

Trade and Commerce

Clothing Coupon Prosecution

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he can now give any information in connection with the 22 men charged with forging 97,000 clothing coupons; and whether all the coupons emanated from a printing press operated by Jack Hyman Cohen?

The trial of these men opened at Manchester Assizes on 5th May; it is expected to last for eight or ten days. I can give no further information at present.

Second-Hand Goods (Price Control Order)

asked the President of the Board of Trade what steps he proposes to take for the future price control of second-hand goods and all other articles?

My right hon. Friend has signed an Order which will come into force on 25th May prohibiting the sale by second-hand dealers of any second-hand goods which are price-controlled under the Goods and Services (Price Control) Acts at a price exceeding the price of comparable new goods. An Order has also been made prohibiting except under licence the sale by auction of goods which are price-controlled under the Goods and Services (Price Control) Acts and certain other goods over which the Board of Trade exercise control. This Order will come into force on 11th May, but provision is made to enable auctions advertised before 5th May to be held provided that they are held before 25th May. For any other auction of goods to which the Order applies a licence will be necessary and a general licence will be given to cover certain auctions. The Board of Trade have delegated the power to issue these licences to the Chairmen of the Central and Local Price Regulation Committees set up under the Goods and Services (Price Control) Acts. With regard to other articles, as I informed my hon. Friend the Member for Stoke (Mr. Ellis Smith) on 29th April, five Orders controlling prices were made during April, and my right hon. Friend informed my hon. Friend the Member for Sedgefield (Mr. Leslie) on 5th May of an Order putting a stop to further increases in furniture prices.

Is my hon. and gallant Friend aware that action of this nature will be received with great satisfaction throughout the country, which has suffered from this racket for a long time? May I express the hope that this may be taken to show an end of all procrastination in this object?

With regard to the first question, it will, of course, be for the courts to decide when a case is brought before them. In reply to my hon. Friend, there will be one clerk employed in each of the district price control offices.

Boys' Trousers

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether, with a view to saving material, he will issue regulations forbidding the making of trousers in the small sizes worn by schoolboys and instructing that shorts should be substituted for them?

The manufacture of long trousers of sizes for boys up to 11 or 12 years old will be prohibited under the Making of Civilian Clothing (Restrictions) (No. 2) Order which comes into force on 18th May.

Will the hon. and gallant Gentleman keep in mind that the average schoolboy has ambitions?

Lancashire Cotton Yarns (Weaving, Northern Ireland)

asked the President of the Board of Trade why it is proposed that cotton yarns spun in Lancashire, which are insufficient to employ Lancashire looms engaged on urgent Government orders, are to be sent to Ulster to be woven in Ireland?

An arrangement was made last summer by which up to 900 tons of cotton yam per quarter are allotted out of the home civilian allocation to Northern Ireland weavers. There is no present intention to increase this allocation. Owing to the present shortage of yarn, there are on occasions looms and weavers on short time, but it is hoped to improve production in the spinning section. In view of the very high and increasing demands for labour, especially in the North-Western region, it was and is the policy of His Majesty's Government to make use of some part of the capacity left vacant in Northern Ireland by the almost complete cessation of the linen export trade.

In view of the fact that these cotton yarns will be sent to Ireland and woven into cloth there, that the cloth will then come back to Lancashire to be mercerised, and sent back to Ireland to be made up into manufactured goods, a very large proportion of which will be consumed in Great Britain, is not this proceeding a very great waste of the national effort, and how does my hon. and gallant Friend reconcile these proposals with the desire of the President of the Board of Trade to save fuel?

I cannot agree with my hon. Friend that that is a fact. That such a thing may happen on occasions is true, but I am satisfied that those occasions are very rare, and it is in no way a general rule.

Does the hon. and gallant Gentleman appreciate that the strain on transport facilities involved in this scheme outweighs any possible advantage?

Clearly we do not so consider it, otherwise we should not have introduced the scheme.

Is it not a fact that we are short of yarns in Lancashire for essential cloth supplies?

Questions

Fuel Rationing Scheme

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that up-to-date publicity, designed to effect saving in fuel, has been mainly confined to generalities and has been ineffective; and whether he will give consideration to more practical publicity consisting of broadcast talks, demonstrations and practical advice in the advertisement columns as to how fuel may actually be saved through applying intelligent methods to its use?

I agree with my hon. Friend that the measures taken to secure fuel economy have been largely ineffective. My right hon. Friend is prepared to consider any practical proposals for the improvement of publicity, as an aid to fuel rationing.

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he proposes to allow any extra ration of fuel to Indians and others resident in this country accustomed to more genial climates?

I fear it would be impracticable to vary any fuel ration which may be decided upon according to the climate to which a person had previously been accustomed.

Will it not to some extent help the Indian problem if we show special consideration for the personal comfort of the small number of Indians who have thrown in their lot with this country?

Business of the House

May I ask the Leader of the House what will be the forthcoming Business of the House?

The Business will be as follows:

First Sitting Day—Supply, Committee (7th Allotted Day): A Debate will take place on the Preservation of Industry in Scotland.

Second and Third Sitting Days—Committee stage of the Finance Bill, and, if there is time, Second Reading of the Pensions (Mercantile Marine) Bill; and any other Business may be taken.

I doubt whether the House would wish to press for a Debate on the War Situation next week, but may we be assured that before the Recess two Sitting Days will be devoted to such a Debate in Public Session?

Certainly, that is the intention, in the week before the Recess to take the first two Sitting Days for a Debate in Public Session.

With regard to the Debate on Scottish Estimates, which Vote do the Government propose to put down?

The Government will put down all appropriate Votes to give as wide a Debate as possible.

I was wondering whether the Government consider the appropriate Votes the same as I consider them.

Perhaps the hon. Member would make representations through the usual channels, and we will do what we can to accommodate him.

Can the Leader of the House say anything as to the conduct of the Debate on fuel rationing?

I said yesterday that the President of the Board of Trade would make that clear in his opening speech to-day. If the House would like to know what the proposal is, I will make a statement now. After to-day's Debate has taken place a statement will be made by my right hon. Friend, and a White Paper will be issued giving the broad details of the scheme proposed by the Government. If there is a substantial demand for a further' discussion of that White Paper, the Government will be prepared to consider a rearrangement of Business in order to permit this, but I must warn the House that this is likely to entail sitting an extra day before Whitsuntide, as the Debate must take place before Whitsun.

As it appears to be certain that after the publication of the scheme there will be a desire for a Debate, perhaps the proposed discussion could take place on the extra day.

I think it would have to be the fourth Sitting Day either in the next series of Sittings or the series after that.

It appears that the proposed Debate will be mainly confined to the question whether we are or are not to have coupon rationing. Many of us desire to raise the more important question as to why the Government have allowed the country to get into the present position, and I should like to ask whether an opportunity will be given us and whether the Lord President of the Council, as representing the War Cabinet, will be prepared to reply to it.

I understand that it is the intention of the President to make a statement so as to permit as great an area of discussion as possible on the whole question of fuel rationing.

Will a member of the War Cabinet be prepared to make a statement as to Why we are in this position with regard to fuel?

That is a matter which should be replied to by the President of the Board of Trade.

How does my right hon. and learned Friend reconcile the fact that the President of the Board of Trade has asked for suggestions to be made in to-day's Debate with his statement to-day that a White Paper will be issued giving a cut and dried scheme which may be debated in the future?

I think that it is quite easy to reconcile these statements. After to-day's Debate my right hon. Friend and the Government will decide upon what scheme it is their duty to introduce, and that scheme will be in the new White Paper.

Does the House clearly understand that the White Paper over which we have taken such a lot of pains to understand it is now scrapped, or are we to discuss something which is in the head of the President of the Board of Trade—if it is there?

I understand that the Committee stage of the Finance Bill will be taken on the second and third Sitting Days. Is it not possible to postpone it to a later date, because finance is fundamental to all these great issues, and there will hardly be time to study all the details and to put down Amendments?

I am afraid that the Government cannot reconsider this allocation of time. I am sure that anybody with so quick a brain as my hon. Friend's will be able to do all that is necessary.

I have an Amendment on the Paper to move a reduction in the Vote under discussion today. It will, however, be unnecessary for me to move it if there is to be no finality about the Debate and the House is to have another opportunity to discuss the matter. I am in doubt as to the wording of my right hon. and learned Friend's reply when he said that there would be a further Debate if there is a general desire for it. I want him to give the House a definite undertaking that there will be that opportunity and that we shall be able to discuss the proposals which the Government propose to bring before the House.

I presume the House has not prejudged the merits of the scheme which may be brought forward. It may be that when it is brought forward everybody will say what an excellent scheme it is.

To get back to the rather ordinary affairs of Scotland, I understand that we are to discuss industry in Scotland on one of the days. The important question we have to discuss is housing, which cannot be divorced from the question of industry. I would like to know whether housing can be discussed on that Vote.

I am afraid it would not be in Order to discuss that question on the first day, but it is proposed to have a second Scottish Supply Day, when no doubt it could be discussed.

What is the use of our discussing industry unless there are decent places for those who carry on industry to live in? The two things are closely connected, and we ought to be able to discuss them together.

I cannot say what will or will not be in Order, but I imagine that in so far as housing is related to industry it would be in Order to discuss it, but it would not be in Order to discuss the much broader question of housing.

I was told to discuss through the usual channels what Votes would be put down. The problem of the preservation of industry in Scotland is a problem of the future and, therefore, a legislative problem. I want to find out through the usual channels how to put down a particular Estimate on which we can discuss legislation.

Privilege (Member's Speech)

I desire to raise a question of Privilege arising out of a speech of the hon. Gentleman the Member for Shettleston (Mr. McGovern) which was made in Cathcart in Scotland on 26th April and reported in the "New Leader," the Socialist weekly of the Independent Labour Party, on 2nd May. Hon. Members will remember that a Secret Session of this House was held on 23rd April. I should like to start by expressing my regret to the hon. Gentleman that I have caused him a good deal of personal inconvenience, but I claim that it was not my fault. I followed what I believed to be the Rules of the House. The hon. Member had made a public speech which was published in a journal. Members who make speeches are responsible for them, believe in the opinions expressed in them, and do not run away from them. As it had been made public and as I had to raise it at the first opportunity, I thought it only straightforward when I gave notice to mention the name of the Member. The speech of which I complain was a protest against the secrecy under which the Prime Minister had reviewed the war situation in Parliament during a Secret Session. Hon. Members will remember that when a question of Privilege of this nature is raised it is customary for the passage to which exception is taken to be handed to the Clerk of the House and to be read. I shall follow that procedure at the end of my speech.

The speech of the hon. Member was in part the expression of his own personal views, and with that I am not concerned. In another part he referred to the serious shipping losses suffered during the last two months, and it was alleged that as the figures had been published the hon. Member thought himself justified in giving the figures to the public. I have made inquiries, and I can find no evidence that either a Minister or a Department has published these figures, for the simple reason that they are inaccurate. The part of the speech which is the main subject of my submission states that the Prime Minister made a speech in Secret Session, and it went on to add that if that speech had been made in public, certain political consequences would have followed. In contrast to the method employed by Ministers in Secret Session, it was alleged that Ministers, in public, lied to the people. I submit to you, Mr. Speaker, and to the House that the form of this speech puts us all in a very difficult position. The Secret Session is a valuable part of our Parliamentary system. It enables Ministers to speak freely and enables Members, in all parts of the House, to raise questions which they would not dream of raising in Public Session, for fear of giving information to the enemy. If, then, after a Secret Session has been held, Members report that certain speeches were made by Ministers and go on to give the impression created in their minds by those speeches, the whole purpose—

On a point of Order. Is it usual, before the statement complained of his been made known to the House, for the hon. Member who is raising the complaint to make an argumentative speech? Should we not know what the offending passage is?

The article in the paper will be read in the ordinary way after the speech of the hon. Member.

While the passage may be read after the speech, is it usual for an hon. Member who is raising an issue of this kind to start debating the merits at this stage? Is it not usual merely to make the complaint and not to debate the merits?

The difficulty in this case is that the complaint is related to matters which arose in a Secret Session, and the question of whether a Member has committed a breach of Privilege or not must depend entirely on the merits of the speech rather than on what was actually said.

I am sorry to press you, Sir, on this point. While what you say is perfectly true and perfectly legitimate, may I again ask whether the hon. Member for Norwich (Mr. Shakespeare) is not going beyond the bounds in starting to debate the merits of what was said, rather than laying his complaint before the House?

I take it that what the hon. Member for Norwich (Mr. Shakespeare) is trying to do—certainly what he ought to be trying to do—is to convince me at this moment, that he has made out a prima facie case that the hon. Member for Shettleston (Mr. McGovern) has committed a breach of Privilege.

I am trying to do this as fairly as I can. My point is that Secret Sessions are of value to the House, but if Members subsequently state that certain Ministers spoke, and if they give the impressions made on their minds by those speeches, then the whole purpose of the Secret Session will be frustrated. Clearly, the impressions of Members of particular speeches will differ. It may be that in some future Secret Session the impression left on the mind of the hon. Member may be fundamentally different from the impressions received by all other Members, because of what his political views are. Yet I should be debarred, as would be every other hon. Member, from answering that speech in Parliament or in any constituency for the fundamental reason that in order to do so it would be necessary to reveal what had taken place in the Secret Session. I submit to you, Mr. Speaker, that a prima facie case has been made out for an inquiry by the only body that is competent to inquire into cases of this kind, that is, the Committee of Privileges.

The CLERK (Sir GILBERT CAMPION)

"Speaking at Cathcart on Sunday, John McGovern protested against the secrecy under which the Premier's review of the war had been given in Parliament. 'If that speech had been given in public,' he said, 'the I.L.P. would have won this election.' Mr. Churchill's review was made in secret, not to prevent Hitler knowing anything but to prevent the public of Britain knowing everything. In their public speeches Ministers had lied to the people and deluded them. 'I am able to say here, because it has been publicly announced', continued McGovern, 'that during each of the last two months over 800,000 tons of shipping have gone to the bottom of the ocean'".

I have given a considerable amount of thought to this question. The House must bear in mind, as I always preface any remarks on a question of this sort by pointing out, that it is not for me to decide whether a breach of Privilege has been committed or not. All I have to decide is whether the hon. Member who introduces the complaint has made out a prima facie case. I have given this matter great consideration as arising out of what has happened in a Secret Session, and I have also taken into account the view of the Committee of Privileges upon a rather similar case which arose with regard to the "Observer". All that has influenced me in considering the decision to which I should come in this case. I have definitely come to the decision that the hon. Member for Norwich has made out a prima facie case that a breach of Privilege has been committed.

I beg to move,

"That the Matter of the Complaint be referred to the Committee of Privileges."

First, let me say that I have no complaint at all against the hon. Member for Norwich (Mr. Shakespeare) for having complained of that speech or reported it to the House. But I would say at the outset that I was concerned with the publicity given to the matter, which suggested that I was doing my best to burke the issue by not appearing in this House. Therefore, in fairness to myself, because I like to be fair to myself as well as to other people, I want to say that the opportunity that was given to the hon. Member to contact me, was certainly not what I would have expected from the steps he took in order to secure for himself the knowledge that messages have been delivered to me which would allow me to attend in my place at the proper moment. As last week-end included the usual May Day holidays, I had laid aside a week in order to deal with an accumulation of constituency matters. I did not intend to be in the House, having laid out the entire week so as to be at the disposal of my area and deal with the many claims upon my time in connection with it, and I knew nothing at all about this issue being raised. On Tuesday, among other things, I had attended a wedding, and, following the wedding, I visited a friend's house to remain there for the night, because my wife was 35 miles away at a place called Largs. I saw in a newspaper about a quarter to nine in the evening that a question of Privilege had been raised in the House, and my first thoughts were expressed in the words, "Who is in the soup now?" I never suspected, so innocent was I, that I could be the culprit. My wife telephoned to me after nine o'clock and said that a message had been received at Largs about seven o'clock—it reached there at 6.42 on Tuesday evening having been handed in at the House at 4.20—to this effect:

Coming to the speech in question, I fail to see the significance, the seriousness, of any statement I made in the speech. Hon. Members must realise that we are a small political party, quite distinct, in our approach to things, from the point of view of the overwhelming mass of the Members of this House. We are anti-war, anti-Government, anti-Prime Minister. I would suggest to the House that it is not my opinions which are being considered ultimately but the question of whether I have given any information of what happened in a Secret Session which I should not have given. Approaching the matter from that point of view, I would point out that we were fighting a by-election, handicapped as we are by the lack of the knowledge that most of the influential people in the Government have, and that we were fighting the whole of the political forces of this country.

You must get the background of it. There was one great clamour from all, even the Communist forces, for a second front, and that led me to deal with the shipping question. I have argued continually that second fronts and third fronts depend entirely on the shipping position of this country. I have tried to show the number of ships that it takes to convey a division to various parts of the world. That was the background for the shipping charge. In dealing with that, I was contesting this political demand that was being made for military warfare. I said the shipping position was in a very grave state. As to the figures, it is news to me to hear that this is a war secret. I have tuned in continually and heard from Eire and Germany the very names of all the ships that have been sunk. I have heard things from Members of this House. Last week I discussed with two Conservative Members in the House itself, though I do not intend to use any names, the amount of shipping that was sunk; and in Piccadilly I met a Tory member of the House of Lords who discussed it with me only two weeks ago. I found out from American newspapers a whole list of ships that were sunk in the Atlantic, and it appeared to me, looking at the question from a political standpoint, that, as has happened in many cases, the whole world was getting information that was denied to the British public.

I have been against Secret Sessions because I think Secret Sessions can grow up as a means for a Government to escape from difficult situations. But realising all that, I was at the same time honourable enough not to come out and give any military information, because although we are anti-war we are not out to increase the difficulties of men who are fighting or to endanger their lives. Therefore, I simply stated that in my submission if that speech had been made in public, the I.L.P. would have won the election—but the result of the election does not show that my speech had any overwhelming effect in the Division. At the same time, that is my political point of view. If I had gone to Cathcart and said, "I heard a speech lasting an hour and 50 minutes from the Prime Minister in Secret Session. I cannot tell you what happened, but it has put me on top of the world, so elated that I feel confident after hearing it that victory will be accomplished this year," I cannot conceive the hon. Member coming to this House and laying a complaint that I had said that. I feel that such a complaint would not have received any sympathy in any part of this country. The good tidings would have gone round the world. But I simply said in a political way that my view was so-and-so. Hon. Members can dissent from that, but I did not divulge any single thing that was said in the Secret Session, not a single fact did I retail.

Therefore, I fail to see where there is any ground at all for any accusation of a breach of trust in this speech. Otherwise, I would be the first to admit it, and I would plead with hon. Members to allow me to express regret, but I cannot express something that I do not feel, because I am not convinced, after a review and examination of this statement, that I did anything detrimental to the interests of the country or to betray the trust which is reposed in me in coming as an ordinary Private Member to a Secret Session. I do not want to delay discussion on this issue, and I simply say that the line I took is my political line, that it is my political view. I am opposed to all the forces that are making war, but I am not opposed to the country carrying on these secret conclaves, if they so desire, without these stories of military secrets being detailed throughout the country, though all that is completely alien to me. All I can say to the House is that I am not convinced that I have done any wrong. I am as innocent now, after hearing the charge, as I was before I came into the House. I leave it with hon. Members of the House, with the Committee of Privileges and with you, Mr. Speaker. I have made my statement and will leave it at that for the present.

Will the hon. Member please withdraw from the House while this matter is being considered?

The hon. Member then withdrew.

We were told that the hon. Member for Shettleston had disclosed the figures of shipping losses within the last two months, but we were told also that the figures he gave in that speech were inaccurate. I submit that inaccurate figures would never have been given to us by the Prime Minister in Secret Session, and therefore that the charge so far as the figures are concerned must fall.

We are all anxious to get on to a discussion of the fuel situation, and I only want to say that in his closing remarks my hon. Friend the Member for Shettleston may have left the impression that he was not opposing this question being remitted to the Committee of Privileges. I want to say that he certainly does, and that my hon. Friend and I propose to oppose the sending of the matter to the Committee of Privileges.

May I ask the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who moved this Motion, whether the Government have in any way been approached on this question; and have they ascertained whether the amount of tonnage referred to by the hon. Member for Shettleston was a repeat statement of what the Prime Minister said in this House during the Secret Session?

After having heard the statements of the two hon. Members, may I ask whether it is the desire of the House—I hope it is—that we might once more hear the short extract from the speech of the hon. Member which was read to us by the Clerk of the House? I am sure hon. Members desire to be fair, and in trying to be fair it is not easy for me to decide whether the matter should be referred to the Committee of Privileges unless I refresh myself about what was said by the hon. Member in that speech.

The CLERK then read again the passages complained of.

I should like to add very briefly the opinion, not being very well versed in the history of this House, that a Member charged in the way that the hon. Member for Shettleston has been charged should welcome investigation by the Committee of Privileges into the facts, which cannot be presented to this House in full detail but which could be examined in front of that Committee of Privileges.

I could not understand, when we were debating a somewhat similar case—

The hon. and gallant Member must not disclose the proceedings of the Secret Session.

I have not done so, Mr. Speaker. I want to emphasise the point that the honour of this House is sacred, and when information of so confidential a nature is given in Secret Session we should do well to have the case investigated, not for the purpose of finding a Member guilty, but for the purpose of finding a Member innocent of a charge which has been made against him, especially when it is a charge of gravity and seriousness with regard to our own confidential position as Members of Parliament. I feel that the House would be well advised to submit the case to the Committee of Privileges, not, as I want to repeat, for the purpose of finding a Member guilty, but, if possible, finding a man exonerated from any blame which may have accrued to him from the charge.

I wish to add a few words in regard to what the hon. and gallant Member has said. He questioned why we should object to this matter being referred to the Committee of Privileges. We resent this charge having been made against our hon. Friend the Member for Shettleston. We think the statement that was made by the hon. Member for Shettleston showed how baseless the charge was. Therefore, we intend to divide the House against the Motion.

As a young Member of this House, may I ask for your guidance, Mr. Speaker? It was strongly represented to me yesterday, and to other Members, that after you had ruled that there was a prima facie case, any vote we might take was a vote against Mr. Speaker.

I hope the House will thoroughly understand that that is not the case. The hon. Member for Shettleston is entirely in the hands of the House.

I very much doubt whether the House would send this matter to a Committee of Privileges had we not had a Debate recently on a similar subject. This is not a case where investigation is required, because there is no dispute about the facts. We had to remit the other cases to the Committee of Privileges in order to establish the facts, but on the present case the Committee of Privileges will have no more guidance in the matter than has the House itself. There is no precedent for this matter that the Committee of Privileges cannot consider. There is no obscure principle for them to elucidate. We all know what the statement of the hon. Member was, and the hon. Member has not denied it. We know that the figure about shipping losses can be ruled out as an irrelevancy. The only thing which the House has to decide is whether a breach of Privilege has been committed by the hon. Member conveying a vague impression made upon him by a speech made in private Session. I submit that we are really getting quite foolish about it. It is necessary for hon. Members to be disciplined and to keep secrets imposed upon them by the House, but that obligation will not be strengthened by a series of frivolous charges made against hon. Members.

In this case it is impossible for the Committee of Privileges to say whether a breach has been committed or not. I consider it is undesirable for hon. Members to convey even impressions of what happened in private because it is very difficult to affirm or to deny such statements, and therefore, the speech ought not to have been made in the form in which it was made. There is every case for asking the Committee of Privileges to give certain general guidances to hon. Members, but the Committee of Privileges ought not to be asked to give those guidances in respect of this particular case, because it would therefore appear that the hon. Member would be on trial. I submit that the proposal to remit this matter to the Committee of Privileges should be withdrawn and the Committee asked to give us general guidances as to how we should conduct ourselves with regard to private Sessions.

We ought not to send cases of this kind to the Committee of Privileges, but only after grave provocation has been offered to the House. After hearing the explanation of the hon. Member for Shettleston, I think we should be well advised to proceed no further with the matter.

It strikes me, as an old Member of the House, that it is not of vital importance whether the statement made by the hon. Member was accurate or inaccurate. What is essential for the honour of this House is that, after we have had a Secret Session, no Member should go abroad in the country and say what was his impression of what was said in that Session. To refer to what was said, even if an hon. Member gives the facts wrongly or inaccurately, nullifies the whole idea of having a Secret Session. If a Member is to be entitled to make a speech in the country and say that if his hearers had been present such and such an effect would have been made upon their minds, it will derogate from the whole idea as to the observance of the strictest secrecy as to what occurred at the Secret Session which nobody but hon. Members present are entitled to know about.

May I ask for your guidance, Mr. Speaker? Would it not be possible for you, Sir, to ask the Committee of Privileges to consider this matter in a general form for our guidance? If you were able to do that, we might then be able to dispose of this Motion quite easily.

I have the utmost sympathy with the hon. Gentleman concerned, because I do not believe for one moment that he meant to hurt this country, but since it has been suggested that there is something political or something frivolous about it—those were the words used by a previous speaker—I should feel compelled, if there were a vote, to vote that this should go to the Committee. I feel therefore that I may be allowed a minute in which to express my reasons. It does not, to my mind, matter whether the hon. Member made a speech favourable or contrary to the Government. It does not matter whether what he says is accurate or inaccurate. What does matter is this: He mentioned who spoke in this Debate, and for my part I should have thought that that was a secret. If it is announced in the Press beforehand, it is pure guesswork, but if it is announced in the Press afterwards who spoke, I submit that that in itself is a question of Privilege. Further, a speech alleged to have been made in secret was compared with speeches made in public, and it was suggested that a different impression would have been made on people if the things said in secret had been said in public. That must give some impression to the outside world of what was the nature of the speech made in secret, and to that extent it has divulged some part of the secrecy. I cannot help feeling that I myself and the House want guidance as to what is our duty in these matters. I assure my hon. Friends opposite that there is nothing personal in this. It is a matter upon which we all need guidance.

If anything could prove the necessity for the suggestion made by the hon. Member for Ebbw Vale (Mr. Bevan), it was the speech made by the hon. and gallant Member for Lonsdale (Sir I. Fraser). In effect, what he said was that we must not say who spoke. I have said it, and I have never thought that I was saying anything wrong. Let every hon. Member of this House search his conscience in this matter, including the hon. Member who made the charge, and ask himself whether he has ever told who spoke. There is hardly one who has not done it. If secrecy is to be carried to that length, let Mr. Speaker say so, and if Mr. Speaker says so, everybody will carry it out, but until we are told I do not think there is anything wrong. I would suggest that the guiding principle should be that no one should leave this House and say one word which might give to the enemy countries anything which was helpful to them.

It has been argued that the Committee of Privileges is a judicial body and that they should examine the question, but the Committee of Privileges is not a judicial body at all. It is composed of members of the Government, of leading members of the Opposition and one or two senior Members of the House. If this were a judicial committee, there would be something to be said for it. I have heard many questions referred to the Committee of Privileges, and I think that this is the thinnest I have heard yet. If we are to go on in this heresy-hunting way, there is not a single Cabinet Minister who would escape. Who has not sat in the Smoke Room and discussed with Cabinet Ministers, or has overheard being discussed, matters outside the ordinary range of conversation? Are we really getting to the stage where all of us are to be suspect in our ordinary social life and contacts? For my part, I believe that this heresy hunt is being carried out for its own sake entirely.

I agree with my hon. Friend the Member for Colchester (Mr. Lewis) that the case is not a very strong one to go to the Committee of Privileges. Nevertheless, I think that the hon. Member for Shettleston was rather ill-advised—in fact, very ill-advised—in the remarks that he made, whether or not the reference to shipping losses which has been mentioned had in fact been published before.

On a point of Order. Do not such statements, to the effect that the hon. Member for Shettleston was ill-advised, amount to prejudging the case?

If the hon. Member will allow me to proceed, I will explain what I mean. I think he was ill-advised in making those statements, and if the House in its wisdom should decide not to send the case to the Committee of Privileges for examination, I hope we shall also remember that there should be no whittling-down of the secrecy in connection with Secret Sessions which may take place in future. I myself am not enthusiastically in favour of Secret Sessions, but if the House decides to have them, it is absolutely essential that secrecy should be maintained, and, if the House should decide to proceed no further in this case, that should not be taken by any other hon. Member to mean that the previous understanding with relation to secrecy has been in any way whittled down.

I would ask my hon. Friends on all sides of the House to realise that this is a very important issue which affects every single hon. Member. The last speaker has stated that the hon. Member for Shettleston—to whose political convictions, I must make it quite clear, I entirely disagree, and have done for many years—was ill-advised and made a careless speech. But we are discussing a question of a breach of Privilege, in which facts must be placed before hon. Members indicating a definite breach of Privilege with regard to a Secret Session. I would suggest to the Government that when figures are quoted publicly and are inaccurate, the first opportunity should be taken of pointing out their inaccuracy, because we all know perfectly well that the speech of the hon. Member for Shettleston was absolutely inaccurate in every detail.

