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Commons Chamber

Volume 410: debated on Tuesday 17 April 1945

House of Commons

Tuesday, April 17, 1945

Prayers

[Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair ]

Private Business

PONTYPOOL GAS AND WATER BILL [Lords]

Read a Second time, and committed.

Oral Answers to Questions

Questions

German National (Internment)

asked the Secretary of State for War why Captain Klause, an officer of the Reichswehr, was permitted to arrive in this country over four weeks ago; whether he was interned as a prisoner of war; and if he is receiving any special treatment not usually afforded to Nazi prisoners.

I have been asked to reply and am informed that there is no prisoner of war whose particulars correspond with those in the Question. My hon. Friend may, however, be referring to a civilian internee of German nationality named Alfred Ignatz Maria Kraus, latterly an employee in Paris of the Siemens Combine. In 1944, after the liberation of Paris, he claimed to have rendered assistance during the occupation to the Allied cause and offered to join the British Army. In September, 1944, he was brought to this country on insufficient information about him and without proper authority. As a result of inquiries made it was decided that he was a person who should not be at liberty in this country, and he was accordingly interned in October last as a civilian alien of enemy nationality, and is still interned. There is no foundation for the suggestion that any preferential treatment has been accorded to him.

Was this civilian originally a member of the Reichswehr in Paris, and can the right hon. Lady say whether he was brought here by air and whether any disciplinary action was taken with regard to that?

The second part of the supplementary question must be referred to my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for War. With regard to the first part, the difficulty is that we are dealing with a person whom we have to assume is the person referred to by the hon. Gentleman, because there is not in our hands any person of the name mentioned in the hon. Gentleman's Question. It would be sufficient simply to say that we have no information, but I am trying to help the hon. Gentleman, and this is the best I can do.

British Army

Cadet Corps (Huts)

asked the Secretary of State for War whether facilities can be given to county cadet committees in the Metropolitan area to carry out work in connection with the provision of huts under the scheme recently announced notwithstanding the expenditure limits imposed on works other than repair of bomb damage, or, alternatively, whether he will take steps to delay the derequisitioning of premises now occupied by the Army Cadet Force until it has been possible to erect huts to replace them.

Defence Regulations enable accommodation to be requisitioned only for the Armed Forces of the Crown and it cannot be retained for the use of the Army Cadet Force unless it is also needed for other military purposes. The erection of huts for the Army Cadet Force in the Metropolitan area cannot be considered to have priority over the repair of bomb damage and for this reason the general embargo is applied to huts. However, in particular cases where it is certain that bomb damage work is not impeded, the erection can be undertaken.

Cigarettes (Illicit Sales, Paris)

asked the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that British cigarettes intended for distribution to His Majesty's Forces through the N.A.A.F.I. organisation and in packets so printed can still be purchased openly in shops and cafes in Paris at 14s. per packet; what steps have been taken to suppress this traffic; and what further steps are now proposed.

Soldiers are strictly forbidden to sell cigarettes they get free as part of the ration or duty free from N.A.A.F.I., and disciplinary action is taken against offenders. Action is also taken against civilians by the French police. Although some cigarettes are undoubtedly sold by soldiers to individuals this traffic is not widespread and I understand that N.A.A.F.I, cigarettes are not openly on sale in Paris.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that these packets of cigarettes, plainly printed "N.A.A.F.I. stores, for His Majesty's Forces," can be purchased at almost any tobacconist's shop or café in Paris for 14s. a packet without any attempt to hide it, and cannot representations be made to the French Government that stringent steps be taken to punish the sellers of the cigarettes; and secondly, has any consideration been given to the fact that, as this is only possible because of the small ration of cigarettes in France, the market could be broken by sending supplies of cigarettes to France for sale at fixed prices under Government control?

Of course, the main part of this matter is for the French Government and not for the War Office. My information, so far as it goes, and in these matters it is impossible to get full information, is that it is a very narrow activity in Paris. If the hon. Member has any specific cases which he can vouch for, I would be very glad to investigate them, but it is very difficult to investigate a general assertion, particularly when that general assertion is contrary to the information I get from the official authorities in France.

I obviously cannot give specific instances without another trip to Paris, but it is a fact that anyone can go to a shop in Paris and buy the cigarettes. Will not the Minister make representations to the French Government that a checkup be made of these cafés by private inspectors?

I am sorry, but my information, after consultation, does not bear out the information given by the hon. Member. I really do not see what more I can do.

Requisitioned Premises

asked the Secretary of State for War when it is proposed to hand over Worth School, in Sussex, to its original owners, in order that it may be used for the purpose of education for which it is urgently required.

After dwelling houses, schools have the highest priority for release and I can assure the hon. Lady that this school will be released as soon as possible. A review of the buildings requisitioned by the Army is now being carried out.

In view of the fact that this school has not been occupied by the military for over a year and that the children who ought to be in it are now evacuated under conditions which would not be tolerated in any Poor Law institution, is it not high time that the school was derequisitioned?

There is a good deal of accommodation that has been reserved by the Army against the needs of the release period and for housing temporarily repatriated prisoners of war. As I have said, I am undertaking an exhaustive review of the requisitioned accommodation in the hands of the War Office. Dwelling houses are first on the list, and schools are second, and I will do my best in both categories.

In view of the unsatisfactory nature of the reply, I beg to give notice that I shall raise the matter on the Adjournment.

asked the Secretary of State for War how many buildings in Brighton and Hove are now requisitioned by his department; how many of these are normally hotels, boarding-houses and private dwellings, respectively; the approximate number of rooms involved in each category; and how many requisitioned rooms are at present not actually occupied by troops.

The number of buildings requisitioned in Brighton and Hove is 920, of which 35 are hotels or boardinghouses and 630 are private houses, containing about 1,000 and about 6,500 rooms respectively. About 1,800 rooms are not at present occupied but the number changes from day to day.

Will my right hon. Friend carry out a survey of alternative accommodation that is available in order that the acute shortage might be relieved at the earliest possible moment?

I have been for some time engaged on a complete survey of the requisitioned accommodation in the hands of the War Office.

Would not my right hon. Friend see his way to issuing some sort of general statement which will comfort the minds and allay the anxiety of so many people in Sussex who are very anxious indeed about this requisitioning?

asked the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that when a building is derequisitioned his department ask for 11 signed copies of the order from the tenant and 11 from the landlord; and if he will take steps to have this number reduced.

Two notices of derequisition are served on the tenant or owner and only one must be signed and returned to the War Department. I am at a loss to understand what can have happened in the case to which my hon. Friend refers.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that I have in my possession letters from his Department asking for 11 signed copies, and if he reads them will he take steps in the matter?

Certainly. As I have said, I am at a loss to understand what can have happened.

asked the Secretary of State for War how many buildings an the Bournemouth district are still under requisition by his Department, how many are in actual use, whether he can derequisition the unused buildings forthwith and give any further indication of his plans in this respect.

The number of buildings requisitioned is 482 of which 13 are being released and 81 are occupied. A large proportion of the rest are being held to house prisoners returned from Germany. The holdings of buildings on requisition are, however, now being reviewed and if it is found that some are not needed they will of course be released.

Does not the right hon. Gentleman think that in view of the deplorable state of housing in this country, it is intolerable that there are 450 requisitioned buildings and only 80 occupied?

In the first place, I am having a comprehensive review of requisitioned property. The other point, as I have already stated in answer to a Question to-day, is that the small houses which have the most bearing on the accommodation problem are first on the list for release.

Will the right hon. Gentleman not invite the Minister of Health to derequisition these houses and to use them for housing families who have no homes?

The hon. Member had better put that Question down to the Minister of Health. I have enough of my own troubles.

Overseas Service (Repatriation)

asked the Secretary of State for War if he is aware that men who have served five years in the Far East have been waiting at base for over two months before being repatriated, while others with less service pass through without waiting; and will he make inquiries with a view to speeding up the arrangements.

I am not aware that men who are being repatriated are having to wait in this way at base camps but I am having inquiries made. If in any case all the men could not be accommodated on board ship priority would probably be given to men coming home on medical or compassionate grounds irrespective of the length of their service overseas.

Missing Personnel, Singapore (Dependants' Allowances)

asked the Secretary of State for War if he will state the reason for the reduction of the Army allowance to the dependants of the men reported missing, since February, 1942, in the Singapore area, from 6th May, 1945.

I would refer my hon. Friend to the full statement I made on 27th March in reply to my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for New Forest (Major Mills). Such reductions as there will be take effect after 31st July and not 6th May.

Is the right hon. Gentleman not aware that some pay offices are sending out statements to the effect that the pay is going to be reduced from 6th May and, if I tell him that the Army Pay Office at Glasgow has already done that, will he make inquiries?

If the hon. Member will give a specific instance, I will certainly look into it.

Training Areas (Release)

asked the Secretary of State for War whether he is now in a position to make a statement on the release of training areas; and whether compensation will be payable to anyone subsequently meeting with an accident in those areas owing to the presence of undetected explosives.

As my answer is rather long, I will, with permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

Does that include undetected, unexpected objects on beaches and things of that sort?

Following is the answer:

The War Department is anxious to relinquish land which has been used for training troops, immediately it is no longer required for this purpose, but is concerned to avoid accidents from explosives and other dangerous objects which may not have been discovered and removed before relinquishment.

The detection and removal of mines in areas overseas where our forces are engaged with the enemy utilises the great bulk of technical equipment and trained personnel, and it is not possible, at present, to give a close and detailed scrutiny to training areas in this country.

There is, accordingly, some ground which cannot be released, at present, but the degree of risk varies according to the use which has been made of the ground and there are considerable areas which can be released after a careful visual examination and larger areas which can be released, immediately, without special examination, provided that occupiers will exercise reasonable care during their initial use of the ground. A suspected explosive should not be disturbed but reported at once to the police who will arrange for it to be examined by technical military staff immediately.

If an accident should be caused by the presence of explosives used during training and not removed from the ground before its relinquishment by the War Department, an ex gratia payment of compensation will be made in respect of damage to property and personal injury provided that the victim has not contributed to the damage or injury by his own negligence.

Serving Soldiers Abroad (Affiliation Orders)

asked the Secretary of State for War the approximate number of paternity claims made against soldiers in respect of illegitimate children and the number of repudiations; what action can be taken while the alleged fathers are serving overseas; and whether records are kept by the Army of all such claims pending the return to this country of the men involved.

Steps are taken under the provisions of the Army Act to ensure that soldiers meet affiliation orders granted by the civil courts. But such orders cannot be granted when a man, whether soldier or civilian, is abroad and outside the jurisdiction of these courts. The War Office, however, undertakes to answer periodical inquiries as to whether a soldier has returned to this country so that proceedings can then be put in train. No records of claims are kept and I regret that their number and the number of repudiations are not available.

Does not the right hon. Gentleman appreciate that there are a number of unfortunate and even tragic episodes of girls being stranded here and men repudiating paternity, and would it not be helpful to keep some sort of record of these cases so that proceedings can be taken when a man returns to this country?

That is a matter for the civil courts. I try to facilitate matters by answering inquiries from time to time as to whether a soldier has returned to this country. Apart from that, there is nothing I can legitimately do.

West African Personnel (Corporal Punishment)

asked the Secretary of State for War if he has now received a report concerning the allegations of whipping and maltreatment of West African soldiers.

I have received the report and prima facie it disposes of the allegations forwarded to me by the hon. Member. I should, however, like to have a little more time to study it in detail.

May I ask whether that report is available to Members of the House? Further, is the right hon. Gentleman aware that I cannot altogether accept the suggestion that these claims are false, and will he indicate whether he will reconsider the matter?

I would be very grateful if the hon. Member would repeat that Question after I have had a little further time to consider the report in detail.

:: On a point of Order. Although there have already been many notices, I wish to give notice that I shall raise this matter at the earliest opportunity on the Adjournment.

Prisoners of War

Ill-Treatment, Germany

asked the Secretary of State for War whether he has investigated the cases of ill-treatment of British prisoners of war in camps in Silesia, revealed by prisoners released from a camp at Bad Orb, 17 miles north east of Aschaffenburg; and if he intends to make representations through the Protecting Power.

I assume my hon. and gallant Friend is referring to the British prisoners who were marched for 450 miles from Silesia in depth of winter. They were visited on the march by a representative of the Protecting Power. The Germans had prevented them from making any preparation for the move and failed to make adequate provision for food and accommodation. No arrangements were made for those who fell ill on the way, and there was no sanitation and insufficient food and water for the sick who were moved by train. A protest was at once despatched through the Protecting Power against these deplorable conditions.

In view of the fact that there are constant reports in the newspapers about the ill-treatment of our prisoners, and many of those reports are exaggerated, would it be possible for the right hon. Gentleman to make a statement by broadcast, say twice a week, giving actual information, because the relatives of the men are much worried?

Perhaps my hon. and gallant Friend will allow me to answer that in connection with a Question on the Paper later. I fry, and so does my hon. and learned Friend the Financial Secretary, to give the House the earliest information, as soon as we get it, but events are very much ahead of any possibility of our getting information.

The right hon. Gentleman has referred more than once to representations having been made to the Protecting Power. Can he say whether any response has been received?

It is very difficult to give a categorical answer. In a good many cases representations are effective. At the present time it is becoming more and more the case that the Germans are incapable of looking after these things in their own country. Therefore, I am afraid a good deal of hardship is unavoidable.

Camp Conditions, Germany

asked the Secretary of State for War whether he has any information from the Protecting Power about conditions in prisoner-of-war camps Oflag VII B and Stalag 357.

As regards Oflag VII B I would refer my hon. Friend to the reply I gave the hon. Members for Maldon (Mr. Driberg) and Twickenham (Mr. Keeling) on 10th April. He will be glad to know that Stalag 357 was reached by the British Armies yesterday. They liberated some thousands of British, American and Allied prisoners who were there but details have not yet reached me.

Releases (Organised Assistance and Information)

asked the Secretary of State for War if he will consider the appointment of a military or other organisation to the staff of the Allied Armies in Western Germany specifically to deal with liberated British and Allied prisoners of war, to help them in every possible manner, to report their names without delay for communication to relatives and to collect information regarding fellow prisoners.

asked the Secretary of State for War if he will give an assurance that members of the mission for prisoners of war matters in Europe will be eligible for staff pay as is the case for Civil Affairs and the Allied Control Commission.

I can assure by hon. and gallant Friend that such an organisation has been in existence for some time as a part of S.H.A.E.F. The officers concerned are graded as staff officers and receive staff pay. The officers who have been detailed to assist locally in Germany with the administration and care of prisoners of war are not graded as staff officers and do not receive staff pay.

Do these officers give names and details of the prisoners who are rescued?

There is another Question on the Paper about that. That is the endeavour, but in point of fact some prisoners are being sent back by air so quickly that they themselves arrive here before the notification does.

Will my right hon. Friend reconsider his decision, because it is unfair discrimination?

After the war the whole question of staff pay might be considered, but I do not think there is any point in reconsidering it at present.

asked the Secretary of State for War if he will give the latest information available to the International Red Cross regarding prisoners of war still in German territory.

I can assure my hon. Friend that as soon as information as to the general situation of our prisoners in Germany is available it will be given to the House either by me or by my hon. and learned Friend the Financial Secretary. But our information is being overtaken by events. The House will, however, be interested to know that over 12,000 of our prisoners have so far certainly been recovered by the British and American Armies. By now this figure is probably higher. Already 8,500 have reached this country.

Can the right hon. Gentleman explain why a week or a fortnight ago he did not inform the House that Allied civilian prisoners and our own prisoners had all been mixed up together in Germany, and why could the House not be kept informed when the information was available through the International Red Cross?

I have given the House every piece of significant information as it came in. It does not seem to me unnatural that in the confusion which exists in Germany the prisoners of different nationalities should be mixed up. I really cannot understand what the hon. Lady is getting at.

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether he is not aware that mothers, sweethearts and wives are very grateful to whoever is bringing home these prisoners of war and that we do not want any further delay? Many of them have returned home and are very glad, however they got home.

As I said just now, I certainly think the bulk of the prisoners are being liberated in the American area, and I do not think people in this country can be too grateful to the Americans for the speed with which they are flying our released prisoners back.

asked the Secretary of State for War what arrangements have been made to help and assist prisoners of war in German territory now in occupation of the Allies.

Full arrangements have been made for the care of our prisoners released in Germany including the provision of clothing, medical attention, pay and such amenities as can be made available. But at present our prisoners are being flown back to this country in large numbers from the forward areas shortly after they are liberated, and arrangements for their care clearly cannot be elaborate until they reach here. This also means that relatives will often hear of their arrival in this country before an official notification can reach them.

Would the right hon. Gentleman inform the House that the Commission has already left and will be out in Germany by now; and will he not give a little more information as to who is on the spot in Germany and who will make the necessary arrangements to get these men home again?

I am sorry. The whole purport of my answer is that the bulk of the men released in the American area are being flown back to this country so quickly that they are ahead of their notifications. Apart from giving that information, I confess myself completely unable to understand the hon. Lady's question.

Does the right hon. Gentleman's answer cover Allied prisoners? It only says "prisoners of war" in the Question. For instance, if the British discover American prisoners in a camp does the same thing apply?

The organisation for looking after the prisoners is a S.H.A.E.F. organisation and therefore it is Anglo-American. The arrangements for dealing with the released personnel of other nationals, if they are military personnel, are under the same organisation. With regard to displaced persons, I would rather that my right hon. Friend should put down another Question, so that I can give a considered answer, because different arrangements apply, as he knows.

Questions

N.A.A.F.I. Service, Ceylon

asked the Secretary of State for War what steps are being taken to extend the N.A.A.F.I. service in Ceylon.

N.A.A.F.I, at present run three residential and six non-residential clubs, 38 canteens and a number of road houses throughout the island. No major increase in this provision is contemplated.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that there is some com plaint among British troops in Ceylon as to the inadequacy of the N.A.A.F.I. organisation? Will he look into the possibility of improvement?

Ceylon is predominantly a naval station and the Admiral in charge of administration wrote to the Chairman of the N.A.A.F.I. in February giving the highest praise to the work of N.A.A.F.I. in the island.

Welsh Airman's Grave (Inscription)

asked the Secretary of State for War for what reasons in February last in the case of a Welsh sergeant-pilot of the R.A.F. who had been killed whilst on flying duty in this country, the Imperial War Graves Commission refused permission to his widowed mother to have her suggested inscription on his grave at Llanddulas, Denbighshire, inscribed in the Welsh language.

The official inscriptions on headstones erected by the Imperial War Graves Commission are in English but texts or other personal tributes are engraved in the Welsh language whenever desired by the relatives. A number of such requests have already been made and will, of course, be carried out provided that the number of letters in the inscription proposed does not exceed that for which space is available, namely, 60. In the case to which my hon. Friend refers the man's mother submitted an inscription which was too long. She has been asked to submit a shorter one.

Why cannot the parents of a Welsh soldier killed in the service of his country have all particulars on the gravestone in their own language, as is done even to internees and prisoners of war?

I do not think that what the hon. Gentleman has said is inconsistent with the answer that I have given.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that there are thousands of gravestones in Wales with entirely Welsh inscriptions? Why should this indefensible attitude be persisted in?

In view of the unsatisfactory reply I beg to give notice that I shall raise the matter on the Adjournment.

British War Correspondents (Casualties)

asked the Secretary of State for War if he will state the total number of British war correspondents accredited to the British and Allied Forces since the war began, for regular service and for brief facility visits, respectively; how many have been killed; how many wounded; and how many taken prisoner.

I cannot say without further research the total number of war correspondents accredited to British and Allied Forces in all theatres since the beginning of the war. Leaving out the Pacific theatre the number at present is 201, but the total must be very much greater. In addition there are the brief facility visits about which I have no information. Twelve war correspondents have been killed in action, four have been accidentally killed, six have been wounded and six have been taken prisoner. One of these has escaped, and two have been liberated.

Liberated Countries (Food Supplies)

asked the Secretary of State for War whether, in view of the admitted shortage of food, approaching famine, in the liberated countries, and the surplus of food in the conquered areas of Germany, he will consider consulting with the United Nations as to the advisability of transferring such food to where it is most needed.

The question of transfer of foodstuffs from surplus areas to deficiency areas within the North-West European theatre of war is a matter for the discretion of the Supreme Allied Commander, who has full authority to take all the measures necessary in this respect.

Surely this is a matter affecting the whole of the United Nations. As it has been our declared policy to restore looted property to its original owners, and also to feed the liberated peoples, surely we cannot evade our responsibilities as a Government and let our friends starve while our enemies are overfed.

Not at all. I think the job will be done more quickly and effectively by the Supreme Commander.

Demobilisation

Group Releases

asked the Secretary of State for War if he is able to say how soon after the end of the war in Europe he expects to be able to begin demobilisation; and how many groups he proposes to take in the first stage.

I regret that the position is still too uncertain for a firm announcement to be made.

Has consideration been given to the matter, and can my right hon. Friend give any indication when some kind of statement can be made?

Temporary Releases (Leave and Gratuities)

asked the Secretary of State for War if he has considered the letter, forwarded to him by the hon. Member for West Fife, from Mr. J. Martin, raising the question of demobilisation leave and gratuities for men temporarily released for employment in the mines and other occupations; and whether he has any statement to make.

I would refer the hon. Member to the reply I gave my hon. Friend the Member for Barnsley (Mr. Collindridge) on 13th March.

Is the right hon. Gentleman not aware that there is a very strong feeling amongst a large number of men who have been temporarily released? Is it possible to get the matter reconsidered?

The leave granted on release is designed to cover the likely period of a man's resettlement in civil life. If a man is released to a specific job, there is no problem of resettlement.

Shoes (Wrapping)

asked the Secretary of State for War if he is aware that orders have been given that some 1,000,000 pairs of demobilisation shoes shall be wrapped in specially prepared brown paper bags; and whether, in view of the shortage of paper, he will make immediate arrangements that these shoes shall in future be wrapped in waste material such as is used by the civilian shoe trade.

I am sure that hon. Members would agree that the shoes provided for soldiers released from the Service should be particularly well protected from damage. So far a suitable substitute for paper bags has not been found.

Questions

Displaced Persons, Germany (Liberation)

asked the Secretary of State for War if he can give the House any information as to the number of displaced persons so far liberated in Germany.

About one million have so far been liberated in Germany by the British and American Armies.

Scotland

Motor Fishing Boats (Release)

asked the Secretary of State for Scotland if he has considered the appeal made to him by the Scottish Inshore White Fish Producers' Association for the early release of a number of motor fishing boats; and what action has been taken in the matter.

Yes, Sir. I have been in communication with my right hon. Friend the First Lord of the Admiralty in regard to the earliest possible return of motor fishing boats from naval service. I am informed, however, that the war requirements for this type of vessel are very pressing and that appreciable releases are not to be expected before the end of the European war.

Does my right hon. Friend not gather from the Admiralty that while appreciable releases are not possible some small releases would be within the bounds of reason?

The Admiralty are fully apprised of the facts of the situation, and I am afraid I can go no further than the terms of my answer.

As these craft will be one of the urgent needs of the post-war period will the right hon. Gentleman ensure that everything will be done to give this great fishing industry every encouragement for carrying on?

Hydro-Electric Schemes

asked the Secretary of State for Scotland if he is now in a position to disclose the terms arranged with the Dumbartonshire County Council in connection with the Loch Sloy Hydro-Electric Scheme.

No, Sir. I am advised that the details are still under discussion between the Hydro-Electric Board and the county council.

Is the right hon. Gentleman not aware that people who are interested in this matter have not got very precise details of the amendments to be made in the Order? Will he lay a copy in the Library of any alterations which are made, so that we can see where there is to be any change?

There will be no change whatever in the constructional scheme. I am perfectly willing to indicate to my hon. and gallant Friend the details of the amicable arrangements which have taken place, when they are available.

Is the Minister aware that the hon. Member for Dumbarton is satisfied with the terms?

asked the Secretary of State for Scotland if he will give an undertaking that the Board or the Government will make themselves responsible for the provision of alternative accommodation for all members of the working classes forced to vacate their houses through the operations of the North of Scotland Hydro-Electric Schemes.

The only constructional scheme so far confirmed does not involve the vacation of any dwelling houses whatsoever. The second constructional scheme is at present sub judice. All the possible results of the scheme, however, including its effect (if any) on working-class housing, will be considered in the light of the report of the public inquiry before any decisions are taken. The Lands Clauses Acts provide for the payment of compensation in the case of houses destroyed or rendered uninhabitable by any constructional scheme, and everything possible will be done to make labour and materials available for any essential replacements should the occasion arise.

Am I to understand that the council did not make itself specifically responsible for alternative accommodation for people removed from their homes?

No, Sir; that is decidedly not in accordance with the terms of my answer.

Coal Industry

Pit Ponies

asked the Minister of Fuel and Power what steps can now be taken to ensure that no pit ponies have to work a double shift resulting in excessive fatigue for these ponies.

I cannot accept the suggestion that a pony which works a double shift necessarily suffers excessive fatigue. Since the work performed and the working conditions vary so greatly, the time a pony is out of the stable is no criterion of whether he is being worked reasonably or overworked. The best index to the latter question is the physical condition of the animal, since overwork soon shows itself in a lowered condition, and that is the basis of the present law. Under the Coal Mines Act, 1911, it is an offence to work any horse, or to allow any horse to be worked, in an unfit condition. My Ministry employs seven fully qualified inspectors who devote their whole time to inspecting pit ponies, their treatment and conditions of work, and other inspectors give some of their time. It is part of the inspectors' duties to see that ponies are not overworked, whether as a result of double shifting or otherwise, and I know of no reason to think that they are being overworked.

Does not the Minister consider that 14 to 16 hours a day is excessive for a pit pony; and is it not time that something was done to stop such treatment?

As I said in my answer, the real test is the condition of the pony. There is no case that I know of where any deterioration has taken place, except owing to age.

Domestic Supplies

asked the Minister of Fuel and Power what will be the coal allowance for the London area, including Essex, for the month of April.

Not more than 5 cwt. of coal and coalite may be supplied during April to premises in the London Civil Defence region. Supplies are prohibited to any premises which have more than 5 cwt. in stock.

asked the Minister of Fuel and Power whether he will institute an immediate inquiry into the conditions and quantities of coal distribution in Rhondda and, particularly, into the reasons for the cut announced in the quantities to be available for distribution in the coming months.

Owing to heavy demands for operational purposes involving diversions of coal from the domestic market, and also to a large increase in the number of applications for additional coal, on account of sickness, in the Rhondda area, there has been some difficulty in meeting the normal needs of domestic consumers in this area. To meet these difficulties additional supplies are now being made available. With regard to the second part of the Question, the quantities to be made available in the summer programme are still under consideration.

Is the Minister aware that this week information has been provided to the suppliers that, in the coming three months, only 9 lbs. of coal per day will be available for thousands of housewives who are in charge of homes, which is 63 lbs. per week, and without any alternative fuel for the use of their households? Does the Minister consider that his Ministry can possibly adhere to that allocation?

My hon. Friend appears to have information that I personally do not possess.

Will the right hon. and gallant Gentleman undertake an immediate investigation into what is going on?

I do not know from what source my hon. Friend has obtained his information, but I can say that it is not accurate. As to future months, to which he refers, no decision has been come to.

The Minister says that my information is not accurate; is he aware that the information which I gave to the House was from the Powell Duffryn Colliery Co., who are the main suppliers in the Rhondda?

My hon. Friend must take it from me that the allocations for that period have not yet been made.

asked the Minister of Fuel and Power whether he is aware that the householders at West Quarter, Stirlingshire, have no gas cookers and that their allowance of coal is too meagre to cook all meals; and whether, in view of their complete dependence on coal fires, he will allow them an additional supply.

There is a shortage of coal supplies in Scotland caused largely by stoppages of work in Scottish pits. This has inevitably created difficulty in Stirlingshire and other areas similarly placed. Local fuel overseers will do what they can to assist in cases of genuine hardship, but owing to the limitation in supplies I regret that I am unable to increase the maximum allowance at present.

Is the Minister aware that what is being dealt with is not the recent dispute, but the fact that in these houses there is no alternative means of cooking or heating than coal? Could he not arrange in such cases, when people are specially handicapped, that they should be able to get an additional supply compared with people with gas cookers?

There is an instruction laid down that in cases where there are no alternative means of heating the allocation is greater, but I am seriously handicapped by the very heavy loss there has been during the last few months in Scotland.

Will the Minister encourage the use of methane gas in such circumstances?

Questions

Petrol Allowance (Application)

asked the Minister of Fuel and Power if he will state the grounds on which the regional petroleum office in Manchester refused, after 10 days' delay, an urgent application for petrol, supported by medical testimony, made by a private car owner who offered to bring a patient from a Shropshire hospital to Burnley; and why a private ambulance was suggested which took twice the amount of petrol and involved a serving soldier in a charge of £9 10s.

If my hon. Friend will be so kind as to give me particulars of the case which he has in mind, I shall be glad to make inquiries and will communicate with him further.

Dental Board

asked the Lord President of the Council why, under the provisions of the Dental Board (Temporary Provisions) Order, 1945, S.R. & O., No. 315, it was regarded as necessary to continue the Dental Board in existence for another year without an election.

The Order to which my hon. and gallant Friend refers related only to the six elected members of the Dental Board. Having regard to the substantial proportion of those entitled to vote who are serving in the Armed Forces, elections to the Board for some time to come would not only involve great practical difficulties, but would also inadequately reflect the views of the electorate.

Is that any reason why we should not have a general election, having regard to the large number of these people in the Forces?

National Finance

Deficit

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer how the remainder of the deficit in the financial year just ended amounting in total to £2,819,777,817 was provided after allowing for £332,000,000 from Savings Certificates and 3 per cent. Defence Bonds, £394,000,000 from 3 per cent. Savings Bonds, £461,000,000 from National War Bonds, £202,000,000 from 1¾ per cent. Exchequer Bonds and £121,000,000 from Tax Reserve Certificates, the remainder in question amounting to £1,309,777,817.

With my hon. Friend's permission I will circulate the answer in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

I will leave my hon. Friend to judge.

Following is the reply:

In addition to borrowing to meet the deficit of £2,820,000,000, provision had also to be made for repayments of debt amounting to £358,000,000 (5 per cent. Conversion Loan, £317,000,000; 2½ per cent. National Defence Bonds, £20,000,000; other debt £5,000,000; and Sinking Funds, £16,000,000). The total of £3,178,000,000 was raised as follows:

Taxicabs (Purchase Tax)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, in view of the present shortage of taxicabs and the necessity for increasing the supply in the interests of the public, he will consider exempting the new taxicabs from the 33⅓ per cent. Purchase Tax to which the new taxicab is now liable.

I would refer my hon. and gallant Friend to the reply I gave my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Ayr Burghs (Sir T. Moore) on 12th April.

Is it not a fact that shortage of taxis inflicts very great hardship upon the public in London, and is it not essential that their number should be increased?

I have no reason to think that the increase in Purchase Tax has anything to do with it.

Will the Chancellor bear in mind that the taxicab is usually the livelihood of its owner, who is often a small man, and would he not therefore be prepared to give more consideration to this question?

It is not a matter of my being prepared to give more consideration. The fact is that motor cars are subject to Purchase Tax and that it is physically impossible to discriminate between cars which are to be used for hire and those which are going in to private ownership.

Is the Purchase Tax charged on those vehicles labelled "priority" which Ministers of the Crown use, although the use has never been authorised by this House? [HON. MEMBERS: "Answer."]

Public Holidays Overtime (Income Tax)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, in connection with the proposals of paying overtime rates to those who are required to work on days which are declared to be public holidays on the termination of hostilities, he will remit the Income Tax on such earnings, in view of the high proportion of absenteeism which is otherwise likely to occur.

No, Sir. I have no power to remit Income Tax on any income, nor could I see my way to propose an amendment of the law for the purpose.

Would the right hon. Gentleman agree that the incidence of tax on overtime is sometimes such as to extinguish the benefit altogether; and is he aware of the apprehension that in matters such as the production of newspapers, the present inducement will not be sufficient to ensure production during the holidays?

The statement in the first part of the Question is not strictly accurate. I think my hon. and gallant Friend is referring to the operation of what is called marginal tax, but steps are being taken, as I have explained, to avoid the undue incidence of tax on the particular range of remuneration affected. As regards the second part of the question, everyone has his own opinion as to the effect of heavy taxation.

Civil Defence Gratuity (Old Age Pensioners)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether the gratuity paid to the C.D. will be exempt from consideration as income or capital in the assessment of needs in the case of old age pensioners drawing supplementary pension or in other cases where a needs test is applied.

Gratuities in respect of service in Civil Defence will be credited to accounts in the Post Office savings bank in the name of the recipient, and would be treated, on any application for supplementary pension, in precisely the same way as any other new money invested in the Post Office savings bank by the claimant during the war period. This means that, subject to the provisions of the Determination of Needs Act, 1941, the amounts of such gratuities will normally fall to be disregarded as "war savings." The position in relation to unemployment assistance and financial assistance under the Blind Persons Acts is similar. If my hon. Friend desires information in regard to other arrangements involving a test of need, he should put down a Question to the Minister responsible.

Is the Minister aware that that will be very satisfactory to the people in Civil Defence, and is there any other way in which the Chancellor can make the matter known to them?

I dare say that the Question and answer will receive a good deal of publicity.

Government Departments

Civil Service (Widows' Pensions)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer (1) what rates of pension are granted to widows of members of the Civil Service if their husbands die while still on the active list and if they die after retirement from the Service; (2) what rates of pension are granted to widows of members of the Foreign Service if their hus- bands die while still on the active list or if their husbands die after retirement from the Service.

No pensions are granted to the widows of civil servants, apart from the awards under the injury warrants to the dependants of a civil servant who dies as a direct result of some injury incurred whilst on duty and specifically attributable to the nature of his duty. The Superannuation Acts do, however, provide for the payment of lump sum gratuities to the legal personal representatives of civil servants who die in service. Further, under Section 2 of the Superannuation Act, 1935, an established civil servant may, on retirement, subject to certain conditions, surrender a part of any pension granted to him under the Superannuation Acts in return for the grant to his wife or other dependant of a pension which is actuarially equivalent. I am sending my right hon. Friend a copy of the explanatory memorandum on Allocation of Pension. The position of the Foreign Service is the same as that of the home Civil Service.

Does that, in point of fact, mean that the House is to understand that the widow of a civil servant, however long the service that her husband may have given—[HON. MEMBERS: "The hon. Member is reading his supplementary"]—and if so, is it not a scandal, and will the Minister consider a remedy?

Subject to the changes which I have enumerated in my answer, the position has been the same from time immemorial.

Regional Organisations (Cost)

asked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury which Departments have created regional organisations in the past six years; what is the annual cost of this new organisation; and hew many officials are employed.

I am collecting the information asked for in this Question and will let my hon. Friend have it as soon as it is available.

Questions

Anglo-Swedish Monetary Agreement

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he will now give details of the protocol which was attached to the Anglo-Swedish Financial Agreement and details of which have not yet been disclosed.

There was no Protocol attached to the Anglo-Swedish Monetary Agreement of 6th March last. A number of technical and subsidiary points were touched on during the discussions which led to the conclusion of this Agreement, which were recorded in minutes and correspondence, and it was agreed on both sides that these should not be published.

Is the Chancellor not aware that there appears in the Swedish Press a detailed statement of a reciprocal trading agreement between this country and Sweden of a very satisfactory character? Why cannot it be disclosed to the House?

Because it happens not to correspond with the facts. The facts are as I have informed the hon. Member. There is no question of any obligation being undertaken by either country as a result of the correspondence which is recorded in the Appendix.

If there are discrepancies in the statement which appears in the Swedish Press, will the Chancellor not clear the matter up by disclosing to the House what has taken place?

On a point of Order. May I appeal to you, Mr. Speaker? The Chancellor says the facts have been disclosed. He has not disclosed them. Will he be good enough to disclose them now?

No, Sir. I have informed the hon. Member that, by agreement with the Swedish Government, the correspondence which was recorded with the Agreement was not to be published. I cannot depart from that.

Can the Chancellor give any reason why he should have concluded an agreement whereby matters of this kind are kept secret from the country?

Really, I must repeat to the House that there is no question of keeping matters secret. Naturally there were discussions leading up to the Agreement. It was thought convenient that these should be recorded at the same time as the Agreement was entered into, for the convenience of both parties, but it was agreed that these discussions should not be published.

On a point of Order. The right hon. Gentleman has not answered my question but some other question. I asked him whether he could give the House any reasons why such an agreement should have been entered into, and all he did was to repeat the statement that he had entered into the Agreement. I asked why he entered into the Agreement.

The Chancellor under stands me perfectly well, the agreement to—[ Interruption. ]

On a point of Order. May I ask your direction, Mr. Speaker, as to whether a Minister is entitled to evade the substance of a question in a technical reply? The Chancellor is always doing that.

The hon. Member must not expect me to give replies to questions of that sort.

On a point of Order. The hon. Member for Nelson and Colne (Mr. Silverman) said in my hearing, though perhaps not in yours, Mr. Speaker, that the answer I had given was thoroughly dishonest. Is that an observation which is permitted?

It may not be un-Parliamentary, but it is certainly a very undesirable expression to use.

What I said, and I will withdraw it if you, Mr. Speaker, rule that it is not a Parliamentary expression, was that the right hon. Gentleman had been guilty of a dishonest evasion.

In view of what I have seen disclosed, I say that the Chancellor is guilty of a dishonest evasion.

I am quite willing to have this matter tested by the House. I say that if my right hon. Friend will lay that document on the Table, I will stand by the decision of the House.

The hon. Member must remember that I have given him a direction to withdraw his statement. My direction must be obeyed.

If you, Sir, give me such a direction, I must, naturally, respect it. I, therefore, withdraw my statement.

Canadian Service Personnel (Legal Claims)

asked the Under-Secretary of State for Dominion Affairs whether he has now made an arrangement with the Canadian Government for dealing with claims against Canadian Service personnel, similar to the one made with the U.S.A. Government; and what are its details.

I am afraid that I cannot add to the reply which I gave to my hon. and gallant Friend, the Member for Lewes (Rear - Admiral Beamish) on 27th February. The question is still under consideration with the Canadian authorities.

As this matter has been under consideration for many months before 27th February, will my hon. Friend impress on the Canadian authorities that it is causing hardship to British civilians?

Yes, Sir, we are in constant contact with the Canadian authorities on this subject.

Is there any prospect of getting this arrangement concluded before V-Day?

Trade and Commerce

Latin America

61 and 62.

asked the President of the Board of Trade (1) the measures which are being taken for the restoration of British export trade in South and Central America; and if he is satisfied that the Latin American branch of the Board of Trade is adequately staffed by officers having intimate knowledge of South American conditions, trade, customs and local economic problems;

(2) if his attention has been called to the extensive public works plan projected by the Government of Chile under a recent decree; if he has arranged for details of the schemes covered by the decree to be made available to manufacturers in this country; and if His Majesty's Government will do everything possible to secure that a large proportion of pending Chilean reconstruction contracts are placed in this country.

I have asked His Majesty's Embassy at Santiago to send full particulars of the Chilean Government's schemes as soon as they are available. My hon. Friend the Secretary to the Overseas Trade Department and I will gladly do all we can to assist exporters both to Chile and to other Latin American countries. More than 100 representatives of commercial firms have received exit permits to visit these countries in the eight months up to 31st March last. I consider that the staff now dealing with Latin America, both in the Board of Trade and the Department of Overseas Trade, is adequate for present purposes. Reports containing the latest information on commercial conditions in a number of these countries have recently been published and are selling well, and further reports will follow very soon.

Has my right hon. Friend made any communication to the commercial attachés to our Legations in South America, to see that these arrangements are made known to our manufacturers?

Not only have we made communications to them, but we are bringing a number of the commercial representatives home for consultation. The Commercial Minister to our Embassy in the Argentine is here now, and we expect our Commercial Counsellor in Chile very soon.

Will my right hon. Friend make every effort to use the vast chain of broadcasting stations in South America?

Stolen Clothing Coupons (Barking)

asked the President of the Board of Trade if he can give any information in connection with the 3,500 clothing coupons stolen, on Friday last, from the Ministry of Labour office at Barking; and whether anyone has been arrested.

This office was broken into on the night of the 5th April, and 359 supplementary clothing sheets, containing 3,590 coupons, were stolen. The police have the matter in hand, but, so far as I am aware, no arrest has yet been made.

Scrubbing Brushes (Shortage)

asked the President of the Board of Trade if he is aware of the shortage of scrubbing brushes in the Spennymoor Division and the North-East Coast; does he realise the difficulties caused to the housewives by such short age; and will he endeavour to increase the supplies of this essential commodity.

Yes, Sir. I am aware that there is a shortage of scrubbing brushes in some areas. Output is limited by the amount of labour available for this purpose. But I am glad to say that I have recently been able to arrange for some additional production, and I shall continue to do all I can to increase supplies.

Will my right hon. Friend see also that better scrubbing brushes are provided?

Paper Allocation (Retail Book Trade)

asked the President of the Board of Trade if he is aware that retail book shops are not gaining any increased stocks from the publishers, despite the recent addition to the quota of paper permitted to the publishers; and what steps he intends to take to remedy this.

Following the increased allocations of paper for books, made last autumn and in February last, increased supplies of books should be available for distribution through the retail book shops and also for export. Perhaps my hon. and gallant Friend will let me have any information he has on this subject.

I will. Is my right hon. Friend aware that when Trevelyan's "Social History" has been reprinted this month one book shop, with which I am acquainted, can get an allocation of only 60 copies, against 1,000 that the public have already paid for at that shop?

Why is paper available for the political lunatics who produce pamphlets which no one wants to read, and which are detrimental to those who do read them?

Anglo-French Trade (Negotiations)

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether the Anglo-French financial agreement is to be followed by negotiations for a commercial agreement.

Is it not highly desirable that, in view of the European situation, we should seek to secure a commercial and trading agreement with our French friends? Would it not be to the advantage of both parties?

At present, as my hon. Friend is no doubt aware, trade between ourselves and France is moving through Government-controlled channels, but that is a temporary phase, and we are in touch with the French Government on the possibility of proceeding to a commercial agreement. But we think the time for this has not arrived yet.

Business of the House

I desire to ask my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister a question, as to the course of Business this week.

It will be necessary to make other arrangements in regard to two items of Business, of an urgent character, which were postponed last Friday when the House adjourned as a mark of respect on the death of the late President Roosevelt. To-morrow, after the Committee stage of the Requisitioned Land Bill, we shall ask the House to agree to take Lords Amendments to the Ministry of Fuel and Power Bill, which, I am informed, are of a non-controversial character, and the Committee and remaining stages of the Ministry of Civil Aviation Bill. I hope that we can conclude this Business without sitting unduly late. On Friday—I will come to Thursday in a minute—we shall finish the Ministry of Civil Aviation Bill, if it is not previously disposed of, and then take the Committee and remaining stages of the Army and Air Force (Annual) Bill and a Motion to approve the continuance in force of Proclamations under the Government of India Act. The Committee stage of the Income Tax Bill, previously announced for this day, will not be taken.

I have also to make a statement about the Business announced for consideration on Thursday. I do not think it would be a good opportunity for a Debate on Poland or on the general war situation. I think it might lie awkwardly with the general movement of events. Serious changes in the world position have taken place since this order of Business was planned, and now the Foreign Secretaries of Russia, Britain, and the United States will have an opportunity of meeting, which has been greatly needed since we left Yalta. I should not like to plunge into discussions which might in any way impair the prospects of a definite improvement in regard to the various subjects which were discussed at Yalta and have not yet reached their full fruition. Therefore, I suggest that on that day we should take instead the Committee stage of the Requisitioned Land and War Works Bill.

I take it that on the war situation the Prime Minister would have made some sort of statement to the House himself. Can we know now whether he intends to inform the House of events which are now proceeding very rapidly in connection with the war; because, obviously, as we get nearer to the end of the German war, the more important matters affecting the Japanese war—the disposal of our Forces, etc.—will become very urgent?

These latter matters might become very urgent without the necessity for giving them very minute publicity.

Statutory Rules and Orders, Etc

Eighth Report from the Select Committee, brought up and read, as follows:

Your Committee have considered the Milk Marketing (County of Banff) (Charges) Order, 1945 (S.R. & O., 1945, No. 350), and the Fish Sales (Charges) (Amendment) Order, 1945 (S.R. & O., 1945, No. 369), copies of which were presented on 10th April, and are of the opinion that there are no reasons for drawing the special attention of the House to them on any of the grounds set out in the Order of Reference to the Committee.

They have also considered the Ploughing Grants Regulations, 1945 (S.R. & O., 1945, No. 214), a copy of which was presented on 6th March, and are of the opinion that the attention of the House should be drawn to them on the ground that there appears to have been unjustifiable delay in their publication.

To lie upon the Table.

New Member (Sponsors)

Will Members desiring to take their seats please come to the Table?

Mr. R. D. McIntyre, Member for the County of Lanark ( Motherwell Division ) came to the Table to be sworn, without being introduced, according to custom, by two Members.

I have to point out to the hon. Member that it is the uniform practice of this House, when any Member comes into the House for the first time, that he should be introduced by two Members of the House; and I have to ask him whether two Members of this House are prepared to introduce him, in accordance with the usual practice of this House.

No speech can be made. The hon. Member has no place from which he can make a speech. He was asked a question, and I gather that the answer was, "No."

I have to call the attention of the House to a Resolution of this House on 23rd February, 1688, with reference to this practice. It is recorded in the Journals of the House in these terms:

If the hon. Gentleman refuses to allow two hon. Members to introduce him, what is the position?

I must ask the hon. Gentleman who has presented himself at the Table to withdraw behind the Bar of the House.

The hon. Member withdrew accordingly.

The hon. Gentleman who has appeared was elected for Motherwell. May I put this point to you, Mr. Speaker? May I suggest that this procedure was adopted long years ago, and that now another factor has entered into the matter and two hon. Members have not been asked by the hon. Gentleman to introduce him. Would it be in Order to move that this Rule be not enforced?

The matter is one for the House to decide. The hon. Member could move that; there is a Motion which could be moved, but what I would suggest is that the Debate on the precedent of 1875 be looked up, and a Motion then made to the House.

On a point of Order. If two hon. Members of this House can identify the hon. Gentleman who attends at the Bar of the House, as the individual who was elected for the Motherwell constituency, would that not be accepted by you, Mr. Speaker, as one way of carrying out the terms of the Resolution?

I am entirely bound by the precedents of the House. It is always my duty to obey them and see that they are enforced, but the decision is one entirely for the House itself.

I respectfully submit that notice must be given of any Motion such as that suggested by the hon. Member below the Gangway, and I suggest that that notice be given and a Motion debated in two days' time.

I beg to reinforce the suggestion which has been made, that time be given to examine the precedent and that we should thereupon make up our minds. Clearly, the Rules of the House, which have existed for many centuries, should not be changed without due consideration, but that is not to say that these Rules should not be changed. The Order seems to indicate that the purpose of the two hon. Members was to identify the hon. Member and, as the hon. Member for Gorbals (Mr. Buchanan) has said, it is certainly possible to identify him to-day, without necessarily having two hon. Members of this House to vouch for him. For all that, the matter should certainly be examined and a decision come to after consideration by this House. Certainly, it is not a matter on which we should rule this afternoon.

May I put this to you, Mr. Speaker? It is argued that there is no urgency, but, in the meantime, an hon. Member has been definitely elected—there is no doubt about it—for the Motherwell division. Is there any reason why this House should not to-day say that that Gentleman is the elected hon. Member for Motherwell and allow him to take his seat without sponsors?

I put it to you, Mr. Speaker, that this House of Commons ought to be asked to decide to-day whether the hon. Gentleman is to be allowed to take his seat.

I put it to you, Mr. Speaker, that you should not have regard to people saying "No, no", but that you should rule as Speaker, and I ask you to rule that the hon. Gentleman, as the representative of Motherwell, should be allowed to take his place.

It is not for me to say; it is for the House to decide. I cannot break the Rules.

In your guidance to the House, Mr. Speaker, you stated that there was one departure in the last century from this rule. Can you say whether the circumstances of that departure were somewhat similar to those of to-day and that an hon. Member was introduced without any sponsors; and, if that is so, has not that created a precedent?

I do not think I ought to answer that question. It might prejudice the hon. Member whose case we are discussing. I think we should look up that Debate, and find out what happened.

From your reading of the history of the matter, Mr. Speaker, is it not quite clear that the House is not refusing admission to an elected Member, but is asking that he should comply with the Rules of the House?

Would it be in Order, without going into the general question whether the rules should be altered or not, to suspend the Standing Order on this occasion—

—to enable the hon. Member to take his seat? Would such a Motion be in Order?

Are not the Standing Orders of this House designed for the protection of minorities, and, if this Standing Order is to be suspended without notice, some other Standing Orders, to which hon. Members might attach great importance and which might protect them, might be suspended by the snap action of a majority. Would not that be a grave interference with the rights of minorities?

Is there anything sacred in two hon. Members walking up the Floor of the House? Is it not possible for you, Mr. Speaker, to rule that, if two hon. Members here say that the hon. Gentleman is the Member for Motherwell, and if that is all there is to it, the hon. Gentleman may be accepted? If so, may I ask if that can be done?

I cannot very well answer that without making some indication which might reflect on the hon. Member. I would suggest again that the reasons and causes in the two former occasions might well be looked up. I must point out to the House that we are meeting to-day for a sad and solemn ceremony.

I would wish to move a Motion to the effect that the Standing Order applying to this case, as quoted by you, Mr. Speaker, be suspended for this day's Sitting, and that the hon. Gentleman be allowed to take his seat, without enforcement of the Rule.