The question arises. Can we, as Members of this House, go to our constituencies a day or a week after a Secret Session and make speeches to our constituents calling for a greater effort without our constituents relating our speeches to what took place in the Secret Session? You will place the onus on Members of giving entirely false impressions in the country in order to clear themselves from any charge that any speech they make following a Secret Session relates to the facts that were divulged there. Whether the hon. Member for Shettleston ought not to have given any impression with regard to the outcome of a Secret Session, I want to suggest that when we go to meetings—war commentary meetings, meetings for greater output—we have often to state, even after a Secret Session, that it has been pointed out, or that it is known, that the country is to-day passing through a very serious and troublous time, that we have to ask audiences not to be overconfident and to ask them, because of that, to give us a greater output of total war production. You cannot separate entirely in all your speeches on the war effort the information you receive, whether the Session be secret or public. With regard to breach of Privilege, the hon. Member for Shettleston made an inaccurate and stupid statement with regard to shipping. He also gave his impression of the feeling that would have been aroused in the country had they heard the Prime Minister's speech, but he did not divulge one single thing that took place in the Secret Session.

On a point of Order, I am very sorry, but I must sincerely and respectfully protest against this procedure. The issue which is before the House is a most important one. It does not only concern one hon. Member. Personally, I have been shocked throughout this Debate by the levity with which most Members of this House have treated it.

If the hon. Member has any point of Order to put to me, I shall be glad to hear it.

My point of Order is that my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Epsom (Sir A. Southby) wished to make a contribution to the Debate. Personally, I hoped to make one. The last time I rose was only on a point of Order. I therefore feel that the Question was being put to the House before it has been properly and adequately debated.

Is the hon. Member questioning the conduct of the Chair? If he does so, he must do it by a proper Motion.

With very great respect to you in this matter, Mr. Speaker, there can be no doubt that the hon. and gallant Member for Epsom (Sir A. Southby) rose in his place before you put the Question. Without casting any reflection on your conduct in the Chair, I desire to ask you whether, had he caught your eye, he would have been entitled to speak?

I do not think I can generally be accused of refusing to allow hon. Members to catch my eye. Had I realised that the hon. and gallant Member wished to speak I should, of course, have called him.

On a point of Order. Is there not a precedent, Mr. Speaker? I think there was one in the case of one of your predecessors where a Member failed to catch his eye. I would be prepared to take an affidavit before any court that the hon. and gallant Gentleman was on his feet before the Question was put.

On that point of Order. Is it not a fact that on the occasion quoted just now the Question had not already been put to the House? The Question has now been put to the House, and you "collected the voices," Sir. Is it not a fact that to call any Member who had not caught your eye before you put the Question would be entirely out of Order?

I am always willing to take the feeling of the House. If Members of the House in general think the hon. and gallant Member rose before the Question was put, I am quite willing that he should be heard.

I am thankful not only to you, Sir, but to my fellow Members for their courtesy. I rise only to put one point before the House. This case is a very serious one, because it touches every Member of this House. We are not now discussing the innocence or guilt of the hon. Member for Shettleston. We are discussing only whether the case should or should not go to the Committee of Privileges. I am not expressing any view myself as to whether the hon. Member has done anything wrong or not, I should like to call the attention of the House to this fact. The reference to some 800,000 tons of shipping having been lost might seem to have been quoting figures of shipping losses given in some speech which had been made. It may be that statements published in our Press from the American Press, and German claims, if added up, might come to some figure approximating to that total. It would be dangerous that, because a figure has been mentioned, the House of Commons should take it as anything but collected information such as I have mentioned. I am bound to say, with regard to the first part of his speech, that I think it is a pity that the hon. Member used the words he did, but whether there is sufficient evidence in this case to justify going to the Committee of Privileges is quite another thing. I think we should be very careful what we send to the Committee of Privileges. It is a very dangerous thing that a Member may say something in a constituency, in a private gathering, or write an article, and at once may be charged with having committed some breach of Regulations or of the Official Secrets Act, or of Privilege, because unless we are very careful, that is the road to the negation of free speech. In my view, in this instance, a prima facie case has not been made and this is not a case which should go to the Committee of Privileges.

I wish to assure you, Mr. Speaker, if it be necessary, that when I rose I had no intention of reflecting in any way upon your authority in the Chair. I admit I was feeling heated, but my heat arose from the feeling I had that Members of this House were not taking sufficiently seriously—[HON. MEMBERS: "Withdraw"]—a matter which, in my belief, not merely concerns the particular case they are judging to-day, but influences the future conduct of this House and actually places in jeopardy to some extent the Privileges of all Members of this House. I can imagine nothing which would be more detrimental to the future conduct of this House than if we were to have a series of incidents such as we have had before us during the past two days. The Committee of Privileges is, after all, a most important body of this House, and I submit that only cases of such a serious nature that there can be no doubt in the minds of almost every Member of this House are the kind of cases which ought to be submitted to them.

I would like to remind the House, being one of the few people who have a copy of the newspaper, that the hon. Member for Shettleston made it perfectly clear that the shipping figures which he used were not secret, and that he had obtained them from the Press. Secondly, I would refer to the point mentioned by my hon. and gallant Friend below the Gangway opposite. It was announced in the Press, and, I think, by the Prime Minister himself, that he was going to speak at a Secret Session. That was not giving away any secret at all. I hope that we shall decide that there was no breach of Privilege.

Question put, "That the Matter of the Complaint be referred to the Committee of Privileges."

The House divided: Ayes, 148; Noes, 113.

Division No. 8.]

AYES.

Acland-Troyte, Lt.-Col. G. J.

Guest, Maj. L. Haden (Islington, N.)

Parker, J.

Adamson, W. M. (Cannock)

Gunston, Capt. Sir D. W.

Pethick-Lawrence, Rt. Hon. F. W.

Alexander, Rt. Hon. A. V. (H'lsbr.)

Hall, W. G. (Colne Valley)

Quibell, D. J. K.

Allen, Lt.-Col. Sir W. J. (Armagh)

Hely-Hutchinson, M. R.

Rankin, Sir R.

Anderson, F. (Whitehaven)

Henderson, J. J. Craik (Leeds, N. E.)

Rathbone, Eleanor (English Univ's.)

Anderson, Rt. Hon. Sir J. (Sc'h Univ.)

Heneage, Lt.-Col. A. P.

Reed, Sir H. S. (Aylesbury)

Barnes, A. J.

Hicks, E. G.

Ritson, J.

Beamish, Rear-Admiral T. P.

Hollins, J. H. (Silvertown)

Robinson, W. A. (St. Helens)

Beattie, F.

Horsbrugh, Florence

Ross Taylor, W. (Woodbridge)

Beechman, N. A.

Hudson, Rt. Hon. R. S. (Southport)

Royds, Admiral Sir P. M. R.

Beit, Sir A. L.

Hulbert, Wing Commander N. J.

Russell, Sir A. (Tynemouth)

Benson, G.

Hume, Sir G. H.

Savory, Professor D. L.

Bird, Sir R. B.

Jagger, J.

Schuster, Sir G. E.

Boles, Lt.-Col. D. C.

James, Wing-Comdr. A. W. H.

Scott, Donald (Wansbeck)

Bower, N. A. H. (Harrow)

Jarvis, Sir J. J.

Sinclair, Rt. Hon. Sir A.

Brocklebank, Sir C. E. R.

Jeffreys, Gen. Sir G. D.

Smith, Sir R. W. (Aberdeen)

Brooke, H.

Jenkins, A. (Pontypool)

Smithers, Sir W.

Brown, Rt. Hon. E. (Leith)

Jenkins, Sir W. (Neath)

Spearman, A. C. M.

Campbell, Sir E. T.

Jewson, P. W.

Spens, W. P.

Carver, Colonel W. H.

John, W.

Storey, S.

Cazalet, Thelma (Islington, E.)

Jones, L. (Swansea, W.)

Strauss, H. G. (Norwich)

Charleton, H. C.

Jowitt, Rt. Hon. Sir W. A.

Strickland, Capt. W. F.

Chorlton, A. E. L.

Kerr, H. W. (Oldham)

Stuart, Lord C. Crichton- (Northwich)

Colegate, W. A.

Key, C. W.

Studholme, Capt. H. G.

Colman, N. C. D.

Knox, Major-General Sir A. W. F

Sutcliffe, H.

Cooke, J. D. (Hammersmith, S.)

Lathan, G.

Tasker, Sir R. I.

Cooper, Rt. Hon. A. Duff

Lloyd, C. E. (Dudley)

Taylor, Capt. C. S. (Eastbourne)

Crooke, Sir J. Smedley

Lloyd, Major E. G. R. (Renfrew, E.)

Taylor, R. J. (Morpeth)

Crookshank, Capt. Rt. Hon. H. F. C.

Lucas, Major Sir J. M.

Thorne, W.

Crowder, J. F. E.

Lyttelton, Rt. Hon. Oliver

Tinker, J. J.

Dalton, Rt. Hon. H.

MacAndrew, Colonel Sir C. G.

Tufnell, Lieut.-Comdr. R. L.

Davidson, Viscountess (H'm'i H'mst'd)

McConnell, Sir J.

Walkden, A. G. (Bristol, S.)

Davison, Sir W. H.

Macdonald, G. (Ince)

Walker, J.

De Chair, S. S.

Macdonald, Capt. P. (Isle of Wight)

Ward, Irene M. B. (Wallsend)

Denville, Alfred

Macmillan, H. (Stockton-on-Tees)

Waterhouse, Capt. C.

Douglas, F. C. R.

Makins, Brig-Gen. Sir E.

Watt, Lt.-Col. G. S. H. (Richmond)

Duckworth, W. R. (Moss Side)

Mander, G. le M.

Westwood, J.

Ede, J. C.

Marlowe, Major A.

White, Sir Dymoke (Fareham)

Edwards, Rt. Hon. Sir C. (Bedwellty)

Marshall, F.

Wilkinson, Ellen

Emmott, C. E. G. C.

Martin, J. H.

Williams, C. (Torquay)

Emrys-Evans, P. V.

Mathers, G.

Willink, H. U.

Errington, Squadron-Leader E.

Mayhew, Lt.-Col. J.

Wilmot, John

Erskine-Hill, A. G.

Mellor, Sir J. S. P.

Windsor, W.

Etherton, Flight-Lieut. Ralph

Mills, Sir F. (Leyton, E.)

Woods, G. S. (Finsbury)

Frankel, D.

Mills, Colonel J. D. (New Forest)

Woolley, W. E.

Fraser, Capt. Sir Ian

Morrison, Rt. Hon. H. (Hackney, S.)

Young, A. S. L. (Partick)

Fremantle, Sir F. E.

Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.)

Young, Sir R. (Newton)

Gammans, Capt. L. D.

Nicolson, Hon. H. G. (Leicester, W.)

Green, W. H. (Deptford)

Oldfield, W. H.

TELLERS FOR THE AYES. ——

Grenfell, D. R.

Orr-Ewing, I. L.

Mr. Shakespeare and Lieut.

Griffiths, J. (Llanelly)

Butcher.

NOES.

Adams, D. (Consett)

Evans, Colonel A. (Cardiff, S.)

Messer, F.

Albery, Sir Irving

Evans, E. (Univ. of Wales)

Milner, Major J.

Ammon, C. G.

Foster, W.

Molson, A. H. E.

Banfield, J. W.

Gates, Major E. E.

Montague, F.

Barr, J.

George, Megan Lloyd (Anglesey)

Moore, Lieut.-Col. Sir T. C. R.

Barstow, P. G.

Granville, E. L.

Morris-Jones, Sir Henry

Baxter, A. Beverley

Grey, Captain G. C.

Mort, D. L.

Bellenger, F. J.

Gridley, Sir A. B.

Muff, G.

Bennett, Sir P. F. B. (Edgbaston)

Hannah, I. C.

Palmer, G. E. H.

Bevan, A.

Hannon, Sir P. J. H.

Pearson, A.

Blair, Sir R.

Hardie, Agnes

Petherick, Major M.

Bossom, A. C.

Harvey, T. E.

Peto, Major B. A. J.

Bowles, F. G.

Henderson, J. (Ardwick)

Plugge, Capt. L. F.

Buchanan, G.

Henderson, T. (Tradeston)

Procter, Major H. A.

Burke, W. A.

Higgs, W. F.

Radford, E. A.

Caine, G. R. Hall

Hill, Prof. A. V.

Rathbone, Beatrice F. (Bodmin)

Cary, R. A.

Horabin, T. L.

Reakes, G. L. (Wallasey)

Challen, C.

Hore-Belisha, Rt. Hon. L.

Ridley, G.

Channon, H.

Hurd, Sir P. A.

Robertson, D. (Streatham)

Collindridge, F.

Isaacs, G. A.

Salt, E. W.

Cove, W. G.

Jennings, R.

Salter, Dr. A. (Bermondsey, W.)

Craven-Ellis, W.

Keyes, Admiral of the Fleet Sir R.

Sanderson, Sir F. B.

Culverwell, C. T.

Levy, T.

Selley, H. R.

Davidson, J. J. (Maryhill)

Lewis, O.

Shaw, Major P. S. (Wavertree)

Davies, Clement (Montgomery)

Lipson, D. L.

Shaw, Capt. W. T. (Forfar)

Davies, Major Sir G. F. (Yeovil)

Loftus, P. C.

Silkin, L.

Davies, S. O. (Merthyr)

Lyle, Sir C. E. Leonard

Silverman, S. S.

Dunn, E.

McGhee, H. G.

Sloan, A.

Elliot, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. W. E.

Maclean, N. (Govan)

Smith, Bracewell (Dulwich)

Ellis, Sir G.

Maitland, Sir A.

Smith, T. (Normanton)

Sorensen, R. W.

Thomas, I. (Keighley)

Williams, Sir H. G. (Croydon, S.)

Southby, Comd. Sir A. R. J.

Thomas, Dr. W. S. Russell (S'th'm'tn)

Wilson, C. H.

Stewart, J. Henderson (Fife, E.)

Thomson, Sir J. D. W.

Wootton-Davies, J. H.

Stewart, W. Joseph (H'gton-le-Spring)

Viant, S. P.

Wragg, H.

Stokes, R. R.

Wardlaw-Milne, Sir J. S.

Wright, Wing Commander J. A. C.

Strauss, G. R. (Lambeth, N.)

Watkins, F. C.

York, Capt. C.

Sueter, Rear-Admiral Sir M. F.

Watson, W. McL.

Summerskill, Dr. Edith

White, H. (Derby, N. E.)

TELLERS FOR THE NOES. ——

Taylor, Vice-Adm. E. A. (P'd'ton, S.)

Wickham, Lt.-Col. E. T. R.

Mr. Maxton and Mr. Stephen.

Madagascar Operations (French Surrender)

I thought the House might wish to know at once the latest news from Madagascar. In order to prevent bloodshed as far as possible, very strong forces of all arms were employed, and preparations were made extending over the last three months. The landings were, as has already been made public, successfully accomplished, and by Tuesday evening our troops were in contact with the French forces in and before Diego Suarez, before the promontory of Antsirane and the promontory of Oronjia. The first assault on the Antsirane at dawn yesterday was repulsed with losses which may have exceeded 1,000 men, but Major-General Sturges, of the Royal Marines, who commanded the troops on the island, attacked again during last night and captured the promontory. The French naval and military commanders surrendered and the town of Diego Suarez was also occupied.

Early this morning a further attack was made on the Oronjia batteries, which command the entrance to the harbour. These have now surrendered, and a Protocol is now being drawn up between the commanders on either side. The minesweepers of the powerful covering fleet under Admiral Syfret which had been assembled have already begun their work, and it is expected that the Fleet will enter the harbour of Diego Suarez at about 3.30 this afternoon.

These operations, which were not without risks of various kinds, have been carried out with great dash and vigour. The French also fought with great gallantry and discipline. We grieve that bloodshed has occurred between the troops of our two countries whose peoples at heart are united against the common foe. We trust that the French nation in time will come to regard this episode as a recognisable step in the liberation of their country, including Alsace-Lorraine, from the German yoke.

Bills Reported

Land Drainage Provisional Order Bill

Reported, with Amendments, from the Committee on Unopposed Bills.

Bill, as amended, to be considered upon the next Sitting Day.

London County Council (Money) Bill

Reported, with an Amendment, from the Committee on Unopposed Bills (with Report on the Bill).

Bill, as amended, and Report to lie upon the Table; Report to be printed.

NEWCASTLE AND GATESHEAD WATER-WORKS BILL [Lords]

Reported, without Amendment, from the Committee on Unopposed Bills (with Report on the Bill).

Bill to be read the Third time; Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.

National Expenditure

Ordered,

"That a Message be sent to the Lords, to request that their Lordships will be pleased to give leave to the Earl of Dudley to attend to be examined as a witness before the Sub-Committee for Special Inquiries, appointed by the Select Committee on National Expenditure."—[ Sir H. Williams. ]

Business of the House

Ordered,

"That this day, notwithstanding anything in Standing Order No. 14, Business in Committee of Supply may be taken after the hour appointed for the interruption of Business and that the Proceedings of the Committee of Supply be exempted, at this day's Sitting, from the provisions of the Standing Order (Sittings of the House)."—[ The Prime Minister. ]

Orders of the Day

Supply. [6th Allotted Day.]

Considered in Committee.

[Sir DENNIS HERBERT in the Chair.]

Civil Estimates, 1942

Fuel Rationing

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a further sum, not exceeding £40, be granted to His Majesty, towards defraying the charges for the following Departments connected with the Supply and Allocation of Fuel for the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1943, namely:

£

Class VI, Vote 1, Board of Trade

10

Class VI, Vote 5, Mines Department of the Board of Trade

10

Class X, Vote 9, Mines Department of the Board of Trade (War Services)

10

Class X, Vote 10, Petroleum Department of the Board of Trade

10

£40"

Before I call upon the right hon. Gentleman the President of the Board of Trade, I ought to call the special attention of the Committee to the form in which this Question is put on the Order Paper. Hon. and right hon. Members will recall that a difficulty has often arisen in Committee of Supply through the wish of the House to do something which was quite inconsistent with its regulations and usual procedure and to discuss several Votes at one and the same time, and it has been necessary for the Chair to obtain the general assent of the House to a course of that kind when it was desired for special reasons. Hon. and right hon. Members will also recollect that on several occasions a statement has been made from the Chair to the effect that that is, not a very satisfactory state of affairs. I desire, therefore, to call the special attention of the Committee to the fact that the Government have now put on the Paper a Motion in a form which, in my opinion, after consulting those who advise me in these matters, seems to me to meet the difficulties of the Chair in the past, and, I hope, will equally meet the convenience of the Committee generally. It will be observed that this Motion gives a considerable range of Debate, and that subject always to one point, anything is likely to be in Order—I put my words rather carefully, because I am not going to prejudice my course of action in the matter—which is relevant to the Motion, namely, anything connected with schemes for fuel rationing. Such subjects being within the terms of the Motion on the Order Paper, would be in Order, the exception, of course, being the discussion of matters requiring legislation.

I also call attention to the fact that the only Amendment possible to a Motion of this kind is one to reduce the Vote or one of the token Votes on the Order Paper. There is one on the Order Paper, which, I am informed, it is not intended now to move; but in any event I would point out that such an Amendment would not be called from the Chair until quite late, in order not to restrict the scope of the Debate. As I have had to say so much, perhaps I may conclude with a general appeal to Members of the Committee, in view of the immense numbers who want to speak to-day, to try to make their speeches as brief as possible.

On 17th March I made my first speech in this House as President of the Board of Trade, and it fell to me to make some observations on the coal problem. I would like to recall to the Committee the words that I then used, so that we may get the background for this discussion. I said:

None the less, if we look facts in the face at the present time, I do not think we shall be able to escape from the view that such a policy is both urgent and imperative. The reasons why the rationing of fuel appear to me and to the Government to be necessary are two: First, because we must secure a substantial reduction in the domestic consumption of coal, and, second, but none the less important, because we must secure as equitable and as orderly distribution as we can of the available supplies among the population. The whole purpose of any rationing scheme is to secure distribution based upon need, that is, distribution according to need as contrasted with distribution according to wealth, luck or chance.

Will the Minister say why there should be a reduction?

I will come to that if my hon. Friend will be patient. Last winter was a very hard winter indeed. On the other hand, there was no blitz. We were relatively immune from enemy action. There were great improvements last winter, compared with the winter before, in the arrangements for transport and distribution, but none the less, in spite of these improvements and absence of enemy action, large sections of our people last winter experienced a temporary coal famine. Stocks in many places were almost exhausted, sometimes quite exhausted, for short periods. In the congested areas of the great cities of London, Glasgow and Birmingham small customers went very short indeed. This was partly due to the transport difficulties that arose, also in part to the fact that such stocks as we had were not always in the most useful place, and also to the fact that there was a continuing demand for coal from a number of households which had no immediate need for increased supplies.

There is one aspect of this shortage which I must bring to the attention of the Committee, and which would have been mentioned earlier if it had not been for reasons of security. It is the condition in which many public utility companies would have been last winter through the depletion of stocks and failure to renew stocks. Forty-two per cent. of the gas undertakings of this country and 38 per cent. of our electricity undertakings held in the winter less than four weeks' stocks. Eleven per cent. of the gas undertakings and 7 per cent. of the electricity undertakings were reduced to less than two weeks' stocks, and in winter that is a most dangerous situation. As hon. Members will know, in the case of these large stocks, when you get down to one week's supply, there is more dirt than coal at the bottom of the heap, and we were, therefore, in very great danger. If we had had enemy action super-added, there might have been the stoppage of gas and electricity supplies over large and important areas.

I have been assured by responsible persons on the Public Utilities Coal Committee that unless they can begin next winter with something more than six to seven weeks' stocks they will be unable to accept responsibility for the maintenance of our gas and electricity services. Next winter we shall be faced, in certain respects, with a more difficult situation than last. That is one reason for the need to build up stocks by a reduction of the amount available to the domestic market. I would like to make one general observa- tion. The morale of our people through this war has been magnificent. They have stood up to bombing in a fashion which has astonished the world, and most of all our enemies. But if there be one thing more than another that is likely to have the effect of lowering morale and undermining the whole foundation of our war effort, it would, I believe, arise from a widespread failure to distribute necessary supplies throughout the industrial areas of this country. I think cold and darkness even harder to bear than hunger on the one hand or bombs on the other. In the absence of rationing, our total domestic consumption will not, I believe, either be brought within the bounds of what the Government think our war effort requires, nor will it be distributed in such a way as to ensure supplies to the great masses of our people. Indeed, in the absence of rationing, there is a tendency for our total domestic consumption to rise, partly because when you ration some commodities and there is an increase in total purchasing power, that power tends to be directed towards the commodities which remain unrationed. Last winter the domestic consumption of coal went up over 1,000,000 tons compared with the winter before and that, in turn, was higher than the winter before by a further 1,000,000 tons. We cannot permit, in the interests of the war effort and national economy as a whole, this increase to remain unchecked. Indeed, it is necessary, in our view, to reduce this consumption by something of the order of 10,000,000 tons.

I would like now to say a few words about other calls that will be made upon our coal resources. The demand for coal for war production is increasing and will increase. It will rise steeply in the next year. The mass of our munitions production is still growing, and more coal will be required for it. We must also be prepared—I do not want to say too much about this in Public Session, but I think I can say enough to convey my meaning to the Committee—we must also be prepared in certain contingencies for a substantial increase in coal exports from this country in certain unexpected directions. I will give two illustrations. In certain contingencies we may have to send a good deal more coal to Russia. It is also possible that the supply of coal from India to certain markets now supplied from India may be interrupted. Indian coal comes through the Bay of Bengal for the most part. In certain theatres of war and in certain sources of demand now supplied with Indian coal, we might have to make good the amount ourselves. There are other possible demands for export which I do not wish to mention to the Committee. I want only to assure hon. Members that we must bear them in mind.

Does the right hon. Gentleman anticipate a shortage in the production of coal in India in the next few months? Will he explain that point?

I thought it would have been clear to the Committee. There are warlike operations by sea, land and air proceeding on the borders or in the neighbourhood of India.

I thought the hon. Member would have seen the point. Perhaps I can explain it to him afterwards. It is really rather simple. There are Japanese about on those seas, they sink some of the ships, the coal goes to the bottom, and so on. The sole point I am making is that we must, in any estimates we make for coal and the disposal of our coal, allow a margin for urgent, large, unexpected war demands for export in a number of different directions, and unless we put such a margin in our calculations, we shall not be doing our duty. Moreover, the Battle of the Atlantic is still in a very critical phase, and this means that it is essential to save oil wherever we can and to save tanker trips. Wherever we can, we must try to substitute our own coal for imported oil. I will give only one illustration, although there are others. I refer to producer gas, in which many hon. Members have been interested. Ten thousand vehicles driven by producer gas instead of by petrol would save 100,000 tons of petrol—a certain number of tanker trips—but would require twice the tonnage of coal and coke annually. In a discussion which took place the other day in another place, it was suggested that even larger quantities of vehicles should be equipped with producer gas. It would be very easy to get an additional demand for some millions of tons of solid fuel if the policy of developing producer gas and saving petrol were actively pursued.

I will give a final illustration in the same field. It may well be that, in consequnce of developments in the war, we may have to use more of our own iron ore in this country for the production of steel than had been planned when the situation in relation to sea transport was rather less difficult. If we need to work up more of our own home iron ore, that will increase again the demand for coal above what it was put at when the situation was last assessed at an earlier stage of the war. Therefore, for these and other reasons—I could add further examples, but I think I have given enough to show the Committee the general situation that confronts us—we must be prepared for a very steep increase in the amount of coal required for the war effort, directly and indirectly.

As against this increasing demand, there is an output which is showing a tendency, about which I will say something in a minute, steadily to fall. The consequence is that there is a gap between our requirements and our prospects of meeting them, a gap which, unless we take steps to close it, may widen into a chasm which may engulf the whole of our war effort and the whole of the hopes for the future of our country. It is to the closing of this gap from both ends, both by increasing production and by restricting consumption, that I hope Parliament will give very close and continuous attention. We must take steps to increase production. I said that in the first speech I made as President of the Board of Trade, and I repeat it now. That raises two principal issues; first, the issue of man-power, and secondly, the issue of the organisation of the coal industry. I should like to say a few words to the Committee on those subjects, so that it cannot be said that the Government have not equally in mind the problem of production as they have the problem of consumption. Since 17th March, when I last spoke on this subject, there has been a modification of the Government's policy with regard to man-power for the pits. Before and on 17th March it was the policy of the Government not to permit the return from the Armed Forces of any men to the coalfields. Many hon. Members expressed views in that Debate in favour of relaxing that prohibition, and largely as a result of the views then expressed by many hon. Members in all parts of the House, there has been a modification of that policy. Miners have been withdrawn, and are still being withdrawn, from certain sections of the Armed Forces and returned to the mines. I hope I shall not be pressed to give too detailed figures, but in round figures something of the order of 7,000 miners are being brought back from the Armed Forces to the pits.

They are, preferably, hewers, but in the conditions of military registration, it is not always easy to be quite sure that even if you are seeking to give a strong preference for hewers, all the men who come back will be hewers. We are getting something of the order of 7,000 men back from the Armed Forces to the mines. We are also getting a further 4,000 miners back from industry and Civil Defence, following upon a total of some 33,000 who were withdrawn from industry last year. Consequently, we are reinforcing, and shall within the next few weeks have reinforced, the man-power of the mining industry to the extent of some 11,000 men.

There is in the mining industry an annual wastage of something of the order of 25,000. The Committee should very carefully realise this fact. Ten thousand youths come in and 35,000 men go out, by reason of accidents, ill-health and old age. Therefore, the net loss through wastage is 25,000 a year at the present time, although the figures vary from time to time. That is the high rate of more than 2,000 a month. Thus, when asked whether this makes up wastage, my answer is that 11,000 men brought back from the Army and industry will make up wastage for between five and six months, and that is all.

Can my right hon. Friend tell us from what date this adverse balance, in making up the wastage, has operated in the industry?

The wastage has been going on for some considerable time. I am giving the latest figures we have. I have not come prepared with figures stretching far back, and my acquaintance with the problem, in an official sense, is comparatively recent. It is not a new phenomenon, however.

How does it come about that this is so? I think the Committee is pretty familiar with the reason. In the days before the war, when men were unemployed in the mining communities it was not unnatural, indeed it was inevitable, that large numbers of the youngsters and large numbers of the most active miners should have passed out of the industry into other occupations. The nation then had no work for the men in the pits, and therefore they sought work elsewhere. When war broke out the wages and social amenities of the mining industry were markedly inferior to those in many other occupations. When war began, miners were most active in joining the Army. Many of them were already Territorials and others were only too eager to join up. Therefore, there was a very considerable movement of men from the mining areas into the Armed Forces, and the consequence is that we have to-day—and this has a great bearing on the production possibilities of the industry—an ageing labour force in the industry.

The Committee will be surprised—as I was surprised when I asked the question—to find that to-day more than 40 per cent. of the men in the labour force of the mines are over 40 years of age, and more than 20 per cent. are over 50 years of age. The whole thing has been allowed to get completely lop-sided as far as age distribution is concerned. Naturally, many of these men are tiring, having put in hard work, particularly since the demand was made for increased output of coal during the war. Many of these men are tiring, and, apart from a very small number of persistent absentees, the great majority are working very hard; and the work they have to do is very hard work. In those conditions, from the nature of things, having regard to the age distribution and the physical character of the work, you cannot, in my view, expect any very substantial increase in output per man shift under the present method or organisation in the industry. I think that the Committee will be deluding itself if it believes that one of the easy answers to the present problem is to get more production out of the industry as it is at present organised and conducted.