Before I put a question of that kind, I think we should proceed with the introduction of the other hon. Member who is waiting at the Bar.

Later

I beg to move:

"That the said Older and custom be dispensed with, on this occasion, in the case of Mr. McIntyre."

I only want to say that after listening to your precedents, Mr. Speaker, with the courtesy which any pronouncement from you always deserves—

On a point of Order. May I ask, for the information of the House, what Standing Order the hon. Member is moving should be suspended?

It is not a Standing Order, but it is the form of words which was used on the former occasion to which I have referred.

I am sorry to have to rise to another point of Order. I understood that what the hon. Member was going to move was the suspension of a Standing Order, and that can be moved without notice, but I submit that the rescinding of a Resolution passed by this House cannot be moved without notice.

For the third time may I resume what I was saying? In my view the passage of time has altered and changed many things—

On a point of Order. When you ruled just now, Mr. Speaker, that this is a question of Privilege can any hon. Member claim that this is a privileged occasion and ask that the matter be referred to the Committee of Privileges?

A custom has grown up, but I think hon. Members ought to face the change which has taken place in the make-up of the House of Commons and of Parliament and in its methods and its approaches. In Scotland Mr. McIntyre was duly elected for the division of Motherwell, in the County of Lanarkshire. There is no doubt that he is the gentleman; that is quite clear and quite distinct. He is the gentleman and he comes here and says: "I fought both the machines, all the machines, and I have been elected quite independent of any of the political parties." The electors in a democratic country have said that this is the particular man they want. Whatever my views are or whatever may be anybody else's views they do not enter into the question at all. It is the right of Motherwell to have this free choice in the election of a Member and they have elected this gentleman. In that case why should we hold on to a custom which arises out of the long distant past and is outworn? Yes, outworn. I have this kindred point too, that at one time one man of my party walked in here alone. We may well be a future Government ere long, and I say frankly that I can see no reason at all for this old custom being enforced to-day. I think the hon. Member for Motherwell, Mr. McIntyre, should be allowed to take his place, that this fuss has been unnecessary, and that he ought to be allowed to take part in the work of the House of Commons at the earliest possible moment.

I beg to second the Motion.

The right hon. and gallant Member for Kelvingrove (Lieut.-Colonel Elliot) mentioned that the Standing Orders of this House were designed for the protection of minorities. This Motion, which I am glad to second, is designed in order to secure that protection. Here is a minority, a very small minority, the very first member of a Party to come to this House. He may not have succeeded in getting sponsors. [HON. MEMBERS: "He could have had plenty of them."] He is quite rightly entitled to refuse to accept sponsors from existing parties in this House. It is a very grave matter for the Standing Orders of this House to interfere with the declared return from an electorate in this country. He has gone through an election and has been declared returned as a Member of this House. He is here with a Writ to show that he has been elected, and I suggest that the proper thing for us to do is to suspend the Standing Order to-day to enable him to be admitted, as he is entitled to be as a Member of this House, and without any further delay.

I could not advise the House on this occasion to depart from ancient tradition and custom. On the contrary I think these are the days when Parliament and the British House of Commons are so much under the gaze of the whole world, and the admiring gaze of large parts of it, that we should not in the least shrink from upholding the ancient customs and traditions which have added to our dignity and to our power. The gentleman who is seeking to present himself at this moment speaks, so far as I can judge, in favour of old traditions, older than we have known for many years. But for the hitch which has occurred in the moment of his introduction we certainly could, I think, have a right to claim him as a supporter with us in the Division which is about to take place. At any rate, as far as we are concerned, I hope that those who support His Majesty's Government will resist the proposal so very abruptly thrown out to give away customs and traditions of our island which have lasted since 1688, and I am strongly of opinion that those who feel this way should testify so in the Division Lobby.

If there is—[HON. MEMBERS: "Divide."] If there is a Division I shall support the plea that the Prime Minister has made. I think that an immense mistake was made by this House in having any discussion at all, because that furnishes the hon. Member with the advertisement he desires. He has already secured the advertisement himself, and I saw no reason why others should speak before the Noble Lord initiated this discussion. After a General Election, of which a large number of hon. Members have had an experience, we come here without any evidence of any kind whatsoever. We are not introduced, we have not got the Writ, and any member of the public who had sufficient impu- dence could take his seat in the House without any challenge when a new Parliament first meets. The system has always been absurd. There is a General Election and 200 or 300 new Members are elected. You walk into Palace Yard. A policeman looks at you and you say: "New Member." He asks: "What name, please?" and you say "Bill Smith." He touches his hat and you walk in without challenge. The thing is a complete farce. The only object of having the ceremonial presentation is that we like a bit of ceremony, but it has no constitutional significance of any kind whatsoever and never has had.

I should like to support the appeal of the Prime Minister, with one modification. I think it is clear that a change of this kind ought to be considered after due notice. In order to meet this particular case it may be necessary in due course for the House of Commons to amend its procedure. [HON. MEMBERS: "NO."] I do not think we ought to prejudge the situation until we have had an ample opportunity to discuss the whole situation. The suggestion that we should support the Prime Minister does not mean that we have finally decided about what our attitude should be.

The Prime Minister has pointed out that this ceremonial custom dates back almost three centuries, to 1688. In view of that fact I want to draw his attention. [ Interruption. ]

I want to point out that this custom was established before the union of the two Parliaments in 1707. Consequently, when the Scottish and English Parliaments became united there was no reason for holding on to a custom of this kind, no reason why Scottish Members should be bound by the customs and usages of the old English Parliament. The hon. Member for Motherwell has presented himself here to-day, and in spite of what the hon. Member for South Croydon (Sir H. Williams) has said he is recognisable and is known to a number of Members of this House and therefore he can be easily vouched for. Why should he be refused admission after having been elected democratically by a constituency in Britain? We in this House are to-day refusing to recognise our democracy by declining to accept a Member who has been accepted by the democracy in Motherwell. He is the elected Member for Motherwell and as such has a right to be allowed to take his place in this House whether he is vouched for or is not vouched for. Therefore, the House would be ill-advised if it divided on a matter of this kind, but purely on usage and custom and not upon Rule or Standing Order, it would be doing a very good thing to allow him to take his seat.

The House should get this matter in its proper proportions. There are two points here of great difficulty. I think that we ought to observe the Rules of the House when we come here as Members, and if a new Member, coming here for the first time, starts his Parliamentary career by breaking the first Rule of the House—[An HON. MEMBER: "He is not breaking the Rule"]—or seeking to break the Rule, then there is no reason at all why he should not pursue his Parliamentary career by doing the same with every Rule of the House. I submit to the House that in this case there is a very considerable difficulty. When a Member arrives at this House he is in a difficulty if he has to be sponsored by people who are hostile to his political views, and in every other respect as far as the political party to which he belongs is concerned. The second thing is that it is equally embarrassing, even to persons who may be personal friends of the hon. Member, to sponsor him in this House, when, by sponsoring him, they automatically create the impression that they or their party are associating themselves with the hon. Member and his party. If the hon. Member were sponsored by two Members of the Conservative Party, then the Conservative Party would immediately be associating itself with the hon. Member.

We will do it from the Front Bench, if my hon. Friend likes.

It is not as easy as my right hon. Friend suggests. I submit that in the case of a Member of a unique party, a person who has nobody associated with him, it would be wise for the House to waive the Rule and allow the Member to take his seat, otherwise, I cannot see how the hon. Member can accept the Rule of the House without compromising himself or some other Member of the House.

On a point of Order, Mr. Speaker. May I ask whether, in view of the fact that this House has met this afternoon to hear a tribute paid to a very great man, it would not be possible for this Debate to be suspended and then to be continued, if it has to be continued, after my right hon. Friend has done what he came here to do?

Could the House know whether, in fact, the hon. Gentleman has refused to have sponsors, because if not, would it be possible for two sponsors to offer to come forward and to end the whole business?

I asked the hon. Gentleman and he indicated that he refused to have sponsors.

On a point of Order, Mr. Speaker. Would it be in Order to move the Closure of this Debate?

It would be in Order.

Mr. SILVERMAN rose in his place, and claimed to move, "That the Question be now put," but Mr. SPEAKER withheld his assent and declined then to put that Question.

If there was ever an example of a storm in a tea-cup, we have it here this afternoon. I am sorry we have had the intervention of the Prime Minister in the matter at all, because he should, at any rate, have left it to the Members of the House. I cannot understand that there is anything very important in this matter of tradition, with two Members marching up from there to there on either side of a new Member. [ Interruption. ] Never you mind the kilts; it is a cheap interjection. The Armies in France have been very much indebted to the people who wear the kilts. When it is considered that 615 Members can come in here after a General Election without any sponsors, it is rather prurient that it should require two persons to march up to the Table with one person. I want to put this point to the House. This Member has been re- turned and he has no party in this House. I am sure—whether he has refused sponsors or not, I do not know—he could get plenty of sponsors if he wanted them. But the fact of the matter is, that he does not want sponsors and he is making his point here to-day to be introduced without sponsors. If we had a precedent in 1875, I do not understand why we cannot have one in 1945. I ask the House, in spite of the advice given by the Prime Minister to—

On a point of Order, Mr. Speaker. When, with the object of showing due respect to this House, two hon. Members offer to sponsor the hon. Member, surely that is enough? We are prepared to do it.

As has been pointed out the sole reason for the demonstration is that the hon. Member does not want sponsors, and in view of the circumstances surrounding the case I hope that the House, in spite of the advice of the Prime Minister, will vote in favour of the Motion which has been moved by my hon. Friend.

I wish to say two sentences—if allowed—on this occasion. Whenever there has been a conflict in British constitutional history between the privileges, usages and customs of the House and the right of the constituents of this country to elect a person to this House, the right of those constituents has always prevailed, and the House, if I may say so with all respect, is flying in face of every single major constitutional precedent in trying to set any rule, regulation, custom or usage of this House against the right of the citizens of this country to be represented here by any person whomsoever they select. Therefore, the advice given by the Prime Minister this afternoon flies in the face of every occasion, and we ought to admit the hon. Member and not bother any more about the matter.

Question put,

"That the said Order and Custom be dispensed with, on this occasion, in the case of Mr. McIntyre."

The House divided: Ayes, 74; Noes, 273.

Division No. 14].

AYES.

[3.55 p.m.

Anderson, F. (Whitehaven)

Gruffydd, Professor W. J.

Richards, R.

Bartlett, C. V. O.

Guest, Dr. L. Haden (Islington, N.)

Ritson, J.

Bellenger, F. J.

Hardie, Mrs. Agnes

Sexton, T. M.

Bevan, A. (Ebbw Vale)

Harvey, T. E.

Shaw, Capt. W. T. (Forfar)

Bower, Norman (Harrow)

Horabin, T. L.

Shinwell, E.

Bowles, F. G.

Hubbard, T. F.

Silverman, S. S.

Brown, W. J. (Rugby)

Jones, A. C. (Shipley)

Sloan, A.

Burke, W. A.

Kendall, W. D.

Smith, E. (Stoke)

Cocks, F. S.

Key, C. W.

Sorensen, R. W.

Cove, W. G.

Lawson, H. M. (Skipton)

Stokes, R. R.

Daggar, G.

Leonard, W.

Stuart, Lord C. Crichton- (Northwich)

Davies, Clement (Montgomery)

Mack, J. D.

Taylor, H. B. (Mansfield)

Davies, S. O. (Merthyr)

McKinlay, A. S.

Thorneycroft, H. (Clayton)

Driberg, T. E. N.

Maclean, N. (Govan)

Viant, S. P.

Evans, D. O. (Cardigan).

McNeil, H.

Watson, W. McL.

Foster, W.

Martin, J. H.

White, C. F. (Derbyshire, W.)

Frankel, D.

Morris-Jones, Sir Henry

White, H. (Derby, N.E.)

Fraser, T. (Hamilton)

Mort, D. L.

Williams, E. J. (Ogmore)

Gallacher, W.

Naylor, T. E.

Windsor, W.

George, Megan Lloyd (Anglesey)

Oldfield, W. H.

Woodburn, A.

Glanville, J. E.

Oliver, G. H.

Wright, Group-Capt. J. (Erdington)

Granville, E. L.

Owen, Major Sir G.

Young, Sir R. (Newton)

Green, W. H. (Deptford)

Parker, J.

Greenwood, Rt. Hon. A.

Pearson, A.

TELLERS FOR THE AYES:

Grenfell, D. R.

Pethick-Lawrence, Rt. Hon. F. W.

Mr. Buchanan and

Griffiths, J. (Llanelly)

Pritt, D. N.

Mr. Moelwyn Hughes.

NOES.

Agnew, Comdr. P. G.

Courthope, Col. Rt. Hon. Sir G. L.

Henderson, J. (Ardwick)

Albery, Sir Irving

Crookshank, Capt. Rt. Hon. H. F. C.

Heneage, Lt.-Col. Sir A. P.

Amery, Rt. Hon. L. C. M. S.

Davies, Major Sir G. F. (Yeovil)

Hepburn, Major P. G. T. Buchan-

Anderson Rt. Hon. Sir J. (Sc'h. Univ.)

Davison, Sir W. H.

Hicks, E. G.

Astor, Lieut.-Col. Hon. J. J. (Dover)

De Chair, S. S.

Hill, Prof. A. V.

Astor, Viscountess (Plymouth, Sutton)

Denville, Alfred

Hinchingbrooke, Viscount

Astor, Hon. W. W. (Fulham, E.)

Doland, G. F.

Hogg, Hon. Q. McG.

Attlee, Rt. Hon. C. R.

Donner, Squadron-Leader P. W.

Hollins, J. H. (Silvertown)

Baxter, A. Beverley

Dower, Lt.-Col. A. V. G.

Hore-Belisha, Rt. Hon. L.

Beamish, Rear-Admiral T. P.

Drewe, C.

Horsbrugh, Rt. Hon. Florence

Beattie, F. (Cathcart)

Duckworth, Arthur (Shrewsbury)

Hudson, Sir A. (Hackney, N.)

Beauchamp, Sir B. C.

Duckworth, W. R. (Moss Side)

Hudson, Rt. Hon. R. S. (Southport)

Beaumont, Hubert (Batley)

Dugdale, John (W. Bromwich)

Hulbert, Wing-Commander N. J.

Beaumont, Maj. Hn. R. E. B. (P'tsm'h)

Duncan, Rt. Hon. Sir A. R. (C. Ldn.)

Hume, Sir G. H.

Beech, Major F. W.

Duncan, Capt. J. A. L. (Kens'gt'n, N.)

Hunter, Sir T.

Beechman, N. A.

Eccles, D. M.

Hurd, Sir P. A.

Beit, Sir A. L.

Ede, Rt. Hon. J. C.

Hutchinson, G. C. (Ilford)

Bennett, Sir P. F. B. (Edgbaston)

Edmondson, Major Sir J.

Hutchison, Lt.-Com. G. I. C. (E'burgh)

Benson, G.

Edwards, Rt. Hon. Sir C. (Bedwellty)

Hynd, J. B.

Berry, Hon. G. L. (Buckingham)

Elliot, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. W. E.

Irwin, Captain Lord

Berry, Major Hon. J. S. (Hitchin)

Elliston, Captain Sir G. S.

James, Wing-Com. A. (Well'borough)

Beveridge, Sir W. H.

Emmott, C. E. G. C.

James, Admiral Sir W. (Ports'th, N.)

Bevin, Rt. Hon. E. (Wandsworth, C.)

Emrys-Evans, P. V.

Jeffreys, General Sir G. D.

Blair, Sir R.

Entwistle, Sir C. F.

Jenkins, A. (Pontypool)

Boles, Lt.-Col. D. C.

Etherton, Ralph

Jewson, P. W.

Bossom, A. C.

Evans, Col. Sir A. (Cardiff, S.)

Jones, Sir G. W. H. (S'k Newington)

Bracken, Rt. Hon. B.

Everard, Sir W. Lindsay

Jowitt, Rt. Hon. Sir W. A.

Braithwaite, Major A. N. (Buckrose)

Fermoy, Lord

Joynson-Hicks, Lt.-Comdr. Hon. L. W.

Broadbridge, Sir G. T.

Furness, S. N.

Keeling, E. H.

Brocklebank, Sir C. E. R.

Galbraith, Comdr. T. D.

Keir, Mrs. Cazalet

Brooke, H. (Lewisham)

Gammans, Capt. L. D.

Kerr, H. W. (Oldham)

Brooks, T. J. (Rothwell)

Garro Jones, G. M.

Kerr, Sir John Graham (Scottish U's)

Brown, Brig.-Gen. H. C. (Newbury)

Gates, Major E. E.

King-Hall, Commander W. S. R.

Brown, T. J. (Ince)

George, Maj. Rt. Hn. G. Lloyd (P'b'ke)

Lakin, C. H. A.

Bull, B. B.

Gibbons, Lt.-Col. W. E.

Lamb, Sir J. Q.

Bullock, Capt. M.

Gibson, Sir C. G.

Lambert, Rt. Hon. G.

Burton, Col. H. W.

Glyn, Sir R. G. C.

Law, Rt. Hon. R. K.

Butcher, H. W.

Goldie, N. B.

Lawson, J. J. (Chester-le-Street)

Butler, Rt. Hon. R. A.

Graham, Captain A. C.

Leach, W.

Cadogan, Major Sir E.

Grant-Ferris, Wing-Commander R.

Lees-Jones, J.

Campbell, Sir E. T. (Bromley)

Greenwell, Colonel T. G.

Leighton, Major B. E. P.

Carver, Colonel W. H.

Gretton, J. F.

Lennox-Boyd, A. T. L.

Castlereagh, Viscount

Gridley, Sir A. B.

Levy, T.

Channon, H.

Grigg, Rt. Hon. Sir P. J. (Cardiff, E.)

Lewis, O.

Chater, D.

Grimston, Hon. J. (St. Albans)

Liddall, W. S.

Chorlton, A. E. L.

Grimston, R. V. (Westbury)

Lindsay, K. M.

Churchill, Rt. Hn. Winston S. (Epping)

Hacking, Rt. Hon. Sir D. H.

Lipson, D. L.

Clarke, Colonel R. S.

Hall, Rt. Hon. G. H. (Aberdare)

Little, Sir E. Graham- (London Univ.)

Cobb, Captain E. C.

Hammersley, S. S.

Lloyd, C. E. (Dudley)

Colegate, W. A.

Hannon, Sir P. J. H.

Lloyd, Major E. G. R. (Renfrew, E.)

Colman, N. C. D.

Harris, Rt. Hon. Sir P. A.

Lloyd, Rt. Hon. G. W. (Ladywood)

Conant, Major R. J. E.

Hely-Hutchinson, M. R.

Loftus, P. C.

Cook, Sir T. R. A. M. (Norfolk, N.)

Henderson, A. (Kingswinford)

Longhurst, Captain H. C.

Lucas, Major Sir J. M.

Ponsonby, Col. C. E.

Sueter, Rear-Admiral Sir M. F.

Lyle, Sir C. E. Leonard

Pownall, Lt.-Col. Sir Assheton

Suirdale, Colonel Viscount

Lyons, Colonel A. M.

Prescott, Capt. W. R. S.

Summers, G. S.

Mabane, Rt. Hon. W.

Price, M. P.

Sutcliffe, H.

MacAndrew, Colonel Sir C. G.

Prior, Comdr. R. M.

Sykes, Maj-Gen. Rt. Hon. Sir F. H.

McCallum, Major D.

Procter, Major H. A.

Tate, Mrs. Mavis C.

McCorquodale, Malcolm S.

Purbrick, R.

Taylor, Major C. S. (Eastbourne)

McEwen, Capt. J. H. F.

Quibell, D. J. K.

Taylor, Vice-Adm. E. A. (P'd'ton, S.)

Maclay, Hon. John S. (Montrose)

Raikes, H. V. A. M.

Thomas, I. (Keighley)

Maclay, Hon. J. P. (Paisley)

Rankin, Sir R.

Thomas, J. P. L. (Hereford)

Maclean, Brig. F. H. R. (Lancaster)

Reid, W. Allen (Derby)

Thomas, Dr. W. S. Russell (S'mpten)

Magnay, T.

Robertson, Rt. Hn. Sir M. A. (Mitcham)

Thorne, W.

Maitland, Sir A.

Robinson, Wing-Com. J. R. (Blackp'l)

Thorneycroft, Capt. G. E. P. (Stafford)

Makins, Brig.-Gen. Sir E.

Rothschild, J. A. de

Thornton-Kemsley, Colonel C. N.

Mander, Sir G. le M.

Rowlands, G.

Thurtle, E.

Manningham-Buller, R. E.

Russell, Sir A. (Tynemouth)

Tinker, J. J.

Marlowe, Lt.-Col. A.

Salt, E. W.

Touche, G. C.

Marsden, Captain A.

Salter, Rt. Hn. Sir J. A. (Oxford U.)

Tree, A. R. L. F.

Mellor, Sir J. S. P.

Sanderson, Sir F. B.

Turton, R. H.

Mills, Major J. D. (New Forest)

Sandys, Rt. Hon. E. D.

Ward, Col. Sir A. L. (Hull)

Moore, Lieut.-Col. Sir T. C. R.

Savory, Professor D. L.

Ward, Irene M. B. (Wallsend)

Morgan, R. H. (Stourbridge)

Schuster, Sir G. E.

Watkins, F. C.

Morrison, R. C. (Tottenham, N.)

Scott, Lord William (Ro'b'h & Selkirk)

Watt, G. S. Harvie (Richmond)

Mott-Radclyffe, Major C. E.

Selley, Sir H. R.

Wayland, Sir W. A.

Murray, J. D. (Spennymoor)

Shakespeare, Sir G. H.

White, Sir Dymoke (Fareham)

Neal, H.

Shepperson, Sir E. W.

White, H. Graham (Birkenhead, E.)

Neven-Spence, Major B. H. H.

Shute, Col. Sir J. J.

Whiteley, Rt. Hon. W. (Blaydon)

Nicolson, Hon. H. G. (Leicester, W.)

Sidney, Captain W. P.

Wickham, Lt.-Col. E. T. R.

Noel-Baker, P. J.

Sinclair, Rt. Hon. Sir A.

Wilkinson, Rt. Hon. Ellen

Orr-Ewing, I. L.

Smith, Sir Bracewell (Dulwich)

Williams, Sir H. G. (Croydon, S.)

Paling, Rt. Hon. W.

Smith, E. P. (Ashford)

Williams, Rt. Hon. T. (Don Valley)

Palmer, G. E. H.

Smith, T. (Normanton)

Willoughby de Eresby, Major Lord

Peake, Rt. Hon. O.

Southby, Comdr. Sir A. R. J.

Windsor-Clive, Lt.-Col. G.

Peat, C. U.

Spears, Maj.-Gen. Sir E. L.

Winterton, Rt. Hon. Earl

Perkins, W. R. D.

Stewart, J. Henderson (Flfe, E.)

Wise, Lieut.-Col. A. R.

Peters, Dr. S. J.

Storey, S.

Young, Major A. S. L. (Partick)

Pickthorn, K. W. M.

Strauss, H. G. (Norwich)

Pilkington, Captain R. A.

Stuart, Rt. Hon. J. (Moray and Nairn)

TELLERS FOR THE NOES:

Plugge, Capt. L. F.

Studholme, Major H. G.

Mr. Pym and Mr. Cary.

On a point of Order, Mr. Speaker. May I ask your Ruling as to whether an hon. Member who has not taken his seat is entitled to be within the precincts of the House?

His position is the same as that of any new Member. He is entitled to be beyond the Bar but is not entitled to come inside.

In order to satisfy the Noble Lord, could you not order the execution of the hon. Member for Motherwell (Mr. McIntyre)?

New Member Makes Affirmation

Sir John Boyd Orr, D.S.O., M.C., M.A., M.D., D.Sc, LL.D., F.R.S., for the Universities of St Andrews, Glasgow, Aberdeen and Edinburgh.

Business of the House

Ordered:

"That this day, notwithstanding anything in Standing Order No. 14, Business in Committee of Supply may be taken after the hour appointed for the interruption of Business, and that the Proceedings of the Committee of Supply be exempted, at this day's Sitting, from the provisions of the Standing Order (Sittings of the House) for one hour after a quarter past Nine o'clock."—[ Mr. Attlee. ]

President Roosevelt

4.8 p.m.

I beg to move,

When I became Prime Minister, and the war broke out in all its hideous fury, when our own life and survival hung in the balance, I was already in a position to telegraph to the President on terms of an association which had become most intimate and, to me, most agreeable. This continued through all the ups and downs of the world struggle until Thursday last, when I received my last messages from him. These messages showed no falling off in his accustomed clear vision and vigour upon perplexing and complicated matters. I may mention that this correspondence, which, of course, was greatly increased after the United States' entry into the war, comprises, to and fro between us, over 1,700 messages. Many of these were lengthy messages and the majority dealt with those more difficult points which come to be discussed upon the level of heads of Governments only after official solutions have not been reached at other stages. To this correspondence there must be added our nine meetings, at Argentia, three in Washington, at Casablanca, at Teheran, two at Quebec and, last of all at Yalta, comprising in all about 120 days of close personal contact, during a great part of which I stayed with him at the White House or at his home at Hyde Park or in his retreat in the Blue Mountains, which he called Shangri-la.