Looking forward, the prospect is not good, as far as the aspect upon which I am now dwelling is concerned, because every year the average age of the mining community will tend to be raised still further, and there is bound to be, because of the strain on physical endurance and its effect on the capacity of the men, a tendency towards a further decrease in output per man shift under the present conditions. What can we possibly do to improve this situation? First there is the question of bringing more young labour into the industry. The mining industry has become repugnant to the young generation which is growing up in the mining areas, and conditions will have to be altered and improved, and the improvement guaranteed to continue, if we are to get more young labour down the pits. The Minister of Labour and I have appointed a Committee, under the Chairmanship of Sir John Forster—the membership of the Committee has been announced—to advise us as to what steps can be taken to improve the conditions and the prospects of underground labour for boys, in order that we may get stronger reinforcements of young labour in the pits. Sir John Forster is well qualified from his knowledge of the matter to be Chairman of the Committee, and we are looking forward to having some useful guidance from him on the problem. We hope to get the Report before long.

There is another line along which some hon. Members think there might perhaps be, if not a solution of the problem, at any rate an advance towards a solution, and that is to bring out of the Army a large number of additional miners. I want to face that problem quite frankly. It is thought by some hon. Members—I think I am putting the case fairly—that in order to avoid the necessity of fuel rationing it would be better, at this stage, to bring out of the Army a sufficient number of miners to make up the 10,000,000 tons a year which the Government desire to save by rationing. It is easy to calculate, on various bases, how many men would be required. Several alternative bases can be taken. I was speaking to a prominent miners' leader recently, and I asked him how many he thought it would take. He said that, in his judgment, it would require 30,000 men to do it. He based his calculation on the average of production, compared with the total number of workers in the industry. At any rate, it is the equivalent of more than two Army divisions.

On the other hand there are reasons for thinking that that figure is too high, and that the desire would be to bring back picked men, strong, active and physically fit men, to concentrate on production so that rationing could be avoided. If you made an estimate based on hewers and additions to the face workers, it is possible on that calculation to halve the figure. In my view that is wrong in principle, because from such experience as I have gained in consultation with my hon. Friend the Secretary for Mines, it is very difficult to get any consistent proportion from the statistics as between the face workers and on-cost workers. All I can say is that it is a debatable margin, somewhere between 15,000 and 30,000.

Very well. It is a debatable matter, but it is a very substantial number, which means, even on the lower level, blocking out whole battalions of some of the finest regiments in the British Army—the Northumberland Fusiliers, the Durham Light Infantry, the South Wales Borderers and other regiments recruited largely from miners. They are some of the finest fighters that we have, and one could continue the tale in reference to other coalfields. This scheme would propose to pick the eyes out of large sections of our striking force. It is not for me to say anything more than that this is a moment when many people anticipate that we may be moving on to a new climax in the war, when we shall want all the fighting men we can call upon to shorten the war and to bring us victory. I can quite understand such a proposal being made on a first approach to the problem but on reflection it is an impossible demand that, in order to avoid the inconvenience of a fuel rationing scheme, we should pick the eyes out of the Army at this particular moment.

Would it not be possible to let these men go on a period of leave, as is done in Germany?

Is not the saving of shipping essential; and would not the use of producer gas on a large scale in place of coal save an immense quantity of shipping?

We are talking about the Army and what it is for. The Army is for fighting the enemy, and I know enough of the feeling in the Army to know that it is their great hope that the moment will soon come for more of them to go into action and play their part in bringing the war to an end. I ask the Committee, without engendering any unnecessary controversial spirit, whether they think the Government could consider bringing out of the Army some of the fittest and finest fighting men in it, thereby stripping many battalions, and dislocating countless other units of all kinds. It would mean taking men here and there, including non-commissioned officers, in order to avoid the disagreeable necessity of rationing. What sort of echo is that likely to raise in Moscow or in Washington, or in the enslaved countries of Europe where men and women are suffering peril, pain and privation and awaiting the hour of their deliverance, which they believe will come largely through the British Army? It is an amazing proposition.

A year ago the Government made practically the same statement, that no men could be spared even for a few months.

Now I hope we are a year nearer to victory, and a great deal closer to the effective use of this Army upon whose training so much time and effort have been spent. I am merely saying that, if there are any who still think this is the right policy, I hope that in the course of the Debate they will develop the reasons why. I find it an impossible policy to accept, and I am confident that the Government are not prepared to accept that easy way out. It is, of course, possible to argue that these miners, who have now been trained as soldiers—and very fine soldiers they are in the judgment of all who know them—should never have been allowed to leave the pits at all. No doubt, if we were waging war again from the beginning we should do many things differently and better, but we are dealing to-day with the actual situation. That is that these men were allowed to leave the mines and have been trained as soldiers, and it is in the capacity of soldiers that the country primarily looks to them now to do their duty in the impending trial. Whatever may have been done, right or wrong, in the past, clearly we cannot now go back on that decision.

May I now say a word on the question of outcrops? The hon. and gallant Gentleman the Member for Buckrose (Major Braithwaite) made a very interesting speech in the last Debate on this subject and action has been taken on the matter. The Minister of Supply, when at the Board of Trade, first raised this matter and, as the result of his initiative, powers were got to work these deposits at the beginning of this year. Some difficulties were encountered and certain sites were disappointing, but the Secretary for Mines has taken a great interest in the matter and we have recently got coal at the rate of some 6,000 tons a week. My hon. Friend and I are satisfied that we can get more. We hope that we can get substantial quantities in this way with a large economy of labour, because it is not mining labour that is required. On the other hand, a lot of it is of very poor quality, very unsuitable for war industries or public utilities. The hon. and gallant Gentleman the Member for Buckrose and the hon. Member for Rother Valley (Mr. Dunn) take a great interest in this and we have been kept well in touch with it and we are doing all that is possible. Some weeks ago Mr. J. W. Gibson, a very capable mining engineer, who has given much help in the past in regard to Government coal dumps, was placed in charge of the work and told to get on with it, and he is getting on with it energetically and vigorously. I told him to do whatver he could and, if anyone obstructed him, to come back and tell me. I did not see him for three or four weeks and then he said the only difficulty he had was a minor difficulty with regard to the Essential Work Order and getting priority through the Ministry of Labour for certain men that he wanted. I gather that that matter has now been put in order and that we are to get the utmost we can out of the outcrop coal. I should not like the Committee to think it is going to amount in quantity or quality to anything substantial, but it will be a contribution towards filling the gap.

On another aspect of production, namely the organisation of the industry, if, as I have suggested, there is an ageing population and a necessary decline in physical efficiency on the part of many men owing to advancing years, and other factors such as the difficulty of getting young labour into the industry, then it is all the more important to do all we can to increase production.

Will my right hon. Friend explain the difficulty of getting young labour?

I have explained that. The difficulty is that they hate going into the industry. The mining industry is repugnant to young men in the mining areas.

There is repugnance in a whole lot of trades but there are recognised methods of overcoming it, including the payment of decent wages.

I do not think the right hon. Gentleman is correct. I come from a mining area and there is no difficulty there in getting young men to go into the pits.

I do not really think there is any dispute about this. I have given the figures and they speak for themselves. We are trying to get advice as to how to overcome this difficulty. I cannot say whether there is any exception in the area that the hon. Member knows but the greater the difficulty we have in other districts, the more important it is to consider how far we can increase production by improving the efficiency of the organisation of the industry. To that subject Ministers are now urgently applying their minds. We have had before us a number of proposals and plans which we are now considering, and we have met various people representing both sides of the industry and others who have special knowledge. Many proposals and plans have been put before us, including the plan of the National Council of Labour. I hope that before long it will be possible for a statement to be made as to the views of the Government on the organisation of the industry.

I again wish the Committee to face some hard facts. Let us suppose that next week the Government reached a decision as to some desirable change in the organisation of the industry so as to increase production. No plan of that kind, whether it involves changes in the governing authorities of the industry, or the manner in which it was organised, or the methods of production, or the concentration of labour on particular seams or pits could be expected to produce, over a short period, any substantial effect in increased output. That would take time. Therefore, the case for rationing as an urgent necessity emerges through all the other hopes and possibilities on which we are working. Time is pressing hard upon us. Next winter is not very far away. We have spent a good deal of time in discussing this vexed problem. The enemy will not wait any more than winter will. Therefore, I repeat that in the view of the Government rationing cannot be delayed, even though other steps must be taken as speedily as possible.

Will my right hon. Friend deal with the suggestion for withdrawing men from industry, not men from the Army, but men who have gone into munition work and left the mines?

We have been combing and raking again and again through industry and the view of the Government is that we are pretty well at the end of that. We are now getting up against various branches of war production where there is the strongest objection from the Ministry of Supply, the Ministry of Aircraft Production and others concerned to the further withdrawal of men. I would be deceiving the Committee if I held out any hope that we could get any substantial additional number of men in this way.

Is it not the usual and recognised practice of Government Departments to put every obstacle in the way of allowing any man to be withdrawn from any Department?

There is of course what is called the Departmental point of view, but where Departmental points of view are brought into juxtaposition, one is sometimes adopted in favour of another. We have looked into the matter carefully, and there is no prospect of getting any substantial additional number of men in this way.

I am talking of immediate problems, and I wish to put it now to the Committee that domestic fuel rationing, in some form, is a most urgent necessity. I hope that I have said enough to create some evidence in favour of that view. How shall it be done? There are some, such as my hon. Friend below the Gangway, who say that propaganda alone will do it.

We know what has been done in regard to Navy weeks and War Weapons weeks, and we believe that the people will rise to the occasion if the facts are known to them.

Perhaps it is rather easier sometimes to contribute some shillings to a fund, than to turn off the electric light or the gas. I wish to submit that propaganda alone will not do what we want. It can be a very valuable supplement to a rationing scheme. It can be an educative influence and a stimulus, but it will not alone achieve the purpose. That is generally accepted, and I need not stop to argue the point. A good deal of money has been spent on propaganda by the Ministry of Information on behalf of the Ministry of Mines and the gas and electricity undertakings, but the results have been very discouraging. Therefore, I suggest that we must not place any reliance upon propaganda except as a supplement and support of other more active measures.

I wish, therefore, to ask the Committee to address its mind to the question of what form of fuel rationing is desirable. Any scheme that we adopt should be effective in operation, it should be as simple as possible, and it should be as fair as possible. It is not very easy to find a scheme which combines effectiveness, simplicity and fair play. Indeed, there is an obvious conflict between simplicity and fairness because there are many special cases which should be taken into account if the scheme is to be fair, and the more special cases we take into account the more complicated the scheme must become. On the other hand, we may have a simple scheme which would be brutally unfair to large sections. Therefore, we must endeavour to steer a middle course between the requirements of simplicity and fairness. We have Sir William Beveridge's report, and his plan is the basis of discussion. I am sure I speak for the whole Committee when I say that, whether or not hon. Members agree with Sir William Beveridge's proposals, they will all realise that he has rendered valuable service by creating this basis for discussion. He has brought to the surface many problems and difficult questions which we have to face and answer. In "The Times" this morning an interesting leading article says:

So as to make it more effective, will the right hon. Gentleman make the Order apply to the distribution to retailers on the basis of their registrations?

We will get somewhere after we have had a little more discussion. One step is enough for to-day.

Is this a registration of householders or a registration of individuals? What is a household? It might cover one building housing so many families.

It is a registration of households. I would rather not run off into details about this matter. If my hon. Friend has any difficulty or any point to put up, I shall be glad to consider it.

I do not want to take the right hon. Gentleman away from his point, but coal agents are refusing to take orders from separate families living in the same building because they say it is the person who is the tenant or owner of that building who must register.

It is a well known fact that merchants to-day are refusing to register anyone other than a householder.

If we find anybody refusing to do his duty there is power to deal with him. If my hon. Friends will let me know of any difficulties I will look into them. They may come under the Department of the Secretary for Mines or my section of the Board of Trade, but we will deal with them.

I know for a fact that coal merchants were requested by local fuel overseers to furnish a list of registered premises, and consequently the individual was not mentioned.

Will the hon. Member leave it to me? If any hon. Member has any difficulty and will tell me we will deal with it. The common-sense step is to register people with those from whom they are to get their coal. Those are the four main principles of the Beveridge scheme. Then we come to the question of the ration itself, and the Beveridge plan is to have, first, a personal ration, of a relatively small amount, which will be available for every member of the population, including young children, in whose case the registration will be through their parents. If the House of Commons does not like this, if finally it decides not to proceed with this scheme, the spare coupons can be used for another purpose. In fact, there are spare coupons which could be used for this purpose, if such a scheme went through, in the existing clothing coupons book, which is being issued through the Board of Trade to all persons in the country by 1st June. Otherwise they could be used for something else. That is an example of how one scheme dovetails into another. In addition to the personal ration, which can be taken about the country at will by the holder, there will be a house ration under the Beveridge scheme based simply on a scale according to the number of rooms in a house. Only if the number of rooms is above seven will it be necessary to take account of the number of persons in the house. If the rooms are more than seven in number it will be necessary to prove, in order to get a larger house ration, that those rooms are effectively occupied. It would not mean an added ration for a house which was in large measure empty and unoccupied. If, on the other hand, there were a large number of inhabitants, naturally there would be an additional ration. That is in accordance, I think, with the principle of meeting needs.

For the fixing of the house ration by the local fuel overseers there is a form of a very simple character—I have seen the form in draft—which the public will be asked to fill up. If this scheme goes through, the fixing of the house ration will be in the majority of cases—though there will be a number of exceptions—a very simple business. It will depend upon the number of rooms, the scale which will be laid down and the area in which the house is situated. Here we have been anxious to do no injustice to Scotland, and we have taken account of the fact that in Scotland the climate is more austere and that there are other disadvantages against which the natives have to contend. Therefore, we propose that the scale should be in four groups: the highest for Scotland, the next highest for the North of England, ah intermediate scale for the Midlands, and then a scale for London and the South, where the temperature is relatively higher and the weather more balmy.

Some regard must be had for places which are at a considerable elevation above sea level.

The right hon. Gentleman has referred to the number of rooms in the house. Will account be taken also of the size of the rooms?

Both the hon. Members who have raised these points have illustrated perfectly my remark that complexity and fairness go together and that simplicity and unfairness go together. If we are asked to complicate the Beveridge plan, which some people think is too complicated already, by making allowances for the size of rooms as distinct from the number of rooms, and for the altitude at which people dwell in addition to the area in which they dwell, the scheme will indeed become very complicated. As at present advised I should not propose to take account of either of those two factors. But to-day we are having an exploratory Debate. If the Committee desires further to complicate the Beveridge proposals the Government will have to take account of that wish, but hitherto criticism has run in the opposite direction, all the criticism having been that the Beveridge plan was too complicated. It would be possible to add an indefinite number of further niceties.

Is the right hon. Gentleman going to eliminate question of the size of the rooms?

I can well imagine the number of officials who would be required to estimate the number of cubic feet in every room in 12,000,000 households in this country. The number would reach astronomical figures. It is possible to raise, one after another, a whole series of special cases, and there are some which are more deserving than those of people with large rooms or of those dwelling at a high altitude.

It is at this point that I frankly say to the Committee that complication necessarily enters into the matter. A certain number of the houses rationed—a certain number, perhaps 20 per cent., less or more according to the complications but something of that order—will have special assessments and require special allowances for special conditions. This is the only point in the compilation of the house ration where judgment is required and where the local fuel overseer will have to exercise his discretion. I wish, in passing, to make this point, that without a ration scheme none of these special conditions can be taken into account at all. If you say you are going to leave fuel unrationed there will be no special regard paid to bomb-damaged houses. Here are some examples of obvious special conditions: People living in a house damaged by bombs, with the windows blown out and boarded up and so on—there is a most striking case where a special allowance should be made.

In the case of sickness, which has been put before me from many quarters, it is clear that there should be special allowances. Take a third case of a rather different kind, that of a house which is used partly for business premises. It is clear that there is a case also for additional rationing. I could give further examples, but it is obvious that those are cases with which everybody would agree. I merely wish to make the point, in passing, that unless you have a rationing system, people whose houses are damaged by bombs, others who use their houses as business premises and people who are sick will get no special attention at all. They will just have to join in the scramble and get what they can. Some hon. Members attach importance to the need to deal with these special cases and they are inevitably driven to the view that fuel rationing in some form must be introduced.

Once rationing has been fixed and agreed to under the Beveridge scheme and the coupons go out, the difficult problem will be in regard to the coupons. I know that this point has been much debated and discussed. The difficulty is in regard to payment for gas and electricity. It is not very difficult in the case of solid fuel. This difficulty arises from the fact that gas and electricity are used first and paid for afterwards. A further amendment of the Beveridge plan has recently been proposed by representatives of gas and electricity concerns, which I recommend to the House as a basis of discussion. It is suggested that coupons need be collected by meter-readers only when the cash is actually paid, that collection of the coupons and payment of the bill may be taken together, and that people who pay their gas and electricity accounts to the companies by cheque or otherwise, may send the coupons at the same time.

The question of penalties naturally arises from this. Many hon. Members have been concerned about how penalties can be enforced, and pictures have been drawn, rather fancifully of conditions arising in which everybody will deliberately and jointly exceed the ration. It is thought that the whole thing would become unenforceable. I think we may apply a few simple judgments to this matter. Broadly speaking, I think there will be a large number of anxious and careful people who will keep within their rations, and will err, if at all, on the side of keeping within the ration rather than of going beyond it. I imagine that a number may exceed the ration by a small amount, through inadvertence or failure to calculate exactly. In those cases, the excess consumption would be reported to the fuel overseer, and if it was only slight and due to carelessness, no doubt one would not wish to be severe with the persons concerned. The excess would be carried over and deducted from the ration of the next period. The scheme I am describing is on the basis of an annual period in which you can take all the seasons of the year. If the scheme were taken quarterly, the rationing would need to vary according to the length of the day and the temperature.

In the second class of case, in which the excess had been rather more serious, I judge that most cases would be met by a fine. There would be only a small minority of cases of flagrant and deliberate violation of the rationing arrangement, and in such a small number of cases you would probably be driven to cutting off the supply. The picture that this would happen on a large scale and in a good many cases is, I am sure, fanciful. In this war, our people are very law-abiding and are willing to carry out Regulations which have been passed, if they are convinced that the Regulations operate fairly between different sections, and are designed to secure supplies to them and to assist in the war effort.

That is the Beveridge plan in broad outline. It has been the subject of much controversy. There are people who have said that if there is to be rationing at all this is, in their view, the best scheme. That view has been expressed to me by a number of women's organisations, which have been consulted as knowing the conditions from the angle of the housewife. They are women's organisations of all sorts and sections: the National Council of Women, the Women's Institutes, the Women's Co-operative Guild and the Standing Joint Committee of Industrial Women's Organisations, covering a wide range of attitudes, of all parties and of none. The general attitude of the women is that, on the whole, if there is to be rationing—and they are inclined to think that there must be—they think this the best and fairest scheme and they will do their best to operate it. They believe they would be able to operate it in their own homes. Nor is that view confined to the women. I have had conversations with a number of people on this subject, and two people who took exactly the same view and who said that if rationing were necessary they were inclined to think, in the present state of things, that this was the fairest scheme, were Sir Cyril Hurcomb, Chairman of the Electricity Commission, and Sir Archibald Page, Chairman of the Central Electricity Board. They expressed that view to me. Many other representatives of gas and electricity undertakings—

On a point of Order, may I ask is it proper for the Minister to quote in his own support in Debate the opinions of two civil servants? Sir Cyril Hurcomb was a highly-placed officer of the Ministry of Shipping and is Chairman of the Electricity Commissioners. Sir Archibald Page is Chairman of the Central Electricity Board and is therefore in a semi-public position.

Before saying that, I asked the two gentlemen whether they would have any objection to my reporting to this Committee their view and they said "No." I was going on to say that other representatives with special knowledge of gas and electricity felt unable to recommend any scheme at all. No doubt my hon. Friend the Member for Stockport (Sir A. Gridley) will have something to say on this question.

Will the right hon. Gentleman mind not turning round towards the hon. Member for Stockport. We, as well as the hon. Member for Stockport, want to hear what the Minister is saying.

The hon. Member for Stockport will appreciate that I was informing the Committee that he, among others, had been in touch with me and had been gathering, very usefully, the opinions of various persons in the gas and electricity industry. I hope that he will put them before the Committee later on. The plan which I have been putting forward, Sir William Beveridge's plan, which I have been taking as the text of my observations, is undoubtedly an extremely good basis of discussion. It is thought by some to be too complex and by others to be too simple, but it has, in any case, stood up extremely well to the bowling during these weeks of discussion and criticism. I repeat that the Government are not committed to this plan; nor, at this stage, are the Government committed to any particular plan. The Government are committed to the principle that some scheme of fuel rationing is imperatively necessary, for reasons that I have given.

The Minister has been talking for over half an hour on the Beveridge scheme. He said just now that that has been his text, but he has been preaching a long way from it, half a mile or so. What alternative scheme is the right hon. Gentleman proposing to put before the Committee?

It is for the House to put an alternative before the Government. [ Interruption. ] That is the agreement. That is the principle on which this Debate was arranged, and I repeat that if any Member can put forward any ideas on this subject, the Government are committed to give them their most careful consideration, as has been explained by my right hon. Friend the Leader of the House. They will then take their decisions upon them and issue a White Paper, on which the House, if it wishes, may have a further Debate.

If any scheme simpler and more equitable than the Beveridge scheme can be put up, nobody will be more happy than I and my colleagues in the Government. I ought, however, to warn the Committee that very considerable thought has been given to this matter, in the House and outside it, during the past three weeks, and for the moment I am sceptical—perhaps it will be possible for my scepticism to be removed in the course of this Debate—as to whether a better alternative can be provided. I shall listen to whatever any hon. Member may put forward on that subject.

I wish to make one or two remarks about alternatives, if the Committee will allow me to go on a little longer, in order that it shall not be said that I have evaded any questions. First, on the question of staff, much has been made of the large staff required to administer the Beveridge scheme. What is, in fact, estimated is that for a period of five weeks to two months some 10,000 to 15,000 clerks would be needed. Their work would be, during this period of high pressure, to fix the house rations, which, as I have explained, would in most cases be a very easy or even automatic task, and to allocate and distribute the coupons. I do not see how that number could be much reduced if we are to have any scheme which would be reasonably fair and would take into account the special conditions which so easily spring to the mind. I would like to emphasise that any staff for operating any rationing scheme will not consist of men who ought to be in the Army. It will consist largely of girl clerks or of old men, and in some cases the work is so simple that it could even be done by schoolchildren. [ Interruption. ] I am only anxious to dispose of the idea, which some hon. Members seem to have, that it will require an enormous number of able-bodied and extremely intelligent men to do the job. It is not so.

The Ministry of Food do not. We have an arrangement whereby, in connection with schemes of this sort, the Government Departments dovetail their requirements in such a way that when there is a pressure on one Department, other Departments as far as possible relieve it. In that way the load is spread equally. I have an arrangement whereby it would be possible for the Ministry of Food temporarily to lend to the Board of Trade a large number of clerks. A Question was asked to-day about exact numbers. We cannot at the moment give exact numbers, but certainly a number of thousands of clerks could be spared in July, when the work under this scheme would be at its heaviest. Others could also be drawn from the Civil Defence Services. Further, I would ask the Committee, in considering all these questions relating to numbers, to keep a sense of proportion between the number doing the job and the job to be done. If we are to save 10,000,000 tons of coal a year and, in addition, create an equitable system of distribution, then even if 10,000 girl clerks—and I think that is an overestimate—are engaged on the job, each of those young ladies will be responsible, on an average, for saving 1,000 tons of coal a year, and will also be making her contribution towards an equitable system of distribution. That would not be a bad year's work for a girl clerk.

May I now say a word about the suggested alternative, that we should work substantially on the Beveridge scheme, but without coupons. I have been very much attracted by that idea, and I have had it worked out in some detail. The proposal is that one would have a card on which would be recorded from time to time the meter readings for gas and electricity, and also the expenditure on deliveries of coal, coke and other solid fuel. A difficulty is that there would be no effective check upon the accuracy of entries upon the card by those who delivered the coal, and there would be a great temptation to wholesale evasion. It would also, as a secondary objection, make impossible the use of the personal ration, which I think is an important part of the scheme. Therefore, although I have looked at that suggestion with great hopefulness, I am not, on second thoughts, inclined to think that it would succeed.

A proposal is frequently made to base the ration not upon present needs but upon past consumption—the so-called datum period. To that there are objections of a serious character. In the first place, it favours those who have not been patriotic, who have not responded to appeals and who have wasted coal, gas or electricity. They have a high datum period and are so assessed, while those who have done their duty and cut down are assessed on the lower level consequent upon their actions. In the second place, it is unfair as between large and small consumers, imposing an equal cut upon both, whereas in the interests of equity the larger cut should be imposed upon the heavier consumer. It would be difficult to apply to coal and coke, because there are no complete records of their consumption, and finally it could not easily take account of any change from time to time in the circumstances of a household.

Passing from that suggestion to another and even more drastic and simple one—and some of the simplest schemes are brutally unjust—to the effect that gas and electricity should be left out of account altogether, the objections are these. It would be most unfair as between those who have gas and electricity in their houses and those who have not. Those who have gas and electricity would be perfectly free to use what they liked, while the others would be limited. In the second place, it would lead to an increase in the consumption of gas and electricity in place of coal, and would divert demand rather than much reduce it. I will not, however, continue to dwell on these difficulties beyond assuring the Committee that we have given very careful attention to all the alternatives that have been put forward. I am still extremely uncertain of any grounds on which we can stand with assurance and justice in this matter if the Beveridge scheme is set aside.

I am afraid that I have addressed the Committee at great length, but the subject is complicated and I did not wish to seem to evade any issue. My mind is not closed, and the mind of the Government is not closed, to any suggestions which may be put forward in this Debate. We shall welcome any constructive proposals which would make our task more simple without involving serious injustice or preventing us from obtaining the reduction in total consumption that we judge to be necessary in the national interest. I hope that we shall have many useful suggestions to-day, but I must again repeat that it is urgent to reach a decision. The summer stocking programme should be beginning now, and it should be controlled and not allowed to proceed without regulation.

I will recapitulate in one final sentence the argument I have addressed to the Committee. It is urgently necessary both to increase production and to diminish the domestic consumption of coal. Neither, alone, is enough. It is urgently necessary not only to reduce total domestic consumption but to make an equitable and orderly distribution of the diminished quantity. Therefore, it is essential to introduce a comprehensive fuel rationing scheme. Such a scheme has been prepared by Sir William Beveridge. This scheme has great merits, but many think they could improve upon it, and I invite them to tell the Government how. In particular it has been suggested, first, that gas and electricity should be altogether omitted from the scheme; second, that coal rations might be based in whole or in part on past consumption and not on current needs, and third, that we could ration without coupons, while at the same time preserving an effective administration and just distribution. I have indicated objections which seem to me to be serious to all these three alternatives. If the Committee can counter these objections, or if any hon. Member can produce any new suggestion, I assure him it will be taken into careful account by the Government before they make their decision.

In my view the case for the acceptance of the principle of rationing is proved. I think that the situation is such, and is likely to be such by the autumn and the winter, that unless there is to be a considerable measure of economy, we shall face a very bleak prospect. That is not to say that the rationing of fuel is an easy proposition. I imagine that my right hon. Friend will have to face a good many snags before he is through with this very difficult task. He has undertaken a task that is far more complicated than the rationing of clothes, certainly more complicated than the rationing of food. As my right hon. Friend pointed out in his speech, when the announcement was first made about the middle of March it was, on the whole, fairly well received. It may be that second thoughts are best, but since then there has been what I can only describe as a deliberate campaign—probably there will be some people in other quarters of the House who will challenge me—a deliberate campaign by vested interests. It is unfortunate that it should be so, but one can see this campaign being engineered in newspapers in many dif- ferent parts of the country. In other words, the hand of the vested interests is at work now. For what purpose? Not primarily in the public interest but with a view to protecting selfish interests.

Could the right hon. Gentleman define the vested interests he has in mind?

Certainly. I am as frank as my right hon. Friend. I do not wish to hide anything. They fall into three main groups—the gas industry, the electricity industry and the coalowners.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that two-thirds of the electricity industry is municipally-owned?

That is no answer to the case I am making. If it be true, as I believe it is, that we must economise in consumption, I think there must be a scheme. It is said that there should be increased output, a proposal which was met, when my right hon. Friend mentioned it, with loud cheers, very largely from people who have never served down mines. It is not as easy as that. Proposals have been made for increasing output which, in my view, would not be effective even if applied. I agree with what my right hon. Friend says about miners returning from the Forces. Indeed, I took part in discussions when I was in office, and I regard myself as committed to the acceptance of that broad principle. But there is another sinister suggestion for the increase of output. There is at the back of the minds of many people a desire for an increase in the hours of labour in the mines. I say to the Government and to Members of the Committee quite frankly that the miners will never have it, for reasons which the Committee will gather when I have proceeded a little further. But do not let people in this country play with fire in this way, because they will never impose upon the miners, however loyal they may be, things which they bitterly resent and which even if they were done would not get an increased output.

I beg your pardon, Sir Charles; that is quite true. I accept the case that there must be increased pro- duction. If we get over this winter without excessive difficulty, one does not know what may happen in the future beyond then and one does not know what may happen this year to our lines of communication—railway lines, coastwise traffic—as a result of aerial bombardment. Therefore, we have to think in terms of increased output.

Would it not be better for the railway companies to use the surplus coal they have had in store for 15 years—tens of thousands of tons?

The hon. Member had better address that question to the President of the Board of Trade. But tens of thousands of tons do not save the situation. The question therefore becomes one of how we are to ensure increased output of coal. I submit to the Committee that there is only one way, and that is by attempting to reorganise the industry on a basis of greater efficiency. There is no other way. I see no reason why the coal-owners should be so reluctant, as they have always proved, to accept any change or to surrender any of that authority which in the past they have not always used with great wisdom. Organised labour at the beginning of the war quite voluntarily, without pressure, gave up many things, many gains of the past, which were their great pride. Employers in many industries have been subjected to rather irksome war-time restrictions, which they have accepted. As a result of war conditions many scores of thousands of employers, business men and professional men have been reduced to beggary. War conditions and the concentration of industry, accepted by this House, have brought ruin and a very dark future to a vary large number of people.

What I am asking now is that the coal-owners themselves should sacrifice something, too. We are not asking them to close up everything and so on, like many a little business man who finds himself out on the cold streets. We are asking for a reorganisation of the industry, which the mineowners in the past have always bitterly opposed. I put it on these grounds. I ask for that because I believe in my bones, and with some knowledge of the mining industry, that the one way to get 100 per cent. effort, willing effort, out of the miners is to remove that bitter- ness and resentment which have arisen from over 20 years of very bitter disillusionment.

During the last great war the miners rallied to the Forces in such enormous numbers as to imperil war production. Those who remained in the pits and those who were brought back to the pits never exploited their economic powers; but when the war was over the miners in the, Forces and the miners in the pits expected something like a square deal. What they got was Royal Commissions; and Royal Commissions are not much use unless their recommendations are implemented. There was the Sankey Commission, whose report the miners were led to believe, by people speaking from that Box at that time, was to be accepted and implemented. It just sank into oblivion.

I have said that in this House years ago, and it has not been challenged. Then we had the Samuel Commission, whose recommendations were much milder, but they have never been implemented. That did not give the miners confidence in those who were controlling the industry. Indeed, every inquiry that there has been into the mining industry of this country disclosed inefficiency and conservatism on a scale utterly foreign to any idea of an efficient coal industry. Out of all this doing nothing, we got what the Government of the day called, in the most non-committal terms that could be thought of, special areas, but which everybody else called distressed areas, or depressed areas. The hard conditions in those areas were intensified by the ridiculous, disastrous re-establishment of the Gold Standard, by the then Chancellor of the Exchequer, the present Prime Minister, which killed what we then had of the coal export trade, which directly led, because of sheer exasperation, to the general strike of 1926. Faced with ever-deepening adversity and hopelessness, the miners were driven, with their backs to the wall, to fight. Since then, for long and weary years, miners, with their sons, have stood outside their pits, with hungry hearts, knowing the misery of the homes in which they lived. Yet the men of the mines, like the men of the sea, are the heroes of peace-time. They are magnificent in their courage, as every pit disaster proves, and as every public appeal recognises—appeals which ought not to be necessary.

The miners, notwithstanding their disappointment over nearly a generation now, are wholeheartedly behind the national cause. I assert that there is no body of men in this country who have been more generous in their aid to the U.S.S.R. Last week we had in London a special international conference of miners, who made their bold declaration against the Nazi tyranny; but who did more than that, and decided to take all the steps they could—some of which I do not wish to enter into to-day—to speed up coal production in the free countries, and to retard it in those countries which are controlled by the Axis Powers. These are definite acts of war. There can be no challenge to the sincerity of the miners and their devotion to the national cause. It may be said that this is, in a sense, a narrow section of the people. I do not regard it as such. There are people in this country, and perhaps in this House to-day, who cannot forget the privileges they enjoyed before the war, who have no intention of accepting any diminution of those privileges now, who are determined, if they can, to keep them after the war. If there be people of that kind, for whom it is not the vital necessities of life which are at stake, how can we expect miners and their families, who for years have lived in sheer hopelessness, to forget the events of the last 20 years and the invasion of their homes by the spectres of destitution and despair? The men are proud of their calling, notwithstanding the reluctance of the younger generation to go down in the mines. They are highly skilled men with great technical knowledge of the industry; many of them have devoted a good deal of time to study at our technical colleges. The skill, knowledge and insight of such men ought to be canalised and fully used in the service of the coal industry.

I have tried to show that this is really a psychological problem. In my view, one way to change the outlook of the mining population is to sweep away this rankling sense of injustice, by providing an opportunity for the miners to play a constructive part in the conduct of their industry, so that they may feel that the industry as a whole is working for the national cause. That can be done by a reorganisation of the industry which the Government can accomplish by a stroke of the pen. I do not propose to go into details, but most Members have perhaps seen proposals for the requisitioning of the mines of this country under a national authority, representing the State, the mineowners, and the miners, not, in our view, as a final solution of the problem, but in order to get unified direction and control of the industry, with proper regional organisation and pit organisation at the lower levels. He would be a very bold man who would claim that the coal industry is efficient. Its defects, its shortsightedness and its weaknesses, have been repeatedly exposed. The nation now owns the coal; and it would seem to be the duty of the Government, in the grave circumstances of war-time, to see that our nationally-owned coal is produced with efficiency and in the quantities required for the war effort. I was glad when my right hon. Friend the President of the Board of Trade said that they were considering reorganisation. I must ask, on behalf not only of my mining friends but of other hon. Members for whom I speak, for some fairly quick decision as to what steps the Government intend to take, within the industry itself, to increase efficiency. These things are very difficult, but the matter has been under consideration for a considerable time, and it will be our duty to continue to press the Government for an early statement as to their intentions. It will also be our duty to press upon the Government the proposals which we have formulated, because we believe that only on those lines can we solve the difficulties with which we are now faced.

I do not propose to follow the speech of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Wakefield (Mr. Greenwood), because he has contradicted much of what was said by the President of the Board of Trade in opening this Debate. We have heard the explanation—and it is one which we can very largely accept—that output is not what it should be, because the average age of the miner has substantially increased, and we have heard from the other side that, if you want to increase output with the existing personnel, you must change the way in which it is managed. I leave the two right hon. Gentlemen to settle that dilemma somehow between themselves. I would like to say to the Committee at the outset that I am afraid I must ask on this occasion to be allowed to trespass upon their patience for a little longer than I usually do upon the very infrequent occasions that I venture to address this House or the Committee.

I am only intervening to-day because there is a Select Committee on National Expenditure in this House of which many Members seem to have forgotten. That Committee has split up its work over various sub-committees, over one of which I have had the honour to preside, and where I had colleagues who were most useful and helpful in the work. They have presented during the past 14 months no fewer than four Reports, each of which, to a greater or lesser degree, has dealt with the situation of the coal industry. These Reports are the 8th, 16th, and 24th of the 1941 Session, and the 3rd Report of the current Session. Those who have done the Committee the honour of reading these Reports will have seen that the position in which we find ourselves to-day was foreseen 14 months ago, and various recommendations were made in each of the three Reports of last year which might have avoided, or, at any rate, considerably lessened the urgency of the matters with which we are dealing to-day. But I admit at once that we have to accept the situation as it is. My right hon. Friend the President of the Board of Trade is not responsible for what has happened in the past. He has to deal with the situation which he has very largely, if not wholly, inherited, and I am satisfield that the need for some scheme which will secure what is desired is one from which we cannot possibly escape. We have all to agree with that.

I do not propose to deal with the production of the coal side of this problem at all. There will be many other Members who no doubt will devote their attention more particularly to that important aspect of these difficulties. I want to confine my observations to the use of coal, gas, and electricity. The first and most useful thing with which I can deal is to point out, as I and many friends see them, the weaknesses and failings, if not the dangers, of the Beveridge scheme. Opinions may differ as to the number of staff that would be required and the type of personnel to work it effectively. At any rate, many thousands would be required, and we must all admit that it is the general experience that, when once you have created a set of officials, it is extremely difficult to reduce their number. It is a very slow and troublesome process. What appalled me when I first heard of this scheme is the fact that no fewer than 12,000,000 entirely new assessments of homes and establishments in this country would have to be made, involving 12,000,000 application forms setting out the circumstances under which you use these commodities, then 12,000,000 coupon-books, and various other subsequent acknowledgments of deliveries necessitating the use of a large amount of paper at a time, when, if an unfortunate person throws an old envelope into the fire or into the wrong bin at the back of his premises, he commits a criminal offence. One has to ask oneself what the common people in this country are thinking when they are urged to save every scrap of paper they can under various salvage schemes and they see a Government Department proposing a scheme that will need an immense quantity of paper if the coupon system is to be carried out.

There is one most serious omission from the staff required to operate this scheme. I cannot think how it can have been overlooked when the Beveridge proposals were framed. A large number of very careful examinations of meters will have to be made, The meter-readers have in the past been accustomed to spend, say, a couple of minutes at each side-door reading the meter, putting down the record on the card on the premises and putting a similar record in the book. A large number of women have had to be brought in to do this work now and one can just imagine what the position will be under this scheme. When the meter-reader calls he has not only to do these simple duties but, whether it is the gas account or electricity account, he has to work out a sum as to how many coupons the housewife has to hand over before he leaves the premises.

The housewife may not be there, but suppose she is and she wants to know how the calculation is made. A collector might abruptly turn away and say, "I have not the time to go into that; hand over your coupons." But he will not, and at least three or four times the number of meter-readers there are at present will be required by gas and electricity supply undertakings throughout the country if this scheme is to be carried out, and that is even if they are procurable, which is very doubtful. Under this scheme 20,000 additional permanent employees would be required.

Another grave defect is that many of these companies supply large areas, covering thousands of square miles, and meter-readers have to be sent out into remote country and rural districts. They cannot get there except by using petrol vehicles. Formerly they were taken in cars; now they have to be taken in lorry loads. We are asked to save petrol, but this scheme would require at least three times as much petrol as is being used today for meter-reading. There is another difficulty. In some districts there is an arrangement whereby the consumer—

As I was saying, in some districts there is an arrangement whereby a consumer can pay an account, not to the company direct, but to the company's agents, which may be a bank which is authorised to give receipts or a well-known and reputable shopkeeper. Are these people to be asked to take part in this scheme? Again, I wonder if hon. Members know as well as I do the almost inaccessible places in which meters are fixed. Often they are in dark holes and comers or in small cupboards or under the stairs where men of the stature of the right hon. Gentleman the Minister of Labour or his trusty lieutenant, my hon. Friend the Member for Sowerby (Mr. MacCorquodale) would find it extremely difficult to get. On the other hand, I can quite conceive that my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for India might make a very nimble and excellent meter-reader. So you are to ask a householder, under this scheme, to keep an eye on the gas or electricity meter to make sure that the household ration is not being exhausted. Consider this too. Coal coupons are to be collected by the lorry hauliers who deliver the coal. When they drop their supplies of coal they must collect coupons before they leave. Imagine the state of these coupons in winter when these hard-working fellows, smothered with coal and coke dust, are wet through and dirty. Is the haulier to take the coal away if he cannot collect the coupons? A housewife may be working in a munitions factory and may not be at home to hand over the coupons. The whole thing is ludicrous. These lorry men, apparently, are to be made responsible for the collection of the coupons and are subject to penalties if they fail to carry out this duty.

There is another and most dangerous matter in connection with the coupon scheme to which I would ask every Member of the Committee to pay most serious attention. To my mind it utterly damns the coupon scheme. If I understand the scheme aright—and I think I do—each householder will be allotted a certain number of coupons which can be spread over coal, gas or electricity in whatever proportion the householder may decide. I must be very careful what I say here, for reasons which the President of the Board of Trade understands, because I have discussed this point with him. I was sorry to hear the right hon. Gentlemen the Member for Wakefield (Mr. Greenwood) talk about the reactions which have been brought about recently by vested interests. I do not believe there is a single word of truth in this. The electricity supply industry stands in a position by itself in this respect. By force of circumstances it wants to diminish the demand upon its resources for domestic requirements in order that it may maintain or increase the supply of power to industry. That is a simple fact. Suppose some hundreds of domestic consumers say, "We can use all these coupons for electricity. We have no servants in our house. We will give up using coal because we do not want to have to light fires and clean grates and we will, therefore, make a greater use of electricity." The effect of that upon the electricity systems of this country would be extremely serious. I very much doubt whether the demands for electric power for our factories would be forthcoming under this scheme.

I hope I have made the point sufficiently clear to make the Committee realise that herein lies a real national danger. This point overwhelms every other argument that the coupon scheme should be damned and that we ought to hear the last of it. I do not propose to elaborate the manifold difficulties in any rationing scheme. Whatever method is adopted, it will be quite impracticable to produce any scheme which will be fair and which will deliver to everybody with exactitude the products which are to be brought within the ambit of this scheme.

It is no use criticising the scheme that is before us, as I have ventured to do, without endeavouring to put forward an alternative and constructive plan. This is the plan to which I would ask the Committee to give careful attention, and a copy of which I will hand to the President of the Board of Trade when I have finished my remarks. The initial step to which I attach the greatest importance, because time is pressing, is that the Prime Minister, or the Leader of the House, or someone from the top, whose word and personality will appeal to the people of this country, should make an early broadcast appeal to the people in all homes and establishments to start economising at once, without waiting for any scheme, to the extent of, say, 20 per cent. in their consumption of coal, gas, and electricity. Secondly, as soon as possible thereafter, the supply of coal, coke and paraffin should be rationed, but through the distributors, the use of electricity and gas to be restricted through the agency of the Statutory undertakings, the municipalities and the companies. As regards coal and coke, the supply can be controlled by and equitably distributed through the existing merchants and distributors. Provided that every consumer of coal has to register—and that, I agree, is absolutely essential—the distributors, as far as I have been able to contact them, say that they will accept the responsibility of fathering the block of householders who are allotted to them as their customers. Coupled with that, there would be a definite datum line of coal supply which should be assured to the small householder. That would be an amount which would have to be settled by negotiation between, say, the Mines Department and those who represent the distributors. It might be something between two tons and three tons of coal per household per annum, and that amount, so far as delivery could be guaranteed, would be the amount to which every household would be entitled. I am told that this would at once cut out of the need for rationing by any coupon system 85 per cent. of the households in this country that consume coal. With regard to gas and electricity, the undertakings should be authorised to announce to their customers by public advertisement in the Press that, as from a fixed date, all customers would be required- to reduce their consumption to, say, 80 per cent. of that of the corresponding quarter of the previous year.

I will deal with the question of comparison in a moment. The consumers of gas and electricity would be charged by their undertakings, on the 80 per cent. allotment to which they would be entitled under this scheme, the existing contract price, but if there were an excess consumption, there would be a penal price per unit of electricity and per therm of gas for any excess.

Let the hon. Member wait a moment. The price of the excess would be absolutely penal. It might be 2s. 6d. or 5s. per unit of electricity, and 10s. or 15s. per therm of gas. It would have to be a penal figure which would make even the few rich who are left today think twice before they exceeded their ration. But I would have an additional stopper put on, and if a serious offender who had a largely increased consumption at the end of one quarter did the same thing during the second quarter, whether he liked it or not his supply would be cut off. There you have a complete answer to any suggestion that there would be one law for the rich and another for the poor. Obviously, there would be exceptional cases, such as those to which the President of the Board of Trade has referred—people who have already made economies in their households, and those who have taken in evacuees or billeted workers, and have their houses full. In such cases the arrangement would be that an opportunity would be given to those who felt that they could not comply with the 80 per cent. allotment of their former consumption to write to their gas or electricity undertakings, or to their coal merchants, giving the reasons why they could not accept the allotment. It would be quite possible for references back to be made to the coal supplied, or the gas and electricity consumed, during the corresponding quarters of previous years. One of my suggestions is that representatives of the local fuel overseers should be housed in the offices of each of these undertakings, so that they would be on the spot with records of past consumption, and this would enable a quick ascertainment to be made as to whether there had been an economy as claimed, or whether some further investigation would be needed to make sure that additional people were being accommodated in the house.

Would not the proposal for an 80 per cent. allotment penalise the person who has not been extravagant in the past, and give an advantage to the person who has been extravagant?

No. Suppose that I economised during the year 1941. My readings during 1940 and 1939 would be examined, and it would be very quickly shown whether I had consumed less in 1941 than in the previous years. In these proposals, for both gas and electricity I would exclude all consumers of electricity whose consumption is less than 200 units per annum, or where electricity is used for cooking 1,400 units per annum, and in the case of gas, consumers whose consumption is less than 100 therms per annum, where gas is used for cooking. There are many thousands of small houses in which gas is the only means of cooking, and I am told that, in the case of gas undertakings, this would wipe out about 50 per cent. of the consumers who would otherwise have to be assessed, and in the case of electricity some 35 per cent.

My hon. Friend has given percentages, first as regards coal consumption in small households, and secondly, as regards the consumption of electricity and gas. Will he make clear whether he is using those consumption figures in dealing with the quantity of coal, electricity and gas, or whether he is dealing with the number of householders?

I am dealing with the quantity. If I consumed one ton of coal, 100 units of electricity, and 100 therms of gas, I should be asked to reduce the figures by 80 per cent. in each case.

The hon. Member has misunderstood my point. He said that a certain proportion of people would have a deck below which their consumption of coal, electricity and gas would not be affected by any of his proposals. He gave percentage figures, and I want to know whether those percentage figures refer to the amounts of coal, electricity and gas consumed, or the number of householders.

I refer to the number of households. I would remind the Committee that under the Beveridge proposal it is plain that the poorest consumer will be at least as well off as before, and that many will be better off. I am anxious to re-attain that, and this proposal to leave out all the small consumers and give them the assurance that they will have so much coal, gas and electricity, with more for cooking, will largely exclude slot-meter consumers.

May I explain to the Committee the advantages of my proposals as against the Beveridge plan? At once coupons can be wiped out, because they would not be necessary. Therefore there would be a tremendous saving of time and paper and in staff. Secondly, there would be no need to make anything like 12,000,000 assessments. You can take what figure you like; you might have to make 3,000,000 assessments, but I think even that figure is grossly exaggerated. We should find that an enormous reduction in the volume of work would follow from the exclusions which I have made in the plan I have sketched. The bulk of these cases would automatically settle themselves, and the special appeals could be made through the concerns, which are the suppliers, with power to hand on information to the fuel overseer, with whom would rest final responsibility of saying whether an increase shall be allowed. Another great advantage is that there would be none of the harassing calculations to be made by housewives as to how their coupons could best be allocated for their respective requirements of coal, gas and electricity, which would be inevitable under the Beveridge scheme. I feel confident, from my knowledge of the industry, that under these proposals the fuel savings would be considerably larger. There would be no central organisation required at headquarters by the President of the Board of Trade. The scheme would be worked locally and through the local cited companies. The penal price, which is an essential feature of the scheme, would cut out the black marketeer who insisted on burning more than his ration and would be an effective deterrent to over-consumption.

The Committee is indebted to my hon. Friend, who has taken great trouble in working out this alternative proposal, but can he give an example of the penalty price he proposes?

I am sorry if my hon. Friend did not hear me, but I did mention a figure. I said you might charge 2s. 6d. or even 5s. per unit for electricity used in excess of the ration, and 10s. or 15s. per therm for gas.

Would the right to penalise be in the hands of the companies? What machinery is there to enforce the penalties?

I purposely omitted giving all the details. In practice the company would report a case where the ration had been exceeded, and it would be for the fuel overseer to decide, very much as the President of the Board of Trade said in his speech, whether the excess was so trivial that it should be carried forward, or whether it was so serious that he must exercise his right and instruct the company to cut off the householder.

I take it that the amount of the fine would not go to the company, but to the Government?

Yes, the penalty moneys would be handed over to the Government. Concurrently with this proposal, I attach the greatest importance to this: There ought to be an Order made, to-night if possible, stopping at once the sales of gas and electrical apparatus, especially of electrical apparatus. The door has been left open since the proposals were first suggested for people to go to the stores and buy the cheap apparatus which has been flooding the market, and which is dangerous to use on electrical circuits. These people think that if they cannot get coal they can at least get electricity. I think that an Order to prohibit the sales, except under licence, of that type of apparatus should be issued forthwith.

Before my hon. Friend finishes, may I ask whether he has had an opportunity of discussing these proposals with the gas and electricity representatives and also representatives of the consumers, to ascertain whether they are acceptable and workable?

I am glad that I have been asked that question; it is a point with which I intended to deal, but which I have omitted because time is getting on. Since these proposals were first published much has been going on behind the scenes. I have had the advantage of an hour-and-a-half's discussion with Sir William Beveridge. We had a very pleasant time, and I pointed out many of the difficulties to him. He was good enough to say that I had given him enough to think about for the whole afternoon. He promised that he would spend the afternoon thinking about them, and I am sorry to say that I did not see the results of that thought in the proposals. I have been in contact with representatives of the coalowners and of the coal merchants and with some of the important leaders in the gas and electricity concerns. As I have many thousands of consumers in some of the companies for which I am responsible, I think I know the consumer's point of view. The consumer hates the very idea of this coupon business. I do not want the Committee to assume that I have obtained anything more than reactions to the alternative plan which I have endeavoured to put as clearly as I can before the Committee.

No association representing any of these interests is in any way committed at all. If I could give their names, I am sure they would be respected as really responsible leaders in their industries. I have their assurance that a scheme on this alternative plan would be far more likely to receive the whole-hearted co-operation of everyone who could lend a hand than would the proposals under the Beveridge plan. I do not say that they would agree to every single sentence that I have put forward, but, on the general principle, there is no doubt whatever that there is a whole-hearted desire to see the coupon scheme wiped out. Results at least comparable with those anticipated under the Beveridge plan can be achieved by another method, and that method is the one which I have put before the Committee and which I think should receive the most careful consideration of the Government.

I have been destructive in my criticism of the Beveridge plan, but I have tried to be constructive and helpful with an alternative plan. I am convinced that we have to call upon householders, and the industries concerned, to play their part in achieving the inescapable economies in the use of coal, gas and electricity which the Government must call upon the country to face. Any form of restriction of these commodities must have some adverse effect upon the morale of the people. We must make that effect as light as we possibly can in any scheme of rationing or restriction that we impose. I have endeavoured to be fair to the people upon whom this country relies for the production of its equipments of war, without which victory may well elude our grasp, because I think those of whom great physical efforts are demanded day after day, week after week and month after month deserve security in the comfort of their homes and in the needs of their households in a way which those of us who have tasks to discharge which make a lighter call upon our physical equipment should be prepared to recognise in the greater self-denial that we and those like us should be prepared to make in this common effort of which we are seeking a solution. I see the most serious dangers in the adoption of the coupon plan. I would say to the Government, in the somewhat picturesque language that the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs (Mr. Lloyd George) might use if he were here, "Take your bastard, still-born infant and bury it decently if you cannot bury it reverently." I say that the Government must not ask Parliament or the people to swallow a poisoned beverage, a deadly beverage, no matter what talent may have been employed in concocting it.

The President of the Board of Trade must feel very gratified after the speech to which he has just listened. Some of us had expected a high-tension discharge from that quarter, but, if the right hon. Gentleman has received a shock, it has been a very mild one indeed. The hon. Member for Stockport (Sir A. Gridley) made a number of criticisms of the Beveridge Report and put up an alternative scheme of his own, for which I am sure all Members are very grateful and would like me to express our appreciation of his willingness to meet the challenge to bring forward another scheme. But his criticisms of the Beveridge plan were very niggling indeed. To take only one, he feared that under a coupon scheme consumers might take all their allowable ration in the form of electricity. But surely under the present scheme it is open to them to take all their fuel in the form of electricity if they wish. I cannot see how the introduction of coupons can possibly affect that. As for his alternative scheme, the great objection to it is that it is taking the rationing scheme out of the hands of the State and putting it into the hands of private interests. [HON. MEMBERS: "No."] Surely it has been suggested that the rationing authority would be the distributors of coal, electricity and gas.

I cannot possibly allow that statement to pass uncorrected. The existing statutory undertakings are merely to be the machinery by means of which they are to carry out the Government's decision as to what the allotment shall be. If this is exceeded, action has to be taken by the instructions of the Government's fuel overseers. That is the plan.

I understood the scheme, but I adhere to the view that in practice the distributors—private interests—would be the fathers of the scheme. Those were the hon. Member's words, and we can put our own interpretation upon them. He laid great stress on the fact that it would not be necessary to assess so many households but surely that is the case only if we take the word of the companies' meter readers? I adhere to my view, even after the hon. Member's explanation, that this is really putting the rationing scheme into the hands of private interests.

I hope the hon. Member appreciates the special point that I made in the case of the electricity supply industry, which really wants, as an urgent matter, to get the consumption of their domestic consumers reduced. They have no self-interest in the matter—quite the contrary.

Yes, of course, I should expect the electricity and gas industries and coal-owners always to observe the national interest in all matters. After hearing the hon. Member's alternative plan, I remain convinced that the Beveridge scheme holds the field alone. In the first place, Sir William Beveridge has more knowledge of fuel rationing schemes than any other public servant. [HON. MEMBERS: "Why?"] Because he was the principal author of rationing schemes in the last war which were extremely successful, and he is very much concerned in all public questions of this sort. Secondly, we are told that the scheme has been submitted to the Board of Trade and has been amended after consultation with them, and the Board of Trade also is not unversed in matters of rationing. The scheme comes forward from Sir William Beveridge and the Board of Trade, and I should prefer it to one produced in the labyrinthine recesses of the 1922 Committee. We have an alternative plan before us, and that is better than the vague complaints that have been going round without any definite idea behind them. It is no use for political gipsies to say "I've got a plan" and ask us to put our money on it, unless they produce it. Now we have, at any rate, a definite alternative. I would consider it unfortunate if the President of the Board of Trade were not able to go away to-day and order a definite scheme to be put into operation. The time is slipping by and it is very desirable that a rationing scheme should be introduced quickly. We must not wait until next winter when it may be difficult to get supplies. If we have a rationing scheme it is important that supplies should be available to meet all the demands under the scheme. In that case a rationing scheme must be brought into operation at a very early date.

I would like to say a few words about the objections made to the Beveridge scheme. The principal one is that gas and electricity ought to be omitted. I remain convinced that any rationing of fuel ought to be comprehensive and that the omission of gas and electricity would be unfair. The wealthier classes, who are the chief users of gas and electricity, would benefit at the expense of the poorer. It would not lead to a decrease in the consumption of coal but merely to a transfer to coal derivatives from coal used directly. It would not diminish the administrative difficulties because each household would still have to be separately assessed for coal, coke and paraffin. It is legitimate to learn a little from our enemies. In Germany and Italy the rationing of gas and electricity has been abandoned, but what is their alternative? They simply cut off gas and electricity for certain periods. We would all agree that a scheme of rationing is much preferable to a scheme of cutting off the supply. The administrative difficulties of the Beveridge scheme have been greatly exaggerated. In the first place, as far as the personal ration is concerned, there is no call for action on the part of the person himself. He simply gets the coupons with the clothes coupons which he receives already. That is very simple. As for the household ration, all he has to do is to fill up a form stating the number of rooms in his house. For that purpose he has only to be able to count up to seven.

The hon. Member says that the person has to answer a simple question. In some constituencies houses have suffered damage, and surely there must be a place on the form to mention windows that have not been properly repaired. The President has agreed with that.

I am speaking of the Beveridge scheme, and that detail is not dealt with in the scheme. These special cases will certainly need consideration. Any rationing of fuel is bound to be complex. The form the householder will have to fill in will not be so difficult as the form under the Representation of the People Acts, and certainly not so difficult as the Census form. It is desirable that the householder should be able to read his gas and electricity meters, but it is not essential. There has been a great deal of exaggeration about that difficulty. The hon. Member for Stockport has said that they are put in inaccessible places. Who put them there except the gas and electricity companies? Last night I tried to read my own meters. They are in a shed at the back, and after clearing a lot of lumber I found them. I found that to read the gas meter is easier than telling the time. There are four clocks and each has only one hand, and if you put down in order the figures you see you get the consumption in cubic feet. The electricity meter is simply read straight off like the milometer of a car. I can conceive of nothing simpler. It is a sad commentary on 70 years of compulsory education if our people cannot do that. If everybody cannot rise to this task they have only to economise on the rough principle of omitting one day's consumption in seven, as is suggested in the scheme. That is a rough and ready and easy way of keeping within the rationing scheme. I submit, therefore, that the Beveridge scheme is practicable, and if it is practicable, it ought to be put into operation. We cannot afford the waste of any commodity whether it is imported by sea or produced at home. We need more production for many purposes, and if the consumption of coal for domestic purposes can be avoided it ought to be avoided The waste of coal at this time is treason and it is within the knowledge of all hon. Members that coal is being wasted for domestic consumption, whether in the form of coal itself or in the form of gas or electricity.