I conceived an admiration for him as a statesman, a man of affairs, and a war leader. I felt the utmost confidence in his upright, inspiring character and outlook and a personal regard—affection I must say—for him beyond my power to express to-day. His love of his own country, his respect for its Constitution, his power of gauging the tides and currents of its mobile public opinion, were always evident, but, added to these, were the beatings of that generous heart which was always stirred to anger and to action by spectacles of aggression and oppression by the strong against the weak. It is, indeed, a loss, a bitter loss to humanity, that those heart-beats are stilled for ever.

President Roosevelt's physical affliction lay heavily upon him. It was a marvel that he bore up against it through all the many years of tumult and storm. Not one man in ten millions, stricken and crippled as he was, would have attempted to plunge into a life of physical and mental exertion and of hard, ceaseless political controversy. Not one in ten millions would have tried, not one in a generation would have succeeded, not only in entering this sphere, not only in acting vehemently in it, but in becoming indisputable master of the scene. In this extraordinary effort of the spirit over the flesh, the willpower over physical infirmity, he was inspired and sustained by that noble woman his devoted wife, whose high ideals marched with his own, and to whom the deep and respectful sympathy of the House of Commons flows out to- day in all fulness. There is no doubt that the President foresaw the great dangers closing in upon the pre-war world with far more prescience than most well-informed people on either side of the Atlantic, and that he urged forward with all his power such precautionary military preparations as peace-time opinion in the United States could be brought to accept. There never was a moment's doubt, as the quarrel opened, upon which side his sympathies lay.

The fall of France, and what seemed to most people outside this Island the impending destruction of Great Britain, were to him an agony, although he never lost faith in us. They were an agony to him not only on account of Europe, but because of the serious perils to which the United States herself would have been exposed had we been overwhelmed or the survivors cast down under the German yoke. The bearing of the British nation at that time of stress, when we were all alone, filled him and vast numbers of his countrymen with the warmest sentiments towards our people. He and they felt the blitz of the stern winter of 1940–41, when Hitler set himself to rub out the cities of our country, as much as any of us did, and perhaps more indeed, for imagination is often more torturing than reality. There is no doubt that the bearing of the British and, above all, of the Londoners kindled fires in American bosoms far harder to quench than the conflagrations from which we were suffering. There was also at that time, in spite of General Wavell's victories—all the more, indeed, because of the reinforcements which were sent from this country to him—the apprehension widespread in the United States that we should be invaded by Germany after the fullest preparation in the spring of 1941. It was in February that the President sent to England the late Mr. Wendell Willkie, who, although a political rival and an opposing candidate, felt as he did on many important points. Mr. Willkie brought a letter from Mr. Roosevelt, which the President had written in his own hand, and this letter contained the famous lines of Longfellow: At about that same time he devised the extraordinary measure of assistance called Lend-Lease, which will stand forth as the most unselfish and unsordid financial act of any country in all history. The effect of this was greatly to increase British fighting power and for all the purposes of the war effort to make us, as it were, a much more numerous community. In that autumn I met the President, for the first time during the war, at Argentia in Newfoundland and together we drew up the Declaration which has since been called the Atlantic Charter and which will, I trust, long remain a guide for both our peoples and for other peoples of the world.

All this time, in deep and dark and deadly secrecy, the Japanese were preparing their act of treachery and greed. When next we met in Washington Japan, Germany and Italy had declared war upon the United States and both our countries were in arms, shoulder to shoulder. Since then we have advanced over the land and over the sea through many difficulties and disappointments, but always with a broadening measure of success. I need not dwell upon the series of great operations which have taken place in the Western Hemisphere, to say nothing of that other immense war proceeding at the other side of the world. Nor need I speak of the plans which we made with our great Ally, Russia, at Teheran, for these have now been carried out for all the world to see.

But at Yalta I noticed that the President was ailing. His captivating smile, his gay and charming manner, had not deserted him but his face had a transparency, an air of purification, and often there was a faraway look in his eyes. When I took my leave of him in Alexandria harbour I must confess that I had an indefinable sense of fear that his health and his strength were on the ebb. But nothing altered his inflexible sense of duty. To the end he faced his innumerable tasks unflinching. One of the tasks of the President is to sign maybe a hundred or two hundred State papers with his own hand every day, commissions and so forth. All this he continued to carry out with the utmost strictness. When death came suddenly upon him "he had finished his mail." That portion of his day's work was done. As the saying goes, he died in harness and we may well say in battle harness, like his soldiers, sailors and airmen, who, side by side with ours, are carrying on their task to the end all over the world. What an enviable death was his. He had brought his country through the worst of its perils and the heaviest of its toils. Victory had cast its sure and steady beam upon him. He had broadened and stabilised in the days of peace the foundations of American life and union.

In war he had raised the strength, might and glory of the great Republic to a height never attained by any nation in history. With her left hand she was leading the advance of the conquering Allied Armies into the heart of Germany and with her right, on the other side of the globe, she was irresistibly and swiftly breaking up the power of Japan. And all the time ships, munitions, supplies, and food of every kind were aiding on a gigantic scale her Allies, great and small, in the course of the long struggle.

But all this was no more than wordly power and grandeur, had it not been that the causes of human freedom and of social justice, to which so much of his life had been given, added a lustre to all this power and pomp and warlike might, a lustre which will long be discernible among men. He has left behind him a band of resolute and able men handling the numerous inter-related parts of the vast American war machine. He has left a successor who comes forward with firm step and sure conviction to carry on the task to its appointed end. For us it remains only to say that in Franklin Roosevelt there died the greatest American friend we have ever known and the greatest champion of freedom who has ever brought help and comfort from the new world to the old.

Question put, and agreed to, nemine contradicente.

Resolved:

"That an humble Address be presented to His Majesty to convey to His Majesty the deep sorrow with which this House has learned of the death of the President of the United States of America and to pray His Majesty that in communicating His own sentiments of grief to the United States Government he will also be graciously pleased to express on the part of this House their sense of the loss which the British Commonwealth and Empire and the cause of the Allied Nations have sustained and their profound sympathy with Mrs. Roosevelt and the late President's family and with the Government and people of the United States of America."

To be presented by Privy Councillors or Members of His Majesty's Household.

Orders of the Day

Supply

[4TH ALLOTTED DAY]

Considered in Committee.

[Major MILNER in the Chair]

Civil Estimates, 1945

Class II

Foreign Office

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a sum, not exceeding £1,917,787, be granted to His Majesty to complete the sum necessary to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1946, for the salaries and expenses of the Department of His Majesty's Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs and the salary of a Minister of State."—[ Note: £950,000 has been voted on account. ]

World Security Conference, San Francisco

4.28 p.m.

We have just been listening to an eloquent and impressive tribute by the Prime Minister to a great servant of democracy and freedom who has passed away, just when victory in the war was in sight. I know that in what he said the Prime Minister expressed the feelings of everyone in this House, and, indeed, of the whole country. President Roosevelt was a great leader in war but he was deeply interested in the problems of peace and in the welfare of humanity. It is, therefore, to my mind altogether fitting that we should turn from a tribute to his memory to the consideration of plans with which he had been so intimately connected, namely, the establishment of peace on firm foundations.

The best tribute we can pay to the work of great men is to try our best to accomplish the tasks to which they have put their hands, but which they have been unable to accomplish. I was glad that one of the first acts of President Truman on taking office was to announce that the San Francisco Conference would continue. In his inspiring address to Congress he appealed to every American, regardless of party, race, creed or colour, to support the effort to build a strong and lasting United Nations organi- sation. The Prime Minister to-day has expressed the unity of all parties in this House in his tribute to President Roosevelt. I would hope that in this Debate something of that unity may continue. In a few days my colleagues and I will be joining the Foreign Secretary in the Conference at San Francisco. I should like to be able to go there with the feeling that in the main objectives which we seek to attain we have the support of the whole House.

We are trying at the San Francisco Conference to do what we failed to do after the last war, that is, to make a universal, flexible and enduring world organisation. I hope, therefore, that in this Debate we shall look forward rather than back. I think that we should be wasting a great opportunity if any of us succumbed to the temptation of debating the past and seeking to attribute to particular countries, particular statesmen or particular parties blame for the failure of the League of Nations. There is nothing easier than for a Debate on foreign affairs to become an arena in which Members of various parties form up for battle fully armed with the missiles of their opponents' past mistakes. I believe the Committee will feel that this is an occasion on which we should try to resist that temptation. We are now face to face with a great opportunity. We must not fail to seize it. It may never occur again. I believe that unless we can build up an organisation for the maintenance of peace there is very little hope for the immediate future of humanity. We are all familiar now in these islands, familiar, perhaps as never before in history, with the horror of modern war. It has been brought home to this country, but, grievous as have been the wounds inflicted on this country, and still more grievous those that have been inflicted on many peoples in Europe—the whole of Europe is bleeding to-day—we should be very foolish if we imagined that the science of destruction has yet done its worst. We had in the flying bomb and the long-range rocket a foretaste, but only a foretaste, of what is in store for mankind unless world affairs can be managed more wisely than in the past. I think that we can envisage the possibility of weapons even more devastating than those we have had. We must realise that, unless we get away from world anarchy, we and our children will know life only under an abiding menace of a sudden, devastating attack launched from far away without warning, and perhaps without, for a long time at all events, any real possibility of defence.

I say, therefore, that in facing the problems of the world after the war we must be realists. It is not, in my view, a choice of alternatives. It is not a choice of different methods of achieving security, between relying on national defence alone or combining with other nations. Unless we combine with other nations, the alternative is the continued menace of war, indeed, the probability of a devastating war which will destroy much of our civilisation. If we have, as I think we have, a realism in appreciating the magnitude of this problem, we ought also to try and be realists in judging what can be accomplished. Next week the representatives of 46 nations will be assembled at San Francisco with all the hopes and fears which six years of war have aroused. Probably every representative will have his own particular conception of the ideal form of organisation, of the ideal constitution and of the ideal details of an organisation for the preservation of peace. We shall have our own, but we shall all have to understand that, unless we are prepared to sacrifice some of our ideals to obtain proper agreement, the Conference will effect nothing. We must, therefore, be on our guard lest, in seeking for what is ideally best, we lose what is possible. It is far better to make a start on a journey in company than, through quarrelling about the exact route to be followed, never start together at all.

The fact that we are realists must not prevent us from being idealists. We are seeking at San Francisco to create an organisation to prevent war. That is our main objective. We cannot settle there all the problems that afflict the world. We can only create the instrument, but although we are dealing only with a constitution, we must be conscious of the vital importance of the spirit that has to animate it. The peace we seek must be based on the acceptance of principles of justice and of the rights of nations and of individuals to live their own lives in freedom. We seek to build a world society to preserve peace, and also a world society that will be worthy of the sacrifices of those who have fallen in war, a society inspired by faith in the possibility of achieving the Four Freedoms laid down by President Roosevelt. I would like to consider for a moment the origins of the San Francisco Conference. The idea was really born at the Moscow Conference in October, 1943, when the Foreign Secretary, Mr. Hull, M. Molotov and the Chinese Ambassador signed the Moscow Declaration. Let me recall to the Committee Clause 4 of that declaration:

There then followed the meeting at Dumbarton Oaks in August and September, 1944, where officials of the United Kingdom, of the United States and of the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics met to work out the basis for common agreement. There was a subsequent meeting with officials of the Republic of China. The proposals that resulted from those discussions and that are now before us have been before the world for over six months. They have been analysed and criticised, and they will be again. In their preparation the experience of the League of Nations was fully taken into account. The officials who drew up that document had to take into account the lesson learned from the failure of the States to use the machinery of the League, and they had to recognise the changing structure of the world since 1919. I do not want to recall and examine to-day the achievements or failure of the League of Nations. It has been too much depreciated. It was, after all, a splendid conception. It was a fine achievement to build up the organisation. It represented a great attempt at establishing an international order. We have learnt a heavy lesson from its failure.

We have all, I hope, realised that peace is indivisible. We know how a small spark dropped in a far away country may bring the fire of war into our own cities. We have learned, too, that peace and human welfare are indivisible. Collective security is not enough; there must be collective well-being. The proposals of Dumbarton Oaks Conference represent a serious attempt to construct the framework of a world organisation. No one would claim that they are perfect, and I am not for a moment asking the Committee to approve every detail. Indeed, when we get into the Conference we shall have amendments to suggest, but whatever may be their faults, they do give us a ground plan on which to work. I have said that those who worked out these proposals had before them the precedent of the League of Nations. Naturally, therefore, the two schemes have much in common. But there are striking differences, differences due partly to changes in the present position in the world, and partly to the experience of the past. I think that it will be agreed by all that one of the great weaknesses of the League of Nations was the absence from its councils of the United States of America. There was, too, the absence during its formative years of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. The outstanding fact of the position to-day is that these two great continental States, together with Great Britain and China, are responsible for the present proposals. The success or failure of this plan depends on the ability and willingness of the great world Powers to work together. Their unity of aim and purpose must provide the foundation for the whole structure.

I understood my right hon. Friend to say that certain amendments were to be moved by His Majesty's Government to the Dumbarton Oaks proposals. I do not recollect that even those proposals have been affirmed by any instrument brought before this House. Are we to be told what those amendments are likely to be?

I suggested that there might be amendments, but we are going to the Conference to discuss the proposals; we shall not go with our minds rigidly made up.

I take it that this Debate is taking place to enable the Government to find out what we think about it, and that the Government will be guided to some extent by what we say.

Certainly, that is the object. I do not ask the Committee to give approval to every proposal, but we ask for a general approval of our purpose. We hope to get light and guidance from the Committee, as we have been getting it from our talks with the Dominions. Another lesson which we ought to have learned from past experience is that if peace is to be preserved the organisation set up to maintain it must have at its disposal armed forces strong enough to deter the aggressor. It is an outstanding feature of the plan now before us that there should be in the hands of the Security Council such overwhelming armed strength as not merely to defeat an aggressor but to prevent aggression. If we are in favour of that, we in this country must be prepared to make our contribution to the Forces required.

I think it is unnecessary—and I do not think it will be of service to the Committee—for me to go through these proposals in great detail; they are before the Committee, and they have been before the country; but I will try to emphasise some of their essential characteristics. In the first place, the proposals are based on the principle that power and responsibility must be commensurate, and no political or economic instrument will work in which that principle is ignored. I think that to some extent it was not given sufficient expression in the League of Nations. In the proposals now before the Committee the responsibility of maintaining international peace and security is fairly and squarely laid on a Security Council in which the Great Powers have permanent seats and special rights. The reason for this is that it is on them that the main responsibility for maintaining peace must necessarily fall. Only if they preserve in peace that unanimity which has saved the world in war can we hope to prevent a third great conflict arising.

You may have an alliance and it may be holy or unholy. There is no need to qualify everything with an adjective. Let us see what we can make of it. The great defect of the League of Nations was not in its constitution, but in the fact that it never included all the Great Powers, especially the greatest of them all. If we can secure that all the Great Powers take a common responsibility, and accept common limitations on individual action, inside the framework of a general international organisation, we shall have made a very great advance towards a lasting peace. It is no good burking the fact that Great Powers exercise great power in any event. The only question is whether they will exercise that power inside or outside the framework of an ordered society of nations. If their power is recognised they can take a corresponding responsibility. But it is impossible that they should take that responsibility and allow others to decide how and when it is to be used.

The word "responsibility" has been the leit motif for the last 20 minutes. What responsibility? Does it mean that those who have the responsibility are the only ones who suffer when things go wrong?

I should have thought it was clear what the responsibility of taking action is, seeing that we have all had to do it. It is well to remember that while those Great Powers necessarily take the largest share of responsibility, there are States not reckoned among the Great Powers that have made very important contributions towards winning the war and have great actual or potential strength. I think there will be some consideration at San Francisco as to how to clarify the position of those States which have made and are making a great contribution as compared with some States that either have not rendered, or in some cases are quite incapable of rendering, any great service. I have emphasised the principle of power and responsibility, but I maintain equally that such power must not be arbitrary. We saw in the period immediately before the war what such action could mean. The Great Powers must only act in accordance with principles which the whole body of States recognise. Here, perhaps, I come to the point which my hon. Friend the Member for Ebbw Vale (Mr. Bevan) was making just now with regard to the Holy Alliance. My hon. Friend is so quick that he always anticipates the point that is coming. The Holy Alliance had, I think, most unholy principles. [ Interruption. ] My opinion is that they were unholy principles. I hope we are going to build an organisation with holy principles—at least principles that we can all approve. The Great Powers must undertake to act only in accordance with principles which the whole body of States recognise. We must avoid, on the one hand, arbitrary action by the Great Powers based on no principle at all, and on the other hand, an over-elaboration of procedure which prevents action from being taken at all, or at any rate prevents action being taken in time. An illustration of over-elaboration was, I think, the complicated procedure of the League of Nations, which included the necessity of the unanimous consent of all Powers, great and small, on the Council. One of the differences in the new organisation is that the rule of unanimity has gone.

In these Proposals it is suggested that the Security Council should have on it, besides the five Great Powers, the representatives of six of the smaller States, and that no action shall be taken even if all the Great Powers are unanimous unless two of these smaller States vote with them. But I attach less importance to this than to the fact that the Security Council is pledged not to act except in accordance with the Purposes and Principles of the organisation. I call the attention of hon. Members to Chapters 1 and 2 of these Proposals in which those Purposes and Principles are set down. They are really greater limitations on the actions of States than those contained in the Covenant of the League. The object of the organisation is not only to prevent war but to repress all those threats and breaches of the peace which are preliminary to war. Under the League of Nations States had no power to take coercive action until war itself had broken out. That was too late. In addition, in these Proposals all States, great and small, promise to settle their disputes by peaceful means and to refrain from the threat or use of force in any manner inconsistent with the purposes of the organisation. It may be said that these are only words and promises which may not be carried out. But so is everything that is written in any international document. If we cannot rely on the Great Powers fulfilling the obligations which they undertake in the Purposes and Principles of the Charter, it is no use laying down an elaborate set of rules and expecting them to obey these. We must rely on the restraints of the promises they make to one another and to the rest of the community of nations. The great thing is that they should come together, with other States present at their deliberations, to form—to quote the fourth Purpose of Article 1—

Before the right hon. Gentleman leaves this part of his speech, will he explain on what principle it is proposed to work at San Francisco as regards the veto which a Great Power can impose on action against itself? In others words, is it not the fact that no action can be taken against a Great Power?

My hon. and gallant Friend has anticipated me. I was about to reach that point. I would like now to speak on that part of the suggested basis of the Charter which was not agreed on at Dumbarton Oaks, a difficult question which was left over and considered and finally agreed upon at Yalta. I think perhaps rather an exaggerated importance has been given to that part of the plan, because our experience is that the greatest decisions of international affairs are not often taken by voting. They are produced by a continuous process of discussion extending over a long period of time. But I think everyone will recognise the importance of the method by which the Security Council decides as to the employment of the great power that is entrusted to it. I would like to point out, first of all, that it has no coercive power except for the maintenance of international security. All other action, including that of dealing with disputes the continuance of which may endanger international peace and security, is recommendatory only; but in order that it may fulfil its responsibility of preserving peace, the Security Council has very wide powers. It can take cognisance of disputes before they reach the dangerous stage, it can exhort and recommend action, and in the last resort it can impose sanctions.

In all these cases action is decided by a majority of seven votes out of 11, including the States with permanent seats, and in all but the final stage States with permanent seats, if they are parties to a dispute, cannot vote; that is, the so-called veto does not arise. Thus every State, great or small, is bound to submit all disputes to the Security Council, and the Security Council can, by a vote of seven out of 11, the parties to the dispute not voting, advise the world how such a dispute ought to be settled. That is going a bit in advance of what we had in 1914—[HON. MEMBERS: "1918"]—certainly in 1914, and I think in 1918. The fact that such procedure has been accepted by all the Great Powers, a thing hitherto impossible, at a time when they possess overwhelming power is really a great achievement. Here I come to the particular point. When the final action of sanctions comes, the Security Council does not act by the same formula. Here we have to recognise that we cannot get it.

I do not follow what my right hon. Friend has said. He said that there has to be a vote of seven out of 11 before action is taken, but he also said that the Power interested in the dispute cannot vote. How does it work out mathematically that there must be a vote of seven to 11?

Naturally there must be a majority. You must have the States with permanent seats plus sufficient others to make seven. I think we must frankly recognise that if we insist on no power to veto, we simply will not get the thing started. That is what we have to face. The time has not yet come when coercive action which would inevitably lead to a war can be settled in this way. I quite agree that most of us would like not to see this provision, but I am afraid we have to face the fact that if we get an organisation where forces are very different, where there are great States, it can only continue as long as the great States agree, and if you get a serious disagreement of this kind, then you break up the organisation. Therefore it is really facing up to the rather hard logic of facts.

What we are relying on is the will of the great Powers to agree with one another to settle even their greatest differences within the framework of an international organisation. If they will not do that, if everyone acts in his own interest, no formula will save the world. But I should be the last person to say that the proposals are the final word on the subject. As States learn to work together, as they create a Military Staff Committee, place their contingents by special agreements at the disposal of the Security Council, enable our air contingents to practise together in peace as they do now in war, I believe that we shall gradually build up confidence. We must remember that the three great States that were responsible for the Yalta decisions have not been accustomed to work together until this war. We must allow time to elapse and I hope we shall see the United Nations grow as the British Commonwealth grows. If we do things together and do not waste too much time in saying exactly how we are going to do them, I think we shall make progress. It was not a better Article X or Article XV or Article XVI that was most needed in the Covenant, though days were spent in discussing it. It was the will and purpose that was lacking. We have to face the fact that the proposals will not work unless you have the will and purpose. One of the methods by which the community of nations can give life to the new organisation is, I think, by public discussion in a General Assembly and the focusing of public opinion.

Does not the vetoing procedure mean that no country can be required to use force except with the consent of the Great Powers? And, on the other hand, we agree not to use our force to put down aggression if any other Great Power dissents. Am I wrong in that interpretation?

I find it a little difficult to follow exactly the hon. Member's suggestion.

Any Great Power can veto any action for the use of force, even though all the other Great Powers are willing to use their force to put down aggression. Do not they, therefore, agree not to use force if Russia, France and China veto them though we think it a clear case of aggression, whereas no Great Power is bound to use force against its personal wish?

My right hon. Friend has explained all the stages until the point where sanctions are involved. Is it not the case that the majority vote applies? If they fail to bring about a settlement of the dispute, no vote occurs on the question of the application of sanctions because the refusal of one nation to agree estops the vote.

My hon. Friend is quite right, and I think the hon. Member for Berwick-upon-Tweed (Sir W. Beveridge) is right. But you have really to accept the fact that this can only work by agreement, and that if you do not get agreement, it will not work.

I was saying that we ought not to underestimate the force of public opinion, particularly as focussed in the Assembly. I believe that the founders of the League of Nations did not expect that the Assembly would play such a big part as it did. The General Assembly of the United Nations can discuss any question concerned with security or welfare and indeed all States, small and great, have an equal position. The responsibility for action on the security question is left to the Security Council, but everything that the Security Council does can be subjected to a public debate in the General Assembly. In all other matters of security it is the General Assembly that takes the initiative and the Security Council is only concerned with such matters if they affect the maintenance of international peace and security.

I should like something more definite than that. My impression is that, if the Security Council is discussing a matter, the General Assembly would not be allowed to mention it. The Security Council has only to start talking about it and the General Assembly has to shut up.

I suggest that in the General Assembly public opinion can be brought to bear on the activity of States, particularly in matters of welfare. It is the Assembly which is entrusted with the

"creation of conditions of stability and well being, which are necessary for peaceful and friendly relations among nations,"

the task of facilitating

"solutions of international economic, social and other humanitarian problems"

and the promotion of

"respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms."

I hope that, with the development of the Assembly, we shall gradually be able to create in the world conditions where justice and economic and social welfare can exist. We have to recognise that they exist only imperfectly anywhere now in all States, including our own, and in some States they hardly exist at all. It would be impossible to guarantee such rights all over the world.

Is there at any stage of the negotiations any agreed definition of what are the fundamental human rights referred to?

I hope we shall be dealing with that in more detail at San Francisco. The point that I was making is that, while we must strive for their extension, we cannot guarantee the rights of individuals in every State, because there we are getting outside the rights of the League and infringing on the functions of the State. But I think we can create the conditions for their existence. I think we ought to realise that justice inside States is affected a good deal by questions of external security. You very seldom find a free constitution working really well in States which are in constant danger. We rather pride ourselves on our own liberties, but we ought to remember that we have had the advantage of developing them in an island. We shall have to see that we preserve them even though the amenities of our island are somewhat menaced by aerial bombardment. If we can get into the world a sense of security, I think other things will follow. That is why the maintenance of international peace and security has been made the guiding principle of the organisation. If we cannot get to that point we shall find it very difficult to do other things as well. Once we have that, full justice between all States, the growth of democratic institutions, the increase in our economic well being and all kinds of social advancement will become much easier.

I am not for a moment suggesting that we must not do everything now to advance on those lines as well. Indeed, I think that without an effort of that kind it would be vain to hope for substantial and continuing peace. The two objects, the negative one of preventing war and the positive one of creating better conditions for mankind, are I think necessary and complementary. I think there has probably been a tendency to overlook the positive side of the Dumbarton Oaks proposals. While the primary object of the World Organisation is to ensure freedom from fear by the maintenance of international peace and security among all peoples, there must be positive work as well. I think it is possible to overestimate the importance of the economic and social factors in the causation of war, but it is undeniable that experience has shown that poverty, misery, disease and unemployment form the soil in which the weeds of Fascism, Nazism and militarism flourish. The chances of preserving peace in the future will be immeasurably enhanced if we can get full employment, steadily rising standards of living and improved social security throughout the world. But I think it is important to realise that we cannot really get it in these days without international co-operation. I think we have seen enough of the excesses of a narrow and short-sighted economic nationalism which impoverishes the world and tends to poison the whole international atmosphere. I would especially stress here the need for raising the standard of life among the great masses of the people, and particularly among the less advanced colonial peoples. To achieve this there must be organisation. A great deal of this work will be entrusted to more or less independent institutions each with its own legal basis and each with its own constitution. Each will be designed to carry out its specialised function.

I do not think we all realise how far international co-operation had gone before it was broken up, first of all by the first world war and then by the irruption of Fascism. There were a whole number of international organisations growing up which were cut short, or stunted, by the growth of Fascism. Take such a thing as the International Postal Union. It dates from long before the first world war. Take the I.L.O., which was one of the most beneficial results of the Peace Treaties and has endured throughout the war. I think we shall see many more functional organisations growing up. At Hot Springs it was decided to set up one organisation to deal with food and agriculture. Co-operation in the monetary and financial sphere is under consideration by Governments. I think we shall get a number of these organisations but there is a need of a central body where social, economic and humanitarian problems can be discussed as a whole. The Dumbarton Oaks proposals entrust this duty not, to the Security Council but to the General Assembly. The broad requirements of security do not apply to the vast range of social and economic problems. Great and small Powers are equally concerned and all can make an effective contribution, but it is clearly necessary that the Assembly should have a smaller operating body, which can meet more frequently, implement the decisions of the Assembly and carry on the day to day work of co-ordination. That is the reason for the body called the Social and Economic Council. That Council, I think, may well prove to be one of the most important parts of the world organisation, and I hope these various specialised bodies will be brought into close association with it.

Take as an instance the I.L.O. We believe the I.L.O. should retain its special characteristics, its tripartite constitution and particular field of activities. It should continue to be regarded as the primary instrument for securing improved labour standards, but I hope it will be in close touch with the Social and Economic Council. I hope, too, there will be other bodies under the Social and Economic Council, forming an integral part of the organisation. We sometimes forget those various technical activities under the League of Nations which were very modest and not given much publicity but which were extremely useful. I hope these will be carried on by the new organisation. [An HON. MEMBER: "Which technical activities?"] There is a variety of them. I could not very well give a category at the moment.

We have had the great advantage of discussing all those questions with representatives of the Dominions and India. We did not meet for the purpose of taking votes but for the purpose of exchanging ideas, and we are very much indebted to the distinguished men who have come here to exchange views with us. The meeting has been of immense value. I would like to pay a special tribute here to Field-Marshal Smuts, one of the founders of the League of Nations, a statesman with a profound knowledge and, what is even rarer, a deep wisdom founded on experience. I am glad to say he is going to San Francisco where, I am sure, his advice and counsel will be of great use. I think the nations of the British Commonwealth have a right to make their voice heard about freedom and security, both individual and collective. After all, they were all members of the League of Nations and, both financially and otherwise, their record is unequalled by any other group of States. They have fought through two world wars from start to finish. They have sustained the cause of freedom by their example and defended it by their arms, and they have for a time stood alone against the greatest menace ever directed against peace and freedom in the whole of the world's history. The Commonwealth is a great example to the world of how free nations can co-operate, not only in theory but in practice. We, therefore, have a duty to make our voices heard on such questions as the maintenance of international peace and security and the methods by which freedom may grow and endure.

Will the various Dominions have a right to try to modify or improve the proposals?

There is no veto. They are absolutely equal in the British Commonwealth. We merely discuss with the purpose of exchanging views within our own family of nations. We are determined to try and win the great adventure of peace as well as winning the war, and we are winning the war by faith and trust as well as by power. There was a time when it seemed to most of the world that we should go down. We did not go down. I am sure it is the same moral quality which will create a great and powerful organisation in which we can overcome the enemies—tyranny, greed and malice—which have always threatened the liberties of mankind. At San Francisco we shall try to make the framework of an organisation to preserve peace and to extend prosperity to all the peoples of the world. Much remains to be done. After all, San Francisco is only a starting place, but a lot depends on a good start, and my colleagues and I will go to the Conference conscious of the great issues involved, with faith and the cause of world peace and with a determination to succeed. I would ask the House to wish us "Godspeed" in our adventure.

5.20 p.m.

I am sure the great statesman who passed away a few days ago, and to whom eloquent tribute has been paid today, must have hoped that he would live to see the inauguration, if not the complete establishment, of a scheme for the maintenance of world peace in the same way as he had already seen the near end of the labours of his nation and of the Allies in the war. The right hon. Gentleman who has just sat down asked the House at the beginning of his long and detailed survey of the matters to be discussed at San Francisco for confidence in him and his colleagues when they go there and the goodwill of the House of Commons for their labours. I do not think there is any doubt whatever that he will receive a very clear expression of the desire of all of us that his labours should be successful. However many criticisms there may be of the Dumbarton Oaks proposals or of the decisions at Yalta there can be nobody who does not wish that the Conference now taking place should be successful. It is meeting at a critical moment in the world's history and it is the second attempt on the part of the nations to outlaw war. We are in sight, I think one can safely say, of the end of the war in Europe, but the fight for peace remains. It is unfortunately and inevitably true that as war ends the binding influence of a common cause weakens, purely national views are bound to arise and be more freely expressed, and post- war interests and differences which otherwise would not come to the surface are bound to receive expression.

The first point I wish to make about the Dumbarton Oaks proposals is this: Surely, the first thing that should appear in any agreement is a definite statement of the moral basis and object of the organisation for the setting up of which the Conference has met. That appeared I think, in the documents which governed the League of Nations, but it is interesting to note that no such declaration appears in the Dumbarton Oaks proposals, and although it may seem at first sight not a very important or practical matter, I suggest that it is important that the nations should make a perfectly plain declaration of their moral obligations and the object with whch they have met together at San Francisco.

The Dumbarton Oaks proposals refer to the equality of all peace loving nations, but the Yalta Agreement places the entire responsibility for the eventual securing of peace upon the great Powers. My right hon. Friend has explained very clearly the different phases of action which can take place before we come to the final stage at which military action to prevent war is necessary, and I do not need to deal with these, as the papers are available to all Members. The primary point is this: According to the Yalta decisions, the responsibility in the eventual issue of avoiding war rests entirely on the great Powers. If they are in agreement, war will be prevented. If they are not in agreement, the whole of the Conference from that point of view will be a failure.

It may be—in fact, I think it is—inevitable in the present circumstances in which we are placed that this should be the position, that the responsibility for the time being, at any rate, should rest upon the great Powers because it is upon them in the last resort that the burden would be laid for producing the armed Forces with which to keep the peace. That raises a matter which I wish to put prominently before my right hon. Friend and his colleagues; surely, that implies the necessity for considering whether, at this Conference, we should not aim too high. We should not aim at permanent decisions which it may be very difficult to change, but let us, if possible, have an agreement for a period, if even only for five years. If that could be secured we should have achieved a great deal. A review at the end of a period of years does not necessarily imply any change. It may well be that no change would be necessary. One of the hopes for securing real success at San Francisco, as I said, is that we should not put our aim too high. If we could get an agreement for a short period of years with the idea that the whole matter could be reviewed again at a further Conference I think we shall have done very well indeed.

Might I ask my hon. Friend whether he is referring to machinery being set up at San Francisco; does he think that the machinery should be revised?

No, I was not speaking of the detailed machinery. What I am referring to is this: With the Dumbarton Oaks proposals plus the Yalta Agreement or something of that kind the issue at San Francisco, I suggest that the formal conclusions should be effective only for a short period of years and subject to review thereafter. What I have in view is that at the end of a period of years we might not have to be in a position in which the whole power rested in the hands of certain great Powers. It may well be that with a change in world opinion a more democratic view would emerge. I recognise in present conditions the responsibility must rest upon those powers; there is no other way of facing the situation. I do not think any of us can claim, however, that that is a democratic system or one which gives equal responsibility or is likely to give complete satisfaction to the smaller Powers.

It may be that if the responsibility is to rest, as I think it must, with these great Powers, the method of voting necessarily follows; that is to say, a great Power, while prevented from voting upon a proposal for a peaceful settlement of a dispute to which it is a party, is enabled to veto the action decided upon and any enforcement of that action by armed means, even if it is itself the aggressor. That is, of course, a very far-reaching arrangement. It is one that can be acquiesced in only on the clear basis that we accept the fact that it is on these Powers alone that the immediate peace of the world depends. It means a great deal of sacrifice, principally on the part of the smaller Powers. The Dumbarton Oaks proposals lay down a long series of steps before military action is required, however, and we may all hope that those steps and the effect of world opinion will be sufficient to prevent aggression and eventual war.

The situation being what it is, and as we must realise the responsibility will rest on those Powers and the dissatisfaction with their special position which may exist among other Powers, I think we shall be very unwise if we or any other Powers were, in the immediate future, to abolish our Armed Forces, or even seriously to reduce them. I think we must for some time to come keep ourselves completely prepared until what we all want to see succeed is worked out, and we have a security for peace upon which we can thoroughly rely. My right hon. Friend referred to the fact that the Conference will have to take up the discussion of economic relations. I do not look upon the organisation which is likely to be set up as a result of the San Francisco Conference as being in any way likely to be efficient for that purpose. The economic future of the world will take many discussions, many conferences, and many years to evolve and to settle. These problems are perhaps as great as the problem of keeping the peace, but no economic problem can be settled at all unless peace is first secured. The conference to which members of the Government are now going is, from that point of view, fundamental.

In conclusion, I want to put these points again to my right hon. Friend and those asociated with him. There ought definitely to be a declaration of the moral object, obligations, undertakings and hopes of the nations, in any agreement that is come to at San Francisco. There should be a definite period for possible review of the agreement at a definite period of years, and whatever is decided upon in the immediate future I am clear that this country, with high hopes for the future security of peace, should keep its powder very dry.

5.35 p.m.

The Lord President of the Council has admirably stated the nature of the problem before the Committee. With him, we on these benches are glad that the San Francisco Conference is to go forward, because of the urgency of the problems with which the United Nations have to grapple. We, too, believe that it is imperative that mankind should make another effort to solve these problems of security. The alternative is international anarchy, insecurity and conflicting power politics. We recognise that the Dumbarton Oaks proposals are a serious contribution at the official level to the solution of the problem of security and that the officials have tried to face this question realistically and gather up the experience of the League of Nations in the years between the wars. It will be well to recognise, however, when we look at the problem to-day, how very different is the world from what it was after the last war. Two great nations of immense power and resource have emerged in the past couple of decades. They are nations which cannot be coerced. The United States is now in a mood to play a responsible part in world organisation and security, and Soviet Russia is also ready to make a contribution of her strength for the security of the world. As has been said by previous speakers, there can be no peace or security unless the three Great Powers are united in purpose, with a common basis of understanding and prepared to co-operate together.

It is very easy to criticise the Dumbarton Oaks proposals. All constructive effort can be readily criticised. Undoubtedly, some of the proposals cause anxiety to some of us and offend our sense of justice and fitness. Consequently, whatever emerges from San Francisco I hope that at least the constitution of the new world organisation will be amendable. In the light of changing conditions and circumstances I hope it will be possible for change to be considered if necessary in subsequent years. We feel that it would be a pity if the veto of any one of the Great Powers were used to prevent change of constitution. On the other hand, our interest, on the Labour Benches, is to get a constitution that works. The more theoretically perfect we can get that constitution the better, though we recognise, the world being what it is, that there are factors and obstacles which we can neither alter nor ignore.

I agree with a previous speaker in urging that there should be some preamble to the constitution of the world organisation, setting out the ideals, purposes and common obligation for which this world association is brought into being. Several times in the Debate, it has been said that it is on the great Powers that security and peace depend. At this stage, I am afraid, we must regretfully accept the fact that world organisation cannot but have some regard to the distribution of power and resources in the world. Having said that, we must look forward to a time when international law will reign and be equally binding on large and small Powers. While to some of us there is regret about the compromise in regard to the voting arrangements on the Security Council, we hope that some means may be discovered even yet for securing a third-party judgment on non-judicial disputes, on which the great Powers may exercise a veto. I would like to ask the Minister, in this connection, what under the constitution will be the position of one of the smaller Powers when it is in a dispute with a great Power. Is it to be deprived, because of the power of veto of the great Power, of all means of redress by the world organisation? If that situation is perpetuated, is it not likely that the smaller nation will be thrown back on one or other of the big Powers for defence and alliance, a situation which may prejudice the world organisation or the whole system of security?

For the moment perhaps our real problem is less a matter of constitution making and legal safeguards than of creating conditions in the world so that the Powers can co-operate and build up confidence, especially among the Big Five, and create a respect for world authority. Therefore, one hopes that the extraordinary position which the greater Powers will enjoy will be exercised with the greatest discretion and restraint.

I want now to refer to several aspects of the constitution proposed. First, one is struck by the dominance of the Security Council over the Assembly. This may be necessary, but surely it is reasonable to ask that the Assembly should enjoy more initiative than is allowed by the Dumbarton Oaks proposals. There is definite limitation on its right to initiate discussion on burning problems and on the right to make the Assembly from time to time the focus of world opinion and discussion on many important issues troubling the nations groping forward towards security. Further consideration might also be given, even at this stage, to the constitution of the Assembly itself. Various difficulties have already arisen. There is the claim by some of the greater Powers to more than one representative at the Assembly and ideas have been circulated that something in the nature of an inter-Parliamentary Assembly should take the place of the kind of organisation which is proposed. There are many practical difficulties in the way of that idea, but undoubtedly this is a problem which will have to be faced sooner or later, if the constitution of the Assembly is to gain wide acceptance and prove suitable.

Again, one hopes that the neutral Powers, such as Switzerland and Sweden, will be invited at some not too distant date to play their part in the organisation. Let us hope, too, that the enemy States will be represented there, as soon as that is practicable. A great deal of criticism has also centred on the structure of the Security Council. The smaller Powers feel troubled that there are not adequate facilities for consultation under the arrangement, and also that they are likely to be dominated by the greater Powers. It has been thrown out in discussion that it might be feasible to create, between the big and small States, a middle ranking group of States, that some representation might be conceded to them, or alternatively that the smaller nations might be grouped regionally and some form of representation granted in that way. At the same time I think the smaller nations should recognise that there are definite responsibilities and opportunities for them in the Constitution as it is proposed. These responsibilities, in any kind of regional grouping for security purposes, are very real indeed. Also the advantages of membership in the economic and social field are also likely to be very real. One hopes, however, that the situation will not arise in which big Powers are able to carve out considerable fields of influence, and in those fields dominate the smaller States which happen to exist in that region. One would also stress the vital importance that mutual aid agreements or treaties which are come to between the Powers should be consistent with and properly brought into the machinery and authority of the world organisation.

The Deputy Prime Minister made reference to the considerable importance of the Social and Economic Council proposed under this scheme. One would hope that a great deal of latitude will be given to that Council, in the working of the con- stitution, that it should not be completely dominated by the Assembly, that while the Assembly may enjoy the facilities and opportunities of discussion on major social and economic problems, the Council should to a real extent be permitted to do its job, and the functional organisations associated with it enjoy reasonable freedom for the discharge of the special functions which have brought them into being. This functional machinery in social and economic fields cannot, in the view of my Party, be over-estimated in value and importance. We feel that these activities will assist in the maintenance of peace, will help to bind the nations together, and give lasting benefits to mankind. This work for rehabilitation and reconstruction, for nutrition and against want, for health and prosperity, is of vital importance. Not only that, the economic work which the Council will be called upon to do, and possibly its Economic Committee, in matters of trade, in commercial policy, commodity controls, in marketing, in maintaining price levels and full employment, industrial expansion, maintaining and building up and extending standards of living—all this is vital in the new life of the world. This section of the constitution is of no less importance than the security machinery itself. Indeed the two sides are interlocked.

I would also like to welcome the statement which the Deputy Prime Minister made in regard to the position of the I.L.O. The proved value of that organisation is well-known. We on these benches feel strongly that the status of that Office ought to be preserved. We would regret it if anything were done to destroy its tripartite character. We would hope that, as now, it would be able to make its report direct to the Governments that are represented at the Conferences; also that it should enjoy reasonable freedom in regard to its budget, and that it should not be circumscribed too severely, either by the Social and Economic Council or by the Assembly. In the light of its peculiar technique, which it has worked out over these many years, and because of its experience over so wide a field, we ask that the Government, in these discussions at San Francisco, will see that the vital importance of this organisation to the workers of the world is in no way diminished.

There is also another problem, which was omitted from the speech of the Deputy Prime Minister, but which has caused considerable interest in the United States. I refer to the discussions in America on what they call international trusteeship. In the Dumbarton Oaks proposals there is no reference to the future of the Permanent Mandates Commission. Something has been said in speeches and articles about the principle of accountability in respect to dependent areas, to the need for extending this principle beyond the areas covered by existing Mandates, and any possible mandates which may emerge from the war, to all dependent areas, although it should be recognised that the Colonial problem is a much narrower one than the problem of dependent peoples, who are often the subject peoples of quite a number of existing sovereign States.

So far as Colonial territories are concerned I hope that regional collaboration for economic and social purposes—which our own Government in the past have initiated—by metropolitan Powers holding Colonial territories will be encouraged; I hope that this kind of development will not stultify the growth of some kind of international accountability in respect of all Colonial territories which are not yet ripe for self-government. What was good in the Mandate system ought to be preserved and extended in the San Francisco Constitution. I would say emphatically that the British people cannot divide responsibility in respect of the administration of British territories, but we should welcome the creation of an International Colonial Commission, which should supervise development and receive reports from Colonial Powers, and apply an international Colonial Convention of principles which should govern government in Colonial areas. Such International Colonial Commission could give practical assistance to areas whose resources are limited and where the Colonial Power has not the means of building up social and economic and political progress which these Colonial peoples are entitled to enjoy. I would ask that consideration should be given to the transformation of the Permanent Mandates Commission into an effective international Colonial Commission, and that there should be a Colonial Convention, setting out the principles and objects of administration. The Commission should direct its energies to the working out of trusteeship in constructive and positive terms, something more than the rather negative trusteeship of the League of Nations—this until partnership and independence by the Colonial peoples can be realised.

There are other matters on which I should have liked to speak, particularly in regard to the use of force, the position of the Military Staff Committee, the possibilities or otherwise of an international police force, or what force should be made available for giving teeth to the Security Council. But, in conclusion, I only say that I am glad that before the Conference there was this meeting of the Commonwealth representatives. It is no Empire bloc. It was a family consultation, for the one purpose only of furthering those ideals for which we have striven in the sacrifice of war. We on the Labour benches hope that we shall see, as a result of the discussions at San Francisco, decisions which will become the basis, at first perhaps a somewhat tentative basis, for new world security, proposals which are capable of adjustment, which are realistic, and which can build up confidence and command the general support of all the nations. Our delegates carry grave responsibility. Are our hopes and ideals to be realised? Are we, at the end of this war, to stand on the threshold of the brave new world about which so many of us have talked and dreamed? Our delegates will go with our heartfelt wishes that success will crown their work, not only for ourselves, but for the United Nations and mankind.

5.58 p.m.

The Lord President of the Council asked three things of those who should speak after him. The first was that we should not delve into past history, and seek to place the blame on one party or another for the failure of the League of Nations. I cordially respond to that request. There will be plenty of other occasions for delving into past history. His second request was that we should be realists. I propose to be a realist, I believe more realist than the right hon. Gentleman was in several parts of his speech. Finally, he asked for an expression of unity in support of what he was going to do at the San Francisco Conference. I am sorry to say I am not able to respond to that request. I have done my very best to support the Government in all international Debates in the past. I have gone through the Division Lobbies in support of the Prime Minister on Greece, on Poland—and to-day on Motherwell. But I cannot support the Government on Yalta. I do not believe that the road on which they are going, at San Francisco, to pursue world security and a world organisation for peace and security will take them to the goal we all desire. They will not get there—by the Dumbarton Oaks procedure with the gap filled, as it was proposed at the Crimea Conference to be filled, in the matter of voting on the Security Council. I want—we all want—a world organisation for peace and security, but I do not believe that we can get it in that way. I do not believe it, because, I am in this matter a realist.

My first piece of realism is that public opinion is of no real importance as an instrument to prevent aggression or to secure justice in the world when there is anybody who wishes to be unjust. Surely, that is the lesson of the failure of the League of Nations, it is the lesson of the Kellog Pact and of so many other attempts that have been made. Public opinion is less effective upon nations than the public opinion of a community is effective upon the citizens who live together. Nations all live apart, and the public opinion of the world is not an effective means of securing justice or of correcting aggression. On that matter, as on so many matters, I think the Prime Minister has said the final word—that the scales of justice are vain without her sword. Therefore, when I heard the right hon. Gentleman emphasising the freedom of debate in the Assembly, and how everything could be discussed there, my feeling was that what is important for the security of the world is not debate, but decisions. That is why the question of how decisions on the use of force to support justice can be reached is so vital.

This brings me to my second piece of realism, which is that the strength of different nations is very unequal. Some nations are very strong, some nations have some strength, but not great strength; many, although they may be great forces in civilisation, are almost powerless in that abomination called war. The decisive influence in the future will be the strength of a few Great Powers. The decision as to whether we can have peace and security or not depends on the purpose for which that strength of the Great Powers is used and the conditions under which it is to be used. That is why the voting procedure on the Security Council is really the pivot of the whole organisation. That is why the Debate that we had on the Crimea Conference, in so far as it dealt with this matter, was quite unreal. We did not know then how this gap in the Dumbarton Oaks proposals was to be filled. Now we do know. We know that the strength of any Great Power cannot be used, under the Dumbarton Oaks and Yalta proposals, to repress aggression or to support justice anywhere unless the affirmative individual consent of each of four other Powers is obtained. The voting procedure of the Security Council has never, so far as I know, been laid before this House in any White Paper. I hope I may remind the House what it is, and thus get it, at any rate, on the record of HANSARD. The announcement was simply made in the Press, and it is a great disadvantage to us that we have not got it, so far as I know, in any document in this House. This is the arrangement for voting:

Will the hon. Member quote the authority for that?

I am quoting from "The Times." [An HON. MEMBER: "Who made the statement?"] I think our Government made the statement—I think all the Governments made the statement. I have taken it from the Press announcements issued by our Government, and, I think, all the Governments, on 5th March last. [ Interruption. ] It is a Foreign Office statement. That voting formula means that the strength of the United States and Britain against aggression can be used only within the world organisation for peace with the individual consent in every single case of Russia, France and China, or outside this world organisation for peace, independently of it. Either alternative is lamentable, I suggest, and should be resisted. The first ties our hands against aggression. It compels us to accept, without prejudice and without challenge, the individual views of each of these other nations upon the nature of justice and upon the nature of aggression; it makes each of them a judge without appeal, in its own cause and in every cause. The Lord President of the Council spoke of the Security Council having great power at its disposal. It has no such thing. The only power it has is the power which each of these five Powers individually will allow to be used. This voting procedure involves, by us a definite pledge, not to act against aggression unless we can have the support of each one of these four Powers, or unless—this is the other alternative—we go outside the world organisation; so that real provision for security falls outside this world organisation for peace.

That brings me to my third piece of realism. Unless we can win the confidence of all nations in our world organisation, unless we can make them feel certain that the policeman will step in when an injustice occurs, everybody must provide for his own safety: everybody must arm, and seek defence outside the world organisation. Then we get competitive arming, selective alliances, power politics. We get that fear leading to war. The Dumbarton Oaks proposal, with the gap filled as it is to be filled by the Crimea decisions, gives no protection whatever to any small Power against any large one, or against the hanger-on of any large one. I suggest that that makes nonsense of sovereign equality. It compels every small Power to seek security, not through the world organisation, but by dependence upon some other Power, thus losing its effective sovereignty. The only way to sovereign equality—which is, I believe a good phrase—is by collective security, and not by selective alliances. You do not get collective security when your world system is one which cannot act without the affirmatvie votes of every one of five Powers, some of which may be interested, while others are not interested, in the particular dispute. I was very glad to see the Dumbarton Oaks proposals. I have always tried to believe in them, hoping that out of them something would develop for world organisation; but with this formula I find it hard to be hopeful.