I would like to point out certain permanent advantages that may come from the introduction of such a scheme. Firstly, rationing under the Beveridge scheme may be the basis of some rational system of coal distribution. Before the war many of us were very conscious of the great evils from the multiplicity and overlapping of coal retailers. I hope that' the introduction of such a scheme will mean the end of that system. A Departmental Committee under Sir Walter Monckton was considering this problem at the outbreak of war and it had to suspend its deliberations. Perhaps the scheme will be the beginning of a new era in this respect. Secondly, the scheme may be the basis of a unified fuel policy. Those of us who have considered the fuel question intimately always come up against the difficulty that we cannot treat coal, coke, gas and electricity as separate problems. They are closely inter-related, and this scheme will teach people to regard them not as separate fuels but as the bearers of so many calories. Thirdly, the scheme may be the beginning of a proper conservation policy for a valuable wasting asset. It is said that we have coal in this country to last for 500 years, but the statement ignores the fact that some of our more valuable coals may be exhausted long before that date; for example, the gas coals of Durham. I speak subject to correction, but I believe they may be exhausted within 80 years. It is important to get into people's minds that coal is a wasting asset and ought to be used as economically as possible.

The scheme which is before us is not brought in for these long-term results, however, but to meet a present need. The need is urgent, and I hope that the Committee will not delay the President of the Board of Trade in going forward with some rationing scheme. I would like to express my own gratitude that we have at the Board of Trade a man who tackled this problem resolutely and energetically almost as soon as he went there. From my own inquiries I am certain that if the working people must go short of coal for the sake of the nation they will not mind going short so long as the fellow in the big house goes short as well.

I admire the confidence of the hon. Member for Keighley (Mr. I. Thomas). I am certain he has a large number of lady admirers, but I wonder whether after his speech they will agree with him that things are quite as simple as they seemed from his remarks. I wonder particularly whether they will agree with him that a suitable way of achieving economy in fuel consumption is to do without it altogether on one day in the week. I rather doubt whether my hon. Friend will think that his remarks were worth while when he has to meet face to face those who have to deal daily with these problems in the household. I wish to deal, however, mainly with the speech of my right hon. Friend the President of the Board of Trade. We can, I think, congratulate him upon a powerful Parliamentary effort. It was an ably delivered speech, and if he were present now I am sure that he would not mind my saying that his manner was much more attractive to-day than it has been during some of the speeches we have heard from him in the past. I can heartily congratulate him upon his new method of addressing us. He cooed so gently that one might almost have thought that he had the whole Committee with him all the time he was speaking.

His speech falls into two definite parts, one the need for restriction of fuel consumption, and, second, the claim that this can best be attained by what he calls the Beveridge scheme. Let us be perfectly clear that what we are discussing in connection with coal is the necessity for a new scheme. Restrictions on the use of coal have existed for quite a long time. It is true that the Government deny that there has been any form of rationing, describing it as a restriction imposed for the more equitable distribution of coal. I do not really mind what they call it, but every housewife in the country knows that there has been very definite rationing, or—if the Government prefer to call it so—a restriction of coal for many months past. And I agree at once with the necessity for a reduction in consumption of coal. I think it is necessary. I would only say in that connection that the Committee should recognise that many people in all walks of life have already done a very great deal voluntarily to restrict their consumption of coal for the benefit of the national effort.

The Government, on the other hand, have made no widespread appeal for the co-operation of the people in a voluntary effort, none at all. The propaganda machine is in the hands of the Government, and if only one half the effort which has been put into the National Savings Movement, for example, or even into the campaign to save paper, had been applied to a voluntary scheme for the saving of fuel, I believe the results would have been very remarkable. But the Government have more to blame themselves for than failure to ask for a voluntary effort. They have continually issued contradictory orders. One week people have been told to fill their cellars, and, the next week, that if they have done so they have too much coal and are hoarding. They are now being threatened with penalisation if they have more than one ton of coal, and yet this very Beveridge Report is suggesting to them that they should build up stocks.

Throughout there has been a criminal lack of thought and of action on the part of the Government, not in the last month or two, but in the last two years. I do not propose to make a statement of that kind without putting forward the facts in support of it. In this connection I would particularly draw attention to the Reports of the Select Committee on National Ex- penditure. The Reports of the Select Committee dealing with the subject of coal and fuel consumption are mainly—there is no secret about this—the work of a Committee presided over by my hon. Friend the Member for Stockport (Sir A. Gridley), to whom the House owes a great deal for his special interest and labours in this matter. In their Ninth Report of the Session 1939–40 and issued as long ago as July, 1940, the Committee urged cooperation and foresight in regard to electricity undertakings. That was two years ago and nothing has been done. In a further report published on 6th March, 1941, the Committee urged the necessity for the transference of labour to the mining areas, and particularly that men from the mines should not be called up for active service. Again nothing was done. The Government failed to act upon these recommendations. The statement, of which the President of the Board of Trade made so much when he was speaking to-day, that in this time of urgency, this vital time of war, when new movements are likely to be made, when there is a chance of our going forward, it would be impossible to take men out of the Army to go back to the mines is exactly what the Government said more than a year ago when the Select Committee urged them to let some men come out of the Army even if only for a few months in the summer. At that time the Government said in effect, "This is too vital a moment, we could not spare the men." That may be true to-day; it was not true then.

In February of this year, in a third Report, the Select Committee again pressed the need for skilled workers to return to the mines. It is very hard to get accurate figures, and I am not prepared to swear that the figures I shall give are correct, but it has been stated that more than 70,000 men from the mining industry have gone into the Army and into general industry. As is only natural with men of that type, a great many of them are being used in aerodrome construction, and that is very valuable work, and a number, of them are also engaged upon munition work. But many of those men are not in the field forces and some of them are young and are badly needed in the mines. The President of the Board of Trade now says that 7,000 men are to be brought back to the mines. He made a great point of the difficulties in getting men from the Army. I will read an extract from a letter, one of several which I have received, and dated the 25th April, which gives an example of the type of man who is available. It is a letter from a private in the Army, who writes:

I pay tribute to what is being done in the mining industry. We know that the burden of the work is falling largely upon older men. They have done splendidly. There is not a doubt about that, but we cannot be surprised if men from the mining industry are not particularly anxious to go back to the pits once they have left. The history of the industry is not such as to give a great deal of confidence to them. Let us face that fact. Also, they are doing very much better in many cases where they are; and that leads me to the third point, which is a complaint which I have made against the Government before. I shall continue to make it. It is that, owing to the Government's lack of a wages and prices policy, this country is allowing a condition of inequality of wages which is throwing industry into confusion. Some weeks ago, dealing not with the mines but with general industry, I gave an illustration of an agricultural worker of lifelong experience earning £3 a week, and of a girl, possibly his daughter, earning nearly double that amount for doing some trifling job. The Minister of Labour, who was here at the time, announced that he did hot believe that such a case could happen. It was rather fortunate for me that—

The hon. Member must not deal with matters which concern the Ministry of Labour, because they are not relevant.

What I am trying to discuss is inequality of wages as it affects the supply of men to the pits. You will see, I think, that I am bringing my argument back to that point. Unfortunately, I was unable to give an example at the time, but it is fortunate for me that that very night, or within a few hours after making that speech, I received a completely unsolicited letter from the Midlands, dealing with wages at a certain aeroplane works. I shall not mention any names of people. The communication is signed by nine men working in that factory. They give me details of the cases to which they wish specially to refer, and they say:

"First of all, a girl of no previous factory experience can, in her second week of occupation, earn more wages in 47 hours a week than the foreman who inspects her work. How can the country expect to get better work in those conditions?"

They send the exact details.

I must point out to the hon. Member that wages at aeroplane factories have nothing to do with the subject under discussion.

I submit to you, Colonel Clifton Brown, that this is relevant to the point for the reason that I am trying to put before the Committee the difficulties of the miners when they see others, very likely in their own households or surrounding them, receiving very much higher wages. I am anxious to put to the Committee facts which show that this inequality of wages exists.

The hon. Member is fully entitled to say that this in-equality of wages exists, but he is not entitled to go in detail into what the wages are, as he was doing, and to change the discussion on to other people's wages and not those of miners. That, I cannot allow.

I will bow to your Ruling, Colonel Clifton Brown. You will perhaps allow me to say that this evidence shows—what is quite sufficient for my purpose, although I should have been glad to give the Committee the details—that quite young people earn £5, £6 and £7 a week. The earnings are quoted, and the names and check numbers are given to me in these papers. They are available for any hon. Member to see privately or for the Ministry concerned. The object I have in raising this point is, as I have just explained in my statement to the Chair, to point out that miners themselves are faced with the position that the wages they earn are not comparable with those of other people, certainly not for people who are doing vital national work such as the miners are doing, and work which requires a special physical effort.

Last week I asked my hon. Friend the Secretary for Mines to let we know the average output per miner compared with the pre-war figure. He has told me that, in the national interest, the figure cannot be given. I am not complaining, but I do not know what national interest would be affected by publication of such details. At any rate, I accept the position. He goes on to tell me that output is higher per man than before the war. If that is so, it surprises me very much and is a further tribute to the men who are working in the mines. I would point out, however, that, although a large number of miners are working splendidly, particularly the elderly miners, there is no use our ignoring the fact that there is a number of continual offenders who absent themselves for little reason. They may be young men who want to leave the mines; they may be those who are disgruntled because of the inequality of wages. Whatever it is, there is a section in which absenteeism is very high. There is no use ignoring the fact that if absenteeism could be brought down to its pre-war figure, there would be no need for any rationing scheme at all.

If it comes to having any scheme, I much prefer the scheme of my hon. Friend the Member for Stockport, which was brought forward so ably to-day. I wish to impress on the Committee, however, that, before we put any scheme at all into operation, the public have a right to be asked to co-operate voluntarily. There is no case for stricter rationing of coal than exists already, but you should make a voluntary appeal for reduction of consumption of this and of gas and electricity. You should release such men from the Army as can be released. I suggest a higher figure than 7,000. If it is not too late, and I do not believe it is, the Government, who are to blame for not having done it before, should set up an adequate wages and prices policy which will give as good wages to the miners as to other people who are in less arduous employment. There should be a definite improvement in conditions in the mines. I suggest there should be a production bonus. I much prefer that idea to some of the schemes which have been put forward. Such a bonus might well be free of Income Tax. There should be a definite strengthening by the Government of the propaganda activities of pit committees. Not enough use is being made of the efforts of pit committees in that connection. By these methods I think we can secure a reduction in consumption on the one hand and increased production on the other. At any rate, they should be tried before we upset the lives of the people.

Now I turn to this rationing scheme of Sir William Beveridge. That was the second part of the speech of my right hon. Friend, who urged that this scheme should be adopted unless a better one could be put forward. I have the greatest respect for Sir William Beveridge and for his abilities, but I ask the Committee to read that document carefully. Was there ever a more light-hearted attempt to deal with a serious subject? A subject of this magnitude and importance to the whole morale of our people has been dealt with, and I cannot help saying it has been done in this Report, in an unsatisfactory way.

Does the hon. Member suggest that the Beveridge scheme is not a piece of jolly good, hard, solid work?

I definitely do suggest it, and I shall tell the hon. Gentleman why I say so. Every Report to which I have referred and which has been produced by the Select Committee on the subject of coal and fuel rationing has been put forward only after months of inquiry and examination. This document was produced practically in a month. There are statements in it that certain people have been consulted. All I can say is that my postbag shows clearly that there are a very large number of people—and in that I include bodies of people—who think they had a right to be consulted but who have never been consulted at all. I consider the whole Report to be very weak and half-hearted. In fact, the conclusion I have come to after reading it is that Sir William Beveridge himself is against rationing, but that he has come to the conclusion that this is the best way to do it if the Government force it upon him. The Report is far more full of the difficulties of the scheme than of anything else.

Surely the housewife has enough difficulties at the present time without having to read meters and deliver up coupons to ignorant collectors. She will be entitled to some fuel as a householder and some more as a human being. Think of the position of the householder. These are not ordinary times. There are practically no households in the country in which conditions have not altered since the war began. The number in the house may vary almost from day to day. What about householders with evacuees or refugees in their houses? They are not only to be responsible for the consumption which they themselves can control, but for that which the other people may cause; they will have to control the consumption of people who are not their friends, whom in many cases they have had to take in, willingly or unwillingly as the case may be. The actions of those visitors may result in a householder being deprived of coal or other fuel in the following quarter.

Then there are people who are elderly or infirm. Take the case of two exactly similar houses, alongside each other but in which the conditions vary. One house may be kept by an elderly couple; who have to live there practically throughout the day, who have to cook all their meals and who, in the winter-time certainly, must have the warmth of coal fires the whole day long. The next house may be occupied by a young couple, both working outside and not in the house at all during the day. Perhaps they only have breakfast there. Conditions are completely different in those two houses, and that is the sort of thing into which an examination would have to be made throughout the country. My hon. Friend the Member for Stockport, in his eloquent speech proposing an alternative scheme—which I welcome as against the preposterous one in the Beveridge report, though I hope it will not be necessary to adopt even that scheme—forecast that there might be 3,000,000 inquiries. That is certainly better than 12,000,000, but think what it means. These 3,000,000 inquiries will be a sort of inverted means test. It would result into examination of each house to find out what they consumed a year before when conditions may have been completely different. And that would go on all over the country.

Again, there are the dangers of un-heated houses and burst pipes, without labour for repairs; the difficult position of certain of the poorer people particularly, who must have extra coal for washing clothes at home. There are country houses in wind-swept districts, needing much more fuel than houses in a row in a town. There is the danger, which must not be forgotten, that a scheme of this kind might well drive people back from the country to the town to get heat in the winter, and that is the very thing we might want to avoid. There are also the cases of illness which have to be dealt with. All these things mean individual examination, a perpetual interference with people, the snooping—there is no other word for it—of a body of examiners. Whether they come from the State or from the electrical and gas companies does not really matter; it is snooping by a whole lot of individuals, interfering with people and asking all sorts of questions which most of them will be quite unable to answer.

The fact of the matter is that the Government themselves have not done anything to secure economy. They can do it. I ask my right hon. Friend to go to any of the big railway stations in London and see how many of them, even on a bright and sunny day, are flooded with electric light. Why has he done nothing to stop that kind of thing?

You have only to look at this Chamber, where 240 lights are blazing now.

That is a very good illustration, but there are plenty of others which can be given. The Government have not yet made an appeal to the public for a voluntary curtailment of consumption, and until they do they have no right to put forward a scheme which is going to be so detrimental to the morale of the country. The President of the Board of Trade says that the bulk of the staff will be borrowed from the Ministry of Food, and that it will be quite easy to do that. That is the very opposite of what the report says. The report says that staff could not be borrowed from the Ministry of Food except at great inconvenience, because both Departments will have their maximum requirements at the same time. Lastly, I would draw my right hon. Friend's attention to one matter about which I think the Committee ought to know. I received this letter this morning from a very well-known firm of which, for reasons of security which the Committee will understand, I am not going to give an exact description:

"I have heard from one of my co-directors, who is in charge of a factory at Blank which is engaged exclusively on work on blank."—

it is for aircraft production and is of A.1 priority—

"They were making an application in that place, where there should be a big labour reservoir, for progress clerks, and were staggered to learn"—

This was yesterday—

"that there was absolutely no labour available because it was all required for staffing the new fuel distribution centre of the Ministry of Supply or the Board of Trade."

If that sort of thing is going on, I think the House of Commons should be told.

As far as the Board of Trade is concerned, no arrangement has been made up to the present time, in accordance with the undertaking given to the House, for the engagement of staff. Therefore, my hon. Friend's correspondent is completely misinformed so far as the Department for which I am responsible is concerned.

I do not know whether the Ministry of Supply have anything to do with it or not, but I have no intention of carrying it further, as I understand from my right hon. Friend that he has engaged no staff at all in connection with this matter. In any case, it is quite clear that it will only be a beginning, and that he will require a good many thousands all over the country to administer the scheme. It is an irritating and annoying proposal almost beyond belief. It is almost impossible to carry it out in a reasonable way; it will fill housewives with fear and anxiety, will lead, I believe, to serious hardship, and will have a definitely evil effect on the morale of the people. I do not believe that the Government can have considered seriously what they are doing when they bring forward a proposal of this kind. Let them make to the country a demand for co-operation in a voluntary effort to reduce consumption. Let them put it to the factories which are blacked out, some of them for the whole day, that much could be done by removing the blackout. Let them extend Double Summer Time for another month, and in various other ways, some of which have been mentioned, let them appeal to the country for co-operation before embarking on any rationing scheme at all.

It is madness to force the country to work as it never worked before, in what may be a very bitter winter, and require the people to return to empty grates and dark homes. It cannot be done. That kind of thing the people will not agree to unless it has been proved beyond any doubt that no other course is possible. I do say to the Government that if they must have a scheme at all, they should pay the closest attention to a scheme such as the one which has been put forward, but before they adopt any scheme at all they should make an appeal for the co-operation and help of the people themselves.

I approach this question, as I think every Member of this House must approach it, with a considerable amount of anxiety, because we are faced with a very serious question, as explained by the President of the Board of Trade, and one would hesitate, certainly in addressing the Committee as I am doing to-day, for the first time, to express one's own reactions to a proposal of a noted economist such as Sir William Beveridge. But I am fortified in expressing my reaction to Sir William Beveridge's report by the obvious reluctance of Sir William Beveridge himself to recommend rationing, as my hon. Friend the Member for Kidderminster (Sir J. Wardlaw-Milne) has explained. Sir William Beveridge at the start had a predilection opposed to rationing, and in favour of a drive for production, as he expresses himself in the most half-hearted fashion when he says he inclines now to the conclusion that since rationing on certain conditions is practicable, there is a case for it. Of course there is a case for it, and considering that that case has been accepted by His Majesty's Government and apparently by a large number of Members of this House, nobody can suggest that there is not a reasonable case for rationing. But Sir William Beveridge is careful to say that it is only because rationing on certain conditions is practicable that the case, in his view, is worth considering. In other words, he inclines towards it because of these conditions, which are surely the conditions of Sir William Beveridge himself. He does not visualise any alternative rationing scheme to his own.

The alternative he visualises is no rationing, all out for production, and I venture to suggest that these are the alternatives, much interested as we must be in other suggestions such as that of the hon. Member for Stockport (Sir A. Gridley), a very much better suggestion inasmuch as it does apply certain decentralised administration as against a centralised administration. But Sir William Beveridge and, I understand, the Government do not visualise a real alternative rationing scheme to that put forward, and I think it has been made plain to-day that we are to regard the Beveridge scheme as very much to the fore and the ground for debate.

I do not wish to chop that scheme about any more than has been done already, but I have obtained information as to how the scheme would work in one London borough, which is the borough I happen to represent. I do not think it is universally realised that in many cases the electricity undertaking of a borough is owned by the borough council itself, so that where there is a loss on the undertaking there is probably a loss for the ratepayers. In this particular borough, and I think in most of, if not all, the London boroughs, that is the case.

Therefore, you have to consider this question, and this Beveridge scheme, as applicable to a borough of that nature, from a twofold point of view—from the point of view of the borough as the electricity undertaker and the point of view of the borough coal administration through the local fuel overseer. The figures I have been given by our electricity manager are these: In this one borough alone he would require at least 30 additional meter-readers and clerks, probably he would require 50, permanently, at a cost of something like £6,000 a year, which has to be borne by the borough council. It is obvious that there is a scarcity of expert meter-readers. Most of the meter-readers in that borough have joined His Majesty's Forces, and we are working with very temporary substitutes. To obtain these extra meter-readers is almost an impossibility.

But consider one little aspect of this matter of meter-reading to which I think attention has not yet been called. How many people realise that the consumer has only to protest, when the meter-reader comes round and reads the electricity meter, that, "I never could have used all that electricity; I certainly did not use all that. I was out most of the day," and so forth? The result is that an installation inspector has to be sent along to inspect the wiring, and if the consumer continues to protest, the meter has to be taken away. In this particular case it is sent to the L.C.C., which is the independent authority in the matter, to test the meter. All the time correspondence is going on, the account is not paid, and electric light is presumably being consumed. If it is to be suggested that that sort of thing will not take place on a large scale, I shall be very surprised.

These two or three points I have ventured to put merely by way of addition to the criticisms levelled against the Beveridge scheme, which, to my mind, and I think to the minds of the vast majority of the public, condemn that scheme as impracticable. If the scheme is condemned as impracticable, I submit that logically—and here I go all the way with the hon. Member for Kidderminster—the right course should be to appeal to the country, put your jaw forward, face the situation practically and honestly, and tell the country to do so, urge the country, demand more fuel, demand more and more coal.

To go to the country and appeal on the one hand, for rationing and cutting down, and, almost in the same breath, to invite greater production, is not only inconsistent; it does not merely put the cart before the horse; it is depressing, and it does not give the country what it is entitled to have. To compare coal with food is a false comparison; because the public know that food is scarce, and that we have to tighten our belts and cut down our food production; but they know that there is an abundant supply of coal in the country, and that the Government have only to demand greater production and it will not then be necessary to ask the private consumer to economise more than at present. I do not believe that the private consumer, who has to pay the bill, is really extravagant, so extravagant as to make a rationing scheme necessary. The President of the Board of Trade in dealing with the question of taking men back from the Army and putting them into the mines, remarked that they were in the Army as soldiers, to fight. But coal is the essential basis of strategy in modern war. Without the production of coal, in its fullness and amplitude, our soldiers cannot get their tanks, guns, and other necessary implements of war. This appeal for rationing and economy plus production, is striking a wrong note. The public recognise that wrong note very forcibly; and, if it is not too late, I urge that the matter should be reconsidered. If the Beveridge scheme is impracticable, as I submit, let the Government consider a frank appeal to the country, a frank demand for more production from those ample supplies. I predict that, by such a method, you would get the supplies which are necessary.

I suppose it is not surprising that in my constituency, at least, a proposal to interfere with fuel supplies should have raised something of a blaze. This blaze is more noticeable because it is against a background of many necessary restrictions, which have already been accepted, not only without protest but even cheerfully, as a contribution to the victory we are seeking, and as being inevitable because they had to do with things in short supply. Naturally, the proposed further restrictions on fuel are a serious matter, because already both food and clothing are rationed, and, therefore, we have not at our disposal the alternative means of fortifying ourselves against the cold which we should have had in ordinary times. There is a natural feeling that it is unjustifiable to ration coal when we have enough to last us for centuries. It seems a confession of failure on the part of the Government. Surely, the first thing to do is to improve production. I am sure that this course will be attempted, as the President of the Board of Trade has told us it will. How it is to be done is not for me to suggest, in the presence of so many Members more expert in the subject than I am. I will only say that I have the greatest admiration for the men who work at the coal face, and that they are entitled to all the consideration and encouragement we can give them.

But even if our past mismanagement, if such it is, has brought us to a condition of shortage, I am not convinced that the drastic, very expensive, and extremely undesirable system of rationing by coupon is necessary. As the last two speakers have pointed out, we have not really made any appeal to the public to reduce domestic consumption. In these days, when there is such a shortage of manpower, a coupon-rationing scheme requires an army of officials. We are told that they would be a temporary requirement only. A few months ago a story was published about a woman whose husband had obtained a job at last. When she was asked whether the job was permanent, she replied, "Yes, but we do not yet know how permanent it will be." We do not yet know how temporary this army of officials will be. I, personally, have considerable doubts. Even when the work of the temporary officials is finished, an enormous burden will be left on the clerical staffs of the industries concerned—clerical staffs which are continually being drained by the Ministry of Labour and replenished by untrained, youthful, inexperienced people, who are difficult to teach. On top of that, there is the extra work for the harassed housewife, whose task, we all know, is sufficiently heavy already. I do not think we have been told how many tons of paper will be required for this scheme; but the shortage of paper is notorious, and that aspect will be very upsetting to all those who are working hard on the paper question at present.

I was not aware when I rose that the hon. and gallant Member for Hampstead (Flight-Lieutenant Challen) was making a maiden speech. It certainly did not appear to me to be a maiden speech. Therefore, I congratulate him all the more heartily, and express the hope that we shall hear him often in future.

We were told to-day by the President of the Board of Trade that distribution must be in accordance with the needs of the people. We all agree with that, but people's needs, and tastes, vary in regard to fuel and light. No household can be deemed to have the same requirements as a similar household, even next door. Coming from the East Coast, I appreciate as much as anyone does the need for a warm house. As hon. Members know, the prevailing winds in our district are extremely cold. Reading the scheme, it occurred to me that the relative temperatures in different parts of the country vary very much in different years. Not long ago we had a winter in which there was an enormous fall of snow in Kent, and a number of villages were isolated altogether for weeks. That does not often happen, but we cannot count on a constant variation as between north and south, east and west. You cannot regiment the seasons even if you appoint 10,000 or 15,000 clerks of the weather to try and do it.

I suppose it is too late to talk about the Englishman's home being his castle, but it has already been invaded by a commando of war regulations, and at the rate we are proposing to proceed the position will get still worse. I happen to be the owner of the site of a house in which a certain gentleman was born who afterwards attained a very high position in England, but who is now familiar to us under the name of "Nosey Parker." We shall have to have a resident "Nosey Parker" in every house to deal with fuel coupons. I have an uneasy feeling that those to whom this scheme has recommended itself are approving it because they think that coupon regulations are in themselves good things. Personally, I hold precisely the opposite view. They are definitely evil things. Are we not fighting this war to prevent the regimentation of life which is so dear to totalitarian States? There are also so many special cases to be considered that I doubt whether any scheme would be sufficiently comprehensive to deal with them all. When during last week-end I visited my native city, which has been so heavily attacked by the enemy, it was brought home to me what would happen if we had a scheme like the one now proposed, with a great number of houses destroyed and all the gas and electric meters and the coal stocks in them. This might happen at any time. The enemy may not wait and may turn up any day. When I left my house last week the resident population of it numbered three, and when I left at the beginning of this week the resident population had increased to 13. That is a variation which might happen to any of us in these days, and it shows how diffi- cult it is to handle these things. I will read one paragraph of a letter, among many received from my constituency which, although it may be a little over-emphasised, at any rate, shows the sort of reaction that we may look for in the country. The writer says:

I hesitate, as I always do, to address this House or Committee, especially on the subject which is mainly concerned with the rationing of coal. I am not a miner and have never been one, and I do not claim to be a specialist on the subject, but I represent, as we all do, certain interests, and in that respect I wish to offer a few remarks to the Committee. A good deal has been said to-day with regard to this scheme and to the proposals which have not finally come before the House yet, and most of those that I have heard have been against it. I am in favour of it, and, with regard to the claims made by the hon. Gentleman the Member for Great Yarmouth (Mr. Jewson) and the hon. Gentleman the Member for Kidderminster (Sir J. Wardlaw-Milne) in reference to voluntary effort, I believe that before we have found out whether the voluntary effort is successful or unsuccessful we shall have made a very big mistake, because if it is unsuccessful, we shall be in very serious trouble at that time. I want to prevent our being in serious trouble. This is a very important subject and well merits the attention of the House of Commons which it is now receiving.

I gather that household rationing will be based upon the number of habitable rooms and that above seven rooms the allowance will drop off unless there are sufficient people there. I am completely in favour of that. The people who are, like us, better off than millions of others in the country and who have more than seven rooms and want to keep them properly warmed, should have the condition attached of at least taking in refugees from bombed areas, in which case I believe they would be given additional rations. A good many more of these houses could and should have been used for children from the East End of London and other parts of the country than has been the case up to now. I am a little worried, as I would like the right hon. Gentleman the President of the Board of Trade to know, about the housewife who has, unfortunately, exceeded the ration being cut off from the use of gas in midwinter. Can we be assured that the Board of Trade will not cut her off except for a flagrant offence?

I am much obliged. Much has been said about Sir William Beveridge's proposals. Some Members seem to know what is in his mind, that he is against the scheme although he prepared it. I do not claim to know that, but I think he believes what he has written and that it would be unwise of us to adopt any other suggestion. I have made no private inquiries about Sir William Beveridge, and I do not know whether self-interests have, although it would be quite possible and not at all unusual. They may have some answer in respect of which they have or have not told the truth to-day. That, again, I do not know.

In the main every Member of this House represents a constituency of poor, working-class people. I believe that a rationing scheme, so far as they are concerned, would be on the whole more beneficial than the way in which we have been going on up to now. A lot of things have been said about other rationing schemes. I was a young lad in the last war, and I sincerely hope that we do not return to some of the conditions that were to be found then. On the whole I think things have been better this time and that we shall be extremely lucky if we do not find them worse before the end of this war. We have done extremely well, although not, of course, in a war sense. If we had, the war would have been over by now. I hope we shall be able to continue doing well. Rationing, generally, is the fairest and most equitable way of running this country, except, of course, running it in the Socialist way, which is a matter I will not pursue. [ Interruption. ] In the years before the war I used to toss a penny and say, "Tails, Fascism; heads, Communism."

I expected the interruption from the hon. Member, but I still believe I am right. It is said that we should not have 20 or 30 coal merchants going round large housing estates, and I hope that will be decided, because it is a waste of labour, time and petrol. I would, however, like the assurance that local authorities will be properly rationed, seeing that they contribute to the war effort by the maintenance of highways and the provision of public services such as drainage and sewerage.