When the Crimea Conference was being debated in the House I expressed regret that we could not know the voting procedure, and I asked that our delegates should not treat the decisions reached at the Crimea Conference as sacrosanct and as something from which they could never depart. I suggested that our delegation should say, when they come to San Francisco, that it is the world who are going to decide, and not we. The Foreign Secretary replied that that was what he had said. I hope that, when our delegates go to San Francisco, they will be free to qualify that voting formula, and I shall be glad if my right hon. Friend who responds for the Government can give us any hope that they will be free to do so.

I suggest that the only real way to a world organisation for security lies, first, in providing for an honourable, impartial settlement of all disputes between nations otherwise than by war; second, by providing the knowledge that force will be attainable with certainty to back up settlements, while preserving the internal independence of every nation; and, finally, that force—and that is the force of the great Powers, which is the only one that matters—shall not be used for any one nation, but only for justice. That is the only way to safety; but that is not the way that the Dumbarton Oaks proposals, raising each great Power above the law, provides.

It may be said that it is not realist to ask for this. If one cannot get a real World organisation for security, which establishes the rule of law for all nations, backed by the strength of the great nations, what should one do? I would say, first, that if I can really get nothing else I would rather have the Dumbarton Oaks proposals with no procedure for voting laid down at all in the Security Council. I would not like that, but it would be better than the present proposal. It would give us all the advantages proclaimed by the right hon. Gentleman of free debate; it would test whether the right hon. Gentleman is right as to the effectiveness of public opinion in international affairs, or whether I am right in thinking that it is not effective. On the other hand, we should still be free to use our strength in support of decisions and recommendations of the Assembly or Security Council, we should be free to act for justice without being vetoed by some third party. If you cannot even get this, I am not sure that it would not be better to have no world organisation, but to have a regional organisation of those nations which do believe in the rule of law between nations, in international justice in the world. I believe that the two nations whose leaders signed the Atlantic Charter originally, Britain and the United States, are serious in that matter, are ready to use their power for justice, and I should like them to be able to be free to do so.

I have talked as a realist, but I hope I may be allowed to say one word also in favour of morality in international relations. I suggest that the realistic study of history shows that for the different nations of the world to pursue purely self-regarding policies—immoral policies—leads with certainty to conflict and war. Therefore, in international relations, morality is the interest of each nation and to the advantage of each nation. I am certain that the people of this country believe that, as that the people of this country believe that war is unnecessary.

Not so long ago, my hon. Friend the Member for East Wolverhampton (Sir G. Mander) used a phrase about our all hoping that war would be ended. There was a derisive shout of laughter from some of those hon. Members who sit opposite. I contrast that experience with what I experience whenever I speak in a public meeting, and say that the first condition of a good life for all is that peace when it comes should be lasting. The response of every audience of the people of this country to whom I have used that phrase has been one of decisive agreement. Those people who deride the possibility of lasting peace do not understand the feelings of the people of this country. I believe that the people of this country will demand that peace, when it comes, shall be lasting. They can get that if we, through the Dumbarton Oaks proposals, establish the rule of law, enforced by the strength of the Great Powers. They cannot get it if we fill up the gap in Dumbarton Oaks in the way in which it is proposed to fill it by the decisions taken at the Crimea Conference.

6.18 p.m.

I have listened, as we all have, with great interest to the speech of my hon. Friend who has just sat down, but I was surprised when he moved from his position of realist to his position as an advocate of morality. I think he has a very good conception of morality, but a very poor conception of realism. His suggestion that war should be brought, at last, to an end is one with which we all agree. But to suggest that this could be done by altering the procedure of an international conference does not seem to me to have anything to do with the facts we are discussing, nor does it square with the admirable axioms which my hon. Friend laid down.

In the first place, one of his practical suggestions was that we should abolish the proposed procedure altogether. That is to say, we should delude the smaller nations into the belief that the veto of the Great Powers will not be exercised. Alternatively that goes back altogether to a state of anarchy. That is the only result if you cannot get these agreements between the Great Powers which is hoped for and which is postulated in the Dumbarton Oaks proposals. I observe an apologetic note to-day for Dumbarton Oaks. I do not hold that view at all. They are good proposals, which demand the commendation of the House. They are proposals which have brought three Powers into a meeting-place, and how difficult it is to achieve that, is well known by anybody who has had anything to do with trying to get these three Powers together. Particularly is this the case with Russia, which has been suspicious in the past and has had good reason to be suspicious, who was attacked during the run of a treaty of friendship by the most formidable concentration of tanks and guns this world has ever seen put into the field. There is no reason to suppose that the Russians have been easy to get together to talk on the far side of the Pacific slope.

Would my right hon. and gallant Friend not agree that the Russians are rather artless, if they expected anything else, after making a treaty of friendship with the Nazis?

My hon. and gallant Friend had some opportunities of discussing that with the Russians in their own country and out of it. I have felt for some time that, on some occasions, they attach more weighty importance to declarations made by the Western Powers than to those of some others with whom they previously entered into relations. You have to get the three Great Powers together, if you are going to do any good in this world. We all know that the Crimea Conference was an attempt to get these Powers together. My hon. Friend had indeed an alternative suggestion, an arrangement between the U.S.A. and ourselves. The only other road is the one that goes straight into a state of anarchy. Is my hon. Friend prepared to come down here and say that we could get the consent of the United States to a two-nation agreement with this country? Why did President Roosevelt take so much trouble and time, and lose his life, in bringing about international agreement if it was not that his nation, as we all know, distrusts all bi-party arrangements? The United States is a Pacific as well as an Atlantic Power. Is not Russia also a Pacific Power? Can the United States afford to neglect Russia as a world force? If we are going to be realists, then let us be realists.

What is the new proposal? That by some means of procedure we can bring about a change of heart? That is, as my hon. Friend himself said, going to be a long and difficult matter. If it is brought about, it will bring peace, not only for our time, but for all time. That is the ideal we all hope for, but, surely, the first steps must be undertaken with a view to a reasonable conception of the magnitude of the task we are taking on. Let us take a purely imaginary case, because some of the real cases are perhaps too delicate to touch upon. Let us suppose some question of dispute arose on immigration and it had been voted upon by a majority, which decided that the United States must open its boundaries to unlimited Asiatic immigration. Would this country attack the United States to enforce a verdict of that kind? There are great international questions on which Russia feels keenly, too, and, before you get Russia to come into this, you are bound to face a period of test and trial. We are all going to do the best we can to bring about peace, and we hope to be successful, but nations are not going to be engineered into it by some sudden majority decision which, incidentally, you may find subsequently is one which it is impossible to carry out. I call that not even idealism; I call it muddle-headedness and muddle-headedness of a very dangerous kind, because it is muddle-headedness which is closely linked with pious hopes and the highest objectives. It is the way in which causes and nations have been brought to ruin.

May I say, in reply to the charge of muddle-headedness, that my alternative was not to have a bi-party arrangement between this country and another, but to have those countries which are prepared to help in establishing the rule of law, joining with us. Thus, you would get a regional arrangement, as distinct from a world arrangement, if you could get the world arrangement. There is nothing muddle-headed about that.

That seems to me to be completely inconsistent with the earlier part of the hon. Member's speech and that is what I defined as muddle-headedness. After all, the two axioms of my hon. Friend were that public opinion was not important, and, secondly, that the power of different nations was different, and that only a very small number of nations would have the necessary power to carry out these great decisions which would have to be taken. The only two Powers in such a group capable of carry- ing out the vast decisions of launching, say, 200 divisions, 40 battleships or 10,000 bombing aeroplanes are the United States and this country, and no other country would add more than dust in the balance. Surely, under the bi-party arrangement, whatever was the constellation circling round the two great twin suns—the Great Powers themselves—would be of very little effect.

Why does my right hon. and gallant Friend think that with two Great Powers you get muddle-headedness, but, when you add a third, you get perfect clarity?

I should say again that when you name these two Great Powers you name the two great foci of industrial and war potential in the world. Into this you try to get the other focus of war potential in this world. If you get unanimity between these three, you can do something; if you get two against one, you go straight to war, or into confusion and impotence. That is why I say that to restrict it to two and hope for peace is muddle-headed. But if I cannot convince my hon. Friend I must pass on to the remainder of my argument.

We are discussing a question of the most terrible importance to us and to everyone in this House, and it is right that we should grasp, and firmly grasp, the proposals before us and also the difference between these proposals and the Covenant of the League of Nations. The League of Nations was established to produce delay in certain special circumstances. Under the Covenant, war was perfectly legal, after nine months' delay. After that, there was the legality of war. These things are ruled out here. What is a more remarkable thing, it is here laid down that, for the first time, we are going to commit ourselves to make war on opinion in the quest of peace. These words are very much wider than anything in the League of Nations Covenant, or in any international document issued for a very long time past. We ought to look very very closely at them.

In any dispute of that kind which may give rise to a danger to peace, a threat to peace, you cannot go into a discussion and decide about it by a majority of seven out of eleven. There has to be a world opinion practically unanimous before anyone takes up the responsibility of launch- ing the enormous power of a modern Armada against a threat to peace, which has not shown itself in any act of aggression, in any movement outside the country's frontier, but has merely arisen it may be through some change of opinion, even some change of political power in the country concerned. Let us for instance, say that it might originate from a persecution, say the persecution of the Jews. It might be some little cloud no bigger than a man's hand. Before you know where you are a nation takes a step against political minorities within its own country, attacks them, persecutes them. Then the next step is to attack opinion or even the countries that hold the opinion that you are doing wrong, and the next step is to try by assault to incorporate such countries within your own boundaries. It is easy to see the sequence, but wide differences of opinion might arise about the beginning. What I do want to make clear is that it is something affecting the working men and women of this country if we are going to send them to war against some other country merely because of some change in its internal régime. It is we, the Members of this House, who will have to vote to ask these people to take up arms in such quarrels. In doing this we shall want to be very very sure that we are not being slid into these things merely on points of procedure.

The idea that we can conjure away these terrible problems by a change of approach is, I venture to suggest, a very unrealistic way of tackling them. The San Francisco Conference is to go on, and it must go on in good faith. We know now the great advantage that the Foreign Secretary of Soviet Russia has gone to it. We all had an uneasy feeling, a cold chill, a cold draught over us as to what would happen in the future when we learned that the Foreign Secretary of Soviet Russia was not to be at that Conference. I think the terms upon which he is attending the Conference are of the utmost importance and I do not see how my hon. Friend the Member for Berwick-upon-Tweed (Sir William Beveridge) can say as he did, more or less, "I do not think anything of these terms. Throw them away".

The danger before us, surely, is the danger that we have to consider meeting with bad faith. But you cannot write good faith into the procedure, or even into the constitution of an international organisation. You just cannot do it. Good will, we hope for yes, but you cannot go to an international body and say "I believe that this fellow is going to act in bad faith, and therefore I will not allow his vote to be used against certain developments which I think may be worth while". There have been times when a majority decision affecting this country might have led to a very grievous disaster and might easily have led to a destruction of all the hopes that we have of a brave new world.

Lastly, when yon come to majority decisions you come not to nations but to constituencies. We have ourselves from time to time a Redistribution Bill. When it comes to counting a certain number of noses, you will have to make sure that there is an equal number of noses somewhere else. Under the Redistribution Bill you cannot say that Romford is a big constituency, and that another one is a small constituency, and then go on to say that of course the vote of Romford and the vote of the small constituency must be equal. See the sort of controversies which must arise there.

It is not an easy task to embark upon this task of attempting to frame a new world, which at any rate is at present still a long way from universal peace and harmony. We are attempting to get people together to talk, we are attempting to get together for discussions widely different people with widely differing histories and traditions and, more important still, with many causes for suspicions of each other in the past to take into account. I, like other hon. Members, have recently had the opportunity of travelling through Russia. We met everywhere I think a genuine desire to co-operate with the Western Powers, to work together for friendship with the great communities outside. But there are communities in Russia which are many thousands of miles apart from us, separated themselves by all sorts of traditions, of race, of culture, and of language. The growth of their trust will be a slow growth and it has got to be brought along very carefully indeed. It is inevitable in all these circumstances that such an international organisation must have everybody in it, but each of the great nations within it must have it within their power to say "I will not ask my people to march in this cause." Unless we are willing to concede that, we had better not go to San Francisco at all. However, I believe that we are willing to go, willing to start, and that those meeting there are willing to act in good faith, not in bad faith. That is why I welcome this Debate, and I welcome the chance of offering my good wishes, not only to the Foreign Secretary, but to all those who will be going as representatives of our nation.

6.38 p.m.

I think the right hon. and gallant Member for Kelvingrove (Lieut.-Colonel Elliot) was perhaps a little exuberant in suggesting that the hon. Member for Berwick-upon-Tweed (Sir W. Beveridge) was muddle-headed, or too much concerned with matters of procedure. I think my right hon. and gallant Friend has fallen into the error which it is difficult to avoid in a Debate of this nature, namely, that of not being quite sure what it is we are discussing. Are we discussing principles or constitutions; rules or ideas; a policy or a machine? We are discussing both. I was reminded, when I listened to some of the speeches this afternoon, of an inquiry addressed to Lord Cecil by his brother Lord Quickswood—whose absence from this House I have so often regretted—in which he said "What I want to know, Bob, is—will your League work?" To this Lord Robert replied: "Think again, Hugh: does a spade work?" Well that of course was a very pungent way of suggesting that even the most perfect piece of machinery is valueless unless there is a will to make it succeed. But you cannot dismiss questions of machinery and principles as easily as that, because, in the first place, even Lord Cecil's spade could have been a bad spade. We all know that. There are some spades which are admirably fitted to their purpose, but there are some, certainly in war-time, which come to pieces in your hand. Moreover, a spade is intended either for the beneficial purposes of agriculture, or even for the agreeable pastime of horticulture, but it could be used on certain occasions as a weapon of offence, cruelty and violence. Therefore you cannot differentiate the machine from the purposes for which it is used.

I have examined with the greatest care the machine which we are now discussing, the machine of which we have a sketch of a blue-print in the shape of the Dum- barton Oaks proposals. I have read the admirable commentary prepared by the British Government on that subject, and the even more admirable commentary prepared on these proposals by the American State Department. I think that from these there emerges, quite clearly, a definition of what constitutes a good machine and what constitutes a bad machine. There are three essential tests of judgment. First, has it got the power? Second, is it well designed? Third, is it going to be used in the right way? It is under these three headings that I intend to discuss these proposals this afternoon.

First, power. I think the House will allow me, although I usually deprecate this sort of personal reference, to disclose an interest in this matter in that I had something to do or very little to do with the drafting of the original Covenant, and a great deal to do with the early years of the League of Nations. Therefore, I, quite naturally, have a prejudice in favour of the old Covenant. In examining the Dumbarton Oaks proposals in comparison with the old Covenant, I am bound to say that they represent an improvement of technique comparable only to the advance in the design of the most modern four-engine bomber compared with the original biplane in which Blèriot flew the Channel. That is quite right. The sketch before us represents 25 years of experience. It was drafted by experts who had years of experience of where the League of Nations went wrong and capable of judging to what extent present circumstances are different. In no delegation could you have had three more able experts than those who represented this country at Dumbarton Oaks. Therefore the Dumbarton Oaks proposals, as a technical sketch of a machine, are unsurpassed in skill, in ingenuity, although I regard that as a bad word, or what I really mean in intelligence.

Now under the first two headings, you can observe that the improvements of the Dumbarton Oaks plan upon the League Covenant are enormous. On the question of power, I am not going into past history because the Lord President has asked us not to. But it is quite obvious that the League failed because it did not have sufficient power; or could not get the power which it did possess sufficiently rapidly or in sufficient strength to the right point at the right time. It was a defect of transmission. Under the new scheme there is an infinite increase of power because we may have, and we all hope we shall have, the United States and Russia in the scheme. For this it is worth paying a very heavy price, both in sacrifice, and in abatement of principle. Moreover there are provisions in the scheme which will render the transmission of power over every articulation of the machine much more rapid and much more effective.

There is, for instance, the system of regional arrangements. There are the many clauses in which the Dumbarton Oaks proposal is not permissive, as the League Covenant was, but mandatory. You thus get an infinitely greater and more speedy force of execution. This, without question, is an enormous advantage. I am not going into this blueprint in detail. I wish only to say that the infinite gadgets with which this new machine is provided are not there merely for purposes of decoration but represent the accumulated experience of very intelligent men over a very long number of years. As an actual bit of planning and construction, the machine of the Dumbarton Oaks proposal is a masterpiece.

Now we come to the third test, the test of purpose. Is this machine, gifted, driven, as I have said, with overwhelming power, devised, constructed and planned with infinite ingenuity and skill, going to be used for good purposes or bad purposes or no purposes? That is the vital point. My hon. Friend the Member for Kidderminster (Sir J. Wardlaw-Milne) and, I think, my hon. Friend the Member for Shipley (Mr. Creech Jones) also, spoke about the absence of principles or ethical statements in the Dumbarton Oaks proposals. There is no absence of principle. To my deep regret, I see that Chapter 2 cites many principles, and I would regard it as an error if in addition we introduced into this document moral sentiments which would only create the very atmosphere of casuistry and hypocrisy which we want to avoid. As it is, I think that the principles which have been introduced in Chapter 2 would have been better left out.

What are they? Members of the United Nations Organisation are reminded that their duties are more important than their rights. That is quite good. The whole scheme, moreover, is based

Even as it stands I and, I am sure, a good many Members would have accepted the Dumbarton Oaks draft with relief and gratification if it had not been for Yalta. I agree very much with the hon. Member for Berwick-upon-Tweed that it was most unfortunate that this House discussed the Yalta Agreement, and that, with great difficulty on the part of some people, we approved the arrangements there come to, when at the time this unknown and much more questionable Clause was hidden from us. That is most unfortunate. I know the arguments that will be used to justify the veto provisions. Some of them are good reasons and some of them are quite meaningless. One of the arguments is that, if the big Power does not obey, you are going to have war anyhow. That is not true. It may be true that the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics might, in given circumstances, be prepared to face up to the battlements of all the world, but it is not true to say that France would or China would, or we should. We are not going to war if we find that the conscience of other peoples is against us.

It is said that although actual action can be vetoed, it will be open—and that is a great concession, I admit—to the Security Council and eventually the Assembly to criticise and condemn the action of any of the great Powers. That is something; but if we get this vicious alignment, this terrible predominance, we shall have a situation in which, as the hon. Member for Berwick-upon-Tweed said, every big Power will have its satellite, and every satellite will have its big Power. The small Power will not dare even to bear witness against one of its protecting Powers. I would ask the Committee to go through that sector and work it out in this way. Who benefits by it?

Is it not cynical to ignore the fact—which is exactly what happened in the League of Nations—that all or most of them had their satellite Powers and voted exactly as they wanted?

Yes, that certainly did happen. What we are now doing is not merely to recognise an unfavourable condition but enshrining it as a habit and an agreed custom; that is a very wrong thing to do. That is being truly cynical. You may admit that certain misfortunes are unavoidable but when you proclaim that they are unavoidable and actually put them into a charter of world organisation—the word "charter" is a solemn word—you are sinning against the light. I would ask the Committee in examining this veto clause to consider what it actually implies. I think people have not quite realised—I am not sure I had realised it myself, and the right hon. Gentleman will correct me if I am wrong—I do not believe that the Committee as a whole realises that the right of veto applies not only to action taken against the great Powers but to action taken against any Power. For instance, let us take a possible situation in which, if there existed any real international or collective security, the whole purpose of Dumbarton Oaks would be brought to work and see what would happen under this veto clause.

Let us suppose that Bulgaria tries to seize Salonika and to commit an act of aggression against Greece. Greece immediately appeals to the United Nations organisation. The matter comes up before the Security Council and Russia says, "Oh, no, Bulgaria is quite right and we must do nothing at all." Under the League we could have heard such an appeal; we would not be able to do so now. That to me seems to be the vital issue. You have devised this magnificent scheme with infinite ingenuity, you have given it immense power and you have sought to secure that its power can be transmitted rapidly into every element and principle of your organisation. But when you come to what you are using it for, you find that it does not operate at all. What is the point of having a military staff when the thing is not going to work? Who is it going to work for and who is it going to work against? The only countries that I can see it working against are Germany and Japan; but 20 years from now, what will happen? Call it the United Nations if you like but do not talk about charters and moral preambles and things like that.

In conclusion I should like to say that I admit that some sacrifice of principles is necessary if we were to get things right. It is right that we should say in this Committee that we are prepared to make that sacrifice. If we cannot get some concession on this veto at Yalta we must insist on Chapter 11, which provides very much better than was the case in Article XIX for redrafting and altering the Charter as finally approved. We must insist that this revision Article is not liable to veto by any of the Great Powers. If we can get that secure, I am quite prepared to accept, even with this Yalta Clause, the Dumbarton Oaks arrangement on the understanding that it is merely a continuation of the Triple Alliance in this war, a war arrangement, and that it will become a peace arrangement only when, after discussion, it is modified with the consent of the small Powers as well, as that of the big Powers.

6.59 p.m.

My hon. Friend the Member for West Leicester (Mr. H. Nicolson) has, with great felicity, compared the proposal before the Committee with a piece of machinery. May I say what appears to me significant in this piece of machinery? Standing at the fly-wheel are five persons each with a crowbar which he can push in at any time. The conception of the machine is brilliant but in operation it would not satisfy what we want. I propose to deal with the arguments of the speeches which have been made but I first wish to put some points of detail to my right hon. Friend who is to reply, as I think the Committee would like to know the replies. The first one is: Are sanctions of any kind to be applied against countries which do not seek membership of the organisation? Is it going to make any difference to them whether they are in the organisation or out of it?

Secondly, is there any provision for the resignation of a member State from the organisation? There is a provision for expulsion but I do not as yet know of any provision for resignation. My third question is a rather important one: How will decisions be taken at San Francisco? Will it be by a simple majority of the States represented there, or will a veto on the part of a Great Power operate there also? The next question is this: is it intended to keep the peace settlement distinct from these proposals? The objection has often been made against the Covenant of the League that it was bound up with the Treaty of Versailles. I do not want to go into history, as we have been adjured not to do so, but it is certain that many things which we cannot defend will be brought about in the peace settlement and I should like at least to ensure that this international organisation starts without that handicap.

May I ask next, not too seriously, is it the intention of the Government to ask for votes in the Assembly on behalf of Scotland and Wales? After the demonstration of Scottish nationalism which we have had to-day, my right hon. Friend might be able to make out quite a good case.

The attitude that we take to these proposals, it seems to me, will be determined by what we expect from such an organisation. If we expect such a body to be a world organisation for the prevention of war and the establishment of the reign of law among the nations—all in capital letters—this proposed body will certainly not satisfy our desires. It is in fact going to be a debating society so far as international security is concerned. I am not belittling a debating society. What are we ourselves except a debating society on matters of foreign affairs? We have no executive power over foreign policy. The sanctions we could employ against the Government are rather remote; and yet occasionally we achieve results in the field of foreign affairs An international debating society can certainly be very useful, but let us at least have no illusions about its nature.

For myself, I think that the proposals can be accepted. I came to the House expecting to find myself, not for the first time, in disagreement with the Government, but my right hon. Friend the Lord President of the Council has defended the proposals with such restrained enthusiasm that I find myself in agreement with him after all. The keynote of this evening is that we must all be realists; it is a mark of the age that we should prefer to be called drunkards or adulterers, rather than to be called idealists. I am going to be a realist to-night and the first thing we have to admit is that neither the United States nor the Soviet Union would be prepared to enter any organisation that did not preserve its sovereign rights in full. That is a fundamental fact which any realist must accept and which was ignored by the hon. Member for Berwick-upon-Tweed (Sir W. Beveridge).

I have studied very closely all the American pronouncements on the subject that I have been able to obtain; and from the American Chamber of Commerce to the American Federation of Labour and beyond, and from the Methodists to the Roman Catholics, there is agreement on two principles: that the United States should take part in a world organisation and that the organisation must leave the sovereign rights of the United States unimpaired. As for the Soviet Union, there has not been such free discussion in that country, but can any hon. Member imagine Marshal Stalin placing the Red Army under the control of a commander from any other country or submitting the future of the Baltic States to a Committee including Poles, Rumanians and Letts? The question only has to be asked to produce the answer: the Soviet Union would certainly not enter an organisation that deprived it of its sovereign rights.

Does the hon. Gentleman appreciate that arrangements made arising out of this war are excluded from subsequent matters which may be dealt with by the United Nations Council?