I am much obliged to my right hon. Friend. I am in favour of coupons and not of a quota, because I believe coupons would be the fairer way. Much has been said about cost, but I do not think cost is the most important factor in this matter. Considering how many millions are being spent upon the war each day, I am concerned mainly with results rather than with costs, although I do not want costs to exceed what is needed. May I remind the Committee that I represent an area which was badly blitzed, almost as badly blitzed as any area in the country? I know what the difficulties of my constituents were last winter in getting coal, and I know what difficulties they will be liable to meet next winter and probably the following winter. This system would be fairer to the majority. The extra labour required on this work would be nothing less than war work, providing the most suitable people were chosen, as I understand they are to be. People who would not otherwise be doing anything very particular are to be chosen.

Yes. I do not consider the extra cost important in this matter; I do not believe that any very extensive use of labour on meter-readings will be against the war effort. I think it would be part of the war effort.

It is estimated that 20,000 additional meter-readers will be required. They represent the saving in the amount of coal produced by 8,000 miners. In other words, there is a loss in man-power of 12,000.

There is a wastage of 25,000 miners a year, and we want to keep up the number of miners at work as much as possible. The argument has been used that people in the country are better off than the people in the cities, but I do not agree with that. There are forms of fuel obtainable in the country which are not procurable in cities and towns. I know a case where a sick person in a house who had no means of getting coal which would have cost £3 a quarter had to use electricity at a cost of £15 a quarter. I presume the undertaking was not owned by a local authority; it must have been owned by a private authority, because the electricity was so expensive. Let me say, in conclusion, that, when this matter comes to a final decision in the Committee, I hope there will be a Division, not because I want my name to be recorded as voting in favour of the scheme, but because I would like to use what political ability I have against those voting against the scheme.

It is rather significant that the Committee should be discussing the coal situation on the second anniversary of a great Debate that took place in the House, as a result of which—and as a result of the Division that followed—the present Government came into existence. It is significant that two years later to the day, the President of the Board of Trade should have to inform the Committee, and through the Committee the country, that the Government have not yet got a policy with regard to the production, distribution, and consumption of coal, but that they are simply still thinking. The Government have not been without warning in regard to these matters. Before certain hon. and right hon. Gentlemen were added to the strength of the Govern- ment, they used to join with others in asking for a coal policy. During 1939 and the early part of 1940, they joined with others in asking what was the policy with regard to mining, with regard to miners and miners' wages, and with regard to distribution. There were high hopes that when they added their strength to that of the late Members of the late Government, we would, at any rate, get some movement and would not have to wait for another two years while they were still thinking. That seems to me to be the position now.

What is also significant is that really the basis of this Debate is man-power and that there is, as yet, no man-power policy. The President of the Board of Trade said that there had been a change since March with regard to the release of men from the Army. Many of us asked for the release of men from the Army almost from the early days of the war. We did so because of the experience in the last war when the miners—and there are no more patriotic men than the miners—flocked into the Army, and when my country, especially South Wales, held the proud position of having a higher ratio of volunteers in the Army than any other part of the British Isles. We know what happened then. We had to bring them back to this country from the fighting line in France in order that coal might be provided. Bearing those things in mind, many of us were asking the Government what was their man-power policy. We could not get an answer. Now, in the Seventh Report of the Select Committee on National Expenditure, on 26th March, there came this passage, which again I commend to the Government: That is the position to-day. Since March the Government have changed their mind with regard to what they can spare from the Armed Forces. Seven thousand men are to be released, enough to cover 14 weeks' normal wastage. That apparently is the policy. And for what? In order to get another 10,000,000 tons badly needed for industry; 10,000,000 tons when the output is over 200,000,000; 5 per cent of the coal output of the country. If there is one commodity of which there is an abundance in this country, it is coal. If there is one thing which we cannot do without in this country, with its climate, it is coal; without it not merely can we not carry on our industry and our transport, but we cannot exist, we cannot keep ourselves warm, and certainly we cannot cook. It is amazing that, after two and a half years of war and three and a half years since Munich, there is still no policy. All the Government can do apparently is to turn to a very able man who has been ready to give his services, not only to education in this country, but, when called upon, to any Government at any time, regardless of party or opinion or anything else, a man who has not spared himself in the efforts he has made. But he was not asked to deal with the coal situation. All he was asked to do was to say how, assuming that there was to be some rationing, he would deal with it. He was asked to deal with it under considerable pressure of time and to hand his conclusions to the Government as early as possible.

There are three matters that require consideration when one is dealing with any commodity—production, distribution, consumption. In the main, the speeches in the Debate have, very rightly, dealt with the consumption side, which was the side that Sir William Beveridge was asked to deal with. It does not follow at all that rationing means restriction in every case. Rationing merely means the needs of a particular person or a particular household will be ascertained and anything above that need will be outside the ration. Therefore, rationing ascertains what is the position of each household and each person. The second point is that there ought to be equitable distribution according to need, and the third and most important point is that once the ration has been decided and people have been told that they will not have more than the ration, and that they have to pass through certain rules and regulations to obtain it, then that ration must be guaranteed. That is vital. Very often we regard it as sheer bad luck if we cannot get some unrationed article because we happened to be too late—we make up our minds to be earlier in the queue the next time—but once goods are rationed and we present our coupons then there will be real trouble if those goods are not forthcoming. That is the purpose of rationing.

The first question to be asked is whether rationing is necessary. Unfortunately, the situation is now such that there is no super-abundance of coal available. There is not even abundance of coal, and there was not abundance of coal last winter when many grates went empty and there was a good deal of unnecessary suffering. We want to avoid that. Hon. Members have made remarks in speeches to-day to the effect that it will be a bad day for this country if there are empty grates and no light during the blackout, but I do not know how you will provide a regular output of light and a regular supply of coal, unless you have an equitable rationing scheme, or unless, of course, there is a super-abundance of coal available everywhere for everyone. We are engaged in war, and every available means which can be used to fight the enemy should be employed. Not a bit should be wasted. If we put all the men in the mines, how are we to have an adequate Army or an Army adequately equipped? If we have not a super-abundance of coal, and we certainly have not, we must regulate that which we have, and that is the reason why we must have a rationing scheme.

We were all impressed by the very remarkable speech made by my hon. Friend the Member for Stockport (Sir A. Gridley). It was a great contribution. It seemed to me that his main objections to Sir William Beveridge's scheme were that it put a further burden upon the householder—a burden which the householder could not carry—and that everyone would be troubled with the coupons. Of course it will put a further burden upon the household, but how are you to know what are the needs of each household unless each householder is capable of stating his needs? That is the whole purpose of registration. You have to ascertain the need and, having ascertained the needs of the people and where they are, then comes the duty of the Government to see that there is coal to meet those needs in the places where it is wanted. That is why there were empty grates last winter in Glasgow, Birmingham and in parts of London. The exact needs were not known, and provision was not made to meet them.

The only way in which we can have a fair system is by introducing such a scheme as has been devised by Sir William Beveridge, whereby the needs of every house and every person will be considered. In that way the Government will know what is required in every case. It then becomes the duty of the Government to meet the necessities of the people. It seems to me that in present circumstances this scheme is the best which can be devised. Of course, it has to be a comprehensive scheme, because, if coal were the only commodity rationed, those who had no gas and electricity would be shivering. That would be putting a privilege into the hands of some and denying it to others. That in normal times is wrong, but in times of war is criminal.

May I turn now to distribution? One remembers so well the difficulties which arose at the end of 1939 and at the beginning of 1940 with regard to distribution and the movement of coal from the pitheads, so that there were full trucks at the pit-heads not being removed and congestion in various places. If you are going in for a rationing scheme for the people, there will have to be complete control over all means of transport, not only over the railways, but over lorries and distributors. You dare not have a breakdown of rationed goods.

I now wish to deal briefly with the production side. It is an extraordinary position. At the present moment we are producing just over 200,000,000 tons—between 205,000,000 and 207,000,000 tons. At one time we were producing over 280,000,000 tons, and of that amount we were exporting as much as 50,000,000 tons.

I am obliged to my hon. Friend. Some of us foresaw the difficulties and begged for this policy earlier. Especially did we call attention to it on the fall of France and the entry of Italy into the war. We pointed out then that the exports to Italy and France would cease and that millions of tons which had been going there would be no longer required. We pointed out the possibility of miners engaged in the production of coal for export being suddenly put out of work. The answer we got was that other' work would be found. It was an extraordinary statement. At that time there had been a considerable fall in the number of miners. When the war started we had 800,000 miners, and in less than 12 months that figure had dropped to 740,000. There was the warning of the shortage of coal, especially when there was the possibility of a call for greater production. What happened? The Government allowed another 50,000 to leave the mines and the figure dropped to about 690,000. The position has not been much improved to-day.

It is no good calling for a greater effort from the miner, because he has made his great effort and is making it day by day, working more shifts than he was working before the war. The men are older and they are tired, and you are going to ask them to spend more time underground. What consideration do you give them? As the hon. Member for Kidderminster (Sir J. Wardlaw-Milne) said, the history of coal-mining is not one to be proud of. No wonder that the men have been leaving the mines, when not only is the work more attractive on the surface but they are paid more on the surface than they were paid for going down into the bowels of the earth, risking their lives, and working in appalling circumstances. You have done nothing to make the work more attractive to them. No wonder the young, men are not coming back to it. You are asking them now to work longer hours. There is a limit to this except at one point. If there is no other solution, I am certain that the call will never be made in vain to the miner. There are two bodies of men who have not been treated fairly, the finest types of all, the miners and the agricultural labourers—[An HON. MEMBER: "And the seamen."]—and the seamen, and you will never call upon them in vain. You have to make the miner's life more attractive. You must have a wages policy. You must give them equitable, fair treatment compared with every other industry.

Now what about the mineowner's side. What do the Government propose to do with regard to that after 2½ years? I do not know whether anyone is taking advantage of the financial situation created by the Budget. I hope not, but the temptation is there. Excess Profits Tax has to be paid.

It has to be paid by collieries who are in a position to pay it. There is a temptation there to work the expensive, uneconomic seams. I am not in a position to know whether anyone takes advantage of it or not.

All I am saying is that the temptation ought not to be there, and the only way in which you can remove it, is by bringing the whole of the coal industry under direct control. There has been issued recently by the National Council of Labour a very short but very excellent and clear document, which I commend to the President of the Board of Trade and the Leader of the House. It is worth considering by the Government. It is a simple and straightforward scheme, coal being looked at from a purely national point of view and dealt with in the best interests of the nation.

Will the hon. Member tell me the results of the control that was applied in 1917 to the output of coal? Is it a fact that the output went down 30 to 40 per cent.?

If the hon. Member wants to know the facts about that, I commend him to the Sankey Report.

Does the hon. Member know that the output is going down now without Government control?

Consumption should be controlled but, if there is to be control of consumption, it must be guaranteed that the amount that the people are entitled to shall be provided for them. You can only be certain of that if there is direct Government control over the matter, and the sooner the Government introduce a fuel scheme dealing with all three matters the better.

Unfortunately, this question of production and rationing has been made the subject of some very unpleasant political manoeuvring. At the beginning of the war the Joint Standing Consultative Committee of the coal industry had very pleasant relationships with the Miners' Federation. It was the first industry to put into force a wages policy and it is one of the few big industries which have not found it necessary, like the railwaymen and the engineers, to resort to outside arbitration. That is a fact of which coalowners and colliery workers ought to be equally proud. We have shown for two and a half years that we have been able to consider, with good temper, the problems facing the industry, and there has been a very noticeable measure of fair play on both sides and of self-restraint in the matter of trying to introduce political considerations into a problem which was not one of politics but of production.

Is the hon. Member aware that in 1926 the coalowners, during the biggest industrial dispute in this country, refused to allow the miners to have machinery similar to what the railwaymen have and that they have maintained that policy ever since?

I know very well what happened in 1926 and one day, if the opportunity comes, I will deal with it faithfully. But let us come to the matter before the Committee. There is a shortage of coal and it has to be dealt with in two ways, by rationing and by an increase of production. I will not deal with many of the objections which arise in the Beveridge or any other scheme of rationing. There are bound to be many objections, such as those with regard to the woman who does her own laundering and the person who is compelled, like many clergy, to live in a large house. These are matters of detail and matters for a committee, and I have no doubt that a great many of them can be solved by people like the hon. Member for Stockport (Sir A. Gridley) and Sir William Beveridge getting together.

There is one point which in a measure is common to the schemes both of Sir William Beveridge and of the hon. Member for Stockport. By the hon. Member's scheme I understand that 75 per cent. of the small householders are cut out, while Sir William Beveridge says that in effect 75 per cent. of the small householders will be cut out of his scheme because the rationing he proposes is not less than they are now getting. If we cut out the small householder with less than so many rooms, it would immensely reduce the administrative work, and the difficulties of assessment would be confined to the larger households. The bulk of the working-class people living in houses of six or seven rooms would thus be free from the administrative interference with their lives which any rationing scheme would involve. I would ask my right hon. Friend the President of the Board of Trade to see whether, using the Beveridge scheme with modifications suggested by the hon. Member for Stockport, he cannot apply rationing only to houses of a certain standard. That would not increase the consumption in the small working-class household, which under the Beveridge scheme would get what it has had in the past few years. This would cut out an immense amount of administrative work, and it would achieve the same amount of economy as if the scheme were applied over the whole country.

Production suffers a considerable danger from the rationing scheme. I very much fear that the President of the Board of Trade, rather like certain generals who sheltered behind the Maginot Line, is sheltering behind the defensive scheme of rationing when he ought to go all out for increased production. I speak with some knowledge of the industry, and I want to say, as I said when I spoke in the last Debate a few weeks ago, that I object strongly to the accusations made against miners, whom I have often defended, just as I object to the accusations made against mineowners and managers. The vast body of mineowners, managers and miners have the same mentality as any other class in the community, and they will do as much for patriotism as any other class. When hon. Members opposite realise that, they will bother themselves less with political manœuvres and come down to the grim reality of getting more production. I have great respect for the President of the Board of Trade and the Secretary for Mines. They are both men of great experience in different fields. The President of the Board of Trade is obviously a man of great ability, but his abilities are not necessarily all in one direction.

What we want and what we have never yet had is an all-out campaign for an increased production of coal. This is not an administrative question which we have to look at benevolently, asking for interesting suggestions and taking our time about it. This is an urgent, practical problem. We have to wrestle with it like Jacob wrestled with the angel of God. Coal is a munition of war, and even a most distinguished member of the London School of Economics cannot be allowed to play about with a thing like this. We have to get the coal. I have seen a man who gets many critics, Lord Beaverbrook, at work in connection with munitions. In certain classes of munitions we have had a raging, tearing campaign and a great deal of criticism, and the result has been a great increase in production. No such campaign has yet been carried on in the coalmining industry.

I agree, and I think the Press might pay more attention to the question of the production of coal. I would ask the Government to consider the appointment of a person. Call him coal controller if you like, if it will satisfy some of the political prejudices of hon. Members opposite. Do not give him a department, but give him all the machinery he wants in the Ministry of Mines, and give him the power to go all out for a production campaign. He will have to consider not only the man-power problem but the will to get more production—and it is largely a matter of willpower. That suggestion fits in with my previous suggestion about the rationing scheme. If we get the coal production and cut out the rationing of the small householder, we shall have gone a long way to solve the problem. A great deal depends on the man who is Chosen for this campaign. The Government invite suggestions, and I am willing to offer a suggestion as to a suitable man. I am not influenced in these matters by political prejudice. I have seen one Member who sits opposite who has displayed enormous energy in destructive criticism. Why not take the poacher, turn him into a gamekeeper, and tell him to apply his energies to constructive work? I suggest the hon. Member for Seaham (Mr. Shinwell), who would make an excellent man for this campaign. He would have to forget his political prejudices, take off his coat, get whole-heartedly down to the job, wrestle with this problem, and get some willpower into it to secure more production. Our difficulties would then be solved, not only in regard to production, but equally in regard to the rationing scheme.

I will endeavour to be as brief as possible, because most of the speeches so far have been on the long side, with the result that a great many hon. Members who want to speak have not yet been called. I listened with great interest to the speech of my hon. Friend the Member for Stockport (Sir A. Gridley), and I hope that the President of the Board of Trade will very carefully examine his proposals. Though I do not like the proposals of Sir William Beveridge, equally I am not entirely convinced that the proposals of my hon. Friend are right, because both involve a great deal of costly administration. Great emphasis was put by my hon. and learned Friend the Member for Montgomery (Mr. C. Davies) on the failure of the Government up to now to tackle this problem. The problem became acute about 12 months ago. After the fall of France we had temporarily a glut of coal. At that time the Government were failing in foresight. They allowed the miners to drift into other industries or forced them into the Army, and as a result we are faced with the present difficult position, which the right hon. Gentleman inherited as President of the Board of Trade, though he was a sleeping partner when he was the Minister of Economic Warfare, having some responsibility when he was there.

It was at least a year ago when I made certain representations, and it is more than a year since the Select Committee, through a sub-committee of which, as is no secret, the hon. Member for Stockport was chairman, represented to the Government the urgent necessity of taking steps both to increase the production of coal and to bring about economies in its consumption. Only last November there was a further report from the Select Committee, of which I happen to be a member, again coming from the same subcommittee, recommending in very strong terms the necessity of taking steps to increase production and making most interesting proposals for restriction of consumption. Therefore it is no good the Government representing that they have suddenly discovered the necessity for action. The vested interests, which have been commented upon so freely to-day, have been among those who for months past have directly and indirectly urged upon the Government the necessity of bringing about a restriction of consumption, and I think there has been a good deal of comment on vested interests for which there was no justification at all. More than two years ago gas and electricity interests, company and municipal alike, met together in a friendly way, realising the necessity of economies m man-power not only in respect of fuel but of materials. They virtually proclaimed a truce, saying that in war-time they would not indulge in undue competition to induce people who were then cooking with gas to cook with electricity, and so on. They have behaved exceedingly well. I happen to be on the fringe of one of those industries, not fully engaged in it, and I feel it is unfair that they should be attacked as though they were engaged in something improper, merely because they call attention to the fact that the right hon. Gentleman's scheme is wasteful in man-power and material. I say that as a beginning.

Earlier to-day my hon. Friend the Member for Elland (Mr. Levy) sought to obtain information from the Minister of Labour regarding absenteeism in coal mines and in Royal Ordnance factories. For some extraordinary reason the Minister of Mines would not give the information, on the ground that there was no comparison. I think I can guess why he would not give it. It is because in the State-owned, non-profit-making Royal Ordnance factories absenteeism is about twice as high as in the coalmines run by private enterprise.

In all the factories where normal workers are employed the rate of absenteeism is very small compared with the new war factories, where the workers are of the type who have never been in industry before, and include married women; and there may be other complicating factors.

I quite agree with what has been said by my hon. Friend, but all those qualifications could have been stated by the Minister of Labour, and we could have been left to draw our own conclusions. I think he was naturally perturbed lest conclusions should be drawn which would not suit this Debate; because the Debate is a double one; it is partly a demand for decreased coal consumption and partly a demand for some nationalisation of the coalmining industry, and those figures would not have suited that part of the Debate. I pass from that subject, having mentioned it, to express an opinion, not on the desirability of a general increase in the hours of the men, but on the idea of working a five-day week and an eight-hour day in the mines. As many hon. Members will know, I have consistently protested since the outbreak of war against excessive overtime. With my colleagues on the Select Committee on National Expenditure I have been responsible for several reports. The very first report on this subject came from the sub-committee of which I was chairman. In it we stated that excessive overtime was a mistake. I protested against the suspension of bank holidays. I protested against the suspension of normal holidays, because I believe they have lowered production. No one can accuse me of being one who desires excessive hours. I think that excessive hours in the Royal Ordnance factories were a great mistake. When I suggest that miners might work an eight-hour day, five days a week, I am not proposing long hours, but a scheme of hours which, I believe, would lead to a substantial increase in production. I throw that out for consideration, nothing more.

To come more particularly to Sir William Beveridge's scheme, there are in the country, I believe, not 12,000,000 but 14,000,000 premises which will have to be examined. I do not think enough consideration has been given to shops and offices. Whether the number is 12,000,000 or 14,000,000 does not matter very much. That number of forms will have to be filled up. The President of the Board of Trade says that they are simple forms. I have no doubt they are simple. They will call for the name and address of the occupier, the number of rooms, and the normal number of inhabitants. Then the recipients of the form will have to state any particular circumstances which affect them, like that indicated by the member of the Labour party who asked that special consideration should be given to those whose houses have suffered from bomb damage and where the means of keeping out the cold are less efficient than before. There will have to be statements in the case of bedridden people, people suffering from sickness, and young children. All those facts will have to be stated on the form. People do not like filling up forms, though under pressure they do it.

Those 12,000,000 or 14,000,000 forms will then be sent to offices. Let hon. Members, with this form in front of them, bear in mind that some people may be in my happy circumstances, living in a block of flats where we enjoy the advantage of hot water supplied communally. That special circumstance will have to be stated, otherwise my ration will be too big. How many units are to be set off against the fact that in my block of flats I can get all the water for washing supplied free, but that there are only two radiators in the passages and none in the rooms? And how will it compare with conditions in the Dolphin Square flats, where nearly 80 Members now live, and where there are radiators in every room, I believe. The higher you get in the social scale or, rather, in the financial scale, the more these amenities there are in households. All those facts have to be stated.

Those 12,000,000 or 14,000,000 forms will arrive at offices to be dealt with by a great mass of people who have had no experience in the matter at all. The President of the Board of Trade will have to hold a class of 10, and when those 10 have been properly trained, each of them will hold classes of 10, until some months hence we shall get 20,000 trained people. The figure is not 15,000. Sir William Beveridge expressed the opinion that it would be 20,000. I know that in the report which he has presented it is 15,000. I do not know what pressure was put on him to knock 5,000 out of the total, but I know the figure was 20,000 originally. They have all to be trained. And when they are trained, how many forms an hour will they be able to examine in allotting the number of units a householder is to have and filling in the coupon book? Hon. Members themselves would find that they could not do that task continuously at the rate of more than 10 an hour. If it is 10 an hour, 10 into 12,000,000 is 1,200,000 clerk-hours. That is the administrative task. It is a nasty job.

However, that is not the worst. Let us assume that all the people have their books and that one of my constituents, Mrs. Smith, is told that she has 80 units—80 cwts. of coal, or the equivalent in terms of coke, units of electricity, therms or paraffin. Electricity is allowed for at 93 units to the cwt. That is a swindle. It ought to be 100. My industry is more efficient than that. Mrs. Smith gets that allowance; the next thing she will get will be a headache. [An HON. MEMBER: "She will need an aspirin."] Yes, she will. She will sit down with her husband and say, "What did we use last year?" The bulk of the people who have slot meters do not know the answer to that question. When the gas or the light goes low, they put another 6d. or 1s. in the slot and turn the handle, and up go the lights. The number of people who record how many times they perform that operation in a year is very small. They will know much more accurately how much coal or paraffin they have used. Mrs. Smith will say to her husband: "We have to share these 80 units out in our minds among coal, coke, electricity, gas and paraffin." There are numbers of houses in which all the lot are used. Mrs. Smith and her husband have to determine their policy in advance—the kind of thing that the Government ought to have done umpteen years ago in regard to the distribution of man-power and have not done yet. They have to decide upon a fuel-power policy in their home. They will have to read their meters.

Many people think that the position of the electricity meter is a fell device invented by landlords or electricity undertakings. It is not. It is desired by the householders who do not want the electricity meter in the middle of the drawing room. Electricity meters are in inconvenient places. Some meters are made with one dial running one way and the next dial the other way, in order to save clockwork and make the meters less expensive to buy. If you are not careful how you read such meters you get what is called parallax. You read the wrong number. I have made it- a practice ever since the war started to read my meter, in order to see how I could achieve a cut in consumption. By putting pressure on the household and switching off a lot of lights I succeeded in achieving that result, and I became quite expert in reading the meter. No doubt, most hon. Members of this Committee cannot read a meter and have never done so in their lives. If that is true of an intelligent assembly like this, what about poor Mrs. Smith?

What happens? She has to order some coal and give up some coupons, which will no doubt get a bit black in the process. Then comes the gas meter man to read the meter. He says: "I want so many coupons." The electricity man comes and says the same thing. Everything goes on beautifully until October, 1943. Then, the man who comes last will be unlucky. If the gas meter man comes last but one he may find that there will be very few for him, and when the electricity man comes there will be none for him. He will have to report to the fuel overseer in October, 1943. Let hon. Members note that that position does not arise until then. That is when the rationing scheme becomes operative. Very few people will exceed their consumption till they become penalised, perhaps, in the third quarter. It is only in the last quarter that we shall begin to operate this scheme and to expect enforcement.

Suddenly, in October, 1943, a large number of people will be told that they have exceeded their rations. Sir William Beveridge says that that will not be the case, because he has put into his Report paragraph 20 ( c ), which will be found on page II. It reads: man, the coke man, the gas man, the electricity man and the paraffin man have a meeting and form a committee? That is enough to show that paragraph 20 ( c ) is plain, undiluted nonsense. That being the case, it is clear that all the preliminary work intended to prevent people from exceeding their ration will not work. The problem does not arise until after a year has been completed, namely, in 1943.

The hon. and gallant Member for Hampstead (Flight-Lieutenant Challen) who is not in the Chamber at the moment, made a very good maiden speech. He said he had consulted his local electricity undertaking to find the increased number of meter-readers who would be wanted. The estimate of that undertaking was between 30 and 50. That was a municipal undertaking. I consulted the municipal electricity undertaking of Croydon, where I was told there are, at the present moment, 27 meter-readers, being 22 men and five women. I was told that the Croydon undertaking would need to employ three times as many. I presume that the same proportion will apply to gas undertakings. Roughly speaking, there are as many gas meters as electricity meters in this country. If the sample from Hampstead and the sample from Croydon are accurate, as well as information which I have from other places, the meter-readers of this country, now probably in the neighbourhood of 10,000, will have to be increased to 30,000. That is the real man-power problem involved.

Why does this increase come about? As the hon. Member for Stockport pointed out, a record is made on the card, which is on the consumer's premises, as to the state of the meter and a similar record is made in the reader's book. The reader then leaves the premises, but on the day after he has recorded the consumption, he has to advise the coupon holder and demand from the coupon holder the requisite number of coupons. The householder may have gone out or may have locked the desk where the coupons are kept and they are not in the possession of the person who is in the house at the moment. The meter-reader may be unable to get access to the premises, or the person in control of the coupons may not be there. All that will take a great deal of time. Again, I do not know whether the coupons are to be divided into four. I do not think our electricity meters will always read an exact multiple of 93 units. The problem of the half-coupon is going to be a little difficult. Bear in mind that 93 units is quite a lot. A large number of people in this country consume electricity which will be represented by not more than two coupons. The half-coupon will become quite an important factor.

In the light of all these difficulties, why should we not come back to the original proposal made by the hon. Member for Stockport in regard to propaganda? The propaganda carried out by the Mines Department last autumn was the most stupid and incredibly futile thing. If the Secretary for Mines had tried to get into Parliament on the same basis as that on which he tried to reduce the consumption of fuel, he would not have succeeded. It was pathetic. Why hand to civil servants what is essentially the job of politicians, namely, propaganda? Why do politicians not do the propaganda? They have an instrument—the British Broadcasting Corporation—and the support of the Press. Look at the splendid way the waste-paper campaign has been carried out, with the co-operation of the Press. Why not ask the B.B.C. to make the first big sacrifice by stopping the news at about half-past ten instead of going on till midnight? The reply of the B.B.C. will be that Lord Haw-Haw gives the news at about midnight, but nobody in this country minds if he does. He will not harm anybody in this country; most people do not trouble to tune in to foreign stations; they sit up for the midnight news.

I do not know whether it is realised that the electricity consumed in wireless apparatus in this country represents nearly 400,000 tons of coal. If every wireless set in the country was working at the same time, it would take two Battersea power stations to drive them. These are very startling figures, but they are, approximately, true. If the B.B.C. said, at 10.30 each night, "We are closing down on the grounds of fuel economy; we hope you have been economical during the day and will be economical now," at the end of a fortnight you would achieve a reduction in consumption which would be quite colossal, at no cost either in money or in administration. If this scheme is introduced it will flop; and it will prejudice the right hon. Gentleman. If he wants to save his political reputation, I strongly advise him to drop this scheme, which I am certain will not work.

I listened with great interest to the remarks of the hon. Member for The Wrekin (Mr. Colegate) in reference to the happenings of 1926 and the coal industry. I have many bitter memories of 1926, and of the injustices meted out to workers in the industry by many coal-owners in the county which I represent.

I did not refer to 1926; it was an interruption by someone on the other side of the Committee.

The hon. Gentleman dealt with the happenings of 1926; whether it was owing to an interruption from this side of the Committee or not, is not my concern. I am in favour of the rationing scheme, but I am concerned to think that in the third year of war it is necessary in this country to introduce coal rationing. To me it is a very serious indictment of the present Government and of their lack of interest in the great coal industry of our country. No attempt has been made by the Government to coordinate the industry or place it upon a proper basis. Reference has been made to the pamphlet introduced by the National Council of Labour. To me that pamphlet is very illuminating. It tells me that there are in charge of the coal industry 1,135 colliery companies, producing coal from 1,900 coal mines. There are 25 different districts in the industry, and every decision of major importance has to be settled district by district. One would think that if the Government were interested in the production of coal, and desirous of getting the amount necessary to carry on with our war effort, they would take a greater interest in the coal industry and, as I have already said, try to get it fixed upon a proper and sound basis.

The hon. Member for Kidderminster (Sir J. Wardlaw-Milne) made reference to the drainage of personnel from the industry. I have been given authentic figures in regard to the number of men who have gone from the coal industry as recruits and reservists, and I find that up to a very recent date approximately between 83,000 and 85,000 men have left the industry while, with all the pressure that has been brought to bear upon the Government to get men returned to the mines from the Forces, only 15,000 men have returned. Surely the Government must realise, however sanguine they may be in regard to the future of the coal industry, that those 15,000 men returned from the Forces are not sufficient to meet the needs of the industry and to increase our coal production? In my own county, and I mentioned this on the last occasion when I addressed the House, there are mines standing idle, mines that could be brought into production with very little trouble, and yet we are told that owing to the lack of personnel it is an absolute impossibility to bring them back into production.

I am interested in the figure quoted in the Beveridge Report about the amount of annual saving. It is pointed out that if everything goes well there will be an approximate saving of 10,000,000 tons per annum. The target figure for coal production during the past year was fixed at 4,500,000 tons per week. I am given to understand that instead of getting that figure we have been getting approximately 4,200,000 tons, or a deficit of about 300,000 tons per week. On the basis of 52 weeks that works out at 15,600,000 below the target figure. If we effect a saving of 10,000,000 tons through the domestic rationing scheme which may be introduced, we shall still be left short of our national requirements by something like 6,000,000 or 7,000,000 tons. Apart from that, additional factories are coming into production which will need additional coal, and I venture to suggest that if we wish to meet the nation's requirements as far as the war effort is concerned, we shall want at least another 10,000,000 tons per annum.

There is another point in regard to the coal industry, and that is the question of wastage of man-power. We are told, from authoritative sources, that the wastage in the coal industry averages about 30,000 men per annum, and that to meet that wastage we have coming into the industry about 10,000 people. We cannot go on at that rate without the coal industry getting into a very serious condition indeed in the near future. The question arises, if this wastage is taking place and if our boys are not going into the industry, what has happened to prevent them from taking an interest in the coal industry? I remember a few years ago talking to miners, whose fathers and grandfathers before them had been miners, about the future of their boys and whether or not they intended to send them into the mines. We used to have this said to us by parents, "The pit has been good enough for us; it will have to be good enough for him." We have got away from that mentality in the coalfields, and the parents of the boys who are now coming on, want something better for their offspring than a lifetime in our mines.

There is another point which I should like to mention in connection with our boys. I know that in the part of the country in which I live we have had to approach the management of certain collieries with regard to our adolescents. The practice of many coalowners was to get 14 plus and 15 plus boys from the schools into the coal industry, and when they had reached the age of 18 or 19 or 20 years they were turned on to the unemployment market because they became entitled to the adult wage. That to an appreciable extent explains why the entry into the industry to-day is not keeping pace with the wastage. I ask the representative of the Government who is on the Front Bench, if he is interested in the coal industry, to see whether something cannot be done to make that industry more attractive for our boys who are leaving our elementary schools though I sometimes think that if we can make coal-mining "attractive" the age of miracles is not past. After 40 years' experience as a worker in the mines I have come to the conclusion that there is nothing very attractive about it. What do we find in the majority of our pits—noise, dust, a foetid and insanitary atmosphere, a condition of things which makes Dante's Inferno pale in comparison. If you want to meet that situation so far as coal-mining is concerned, and if you want to increase your output and get the coal which is necessary to carry on the war, I would suggest, as a humble back bencher, that the Government get down to the problem of the reorganisation of the industry to see that a greater measure of justice and equity is meted out to those who are engaged in it and, if possible, seek to make it more attractive at present and in the future than it has been in the past.

As one who does not believe that the coal position in this country will be satisfactorily dealt with on a points or coupon rationing basis I am grateful for this opportunity of stating why I oppose the present plan. In the first place, I am not satisfied that the most is actually being made of our fuel resources, that adequate supplies of labour are being allotted to the mines and that production is being maintained at a satisfactory level. The idea of fuel rationing is, of course, sound enough in itself. It is only when one tries to put the idea into practice and apply it to every person and every industry in England, Scotland and Wales that it becomes the intricate problem to which the President of the Board of Trade referred in his letter to Sir William Beveridge on 27th April. The application of a single points system to coal, gas, electricity and paraffin would most certainly be a complicated business, demanding considerable labour and thought, and if 15,000 or 20,000 clerks are employed in the first instance to issue the ration books they will have good grounds for looking on their alleged temporary jobs as permanent. There will be such an enormous and overwhelming flood of applications for supplementary allowances on one ground and another from households, shops, offices, hotels and works that the 15,000 or 20,000 "temporaries" will not only have to be retained but their number augmented, and another 20,000 or so will have to be set on as inspectors to investigate alleged offences against this Order.

At the present time there are, thousands of families and individuals living away from their homes, billeted on other people, sharing houses, etc. As each house has only one gas and electricity meter, it will be almost impossible to determine the quantity of fuel and current used by the householder, and the lodger and other residents. Conflicts will arise regarding the number of coupons each person has to surrender as his share for such communal consumption, and the householder will be penalised for any negligence on the part of evacuated children or other irresponsible young people who may be under the same roof. Excessive use of fuel by the billetees will lead to reluctance on the part of householders to take them in, and it will become even more difficult for the large shifting population to find rooms, "digs" or flats.

Another aspect of this question is that if there is any really drastic cut in fuel supplies it is likely that next winter there will be an immense loss of working time on account of illness resulting from lack of sufficient warmth. Much of this illness may be only of a slight nature—heavy colds and so on—but it may be quite enough to impair efficiency to a great extent. During the last three years, when the winters have been particularly severe, and fuel not always easy to get, there has been more illness at one large college I know than ever before. If, next year, their fuel supplies are to be further reduced, it simply means that the college work will not get done. For the same reason, we shall also experience a considerable increase of absenteeism in our factories and work-shops.

A doctor whom I know, who has a panel of 850 to 900 patients, and also several hundred P.A.C. patients, has preached to his patients for over 15 years the importance of lighting and fire in the bedroom after a hot bath, in the case of a chill. The result has been that he cannot recollect a single case of pneumonia or rheumatic fever among his panel patients during the last seven years, although both ailments were frequent in that area 15 years ago. No doubt more fuel was used during the past two or three years, because of the severe winters and the fact that numerous people were doing extra duty, fire watching and in other ways, at night; but no sane man or woman to-day wastes fuel or permits others in the household to do so—it costs too much. However much you ration other people's coal, you will not be able to ration the miners' home coal. [An HON. MEMBER: "Why not?"] Because he will not have it. So, again, we shall not get that equality of sacrifice that we have heard so much about in recent months. The alternative which I intend to press for is contained in Sir William Beveridge's Report. He says: BER: "Or by Members of Parliament."] If you were doing as much as I am, you would not say that. If 15,000 miners were brought back to the mines, it would not only mean that we could do without the suggested 15,000 to 20,000 clerks for the issue of ration books, but, with the greatly increased output, the staffs at the various fuel offices in the country could be reduced. Everybody knows that there is more than enough coal in Britain for all our needs if production is properly organised. I say to the Government: Bring back the miners; stop the absenteeism; while the present emergency lasts, increase the working hours; restore discipline; develop the working of all outcrop coal; and make better arrangements for transport by our neglected inland waterways.

If increasing production is the main measure, Sir William Beveridge goes on, he would also appeal for voluntary economy in households and restrictions on establishments and industries. I offer one suggestion for the saving of coal, which I am convinced would be more than equivalent to the saving which would result from the rationing scheme, and which would not require an army of officials to operate it. Owing to the necessity at the commencement of the war for the immediate blacking-out of productive factories, the roof lighting in most factories was eliminated or blacked-out. This led to a prodigal use of artificial light by day. In the aggregate, throughout the country, it is calculated that millions of tons of extra fuel are required for this reason. In order to save this fuel now, Ruston and Hornsby, Ltd., the world-famous Lincoln engineers, have started to prepare a scheme for their various factories. [An HON. MEMBER: "To improve their production."] You cannot improve their production, because it is the highest class in the world. This scheme, although somewhat expensive, is by no means difficult. They are shuttering 50 per cent. of their roof lights, so that daylight may be used, instead of artificial light by day; and the black-out at night can be obtained by closing the roof shutters. Not only would such a scheme, if generally adopted, save millions of tons of fuel a year, but it would certainly add to the health amenities of the various factories.

I appeal to the Government to drop this scheme, which would certainly cause hardship in thousands of homes, and would create serious discontent and adverse criticism of the Government. The average Britisher, if he is satisfied of the necessity, will permit the Chancellor to rifle his pockets and pinch his car; he will do with less beef, beer and tobacco; but when blood is thin it is still thicker than water, and he will not see those near and dear to him deprived of warmth.

Discussion about the disorganisation and inefficiency of the mining industry goes on interminably. It has been going on ever since I have known anything about political life. The industry has been the subject of more inquiries, condemnation and recommendations than any other industry of which I know and has stubbornly refused to take any advantage of any of the wealth of advice which has been constantly offered. I am sorry that the hon. Gentleman the Member for Kidderminster (Sir J. Wardlaw-Milne) is not in his place because I propose to make one comment on the statement that he made, and I will not be drawn into a general Debate on the matter. I am a little tired of the constant protests of some Members concerning what is called wage equality; I wish that there had been more about genuine equality before the war started. In trying to recite the reasons for the existing situation, he stated, as one of them, the disparity between wages in the mining industry and the wages that are being paid to young and inexperienced people outside. I have the pleasure, not exactly the unique pleasure, because it is shared by my right hon. Friend the President of the Board of Trade, as a non-miner, of representing a mining constituency. Not one of my mining correspondents has written to me, and not one of my mining friends has ever spoken to me in these terms. The point more particularly in the mining industry, as my hon. Friend the Member for Llanelly (Mr. J. Griffiths) has so frequently insisted, is the point of psychology.

I have no doubt at all that my right hon. Friend the President of the Board of Trade will not only get his rationing scheme, but he will get it with some cordiality of acquiescence on the part of the great majority of our people, because it will be demonstrated as the fairest way of giving everybody a supply of a commodity which is not in generous supply. But he will get it with even more cordiality if it is accompanied at the same time by some sort of undertaking that there is to be a fundamental re-organisation of the industry itself. The miner at the moment is working for the same boss for whom he was working 10 years ago. In many cases he has never been happy with him and never will be. The hon. gentleman the Member for The Wrekin (Mr. Colegate) was annoyed because someone suggested that soft seams are being worked where hard seams might have been worked. I have no more proof of that than has the hon. and learned Member for Montgomery (Mr. C. Davies), but I can only assume it to have some truth because it is among the stories in circulation in all sorts of mining constituencies.

Does not the hon. Gentleman accept the statement of the Secretary for Mines, who could find no evidence of any such scandalous working as he suggests? Surely the hon. Gentleman will accept that evidence?

I did not hear the Secretary for Mines saying that he knew of no cases of collieries holding back high quality coal which is more valuable in peace-time, when there is more discrimination on the part of the consumer. Mining companies are being accused of practices of this kind, and it is injurious to the mining industry and good production.

The hon. Gentleman is giving currency to a rumour which is denied by his own party.

I did not hear the denial. On the point of psychology, I think that the hon. Gentleman the Member for The Wrekin found an extraordinary solution of the problem. The hon. Member said that production was entirely a matter of will-power. Presumably that means taking Couéism into the coal pits. Well, men do not come back tired, suffering from injuries and physical disabilities merely because their will-powers have been exercised. They come back because they are suffering from the strains put upon their bodies. I think my right hon. Friend may be entirely pleased with the general course of this Debate.

I have always regarded the hon. Gentleman as taking a singularly fair view, and it would be of great help if he would analyse the causes of the fall in production. I think it would be of interest to me and to the Committee.

I do not propose to deal with it. I was only denying assumptions which have been made. As I have said, I think my right hon. Friend may be entirely pleased with the general course of this Debate. What a week ago seemed to be a hurricane of demolition has now become a softly tempered wind, and Members who, it was generally expected, would advance in attack formation against a rationing scheme have now accepted the principle of rationing and have descended to a detailed examination of the scheme which has been submitted by Sir William Beveridge. This, I take it, is entirely in accordance with the Minister's desire.

I want to draw the attention of the Committee for a few minutes to an aspect of this matter which has not been particularly stressed and which I believe to be of great importance. It is the question of transport as regards coal distribution and production, and especially rail transport. The whole question has been discussed by many people, including Members of this House, as though increased production was an easy alternative to decreased consumption. I do not believe that to be the case, and I propose to say why. Increased production at the coal face is no use at all unless there is ability to transport it to the point of consumption. The main burden of coal transport is on the railways. It would be inappropriate for me to discuss at this moment whether that should be so or not, although it might well be that the reorganisation of our transport system and a general modernisation of it might provide some relief, especially by the more extensive use of our inland waterways. I express no opinion, however, about that at the moment.

What I am seriously concerned about, and I beg the Committee to be seriously concerned about it too, is the situation as it is now. I say seriously to the Committee, speaking as one who has had some real experience, that I strongly doubt the physical capacity of the railways to carry a considerably increased coal transport, especially if to existing needs are added the new export needs which have been referred to by my right hon. Friend. Not only do I doubt their capacity in that respect, but, further, I doubt the desirability of requiring them to do so. Take the first point about capacity. It is reasonable to deduce from the White Paper on Railway Finance that the companies carried last year the heaviest tonnages on record. It is a great tribute to the railway workers that this should have been so, because many thousands of experienced railway workers have gone into the Forces, and those left behind have been left with an entirely out-moded system of transport. In any case last winter was responsible for some of the worst railway congestion ever known, particularly as regards coal transport. It is true that the congestion in the winter of 1940–41 largely resulted from a combination of circumstances which did not repeat themselves in the winter of 1941–42, but even then, as my hon. Friends from South Wales will know, the congestion problem was a very serious one. I repeat that if next winter, under a heavier coal tonnage, we got a combination of the circumstances of 1940–41 with those of 1941–42, we should face a very serious situation indeed. I beg hon. Members to reflect, in terms of transport, what an economy of 10,000,000 tons of coal means. It means 2,000 coal trains. That is an amount of transport which no railway operator can lightly dismiss. In my view, there is little margin left for an increased coal traffic.

I want now to say a few words about the undesirability of substantially increasing the coal tonnage on the railways, apart from the question of their capacity to carry it. I believe that in certain circumstances—and I am encouraged to say this because the President of the Board of Trade referred to it earlier—railway time space is as important as shipping space. Let us assume a certain demand for movement. I will be no more specific than that. There would be the expedition, there would be guns, tanks, equipment, food, not for a month, but continuously over a whole period of months, and it might be even a year. There would be hospital trains as well. Surely, if the 2,000 coal trains on which the President of the Board of Trade desires to economise were replaced by 2,000 troop trains or hospital trains, it would be a very valuable and vital contribution to the war effort. Therefore, we must regard rail haulage as we now do shipping, and in that sense the limitation of global coal consumption by rationing is obviously a matter of major and primary importance. It has often been urged in the course of the Debate that any considerable hold-up of coal because of transport difficulties hits very poor people first. They must be saved from the experiences of last winter.

There is only one other aspect to which I want to refer; it is the question of retail distribution. Here is chaotic capitalism at its very worst. When London was shivering in the winter of 1940–41, when, as one great London newspaper said of rail transport, everything that could freeze froze twice, there was always enough coal in London to keep London warm, but the distributors could not take it to the people who wanted it. Some distributors had customers and no coal, others had coal and no customers. I believe that if the President of the Board of Trade would call for a return of coal distributors from a fair sample of British towns, he would be even more convinced than previously of the need for some radical public co-ordination of coal distribution.

It is rather late, and I do not propose to detain the Committee very long. If it had not been for many of the mis-statements made by hon. Members opposite and by the President of the Board of Trade, I should not have stayed to have spoken in this Debate. The President of the Board of Trade stated that entry into the mining industry was repugnant to the youth of the country. I do not think that any facts were brought before the Sankey Commission or the Samuel Commission or any authoritative opinion showing that to be correct. It is certainly far from correct in Derbyshire and Leicestershire. We find our young people going down the pits, and we find that other industries are robbed because the mines are doing so well. We hear all this talk about poor wages in the mines, but I will tell hon. Members that in one pit in South Derbyshire of which I am a director the average wage earned for over a year by every man and boy, both on the surface and underground, has been over £5 10s. per week. That means that there are a lot of men at the face who can easily earn £10 per week by working six shifts. The boys earn good money too. In spite of this, there have been these statements about poor wages, poor organisation and poor ventilation. I do not know the Durham coalfields, and so I cannot say whether the description which the hon. Member for Houghton-le-Spring (Mr. W. Joseph Stewart) gave is strictly speaking correct, but I do say that, if you spread these mis-statements all over the country time after time, year after year, and almost generation after generation, as do hon. Members on the other side with the definite, set object of bringing about a certain political nationalisation, some of the things are bound to stick. When you give a lie a flying start you can never catch it up.

I suggest that the President of the Board of Trade would be right in considering this matter more from the point of view of production than from the point of view of rationing. I should like to call his attention to a letter written by Sir Richard Redmayne which appears in "The Times" to-day. No one knows more about the coal trade than Sir Richard Redmayne. He states: more than 60 days in any calendar year. The trouble is that we are entirely in the dark in all these matters, because we cannot get the figures. If we ask the Minister of Mines how many men are employed in the coal trade, or how many shifts are being worked, we are told that it is not in the national interest to disclose the information. "The Times" stated the other day—I know they are wrong; they are not often wrong—that 80,000 men had left the coal trade since the commencement of the war to go into the Armed Forces, and 60,000 had gone into other industries, a total of 140,000.

That would have reduced the number from 790,000, as it was in 1938, to 650,000, which is not correct. I believe there are over 700,000 in the industry today. I work it out that before the war 900,000 tons were turned at the pits for each day's winding, and to-day there are only 700,000 tons being turned, although the present output is not so much reduced as the difference between nine and seven because more shifts are being worked. There are pits in every coalfield working six shifts instead of the usual five that were worked before the war. In fact 250 a year was the average for the whole country before the war. It would take a very little effort to get the extra 10,000,000 tons if that is all that is wanted.

I suggest that some effort should be made to deal seriously with the question of absenteeism. I know that it has doubled. A lot of it is involuntary. There are more accidents. To some extent the men are to blame for that. In Yorkshire in particular I believe it is the habit now that when a man has done his work at the coal face, if he has only been down the pit for five hours, he is allowed to come up. I think that is wrong. It has a tendency to make the men scamp their work. I have heard of cases where the coal face has not been left vertical when the day shifts have left. It has not been left in a safe state, and the coal has fallen, and there have sometimes been serious accidents. That is because the miners have got into the way of not staying down the pit for the full 7½ hours, and I am afraid they are encouraged to some extent by the Miners' Federation. In fact in many cases the rates have been so arranged that a man can clear the face and do his work in six hours. I think that should be altered during the period of the war.

Then there is the Essential Work Order. Everyone admits that the bulk of the men, and I think the bulk of the owners, are playing the game. Ninety per cent. of the men are working jolly well, but there are some who are not pulling their weight, the young men especially. It is only human nature. If a man is earning probably two or three times as much as he has ever earned before, he naturally wants to stay away for a day or two. Occasionally bad cases are prosecuted. I will give one instance at X Colliery. The avoidable absenteeism at this colliery at the week-ends is very high, reaching as much as 20 per cent., and great difficulty is experienced in getting the coal faces ready for work on Monday mornings. After repeated warnings by the pit production committee, a body which is composed equally of representatives of the miners and management, and is, therefore, unbiased, nine workmen were reported to the National Service officer for persistent absenteeism on 6th September, 1941. Directions were served on the men on 17th September. The directions were not obeyed, and after several reports by the management two of the men were prosecuted and fined on 23rd December. It was understood that the other seven cases would be heard at an early date. On 2nd February, 1942, six months afterwards, the manager was informed that no proceedings would be taken against the remaining seven men. This procedure seems to be a poor recompense to the manager and the pit production committee for the large amount of time expended on these cases. It has undermined discipline. The failure to prosecute in these cases has undoubtedly undermined the effectiveness of these committees as workmen pay no heed to warnings given and often totally ignore notices given to appear before the committee. I am not complaining of the National Service officer. It is the regional office which will often not implement what the local pit production committees have recommended. An odd prosecution in these cases does a great deal of good, but if a man is told that he will be prosecuted and he never is prosecuted, it makes the conditions worse than ever. I could give a lot of cases.

This matter should be approached from the point of view of production instead of from the point of view of rationing. Although we have had only 7,000 men back from the Armed Forces—and that is not very many—I think that even with them, given good will in the industry, we could increase production. Let us stop criticising one another. The mine-owners do not say of the miners what hon. Members opposite say of the mine-owners. The owners do not like it. I am interested in two collieries, and in one we have increased the output by nearly 80 per cent. since the beginning of the war and in another by 20 per cent. We do not get any more money for it. We get less. The whole of it goes in Excess Profits Tax, and in addition we are using a wasting asset and making ourselves poorer every day, apart from Income Tax and, if one is unlucky, Surtax. It is not a very happy position for the colliery owner. Hon. Members can take it, however, that the game is being played. If the game is played on both sides. I am confident that without serious rationing we can get through our present difficulties.

I am sure that every Member will agree that we have had a very interesting Debate. The President of the Board of Trade in his statement, which was very full and fair and in which he faced up to the situation, invited the Committee to give their consideration to this difficult and serious problem and to make their suggestions on every aspect of it; and he said that later he and the Government would consider the suggestions and eventually put a scheme before us. Let us begin by one fact which is clear and undisputed and which cannot be denied. That fact is that we are short of the coal that is needed for our purpose as a nation and for our commitments to other nations. That is agreed. I would be tempted as much as anyone to ask why in Great Britain, blessed so richly as we have been in coal, we should be to-day discussing the coal problem.

I feel tempted to do that, to go back over the last 20 years, with its terrible story of the waste of the nation's treasure and man-power. Let us admit that in those 20 years this nation failed to do its job, because Governments in this nation do what the nation compels them to do. What did we allow to happen in those 20 years? A thousand pits to close, half a million miners, skilled men, to be thrown on the scrap heap. I say that all who have had responsibility in this House and outside it during those 20 years are responsible for the fact that we are discussing this subject to-day. I hope we shall remember that in the days, which we hope will soon come, when we shall face another post-war period, another period of reconstruction and rehabilitation.

But now we are short of coal. What are we to do in face of the shortage? We are short of coal now, in May, 1942, and it seems as though we shall be short of coal in November and December, 1942, and in January, 1943. If we are to be short in the winter, let those who criticise this proposal to ration ask themselves: What are we to do? If we are short of coal or any other commodity, is it the duty of the Government to devise some scheme by which whatever is in short supply shall be fairly distributed, or are they to throw it on the market, allow a scramble for it and let the rich get away with it? That is the issue which has to be faced. Rationing, coupons, points, the reading of meters—I know that they irritate us, but there is one thing which would be infinitely worse than that, not merely irritating but something which might undermine morale in this country, and that would be a winter coal shortage and no fair distribution among the people. As a miner who deplores as much as anyone here the fact that we have to discuss a question of coal shortage—I will again resist the temptation to speak perfectly frankly on the events of the last 20 years as one who lived through them both as a miner and a miners' leader—I say to the Government that if they are convinced that next winter there may be a shortage of coal, it is their responsibility to prepare now to ensure that when the shortage becomes acute, at a worse time of the year, there is a fair ration of coal for everyone in the country. The Government will accept a terrible responsibility if, knowing that there will be a shortage in the winter, they do not take steps now to ensure that everybody gets a square deal.

I begin with that. I am not going to pronounce upon detailed schemes, but propose to address myself to other problems. Any scheme that a Government could devise would be difficult and complicated, and about it I want to say only one or two words of a general character. Such a scheme must be fair and equitable. It must be based upon needs. The President of the Board of Trade indicated that there were certain factors which would obviously call for variation from the fixed ration. I would only urge upon him to remember that there are occupational needs which should be considered. There are men working in all sorts of heavy industries; there are the miners themselves, there are others; there are mothers who are working in industry. Surely my right hon. Friend will bear all these in mind. All these occupational needs must be considered.

I have listened to the speeches made by the hon. Member for South Croydon (Sir H. Williams) and other hon. Members. It is, of course, comparatively easy to ration a commodity which is delivered, and very difficult to ration a commodity like gas or electricity. If there is to be fuel rationing, do not leave out any kind of fuel. If you leave electricity outside the scheme, what will it mean to the poor man? It will mean that the well-to-do will be able to have an electric fire in every room. Bring all fuel in.

I shall not pronounce judgment upon the interesting and informed speech which we had from the hon. Member for Stockport (Sir A. Gridley), but the speech needs looking into. One point I would put to the Government is, that if we are to ration a commodity, we cannot afford to allow the control of the rationing scheme to be in the hands of private interests. No one should control a rationing scheme except the nation and the Government. I do not think the country would accept a scheme which depended for its control upon those who were interested in the commodity concerned. We do not allow the grocers to ration food; we have a Ministry of Food. If the proposals of the hon. Gentleman are accepted by the Government as being a fair alternative to the Government's scheme, I urge, if the Government think that the scheme is better than theirs, that they should not allow its operation to get into the hands of private people.

I would point out to the hon. Gentleman that my scheme in no way leaves control in the hands of private people, but in the hands of fuel overseers.

That is not enough. Control must be in the hands of the central Government. Such a scheme must be centrally operated over the whole of the country. No scheme can depend for its operation upon a mass of local fuel overseers, left to their own discretion. It must be nationally organised and controlled. Rationing is not enough. I am not suggesting—it is the last thing in the world that I would suggest—that the President of the Board of Trade, the Secretary for Mines or the Leader of the House, or the people about them, want to use rationing as a get-out from other problems. Let me put the matter objectively and frankly. We cannot go through this war with the mining industry organised as it is at present, without subjecting this country to grave risks. We must face the problem of production. Let us begin to do so. We have the coal resources, and we have the available pit room. I would pay a tribute to the Secretary for Mines for the scheme which he got the industry to accept and operate by which, to meet eventualities, the industry bears the cost of keeping certain pits and pit room open. If we have the man-power available at any time, the pit room will be there. That was an act of foresight which I want to commend. We have allowed the industry to be run as it is run, but we have pit room sufficient to accommodate another 25,000 or 30,000 men next Monday, if necessary. I think we ought to pay tribute to the Secretary for Mines for having kept the pits of the country in that condition.

I would like now to discuss briefly, while attempting to do justice to a very important subject, the problems connected with increased production. That is what we should all like to do—to increase production, and I want to discuss those problems from the standpoint of the experience I have of the mining industry, which now extends over more years than I am inclined to speak about. First of all, there is the problem of man-power. It has been suggested that 30,000 men are needed in the industry to produce the 10,000,000 or 12,000,000 tons which it is estimated will be saved by this scheme. Figures have been given by hon. Members to-day, and I presume someone is responsible for giving them, and it has been said that those 10,000,000 tons could be produced by 15,000 men. I do not know where they get the figure from. The figure of 30,000 men has also been used, and it is suggested that with this number added to the 700,000 now in the industry, the extra 10,000,000 tons could be got. But the important thing to remember is that the figure of 700,000 is being eaten into at the rate of 500 a week; in other words, the effective man-power of the industry is declining at the rate of 500 per week. Reference has been made to the fact that men have been brought back to the industry, but I put it to the President of the Board of Trade that the men brought back have not made up for the wastage. In fact, we are worse off, after bringing 11,000 back, than we were before.

Man-power, therefore, must be secured. The suggestion has been made by my hon. Friend the Member for Kidderminster (Sir J. Wardlaw-Milne) and by many of us on this side of the House that men should have been brought back from the Army 12 months ago. Now I would like to bring back coalminers from the Army, but I would not like to accept the responsibility of pressing the Government to release 30,000 men from the Forces if that would mean handicapping any intended military operations. I would put it that way to the men in the industry. I would put it to my own men in my own village. I have had resolutions from all over the country asking for a second front, but as I have said to my men, a second front is not a gadget you can buy somewhere; it means men. If therefore the Government can release men from the Army for a period to go into the coalmines, they ought to be released, but only the Government can know whether they can be released, because only the Government know what is going to happen in a month's or two months' time.

I turn now to our war industries. I believe that men are doing jobs in war industries in which they are less useful to the nation than they would be in the mines, because in the other war industries they are doing jobs at which they are not fully skilled. In the coalmines they were doing jobs at which they were skilled. Please remember that you cannot train a collier in a week. It is a skilled trade, and even an unskilled job in the pit, if I may say so, is a skilled job, and it takes time to acquire a pit sense. I would therefore ask the Government to review again the question of men in the war industries, with a view to seeing whether some could not be sent back to the pits. But let us be perfectly frank: if a man is brought back to the pit, the nation is requisitioning him, and has no right to do that and give him 30s. a week, less, no right at all. Therefore that problem must be faced.