I have asked my right hon. Friend the Minister of State, who is to reply, to give an answer on that question. There is the heart of the matter as I see it, but I cannot feel any enthusiasm about the kind of organisation that will emerge as a result, and I think it is most important that we should not nourish illusions. The great danger about such agreements as the Kellogg Pact is that they acted as a narcotic to the peace-loving nations—if I may use that terrible phrase—and as a stimulus to the nations who were bent on aggression. I hope very much that we really shall be realists about this agreement, and not pretend that we have achieved international security when, in fact, all we shall achieve is a debating society.

There are two questions that I think the ordinary man will ask about any such organisation: Will it prevent war? Will it establish the reign of law among the nations? The essence of law, as it seems to me, cannot be better expressed than in the 40th chapter of our own Magna Carta—

The exception which I mentioned has already been referred to by my hon. Friend the Member for West Leicester, that the purpose of this organisation may be to prevent the defeated enemy nations from rising again. But let us pursue that argument a little farther. Other arrangements are being made to that end. In a short while both Germany and Japan will lie broken and prostrate. If they rise again it can only be because one or more of the Great Powers wishes them to do so. That is what happened with Germany after the last war. In 1918 Germany was broken and prostrate, as she will shortly be once more. She rose again to a position where she could threaten the peace of the world because at various times and in diverse manners this country, the Soviet Union and the United States desired that she should rise again to the position of a Great Power. In such a case it is more than likely that the great power which desired Germany or Japan to rise again would use its veto in the Council chamber on behalf of that nation; and therefore there is no assurance in this machinery that it will avail to prevent Germany or Japan from again becoming a great military power.

There is the essence of what I feel about these proposals. I think however, that they can be supported with the restrained enthusiasm with which the Lord President defended them and I can perhaps best sum up my attitude in the words of the poet by saying: that most Indians realise full well the value of the British connection to them. I think the example would do very much to bring about the reign of law in international affairs.

My next request to our delegation is a very simple one but a rather important one, I think. It is that when the Conference comes to an end we should not open up all the stops of our propaganda and give the public the impression that a combination of V-Day and the millennium has arrived. We should have no illusions about the world in which we live. These proposals before us mean that we must, to use once more some famous words, "Look to our moat." We have to maintain our defences strong and intact; people should realise it now and not imagine that by some incantation they have achieved world peace.

The reasons why I am prepared to support these proposals I have already indicated in part, but not wholly. I shall not weary the House by going into the smaller matters that lead me to support them. I propose to deal only with the question of security—and there are many other matters beside security in these proposals. One major reason is that these proposals leave open the possibility of regional agreements in which some real security may be attained. The way is still left open for such an arrangement as the Western association which, at the risk of appearing to have a bee in my bonnet, I should again like to advocate to-night. We may through such agreements be able to obtain not a general security but at least a strengthening of our regional defences against the forces of evil.

The most important reason that leads me to give tepid support to these proposals is the vital importance of having the United States and the Soviet Union in some such organisation. It is not possible, as I have said earlier, to get the United States and the Soviet Union to agree to anything very much stronger than what is now proposed but it is absolutely vital to have them in such an organisation if it is to succeed. Here I disagree with the hon. Gentleman the Member for Berwick-upon-Tweed. He said in effect that he would prefer to have a smaller organisation with a theoretically more perfect structure rather than a weak general organisation including the Soviet Union and the United States. I feel bound, in the light of the experience of the League of Nations, to disagree with him there.

I should like to see an Anglo-American Alliance and a very much stronger Anglo-Soviet Alliance than is contained in the 20-year treaty; but I know there is not the slightest prospect of getting it. I believe that the way to friendship and alliance with the people of the United States lies in the strategy of indirect approach. By becoming members of the same international organisation and working together we may, I think, achieve with them in peace a friendship as genuine as we have secured in the war. If I may use a metaphor, the position appears to be thus: when a suitor has eventually obtained the consent of a reluctant lady to his proposal it is as well to lead her to the altar straight away, before she changes her mind. They can discuss the degree of their association later. American opinion has now been brought to the stage where it is willing and desirous to enter such an association. The argument is doubly strengthened when there are two reluctant ladies to be led simultaneously to the altar. For such reasons I would support these proposals.

I do not wish to end on a note of despair. I think there is ground for hope in the world, though I see it not in the actions of Governments such as we have now before us, but in the practical collaboration which has been achieved in the war. The degree of technical collaboration achieved between the United States and ourselves is amazing, and it will bear fruit in the peace. I have not seen much of it directly myself, but I saw a little of it recently in the working of the Air-Sea Rescue Service. What the American bomber crews owe to the Royal Navy can hardly be expressed in words. That kind of thing will bear fruit in the future. Then there is the immense admiration by the people of this country for the fighters and workers of the Soviet Union, and as the achievements of our own population become better known in the Soviet Union than they are to-day I think that the Soviet people will reciprocate that feeling. In this intimate respect which our peoples have for each other, rather than in the machinery now being proposed, I see great hope for the future.

7.18 p.m.

I have ventured with other Members of all parties to put a Motion on the Order Paper with regard to the San Francisco Conference, to which I would like to draw the attention of the Committee for a few minutes.

[ That this House urges His Majesty's Government to do their utmost at the forthcoming San Francisco Conference to secure that the National Contingents which are to constitute the collective force for the restraint of aggression shall be immediately and automatically available to the Security Council; that reliance upon National Contingents alone for this purpose shall be regarded as a preliminary measure, and that at a later stage steps shall be taken to create an International Force under the direct control of the International Authority itself; that any State which is involved in a dispute with another Power shall have the right of appeal in the last resort to an impartial non-representative tribunal; and that the arrangement whereby permanent members of the Council may veto the application of Sanctions in any issue in which they are directly involved shall be regarded as a temporary measure to be reviewed as confidence grows. ]

The first point we make in the Motion is to urge His Majesty's Government to do their utmost to secure that the national contingents which are to constitute the collective force for the restraint of aggression shall be immediately and automatically available to the Security Council. It is not quite clear from the provisions of the White Paper how far the Forces which the various nations agree to subscribe will be automatically available in the event of any act of aggression on the part of either one of the Great Powers or one of the smaller Powers. I think the Dumbarton Oaks proposals will go a great deal further in that direction than anything we have in the Covenant of the League of Nations. There are very important provisions, such as the setting up of a military staff, and various other provisions all of a much more obligatory kind than anything which appeared in the Covenant of the League of Nations, but it is still, apparently, in form, anyhow, dependent upon the consent of these nations as to whether those contingents will be available in any given emergency. It is true that they undertook that they would supply those contingents, but the reason why we have this war at the moment is because nations do not always carry out their obligations. This is an attempt to get some machinery, as far as possible automatic, which will render the breach of Treaties more difficult, if not impossible.

Further, our Motion urges on the Government to try and secure that the contingents promised by the subscribing nations shall be more automatically and immediately available against any aggressor Power. Then we ask that reliance upon national contingents alone for this purpose shall be regarded as a preliminary measure, and that at a later stage steps shall be taken to create an international force, under the direct control of the international authority itself. I and the group of Members of Parliament who have supported the idea of an international police force, as advocated by the new Commonwealth Society—and I am glad to think that the Prime Minister is still President of the British Section—believe that we shall never have peace established securely in the world until international law is on the same basis as the municipal law. What are the essential features of the municipal law of any country? They are two, and two only. One is that when two parties are at loggerheads and have a dispute they go before an independent impartial tribunal, which has been set up by the State to act permanently, for the dispute to be decided. It does not matter whether that decision is good or bad. There are many litigants who think they have not received justice at the hands of the judge, and we try to avoid that, so far as possible, by putting the appointment of judges in the hands of responsible people, on whom we rely, and by creating the tradition that the judicial bench must be impartial, and by generally hoping that in the vast bulk of cases not only will there be a definite decision but that that decision will be founded on justice.

The essential thing is to lay down certain principles, but the important point is that there is a tribunal which must make a decision, and that that decision has to be accepted by the two litigants. If they do not accept, then the municipal law provides a police force for enforcing the decision of the judicial court. That police force, in a country like ours, is not a very large one; it does not need to be, but when we come to provide a police force for international litigants, it will have to be, at any rate at first, a large one, because the essence of the police force is that it must be overwhelmingly stronger than either of the two litigants. One realises the difficulties of establishing a new international order and trying to establish peace. We have the difficult problem of providing a practical police force which will be overwhelmingly superior to the forces of either one of the litigants.

Therefore, for practical purposes, I have always advocated that we should try to limit the police force to an Air Force in the initial stages, as being more easily established as an international force. As a corollary, or condition, or necessary accompaniment to the formation of an international police force there must be prohibition against any country having a national military Air Force. If no nation has a national military Air Force then an international Air Force will be overwhelmingly superior and probably will be able to be effective as a police force. I submit that any practical proposals with a view to the avoidance of war in the future and the establishment of peace with security will depend on how far they approximate to the conditions which prevail under the municipal law of the country.

Now let us examine the Dumbarton Oaks proposals on that criterion, applying those tests. The police force aspect is better than the tribunal because it does, for the first time, get the nations to agree absolutely to provide national contingents, that they shall keep them on a permanent footing, that there shall be a central military staff, and so on. To that extent it goes further than anything we have had in the past, and I naturally welcome those proposals as a considerable step in the right direction. But I do not think we shall ever get a really satisfactory police force until it is recruited specifically as an international police force. Its members must not be members of different nations, each nation providing its quota. The force must grow up as an international force, its members being recruited directly on the basis of the Foreign Legion, or something like that, where there is a completely unified force with the members internationally recruited. I hope that the British Government, at San Francisco, will agree to these proposals in the White Paper, and will urge that as a further objective, and will emphasise that we shall not be satisfied until we have a real international police force recruited on this basis.

The next point I want to consider is how far the Dumbarton Oak proposals approximate to the idea of the judicial tribunal whose decisions will be final and will be carried out. From that point of view I am afraid they are sadly deficient. I do not quarrel so much with the large Powers having permanent seats, and with the view that there must be a majority of seven out of 11, but I think the practical effect of the veto which is involved in the voting is very much to be regretted. I think it would be disastrous if we here permitted it to be thought by Russia and the United States that we are satisfied with this position, and that we regard it as securing peace on a firm foundation for the future, because it cannot do that. It may be that there is a very strong argument for saying that we ought to accept this, because it goes a long way and because we cannot get anything more out of Russia and the United States.

I follow the mental processes of my hon. Friend the Member for Keighley (Mr. Thomas) because I know he is as keen as I am on the idea of an international police force and the objectives of the new Commonwealth Society but I think there is this difference: The Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary were at Yalta, and they came to an agreement with Russia and the United States on these voting proposals. I do not think it is an obligation on them if they do not think—and I hope they do not—that these voting provisions are satisfactory and that to have a veto in its present form is a satisfactory or an ideal solution of this problem not to say so. It would be quite consistent of them to say: "We have agreed and we stand by our agreement, but we regret that we cannot get something further." I am not preaching something which is impracticable or idealist. If the British Government think that this is the most that can be obtained at this stage—and I am sure they do—and are sincere and honest about it, well and good, but I suggest that that should not prevent them from saying at San Francisco: "We should have liked to go further if we could have got the other two to agree." I cannot see that it is impossible for us to say: "We would have liked to go further but we cannot get the United States and Russia to go further." Why should we not say it? France is going to say it when she goes to San Francisco if we can judge from what one reads in the newspapers. Why should not we say it? I always suspect that when one does not want to say a thing it is because one does not want to commit oneself on the matter.

There is no doubt that we will not get the analogy with municipal law or peace established without some abrogation of the sovereign rights of every nation. I thought that that was almost universally admitted. It may be that you do not like giving up your sovereign rights but the choice is and must inevitably be this: Is it better to run the risk of some curtailment of your sovereign powers and having something done that you will regard as possibly vital to your interests; is it worth running that risk to have a real security of peace established? I should have thought that with the ravages of this war on top of the ravages of the last and the potentialities of still further ravages in any future war there could be no question of weighing up whether it is worth while running the risk of some abrogation of your sovereign powers if, by running that risk, you are really getting peace established, because that overwhelms all other considerations. I suggest that we will not have that until the nations are prepared to set up a permanent tribunal which is exactly the same as a judicial tribunal. There is an international court of justice established here, but only on certain matters which are regarded as judiciary questions. The tribunal must have the power to settle all disputes. I also urge that we must accept the Security Council because that is the best that we can get at the moment.

I do urge on the Government, however, not to be satisfied with that as the permanent objective, because no tribunal is satisfactory unless it is of a permanent character, the members of which are not appointed as nominees of individual national Governments, as a sort of representative members. No tribunal can exercise any judicial quality that is appointed on that basis. The tribunal should consist of men who are appointed for their own personal standing irrespective of what nation they represent. It is not easy to find those individuals, but they can be found. Names spring to one's mind immediately, such names as General Smuts, Lord Robert Cecil, the late Earl Balfour, President Roosevelt and others. There are any number of people whom the world would accept as members of a permanent tribunal and be quite prepared to believe that any decisions they made were made, at any rate to the best of their knowledge and abilities, made on grounds of justice and equity. There must be this tribunal. We call it an equity tribunal. We can call it by any other name we like, but the only satisfactory ultimate objective will be an equity tribunal which will be the final court of appeal from whose decisions will automatically flow the sanctions, namely, the utilization of the international police force that has already been set up.

We say further in the Motion on the Order Paper

"that any State which is involved in a dispute with another Power shall have the right of appeal in the last resort to an impartial non-representative tribunal;"

That, I think, is vital.

"and that the arrangement whereby permanent members of the Council may veto the application of Sanctions in any issue in which they are directly involved shall be regarded as a temporary measure to be reviewed as confidence grows."

What I am urging on the Government is that we should declare our own views as a country irrespective of whether we think the United States or Russia will go as far. I agree that they are not prepared probably to go anything like as far as I am advocating but I hope that we as a Government are prepared to go as far. I feel confident that the Government, led by the Prime Minister, are prepared to go as far as that if it were practicable. I think it would be a good thing for the future of the world and the hopes of a speedy implementation of these excellent proposals so far as they go, that we should unequivocally as a country set forth our determination really to secure peace by the permanent measures I have submitted as the only basis on which that peace can be secured.

7.37 p.m.

The hon. Member for Bolton (Sir C. Entwistle) will forgive me if I do not follow him into the wide question which he has just been discussing, although I should be glad to do it on another occasion. I only want now to press on the Government a few suggestions before their delegates go to the San Francisco Conference. The first is that they will take every possible step to ensure that the public both of this country and of the world understand, not only what this new peace organisation is for, but what it is not for. As I understand it, this organisation will have as its task that of preserving the peace, but not that of making the peace settlement. It will fall to the victorious belligerents, acting either through their existing war organisations or special organisations which they have already set up, or may set up, for the purpose, to make the peace settlement, to decide what is to be done with Germany and Japan, to decide what is to be done about reparation, to make any amendments to the frontiers that may be required as a result of this war, to deal with all the political problems that will arise out the war, to settle the divergencies of policy that arise between themselves; and, lastly, it will be for them, and not this peace organisation, to carry through the first great work of European reconstruction.

I believe that that is the real position. If it is so, an important result follows. For a number of years—I will not forecast how many, but it can scarcely be less than five—the whole centre of interest in the international political sphere will be, not in this new peace organisation, but in the Allies' settlement organisation; because almost every point of greatest difficulty, urgency and importance will be settled by them through the settlement organisation and not through this new body. The setting up of this new body is now to be discussed at a widely advertised conference at San Francisco; and there is a great danger that the public of the world will expect it to be the centre of the international scene immediately afterwards. When they find that it is not and that everything in which they are really interested is being done by somebody else, there will be a grievous danger of disillusionment, and of a loss of prestige to the new organisation which will have an injurious effect on its capacity to do what it has to do at the time when it has to do it. I have seen in relation to U.N.R.R.A., and from other experiences, what it means when extravagant expectations are allowed in the public mind as to what a new international organisation is going to do, and then it is left to the public slowly to discover afterwards that it cannot do it, and that it was never really meant to do it, so that at the time when it really has something to do it has lost a great deal of the public support and faith without which it cannot be effective.

I am not now suggesting that the San Francisco Conference should be postponed. Obviously it cannot be, and I understand the reason why it was thought desirable to hold it at this early date. My hon. Friend the Member for Keighley (Mr. I. Thomas), in his matrimonial analogy has suggested the main reason. But if the Conference must be held now our delegates, and the other delegates of other countries, ought to take special care to see that the public is not misinformed as to the character of the task which this new body will have to undertake. The earliness of the date of the Conference, desirable for the reasons which have been suggested, has not only the disadvantage or danger to which I have just referred. It means also that you can only include in the new Charter provisions on which the great countries which are initiating the new organisation will agree now, that is, at a time when, While they have co-operated well in the conduct of the war, they are only about to begin their co-operation in the tasks of peace. And these tasks, whether or not as difficult in other respects, are likely to be more difficult in respect of obtaining unity of policy. That, I think, is at the heart of this problem of voting procedure on the Security Council. I am prepared to accept the reasons why it is not possible now to get a voting procedure which does not allow the kind of veto which is included in the present proposals. I do not deny that it would perhaps be impossible to go to make a charter at this date if such a provision were not included.

I realise too that if any one of the principal Powers quarrel with others to the point of war, in the next few years the effect would be so serious that no new organisation of this kind could be set up. It is therefore perhaps true to say that a provision of this kind does not in the years immediately ahead of us affect the realities of the situation. But it is also true that this new peace organisation will not anyhow function effectively in the next few years. We are now constructing an organisation to operate later and then to be permanent. It will not make the peace settlement, or find the first solution to the political difficulties that arise immediately out of it. It will only take over the results after a period of some years.

We must hope that during this earlier period the great victorious Allies will not only find out how to make the kind of peace that can be preserved, but that in the course of doing so they will establish mutual confidence and trust of a kind which one can hardly expect them to have before they even begin the task of making a peace. From that point of view—though it is not the only point of view—it would, of course, have had certain advantages, as well as have been logical, that this new peace instrument should have been made in, say, four or five years, after this confidence had been built up. It might then have been possible to include more satisfactory provisions as to voting which are doubtless not possible at this moment.

What are we to do in the present situation and in those circumstances? I was very interested to read that Dr. Evatt, Minister of External Affairs in Australia, in referring to this situation the other day, said that he was prepared to accept the arrangement as provisionally necessary, but hoped for its eventual amendment after the period of post-war rehabilitation had been completed. That seems to me to be a reasonable objective to have in mind. We hope the victorious Allies will build up mutual trust and confidence over the next few years in connection with the peace settlement. I sincerely hope that our Delegates will keep open the opportunity for that developed trust and confidence to be expressed in a better voting provision at the end of that period.

For let us have no illusions. If we are thinking not of the next few years, when nothing better may be possible and when, for the reasons I have mentioned, the voting procedure does not so very much matter in itself, but are thinking of this provision as an absolutely permanent provision in a permanent peace organisation, do not let us disguise from ourselves what it is. As hon. Members have already pointed out, it means that any one of the Great Powers can effectively prevent the sanctions machinery of the new organisation from being put into operation, and therefore from being even used as a means of pressure, against either a great country or a small country which any one of the Great Powers is prepared to support. In that respect, in spite of all the new gadgets in the mechanism for ensuring that stronger forces are at the disposal of the organisation, to which my hon. Friend the Member for West Leicester (Mr. Nicolson) referred, this new instrument would in fact be actually weaker than the League of Nations.

After all, it was not any provision of the Covenant of the League that prevented effective sanctions from being applied against Italy in the case of Abyssinia and Japan in the case of China. It was an absence of strength, an absence of determination. I do not want to go into the controversies of the past, but at any rate the Covenant not only allowed sanctions, but encouraged them, and indeed prescribed them. But in this case, if this provision were maintained without change, it would for all time make it impossible for this instrument to be used except in the case which it is child's play for the Great Powers, if united, to settle at any time, that is to say, the case of a quarrel beween two small countries neither of which has the backing of a Great Power. If that is the only thing for which the instrument is devised, why all this elaborate military machinery and apparatus, which are improvements in comparison with the League only if attached to a voting provision which enables them to be used? Otherwise, the very elaboration of these provisions may merely cause misconception as to what this new organisation can do.

I do not wish to be misunderstood. I am not urging, as my hon. Friend the Member for Berwick-upon-Tweed (Sir W. Beveridge) was inclined to, that rather than subscribe to this as a provision in the immediate future, it would be preferable to have nothing at all. I think it is a good thing that we should, even at this price, if we can obtain an opportunity of making it only a temporary price, facilitate by every means co-operation between the Great Powers with a view to building up the strength and confidence upon which both now and later a successful peace organisation must depend. I sincerely trust therefore that every attempt will be made to keep the way open for amendment later.

I know our delegates will do the best they can to make as much progress as they can at the Conference. But I suggest to them that some delay in the final settlement of one part of the new organisation would be less serious than a permanent and irrevocable commitment to something that in a permanent instrument would be a fatal defect.

7.50 p.m.

I rise to support my right hon. Friend the Member for Oxford University (Sir A. Salter) in the realism which he introduced in the earlier part of his speech. I have listened to all the speeches that have been made in this Debate, and each hon. Member who has spoken has said that he was going to be realistic. We heard anarchy versus chaos in the speeches of the hon. Member for Berwick-upon-Tweed (Sir W. Beveridge) versus the right hon. and gallant Member for Kelvingrove (Lieut.-Colonel Elliot) until my hon. Friend the Member for West Leicester (Mr. Nicolson) introduced at any rate a more realist note by bringing in his very great experience in the last Peace Treaties. I do not think the general public realises, as my right hon. Friend has just said, that the instrument which is being built cannot be used for several years. I am concerned with what is going to happen in the next five years. I do not intend to go into the question of voting any further, because I think there is little more that can be said upon it; I want rather to pursue another side of the matter, that is, the Economic and Social Council which is part and parcel of the Dumbarton Oaks proposals.

I realise that many hon. Members regard this part not only as utterly without foundation, but also as unnecessary. Indeed, the hon. Member for Kidderminster (Sir J. Wardlaw-Milne), in a very significant speech, made four points. He said: Let us have a moral basis, let us not put our hopes too high, let us keep our powder dry, let us keep economics out of this business. If that is the way we are to approach the problem—on this sad day, when we are remembering a very great man who, when his own country was faced with internal difficulties of a similar kind, was no timid creature but gave it what the world now knows as a New Deal—then, in my opinion, all the talk about security is useless. Unless there is an international New Deal in the economic and social sphere, all talk of security is absolutely useless.

From some of the speeches that have been made, one would think that we could take the question of defence and separate it completely from the active social and economic life of the great nations of the world. I believe that at this time we have to take into consideration the hard facts about the condition of Europe, the condition of China, the hard facts about population, about food resources, about cartels, about the complete breakdown of transport and agriculture, and about finance and production. At the present moment it is far from clear to me what is the exact position of the Economic and Social Council. My right hon Friend the Minister of State is one of the architects of U.N.R.R.A. which was whittled away until it became merely a relief organisation. It is no longer what many people hoped it would be, but an organisation which—as anybody who goes to Europe now can see—is not fulfilling the high hopes that my right hon. Friend raised some two years ago in his speech of introduction in the Debate on U.N.R.R.A. Moreover, we have before us to-day some very grim spectacles. There was the conference on Civil Aviation in Chicago and there are certain other arrangements about shipping. There is also no definite promise that this new Economic and Social Council is to be in permanent session; it may possibly be a secondary and subsidiary organisation. I should be very grateful if my right hon. Friend would prove to me that it is only a question of its being a separate and not a subsidiary organisation, because there are arguments for making it separate and not linking it too closely with the rather more complicated Security Council, with all its difficulties of voting.

My submission is that the Great Powers will be tested by their attitude towards a series of practical regional problems. I will give two examples. One is the Western democracies and the other is the Middle East. Conceived in purely strategic and military terms, a regional pact between the Western democracies is dangerous; it looks like a bloc. Conceived as a regional body dealing with economic and social questions, it is not only not dangerous but absolutely vital at this moment. The people of France and Belgium—and I am sure the people of Holland and Scandinavia before long—are looking to this country. Short of coming into the British Commonwealth, they desire the closest possible liaison with this country, and in our own interests—in our trade interests, to put it at its lowest—it is up to us to take some cognisance of that amazing fact. They are looking to us not only in the field of economics, but in a very much wider field. Mr. Walter Lippman talks about an Atlantic community; I am much more modest and talk about a Western European community. We have very much the same order of ideas. In France and in Belgium there are very much the same ideas running through the school curricula and through the universities as there are here. During the last six weeks, in France and in Belgium, I have seen every section of our new Education Act minutely analysed, and very often analysed in such a way as to open up new possibilities and make new weaknesses appear. There never was in the whole history of Western civilisation such an admiration for what they regard as our intentions. I say deliberately that Beveridge and the Education Act are among the best exports we have made, not because they are going to be put into operation in their entirety, but because they show a certain attitude of mind in this country which the people in Belgium, in France and in Holland regard as something which they can understand and discuss.