Let me, if I may, say a word about the other problem. It is very important that there should be the best kind of recruitment for the pit. The best normal kind of recruitment is the recruitment of boys and youths, and the most significant fact in the mining industry is that boys in South Wales at the age of 16 prefer to go to gaol rather than the pits. Let that sink into the minds of every one of us. Let us realise what that means. I speak as one who started work underground at 13 years of age. There was quoted in the Press last week the case of a boy of 16 going to gaol rather than go down the pit. That is a fact which is of very deep significance. The President of the Board of Trade said that the industry was repugnant to youths. Why is it repugnant? Because, first of all, the conditions in association with the wages, do not attract. This is part of the problem of youth. I have said in my own village more than once that I started at 13 years of age when hours were 9½ a day, not 7½ or 8 hours, and if I had to go back to the pit to-morrow I would rather go back to the pit of my boyhood and work 9½ hours than go to a mechanised pit and work 6 hours.

One of the problems—and I am not going to dwell on it but it is a very big problem—is that modern mechanised mining, with its noise and its monotony, kills the soul of youth. It is a problem which arises outside the mining industry too, but it is certainly a problem in the mining industry. The work to-day involves all that—noise, sheer repetition, grime, the possibility of silicosis. When in addition to that wages are the least attractive of any in the country, is it any surprise that the industry is repugnant to youth? There is a committee now on this job and I do not want to say more about it, except to urge the Government to tell the committee that it is not one from which we expect a report in 1948. We want a report very shortly because this is an urgent problem. An industry that becomes repugnant to youth is doomed to die. The mining industry is not attracting youth. Look at the figures—35,000 wastage every year, 10,000 entrants; 25,000 men on the wrong side of the balance each year. That is the problem.

Suggestions have been made that this problem might be solved by increasing hours. I want to say just one or two words about that. I want to put the matter very simply: There is a lot of propaganda in the Press about this. I have never heard of coalowners having any remedy except increased hours for anything. That is frank. I have lived with them all my life. I am sorry that one or two coalowners have gone out. I am not criticising that; we have all been here a long time—but not as long as the miners are being asked to work. Some hon. Members who have left the Committee have not worked as long as they ask colliers to work in the pits. I believe that the collier, is patriotic and that he will do anything to win this war. Is there anyone who has a better record of fighting against Fascism than the miners? Who fought against Fascism, when many Members in this House fawned upon it? They fought in Spain and elsewhere, as well as here. The miners' trade union was the first casualty of Fascism in Germany; and the miners' president, a man I knew, old Huysman, was one of the first victims of Fascism.

It is not a case of refusal to do something to help the nation; but I say seriously that I do not think increased hours would result in increased output. You would be imposing increased hours when the average age is higher, than it has ever been in the industry before. A large number of the men are in their forties, which means that they have spent 25 years or more in the pits. The Secretary for Mines will bear me out that the output per man-shift has been going down, without any increase of hours. The output per single unit went down in every industry in the last war, particularly in the third year of the war. Let us face realities: none of us is perfectly normal now. If you impose this extra burden on the mining industry, with its high average age, I think the output will go down, rather than up. If you impose this burden, remember that wastage will go up, accidents will increase, the number of men who fall out through illness will increase. I urge everyone who suggests that remedy to think of these things. It is better to have miners who will stay the pace at seven and a half hours than to have an extra half hour and knock so many of them out. One of my hon. Friends has just handed me a note about the position in the Northumberland coalfield, where the youngest coal hewer is 28.

Whatever is done in this industry, the last thing we can afford to do is to arouse the resentment of these 750,000 men. Believe me, there was resentment about the Eight Hours Act. You did not help this nation when you passed that Act in 1926; you served your vested interest, but not the national interest. There is still resentment about that, because you passed that Act when you knew the men were being starved into submission: you knew that we were helpless, and that our organisation was being beaten up. That is what we resent—I share that resentment. If you increase hours now, it will be resented again. We must change pretty radically the organisation of this industry. There is not an hon. Member in this Committee who would claim that the present organisation of the mining industry is good. Is there anyone? I am sure my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Buckrose (Major Braithwaite) would not make that claim.

I would not claim, and I do not think that my hon. Friend would say, that the organisation in the mining industry is bad. He knows that to-day it is better than ever it has been in the history of the industry.

No, I would not say that. There are in this country 1,900 pits and 1,100 colliery companies. How can an industry play a part in the war effort unless it is nationally organised? The war effort has to be nationally planned. The coalmining industry is a part of the national war effort. How can any industry play a part in the national effort unless it is organised upon a national basis, and the mining industry is not organised on a nation basis. Therefore, the National Council of Labour, representing the Miners' Federation, the Co-operative Movement and the Parliamentary Labour party, have put forward a proposal. We have not put forward our pre-war proposal, but we have looked at this problem afresh. This is not a political move; this plan is not in our political programme. I prefer our political plan to do this. I do not think that we shall get a final solution until we get that plan, which is, to link up all industries supplying coal and power into one industry under one unified management and control. We sat down and said that we were parties in a Government, in which we were in a minority. We are very much more in a minority in this House than we are in the country. We did not claim the right to put things forward and to press them for political purposes. We said that we would sit down and make suggestions to the Government, and that is what we have done.

Two years ago the Government were given powers over all persons and all property. That means that the Government have power to requisition the property vested in the coalmines of this country. We say, Requisition the coalmines. Why not? There has been no hesitation in requisitioning the businesses of little men. We say that, having done that, we should set up a national board composed of representatives of the Government, who represent the overriding interest of the nation, the owners and the men. The members who served on that board should give the whole of their time to the job. Let them be carefully chosen. Give them the job of organising the mining industry which for the period of the emergency has been requisitioned by the Government. Let them get on with the job. Let them plan production nationally, and the disposition of manpower. Let them organise its operations and deal not only with problems of production and the disposition of manpower, but also see that all those who use coal shall make the best use of it. Is that being done everywhere now? Is every undertaking in this country, even with its present equipment and plant, making the best use of coal?

We have not left industry outside. Industry must not be starved of coal. It must be kept going, and coal must be given to it, but I am positive that coal is being wasted in industry in this country because it is not being used to the greatest advantage. The coal board ought to have the right to follow up cases where industries use 100 or 1,000 tons a week to find out whether they are making the best use of it; whether it has been adequately used or wasted. For 20 years coal was as cheap as dirt in this country, and everybody used it, irrespective of its real value. Coal is a national treasure, which should belong to the nation. Therefore, a coal board ought to have the right to follow the coal direct to the point where it was consumed and see that it was consumed in the national interest. To waste a ton of coal in industry is to cause a loss to the nation.

We say, Let this plan operate. The National Board will do these things. Let us have a regional board to organise the industry in the regions on a production basis which will be something more than a whipping-post for absenteeism. Let us have pit committees on which all experience will be pooled. A man said to me the other day, "One of the things I would like to do to try and solve this problem is to sack all these young technicians who have university degrees and recall, if possible, the old type of 'gaffer' whose degree was his experience and his knowledge." There is still that pool of knowledge in the mining industry, which has never been used. Every miner knows that that is true. What we want is to get together, pool experience and make a better partnership between technicians and men. Technically, that scheme is sound and, psychologically, it is unanswerable because it will do three things that must be done. With all our schemes for production, rationing and everything else we must in the end get down to the soul of the miners. They can make our plans work, but if they are in a bad spirit or feel unhappy, they can wreck them. I believe it will help to solve the psychological problem: it will help the miners to forget the past—and, God knows, there is a lot to forget—it will make them feel more happy about the present and give them, their sons and the mining community generally the prospect that at the end of the war they will not be handed over to financiers, but given a voice in the determination of their destinies. I hope that in considering this great problem some of these things will be borne in mind. Maybe out of rationing, coupons, the coal shortage and all these things, if we use our opportunities, we may begin to create a mining industry in this country which will help us to win this war and play its part in the better world of the future.

I am sure my right hon. Friend the President of the Board of Trade will be highly satisfied with the tone and substance of this Debate, and I am sure that he will also wish to express his gratitude for the way in which hon. Members have attempted to assist in a solution of this problem. The hon. and learned Member for Montgomery (Mr. Clement Davies) rather twitted the Government with their inability to arrive at a decision. The lot of a Government is always very hard. If they produce a decision to the House of Commons, they are accused of not consulting the House; if they do not, they are accused of having no mind of their own. I, personally, take the view that we shall get a better democracy if the House plays a larger part, and not a smaller part, in the deliberations which lead to our actions.

My hon. Friend the Member for Llanelly (Mr. J. Griffiths) gave us a stirring speech upon the question of how we can improve production by reorganisation. I can assure him that neither my right hon. Friend nor the Government will hide themselves behind a rationing scheme so as to avoid tackling schemes that are necessary for increasing production, but it would not be appropriate for me on this occasion to enter into any argument regarding the various suggestions that have come from different sides of the Committee as to the reorganisation of the coal industry. This is a matter which is now the subject of the earnest consideration of the Government, and until they have come to some decision upon it, it is better that we should say nothing.

I think, however, that the first result of this Debate may be said to be that there has been a universal recognition of the need for saving on consumption. I think one of the aspects of it was brought very vividly forward by the hon. Member for Clay Cross (Mr. Ridley) when he told us of the need for saving transport and the amount of transport which would be saved if this diminution in consumption could be brought about. He was so modest in his presentation of his case that he left out one of the noughts and spoke of 2,000 coal trains, when, quite obviously, he was referring to 20,000 coal trains; that is, 60 trains a day, which would be saved if this diminution in consumption could be brought about; and that, as he pointed out, is no small matter with the congestion that exists at present and the possibilities that in the not-too-distant future there may be other more active movements upon the railway lines of this country. As my right hon. Friend pointed out, there has been, with rising incomes and with the rationing of other goods, a perfectly natural tendency for consumption not to decrease, but to rise as the war proceeds. There has, moreover, been a fall in output. In those circumstances the Committee has generally recognised that it is essential that something should be done to curtail consumption.

But there is one other very important aspect which has equally been recognised by a good many of those who have spoken in this Debate, and that is the essential need, when the country approaches a state in which there is liable to be, and indeed almost certain to be, a shortage of a commodity, that we should in advance, if possible, arrange a fair scheme of distribution of that commodity which is going to be in short supply. I attach, and I know my right hon. Friend attaches, as much importance to the question of fair distribution as to the saving in the consumption of coal. I think that some of those who have dealt with this matter upon the basis of making an appeal to the people—with which I will deal in a little more detail presently—have overlooked that side of the problem altogether, and have merely looked upon this as a question of trying to get a certain diminution in consumption.

With that acceptance of the proposition as regards the need for saving on consumption, there have been three schools of thought in the course of the Debate. First of all, there have been those—perhaps about half the number who have spoken—who have broadly supported, perhaps with a little criticism, what we have called the Beveridge scheme. Secondly, there is the hon. Member for Stockport (Sir A. Gridley), who has done a great service to the Committee in taking the trouble to bring before it a constructive scheme which I am afraid I shall have to criticise a little severely when I come to deal with it. Thirdly, there has been a large number of Members who have not liked the Beveridge scheme and who have been no more attracted to the scheme of the hon. Member for Stockport. I think, indeed, he had no other supporters than himself. [HON. MEMBERS: "No."] If the speeches are read, I think it will be found that all those who paid a certain amount of lip service to the scheme suggested that the real solution was to proceed by voluntary action in order to control the con- sumption by public appeals, good propaganda, and also, at the same time, by various devices which, it was suggested, would increase production; that is to say, they were broadly in favour of no scheme at all.

I would, if I might, take these three suggested ways of solving our problem in the inverse order in which I have put them. Take, first af all, the question of voluntary action. The Government have, in the past month, been told over and over again that people do not want appeals but directions. I believe that to be perfectly true—that the time for appeals has gone by—but whether that be so or not, there are two very real reasons why it would be impossible to rely on voluntary action. First of all, a voluntary appeal would not enable anybody to ascertain whether there had, in fact, been any reduction in consumption or not. The fact that during the summer season stocking took place makes it impossible to ascertain whether the coal is going into the backyard or into the grate, and without knowledge as to whether it is going into the backyard or into the grate, unless one takes a running count of the stocks throughout the country, which would require a very large staff, it is impossible to know whether we shall meet the winter with that necessary stock in hand to enable us to get through the winter with the production we then have. We shall, in fact, be postponing the danger to the moment when the danger is upon us, and it will then be too late to take action in order to try and regulate it.

So far as gas and electricity are concerned, you could tell within a week whether your voluntary propaganda was having any result, and from that you could very easily deduce whether it was having any results in regard to solid fuels.

I am sorry that I cannot accept the hon. Member's assumption, that because you may persuade some to economise in electric light, therefore people will economise in coal. That is not logical.

Surely it is a very reasonable assumption, if you make an appeal in the case of coal, gas and electric light—

I quite appreciate that I could argue for a long time with the hon. Member on this point, but the Government are not prepared to place the safety of this country upon what even the hon. Member may consider as being a reasonable assumption to be taken from electric light and gas figures and applied to the resources of the country. We are dealing with far too vital a problem here to take such a loose assumption on a policy which may be vital to the safety of the country. How is one by a voluntary appeal to obtain a fair distribution, which is one of the primary objects of this scheme? The whole essence of a voluntary scheme is that a lot of people will deny themselves coal, gas and electricity and a lot of people will not. It is, indeed, the essence of unfairness, if there is to be a shortage of supply, to ask the people of good will to forgo the essential product, when the people of ill will not only will not forgo it, but will very likely use in excess that which the others have forgone. That is one of the reasons why it is impossible to deal with maldistribution, which was one of the troubles last winter, because there was no ration scheme, by mere voluntary appeals made to the population. You can never tell who will economise or where that economy will be, and you cannot therefore order and plan your distribution so as to see that everybody gets that minimum amount of fuel to which they are entitled, and, indeed, which they must have if they are to live.

Therefore, in order to save what may be the trouble and what may be the labour of some rationing scheme, the Government are not prepared to adopt a mere laisser-faire doctrine relying upon the good will of some individuals in order to bring about a saving. We are quite convinced that chaos in distribution and user can only be prevented by some orderly method of arranging distribution, and that that is not possible without some scheme of rationing. If that is so, there are two schemes that are before the House now. The hon. Member for Stockport has done us the courtesy of letting us have a typewritten copy of his scheme. There are some critical observations which occur to me on reading it through. So far as coal is concerned, the scheme essentially depends upon dividing into three the commodies coal, electricity and gas, and applying a separate rationing system to each. Coal, coke and paraffin are to be rationed through the distributors, and the use of electricity and gas is to be restricted through the agency of the statutory undertakers. As regards coal and coke, the supply can be controlled by and equitably distributed through the coal merchants to their registered customers, whose-requirements are well-known by them. That is to say, it is the coal merchant's knowledge of his customers' requirements which is to form the basis of the coal rationing scheme. My home is in a country district rather a long way from my coal supplier, and I know from experience that he does not like sending coal there. He much prefers to send it a shorter distance to larger houses which are nearer to his source of supply. I should not like him to be the judge of my requirements, because I feel that his lorry would get too tired coming up the hill before it reached me, and my requirements would be estimated at very small or nothing. It is impossible to contemplate a scheme by which coal merchants, who will naturally want to preserve their best customers, should be the judges as to how much coal each individual on their books should get.

There are many criticisms the right hon. and learned Gentleman may make which I will consider afterwards in anticipation of a future Debate, but I think he has forgotten that the small consumers are to be given a very definite allotment.

I am coming to that. That is one of the larger vices of the scheme. I am dealing at the moment with the smaller points. The next sentence reads:

"Dated records of supplies of the tangible products are to be kept by both the distributor and the customers."

Let us picture the coal merchant—who is going to make the coupons dirty according to the hon. Member—coming along the street on a wet day selling his half cwts. of coal. He has always to carry his book with him to keep his records and, moreover, the lady who comes out of the house to him has to make her entry in her book in order that it may tally with the entry made by the distributor. After that has been done, the inspector has to come round and see that the one book tallies with the other. Otherwise it is useless and there is no check. Unless the inspector goes round every house in every street and checks up the figure entered by the householder and goes to the coal merchants and checks up their figures, there is no check on the coal distributor. He car distribute not two to three tons, but 10 tons, and create the most glorious black market that is possible. It is no use the hon. Gentleman saying that only two to three tons would be given to 85 per cent. of the houses. How are you going to say that they get only two to three tons?

The coal merchant will get only that quantity provided you check the records.

But you will have to check the coal merchant's record. Suppose a household takes two tons and not three, you have to check the record. Why otherwise does the hon. Member's scheme say that dated records of supplies must be kept by both distributors and customers? Because you have to check it and that checking will take a very large number of people—I do not know how many. We can imagine the smudgy papers, written perhaps in pencil and covered with coal dust. It would probably need some one like Sir William Bragg to use his apparatus to see what was written under the coal dust. Then comes the question of the two to three tons per annum. That is supposed, according to the hon. Gentleman's scheme, to knock out 85 per cent. of the houses. As I have pointed out, it does not knock them out at all. You have still to see that they do not get more than that and that they do get that. You have to guarantee that they will get it, and you can only do so by some checking scheme, whether by coupons or by the accounts which the hon. Gentleman suggests.

Let us come to the question of electricity and gas, which will, of course, require their separate staffs because they will be dealt with separately from coal. You are to give an opportunity—and I presume this applies to coal as well—to anybody who feels that owing to special circumstances he cannot comply with the restrictions, to apply for a special allotment. I suggest that a lot of people will feel they cannot comply with the restrictions and that there will be a great many special cases, all of which will have to be ruled upon by somebody. That is to say, special rations will have to be decided. Anybody who complains of his restriction will require to have a special ration decided by somebody. The scheme does not make clear who is to do so but I presume it will be the fuel overseer for electricity. He will have his staff, and the fuel overseer for gas will, presumably, have his staff. Then there is a phrase in the scheme which I do not think the hon. Gentleman mentioned. It is that electricity undertakings must also have the right to restrict their customers in the use of electricity for heating and cooking purposes between certain hours on certain days. That may be unfortunate if a shift worker is coming home at an odd hour.

Glasgow Corporation have done it for 12 months. They restrict it on Sundays.

I entirely appreciate that and I daresay there are not many complaints, but what I am pointing out is that in a great many areas that has never been done. This will be something new, and it will be universal over the country.

It will reduce it, over all, but it will not inflict a new method of using your fuel. Then, of course, there will have to be a right of inspection by the gas people and the electricity people in order that they may see that the regulations have been complied with. Next comes a very difficult point. There is a provision that any electricity consumer whose consumption is less than, say, 200 units is not to be subjected to any reduction at all. I want to assume that I am a consumer who uses 201 units in the year, and therefore have to suffer a reduction to 80 per cent., so that all I am to be allowed to use is 161 units—but I do not ascertain that fact until I have used 201 units. It is impossible to do so. It is one of the most unfortunate necessities, but if you wish to apply a scheme like this you cannot have such a limit because you are bound to exceed the limit before you know that you have reached it. I am afraid that the hon. Member would find that that was a great difficulty. Finally, the special circumstances appeal will have to be made before three different lots of people, one as regards coal, one as regards gas and one as regards electricity. It will not be one special circumstances appeal covering all fuels. It will be three appeals covering three different sorts of fuel. It must be so, according to the hon. Member's scheme.

I entirely disagree with many of these criticisms. They could be completely answered, but I do not want to take up time.

I am not expecting the hon. Member to agree, but I thought it only right to put forward a few points that do occur to one on looking at the scheme for the first time, so that the hon. Member might have an opportunity to consider them, I have no doubt there are many more criticisms which one could make if one had had more time to read the scheme. That, I think, deals with the hon. Gentleman's scheme, except for one thing. He said that he was sure that it would result in a greater saving. I did not follow the argument—I do not think he gave us one—as to why it would result in a greater saving. It does seem, to me, at any rate, that if you are going to exempt all the smaller houses it is not likely that the saving will be greater. It may be the same, but I do not see why it should be greater.

Let me come, finally, to the third solution, the Beveridge scheme. Without referring to hon. Members specifically, I think I can say that the main objections that have been taken to the scheme are: first, the use of coupons; secondly, the difficulties as regards meter-readings; thirdly, the complications as regards staff. Take the meter-readings. The history of the position as regards meter-readings is, I understand, this: Originally another method was suggested. In consultation with the gas and electricity undertakings we learned that they thought they would prefer the method that is now inserted, but subsequently they have decided that it would be more convenient to go back to the original suggestion, and one of the advantages of this Debate is that we certainly take the view that it would be better to go back to the original suggestion.

The question is: Is it more desirable that the man who reads the meter should collect the coupons or that the coupons should be paid over when the bill is paid? If the bill is paid in cash to the man who calls, you pay the coupons with the cash. If the bill is paid subsequently by visiting an office or sending a cheque, the coupons are sent with the cheque or paid at the office. It seems to us better to adopt the latter system. That will put no extra duty of any sort or description upon any meter-reader, who will do exactly as he does to-day. This Debate has disclosed that there may be a very considerable saving of labour in the country, if the gas and electricity undertakers will agree to one man reading both meters. That might very well be done and might save all the labour wanted to operate the entire scheme, and leave a bit over as well.

In the reference made to meter reading, a great point was brought out that one coupon was likely to overlap the ration. Would it be possible for the consumer to get credit?

I am just about to deal with that point. The suggestion is that it would probably be better to overpay the proportion of the coupon, and have a credit left over. It can be done that way, or the coupon below the amount can be paid and the charge carried forward. What is done is merely a matter of mechanism. It is better in the circumstances to have your coupon in hand. As to the question of coupons, it results, from an examination of alternatives that have been put forward, that you can have either a card system or a coupon system. You have either an entry made on the card by everybody who delivers, brings, or supplies some form of fuel, or else you have coupons handed to you. From the point of view of organisation, checking and central administration, coupons are, of course, infinitely more easy to operate. It is much easier to detect fraud of any sort with coupons. It is easy to make a false entry on a card. It is easy to give a person half a crown to put down "1 cwt." of coal instead of "3 cwts." on a card, when the person has to write it himself, but it is not so easy to print false coupons. From every point of view concerning central administration, there is no doubt that coupons are more satisfactory and give a better check.

There is one point about the coupons which is an essential part of the scheme and which gives it very great flexibility. The coupons are of two kinds. There is the household coupon, which is related to the number of rooms, and the personal coupon which everybody has and which he takes about with him. If he goes to stay somewere for a week or a mouth he takes his coupons with him. An extra number of people coming into an area or going out of a house may, very largely, be dealt with on the basis of the personal coupon. When you come to questions like those of old persons, the possibility of exchanging a certain number of clothing coupons for fuel coupons means a very valuable addition to the supply of fuel for bed-ridden persons and others of that type. In the case of persons temporarily ill, a doctor can give a certificate for extra coal if he writes out a prescription and the certificate can be put forward as a basis of a demand for extra coal.

On the question of extra staff for administration, the hon. Member for South Croydon (Sir H. Williams) mentioned a figure which, unfortunately, was confidential. As he has mentioned it, and as it would appear that Sir William Beveridge had been persuaded to change it, or to give a different figure to another set of people, I must explain, shortly, for the sake of Sir William Beveridge, how it came about. He originally put in a figure of 20,000. That was when, in a very initial stage, he was consulting certain interests confidentially as regards this scheme. Later, when he reconsidered the matter, he altered the figure and put it in at 15,000 when he had had more time to consider what the work actually entailed was. So it appears as 15,000 in the documents submitted to the Government. As a matter of fact, however, with the alteration which has now been made to the effect that the personal ration will be dealt with in the clothing ration book, and in view of other considerations, he now thinks the figure will probably be less than 15,000. However, it is a small matter, whether it is 10,000 or 15,000.

Is my right hon. and learned Friend suggesting to the Committee that my hon. Friend the Member for South Croydon (Sir H. Williams) divulged something he ought not to have quoted?

Yes, it was a confidential figure; I do not know from where he got it. From Sir William Beveridge's point of view it was a confidential figure which he had given to certain interests in a document, but which he afterwards altered.

I assure the right and learned hon. Gentleman that my hon. Friend, with his Parliamentary knowledge of the procedure of the House, is the last person to make a communication of that kind.

It may have been communicated to him by somebody who did not tell him that it was confidential. All I want to do is to protect Sir William Beveridge from the accusation which has been made against him. As regards this question of staff, it has already been explained that this very large figure is only the figure for the initial issue of the ration books, and my right hon. Friend has been able to arrange, in the event of the scheme going forward, that in fact the staff which issues the ration books for the Ministry of Food, when they have finished that job, will go on to this other job, so that it does not mean getting another staff at all. There will afterwards have to be a permanent staff of perhaps 3,000 or 4,000 to deal with fuel rationing, but there is already a very considerable staff connected with the fuel overseers in the different parts of the country, so that it will not really mean a very large increase.

There are two other questions with which I might deal. Something has been said as regards the districts into which it was suggested that the country should be divided for the purpose of allowing for climatic conditions. You cannot divide it on temperature, on moisture, on wind or any of those things, but what you can divide it on is the past experience of working-class households in those districts. Those statistics are available, and it is proposed to base the relationships between the districts upon the past experience of working-class households in those districts in the pre-war period. That will give a ratio as to what was consumed by normal working-class households, and by that you can relate the weather conditions, the climate and all the rest of it in the different districts. Where there are special needs, such as the occupational needs mentioned by the hon. Member for Llanelly, those, of course, can be taken into account as special circumstances.

Finally, as regards the penalties, some fear has been expressed that my right hon. Friend would start cutting off supplies from everybody in the country because they exceeded their ration. There is no such intention. The intention is that in the first instance people should receive a warning, unless it is a very gross case. In a normal case, which would be a case of an accident, or a misunderstanding, a case in which somebody had not been careful enough, they would receive a warning. Thereafter, some system of fines could be employed if there was a repetition of the offence, and finally, as the capital punishment, as it were, the supply would be cut off. That would only be in serious cases.

But who would decide that supplies should be cut off—would it be a court, or would it simply be an inspector? Punishment by cutting off supplies is far more severe than a fine, and might fall on innocent members of the family. Therefore I suggest that some person other than one of the disputants should settle this matter.

I quite agree with my hon. Friend. Obviously in serious cases involving a fine or the cutting-off of supplies the fuel overseer would bring the matter before an appropriate court. In the result I think one may say that there seems to be a general view that we must have restriction and that we must, for that purpose, have some sort of method of rationing. We certainly wish to devise the simplest scheme that we can, but it must be effective and capable of being enforced and it must be fair as among different persons and different classes in the population. My right hon. Friend will consider everything that has been said to-day, and then he will, as promised, make his statement and publish his White Paper in the, very near future. Then if, as almost seems from this Debate unlikely, there is any large measure of opposition to his proposition, this House will have the opportunity of debating it again, as has been promised.

May I ask the Leader of the House whether, in view of the criticism he has extended to the alternative suggestion made by the hon. Member for Stockport (Sir A. Gridley) the Government will consider the alternative proposals he has made?

Certainly. I was only trying to be as helpful to the hon. Member for Stockport as he has been to the Government.

The Leader of the House said, I think, that only if opposition appeared to be there, would the President of the Board of Trade give the House an opportunity to debate the matter.

If the hon. Member was in the House at Question Time to-day, as I have no doubt he was, I made a statement, and he will be able to read in the OFFICIAL REPORT precisely what it was.

May I ask the Leader of the House a question on the very last sentence of his speech? The White Paper will be published, and there is to be a Debate. I hope it will be arranged that there will be a sufficiently reasonable time between the publication of the White Paper and the Debate, so that Members can study the problem.

It is absolutely essential, as the right hon. Gentleman will appreciate, that if this scheme is to be applied, it must be applied quickly. On 1st June the present control runs out, and this scheme must be applied by that date. I am sure that my right hon. Friend will do his utmost to get the White Paper out as quickly as possible. The Debate must take place before Whitsuntide.

I am not questioning the statement of the Leader of the House, and there is no desire on our part to delay the scheme. The point I am concerned about is that when the scheme is adopted it is adopted with a maximum acceptance and that therefore there must be a reasonable interval between the publication of the scheme and the Debate in the House.

I think we can settle that through the usual channels, as soon as the White Paper is out.

Can the Leader of the House state whether, at the time the White Paper is produced, there will be a White Paper of the Government's proposal as to increased production?

No, we are dealing at the moment with the question of the fuel rationing scheme. We propose to deal with that and get it out of the way first.

I had gathered from the speech of the President of the Board of Trade that in this Debate which will take place he will be ready to indicate his reorganisation.

Hitler follows the very good rule of "one at a time." We are going to do the same.

Motion made, and Question, "That the Chairman do report Progress, and ask leave to sit again," put and agreed to.—[ Major Sir James Edmondson. ]

Committee report Progress; to sit again upon the next Sitting Day.

Public Accounts

Ordered,

"That Mr. Hamilton Kerr be discharged from the Committee of Public Accounts and that Sir Joseph Nall be added to the Committee."—[ Sir J. Edmondson. ]

The remaining Orders were read, and postponed.

It being after the hour appointed for the Adjournment of the House Mr. DEPUTY-SPEAKER adjourned the House, without Question put, pursuant to the Standing Order.