The second example is the Middle East. If the big Powers, Russia, the United States and France and Great Britain, cannot discuss together the problems of Syria and Palestine, and cultural co-operation in the Middle East, then what hope is there of their agreeing on world problems? In the Middle East we have the Middle East Supply Council and the British Council, at its best. It is not because these bodies are British that they are good, but because they are doing jobs to meet the needs of the Middle East. If we build on these growing points, and not merely on blue prints, I think there will be a possibility of the Economic and Social Council functioning; but if there is an Economic and Social Council in mid-air—and in this connection I think of the work of the Bruce Committee in 1939 and the excellent work of the Health Organisation and other bodies of the League of Nations—I am very doubtful whether we shall not raise a great many false hopes which cannot be fulfilled. I should like to ask the right hon. Gentleman to answer a question put by the hon. Member for Shipley (Mr. Creech Jones). He said that the International Labour Office was going to be harmonised into this new Economic and Social Council. Will the right hon. Gentleman say precisely how it is going to be harmonised? The hon. Member for Shipley said we must not at any point change the organisation of the I.L.O. It had established itself with its tripartite arrangements and the rest of it. It will need a great deal of harmonising if it is going to do what it talked about at Philadelphia. Before the war it helped to raise the standards of labour all over the world; but at Philadelphia it was wandering into fields of full employment and brand new fields of work. There is not going to be any chance of making the conditions of peace possible in the world unless there is a new attitude amongst the big and the small Powers. The reason that I have raised this regional question is because big and small Powers can work together on regional questions. If there is not that new approach, I have no hope about peace.

If you go to Paris or Washington today you do not see just a diplomat. You see a Cabinet, with a Labour attaché, a radio attaché, a Press attaché, a cultural attaché and a whole economic organisation. If you go to Denver or Bordeaux you see a Consul who is not a Consul in the old sense of the term, but a public relations officer. The second thing I want to see discussed at San Francisco, apart from these questions of constitution, is whether a new kind of person is not required in the modern world, where people are meeting at scores of different points and where a whole web of international organisations are making the lives and interests of one people and another indissolubly connected. If more power can be given to the Assembly, if a new international secretariat can be recruited, if more of these international organisations can be built, running clean across frontiers, if in the Middle East there can be organisations to deal with anti-locust campaigns and with curing diseases of children's eyes, things on which all decent people are agreed, I believe that the more sensitive political questions will begin to take, at any rate, a subordinate place. I cannot develop these ideas; but, firstly, do not fool the people about some vast organisation which is coming fully into being; secondly, build on existing functional bodies as far as you can; and, thirdly, see that the secretariats of these various bodies contain people who really believe in international ideas.

It has been said by Sir Alfred Zimmern that the League of Nations was founded with no intellectual preparation whatever. I know people will say I am riding a hobby-horse but I am convinced that there must be set up an International Education Office—education has been used as an instrument of national policy to such an extent in many countries that it is only second in importance to force itself and is a most dangerous weapon. By education I include control of the cinema and the radio and all the cultural processes. It is because those things matter, because the Minister of Education has been sensible enough to have 18 meetings now of the Allied Ministries of Education and is anxious to bring to fruition the organisation for which he has been largely responsible, and because I believe 20 nations have now agreed to it, that I hope there will be included in the Economic and Social Council this additional body. We failed in 1914 and in 1919 because public opinion was not ready for it, but I know that people all across the United States to-day are ready for it. I have addressed meetings from one end of the country to the other. I shall never forget an old man in Philadelphia who had lost two sons in the Pacific. He said: "I will not vote for any President, I will not vote for any Congressman or any Judge, unless I know his record on peace and war and unless I know that he has vowed that he will try to make a more concrete and practical organisation after the war." It is in that spirit that I approach this problem. I am glad that San Francisco is taking place. I hope that our delegates who go there will go in a spirit of realism and will keep their hopes high.

8.7 p.m.

I want to say a word about the delegations that are going to San Francisco. I think it was wise to suggest that Labour should form part of the delegation. We have to take our share of responsibility. For the future peace of the world, Labour should be represented there. I am very glad that the Government has seen that point of view. The Lord President asked for the support of the House. I can assure him that, as far as anything can be done to help him, the House will be behind him in that matter. He pointed out the great danger that will arise unless some agreement is reached. He went on to say what could happen, and it is well that the House should recognise what can happen, if unrestricted warfare is allowed to go on again. We have all had the lesson of the V.2 bomb. If any one nation is able to get hold of some scientific invention which will bring such destruction and there is no means of checking that nation having it, I can see the world going up in flames the next time there is any trouble. It is necessary to realise what can happen unless some restriction is put on any nation in possession of this kind of weapon.

Forty-six nations will meet in order to try to reach an agreement, and naturally every nation will be imbued with the idea of trying to decide how future wars may be averted. It will then pass from the nations to the individuals. We are the individuals, and it is for us to state what we think may happen unless this San Francisco Conference is dealt with on proper lines. That is the motive I have this evening in putting before the House what I think is a weakness in regard to the San Francisco Conference. I cannot see how satisfaction can be obtained from it if the present voting system prevails. There is to be a Security Council. Seven votes shall be decisive on small matters. On this Security Council five Great Powers are to be represented. When it comes to any matter of grave importance, involving war or the application of sanctions, any one of these five Powers can deal with it. What is the use of consulting on those lines when the Powers know that if any one Power disagrees the veto can be applied? That was the weakness of the League of Nations before.

I am reminded of an incident which took place, in 1934 I believe, when the present Lord Chancellor was Foreign Secretary. He came to the House to report on the meeting of the League of Nations following the entry of Japan into China. He told us then that the League of Nations had decided that Japan was the aggressor. It seemed to me that the time had come when something should be done to the aggressor, and I rose in my place and asked what they intended to do, having decided that Japan was the aggres- sor. I was cried down by hon. Members on the opposite side and was asked whether I wanted war. I was driven into a corner, as it were, and said: "If it means war to prevent Japan doing what they are doing, yes; but we do not want war." That is not the way to prevent war. After that, Mussolini took advantage of the situation, and then Hitler, seeing the weakness of the League of Nations, decided to go on his own. So we got war. We are now being led into the same position. I do not wish us to fall into the same danger. The five Great Powers meet. It is decided at the meeting that certain people are the wrongdoers and that something shall be done about it. It may not be one of the five Great Powers which is the aggressor, but a small Power. What is called the Security Council or the world organisation loses whatever power it may have because it can make nothing effective.

I now want to know what is to be done in regard to the supply of armed forces. It is decided that armed forces shall be ready in case they are required. It is amusing to read the following notes on the Dumbarton Oaks proposals: word is force. One says to the law breaker "You are guilty and you have to suffer the penalty." Unless it is possible to apply force to the law breaker he laughs at the court of justice. It is the same with the League of Nations or the International Council. There must be power in order to carry out their decisions. If that is not done the whole thing will fail.

There was a shout of approval when one hon. Member said that we should not discard our own armed forces because we might need them. I submit that we must tell the world that Britain would be prepared to submit her case to the world organisation and that if we were in the wrong we would take a back seat. It is no use saying "What about Russia or the United States?" We have to ask ourselves whether we are prepared to submit our case to the Council and let them decide.

Why does the hon. Member think it is inconsistent to maintain armed forces at a high level, and also to submit one's case to the international organisation? I gathered that he said it would be inconsistent to maintain a high level of armed force, and at the same time to submit one's case to the international organisation.

No, I did not say that, but I will follow on with that point. If it is necessary to have an international force it should be a force independent of any one country, and I am trying to outline what I think would be the ideal position. This will have to come at some time or another if war is to be avoided in future. If we can agree that all nations shall submit their cases to the international body and will accept the decision of that body, and that the Power which will not accept it shall be dealt with accordingly, then we shall require an international police force. It will have to be drawn from all nations, and be under the control of a supreme authority, acting for the Security Council. The decision of the Council will have to be put to the offender, who will have to be asked to accept it or be forced to do so. I see the objection that members of the offender nation might be part of the police force, but when compulsion had to be used against any nation, the police force members of that nation should not be called upon to take any part in it.

We are talking about reducing armaments for the future, but unless we can get the right form of organisation after this war, every nation will again want to be stronger than any other. Hon. Members will recall what happened from 1930 onwards, and we may land ourselves in exactly the same position in the future. If world organisation means anything, it means a court of justice with power to act. The Lord President of the Council said we had to have the nations talking matters over together, and I agree with that statement. Otherwise, it is difficult to get any agreement at all. I realise the difficulty in trying to get agreement on the lines I have suggested, but it would be wrong if we did not put our points of view clearly before the men who are going to represent us at the Conference, and let them know that we are in favour of the creation of an international force for use where required. The time has come when no nation must be judge in its own dispute, because that position leads to war. When war comes every man stands by his country. If my nation were to be involved in a war, I should stand by it, right or wrong, and be willing to fight to the bitter end. I want to avoid a war position arising. We have had the lesson of two great wars in a generation, and we should learn to find a way which will make wars unnecessary.

8.24 p.m.

With a very great deal of what the hon. Member for Leigh (Mr. Tinker) has said I find myself in agreement, and in a few moments I shall proceed to develop the points of agreement, but I would like before I start to say that I think he is making a fundamental mistake in casting his observations generally in favour of unilateral disarmament and in indicating that there may be virtue in the British Empire proceeding to disarm in advance of proof that the proposed organisation will be effective. That is what we did last time. We threw our whole weight into world councils, and at the same time proceeded to disarm. It landed us in disaster. My suggestion for the future would be the very reverse of that. We should endeavour to play our full part in international councils, while keeping ourselves fully armed and prepared against failure.

The meat and essence of this discussion came out in the earlier parts of the Debate, when we had the two conflicting points of view of the hon. Member for Berwick-upon-Tweed (Sir W. Beveridge), speaking in accents not quite so great and moving as we have previously read and heard those speaking in the Liberal tradition, but certainly expressing a point of view which holds the attention of the country, and, on the other side, my right hon and gallant Friend the Member for Kelvingrove (Lieut.-Colonel Elliot) who gave the equally weighty Conservative point of view. I find myself standing upon much the same ground as my hon. Friend the Member for West Leicester (Mr. H. Nicolson). I thought his contribution to the Debate was of the highest order, and I hope his words will be listened to by the hon. and right hon. Gentlemen who will be proceeding shortly to San Francisco.

Like my hon. Friend, I do not pretend to any great enthusiasm about the later results of the Yalta Conference, those which were promulgated since our last Debate on the subject. As to San Francisco, the various decisions which have been made known since that last Debate, the absence of satisfactory news from Poland, the partial withdrawal of Russia from San Francisco, now happily overcome, and lastly, and most grave of all, the death of the President of the United States, a terrible blow to a waiting and hoping world, have all combined to blacken the San Francisco landscape. Never has a Conference of such dire importance for the future of the world opened in more inauspicious circumstances. None the less, I think we must avoid being cast down by the weight of those adverse political developments.

I agree with the hon. Member for Keighley (Mr. Thomas), who sits next to my hon. Friend, in thinking that it is possible that a canny and possibly suspicious mood is not unhelpful when going into an international conference, provided that cynicism does not enter in to frustrate its deliberations from the start. As I see it the nations of the world are being dragged to San Francisco by their heels; not by wild and foolish idealism, but by the stark facts of the age. At Versailles, the nations rushed in to conclude ineffectual associations, but now they tread the tender ground with fear, and to that extent they qualify for a halo of grace. Most of my hon. Friends in this Debate have made clear the fundamental dilemma which confronts this country. It confronts us in a peculiar way, because we are not quite of the same order of magnitude as those other great Powers which are involved and yet we speak on behalf of the Dominions and the small nations to a very great extent.

The dilemma is this: there is no reality in a world organisation which either excludes any significant Power or includes any unworkable principle. The only solutions to that dilemma are time and flexibility in working. I am as alarmed at the possibility of a great Power seceding from the world organisation as I am at the establishment of a false principle in the organisation itself. The great Power veto is a false principle because it retains the use of overwhelming national forces against the danger of war in spite of the veto and because it prevents the employment of international forces through the machinery of the Military Staffs Committee. The whole world is asking for unity of the great Powers in peace as in war, but let me point out to hon. Members that unanimity in exercising the veto is only half of unity, and the negative half. It is agreement to do nothing. It is united inaction. It merely means that collective warfare is legal, shall we say, at the South Pole, where nobody cares what happens, and illegal on the Equator where some great Power has an interest. It means that an international force, not a collection of national forces but an international force, is superfluous in the first case because any necessary action could be taken by the constituent Powers, and useless in the second because, in fact, it could not be used. I go so far as to say that if an international force is maintained under this present voting procedure, it will be used for purposes of parade and review only; its uniform will never be tarnished by action.

But, having said that, we are back again immediately on the other horn of the dilemma, that however well devised this organisation is, however just and moral its principles, if a great nation will not play its part it profiteth little. I hope that the influence of His Majesty's Government at San Francisco will be exerted on the side of justice and equity, bearing in mind that morale is always a component in policy, and that the effect on our own people, the Dominions and the small nations is likely to be quite serious if we carry expediency and accommodation too far.

I would like some of those who are arguing this way to face up to the position in which Britain would be on the basis of what is called justice and equity. Is the hon. Member prepared to say he would be agreeable, in a situation in which Mr. de Valera appealed for the removal of partition, to our abiding by the decision, or, in the case of India making an appeal to the Powers for independence, that we would abide by the decision?

I think the time is long overdue for a Debate on Irish affairs, and we ought at an early date to discuss the Indian situation, but I do not think that this is the right time to debate either issue.

My hon. Friends have made very concrete suggestions as to how His Majesty's Government should act at San Francisco. I do not propose to present the arguments again to the Committee but I would like to recapitulate in two or three sentences what I conceive to be the collective decision of the House this afternoon, and one which I myself would endorse. The first is that I hope His Majesty's Government will make it clear that, short of proof of the effectiveness of the new organisation, our Armed Forces in this country and the British Empire will be maintained at a high level, but that at the same time they will make it equally clear that we shall do our utmost to make this organisation effective. Secondly, I hope we shall insist—I use the word "insist" advisedly—on the veto not applying to a revision of the Constitution, and also not applying to the admission of new members to the Assembly. Thirdly, I hope that the Security Council and the Assembly will be specifically required, as was referred to in one or two speeches this afternoon, and as the League of Nations was specifically required, to act in accordance with certain defined principles of international justice and morality. I think we ought to have a code of conduct incorporated in the Charter of the organisation. Fourthly, and finally, I think greater use should be made of the judicial power of the International Court, and the positive influence for peace of the Social and Economic Council, on the lines suggested by my hon. Friend the Member for Kilmarnock (Mr. Lindsay). All these requirements are implicit in the words of the Prime Minister when, in a famous speech in this House last year, he used these words: re-orientation of industry for the Economic and Social Council working through an organisation such as was adumbrated in an important article in "The Times" yesterday by my right hon. Friend the Junior Burgess for Oxford University (Sir A. Salter).

I am aware that there are very great administrative difficulties in this, but I believe it is our duty to overcome those difficulties. It is our duty, as I conceive it, to weld the United Nations to the anarchic mechanism of Europe in this deadly age. We lost the best of a generation in the last war, and learnt no lessons—that is to say, that those who learnt died. This time, the great majority of those who are learning the lessons will be alive to put them into effect. So much greater will our country, and its contribution to the world be. Always in our days of greatness we have followed a cause greater than the nation itself. The Prime Minister himself has said that that was the prerequisite of national unity. Self-interest is not now enough. Patriotism is not now enough. The cause is the organisation of peace—a cause far greater than national or imperial prestige. Such is the mood and temper of the people at the moment that I am convinced it is the only cause which will keep this country united and contented.

8.44 p.m.

I think that there are two things which it is unnecessary for any of us to bring forward in this Debate. The first is that it surely is unnecessary for us to assure the Deputy Prime Minister and the British delegation that they will have behind them the united support of all parties in the House of Commons. The second thing is for us to realise the importance of the Conference which is about to take place at San Francisco. I do not know that I shall be exaggerating if I suggest that it will be the most important and vital meeting of human beings that has ever been held since the world began, because one of two things must happen. Either we will create some sense of international security or else the alternative is that within 20 or perhaps fewer years the whole world will be plunged into another and a worse war.

I foresee four difficulties which are likely to face our delegation there. The first difficulty is that there are some people who are expecting too much to come out of this Conference. They are, what I will call, the perfectionists and I can assure my right hon. Friend, if he needs any assurance, that he will find a large number of perfectionists in the United States. We are not going to get any new world state coming out of San Francisco. We are not going to get a world police force coming out of San Francisco and we are not going to get a federal Europe coming out of San Francisco. Let us realise the limitations of what are likely to arise from these deliberations. But that is not to say that I do not believe that San Francisco is not worth while. The dilemma which faces us, as I see it, is that unless we go to San Francisco and try and do something, then there will be no hope whatever of the nations of the world getting on together.

The second difficulty that they will have to face is what I would call, for want of a better word, the "legalists," those people who are thinking of the Conference there in terms of words written into a constitution. Surely what matters is not the letter but the spirit. As my right and gallant Friend the Member for Kelvingrove (Lieut.-Colonel Elliot) said, very rightly, "You cannot cater for bad faith in a constitution." There was nothing wrong with the old League of Nations constitution. What was wrong was that there was lacking the spirit to operate it. Let us realise what has happened out of this war. We are really witnessing the almost complete breakdown in international morality and unless, as a result of the war, the nations of the world can be made to realise their dependence on each other and also their obligations to each other, the war will have been fought in vain. It is a terrible thought that we could have stopped Hitler when he went into the Rhineland with 20 divisions but no one was prepared at the time to pay the price.

We ought also to realise what Dumbarton Oaks is really proposing. It is not proposing an international order based upon the equality of all States. It is certainly not collective security in the old sense as we knew it between the two wars. It is really a scheme whereby the whole destiny of the world is to be controlled by five great nations, of which one, France, has yet to re-establish power and influence, of which one, China, is likely to finish this war in a state of internal dissension. So it really comes down to this. We are advocating an entirely new conception of world relationship based upon power politics and power politics of three great nations. Therefore, that is why such questions as the treatment of Poland and the whole future of Poland are so important to-day. They are surely an earnest of the way in which the great Powers are going to exercise their strength throughout the world. There is a third difficulty and it has been referred to by my hon. Friend the Noble Lord the Member for Southern Dorset (Viscount Hinchingbrooke). It is a danger from which we perhaps in this country will suffer more than our great Allies. It is the danger of those who believe that what you have to do is to pay lip service to any new organisation which is set up and that that is all that you need to pay. That, surely, was the mistake we made the last time. Dumbarton Oaks is no substitute for a strong and well-armed Britain, and we cannot take out an insurance policy unless we are prepared to pay the premium, and you cannot pay the premium on an insurance policy of national defence merely by uttering platitudes or making speeches. In fact, you have almost got this paradox—that if you want peace, in the finality, you may have to go to war to save it.

Our fourth difficulty, and, in one way, I believe, our chief difficulty—and I do not think any other speaker has referred to it—is this. May I just say in passing that I do not think that we have given enough credit to the Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary for the part they have played in creating Dumbarton Oaks, or San Francisco, because if they had not, like the Prime Minister, been dashing off like troubadours from one place to another I am quite certain that the nations to-day would not be thinking of San Francisco or anywhere else. There is a danger that we may not be thinking of this new world order sufficiently in terms of our own security in this country. That is a mistake which our two great Allies are not making. Russia is thinking of the whole settlement of Eastern Europe in terms of Russian security. That is the reason they have given for extending their influence over the Baltic Republics and Poland—the security of Russia. The United States are using exactly the same words in regard to the Monroe Doctrine, the American demand for bases in the West Indies, West Africa and the Far East. It all comes down in the end to reasons of American security.

Surely, we are entitled to consider our own security. We are the most vulnerable political and economic unit in the world to-day, far more so than are our two great Allies. I often think that few of us in this country realise that, in the last 20 years, our security has suffered a change for the worst so catastrophic that one hardly dares to think about it. During the whole of the 19th century we could afford to be isolationist as to what was happening on the Continent. Until the last war we always knew that, however great might have been our folly in disarming between wars, we always had the breathing space of the English Channel in which to rearm. But the English Channel in this war has only saved us by a hair's breadth. To my mind rockets are the most significant development of warfare since the invention of gunpowder. Gunpowder changed the whole science of warfare, and also incidentally the social system. I believe the rocket is of that order. It has come too late, luckily, to affect this war, but I think he would be a very bold man who would deny that, in the next 25 years, we would get, not one-ton rockets coming from Holland, but the possibility of 20-ton rockets coming from halfway round the world.

Surely, we are entitled to think of our own security in this island, with its congested centres of population and its congested communications. We might easily cease to exist as a first-class Power between breakfast and tea-time. Therefore, I make a plea that, when we are thinking of this new organisation, the factor of our own safety should be put forward. After all, in dealing with our American or Russian Allies, it is best to be frank and candid. A few weeks ago, when I was in the United States, I had a great argument with an American friend of mine on this perennial topic of the British Empire, and I used all sorts of arguments. At last, I said: "We are going to keep bases like Singapore, Malta, Gibraltar and so on for our own security, as you are keeping Panama and Hawai." That was the one argument that convinced him. He said: "Why did you not say that before? That is the sort of talk that I can understand." I think that is the sort of talk that the average American can understand.

Well, we will talk about that later. I think there are three principles that should underline our foreign policy. The first principle is that, if there is a world order, we will enter into it wholeheartedly, and, what is more, we are prepared to back it up with the necessary force. Our bid is Dumbarton Oaks or better; what is yours? The second principle that I would suggest is that we should try to speak in the councils of the world not only with the voice of the United Kingdom, but, so far as possible, with the voice of the British Empire. If only we can speak with an Empire voice, there is the whole weight of this vast conglomeration of peoples thrown into the scale on the side of peace. The extent to which we can speak with an Empire voice, in relation to the Dominions, is for the Dominions themselves to decide, but the destiny of the Colonial Empire is still in our own hands in this country. One feature about the recent conference in London with the Dominions which I deplore was that there was no representative there from the Colonial Empire. I hope that, when next we have a conference of this sort, we shall not forget what the people of the Colonial Empire have given to us in this war in terms of troops, nor forget, either, that we are essential to their security for the future, as I believe, more and more, they are essential to ours.

The third principle of foreign policy is the one which has been referred to by the hon. Member for Kilmarnock (Mr. Lindsay)—that we should not hesitate to try to organise a regional pact for Western Europe. I do not know what is holding that up, whether it is that we are afraid the Russians may say that Western Europe is ganging up against them, or whether they are afraid of the American criticism of power politics, but the sooner we face up to these points of view the better. Russia is making it perfectly clear that, whatever happens in Eastern Europe is her concern. America, at the Mexico City Conference, reinforced the whole conception of the Monroe doctrine. Surely we can do the same thing in Western Europe without being charged with ganging up against an Ally or with indulging in power politics. I believe there is such a thing as a Western European conception of life, based upon Christianity, democracy, and the belief that the individual counts, and based also upon the culture that we associate with Rome. It is from that culture that our own civilisation and that of the United States have largely come. This Western European way of life has suffered, perhaps, for all we know, a mortal blow in this war. Whether it is possible to revive it I do not know, nor does anybody else, but I am absolutely convinced that, if it is to be restored, it is only by the leadership from this country.

There is one point raised by the hon. Member for Shipley (Mr. Creech Jones) with regard to the Mandates and the whole theory of accountability. I do hope the conference will not waste much time on that. They have got far more important things to do than indulge the old American habit of nagging at the British Empire. With the setting up of this new world organization time should not be wasted in trying to destroy the one world organisation which has worked, and therefore I hope they will not spend too much time talking about that.

The last point I would like to make is concerned with what the hon. Member for Kidderminster (Sir J. Wardlaw-Milne) said about trying to link up whatever agreement was reached at San Francisco with some definite moral principles. Some of my hon. Friends opposite rather took the opposite point of view, and so did some of my Friends on this side. I do not believe that politics to-day, certainly world politics, can be divorced from morality. It ought to be remembered, so far as Great Britain and the United States are concerned, that it is no good any Government of whatever type signing a treaty or an agreement unless that agreement or that treaty is underwritten by the people of the country. It is important that the people of this country and our American Allies should realise the obligations they are accepting, and I for one do not believe that they will willingly accept obligations which are entirely divorced from moral principles. We have had two or three examples of this in the last hundred years. The Treaty of Vienna which ended the Napoleonic Wars was surely based on the principle of self interest. It never preached morality at all. After the last war we set up the League of Nations which put up pledges which did not bear any relation at all to the facts. I believe that whatever agreement is drawn up at San Francisco we should try to make the nations realise that not only is it to their advantage to hold together but also that any agreement which is divorced from moral principles is no agreement at all.

9.2 p.m.

We had an extremely interesting speech earlier in this Debate from the hon. Gentleman the Member for West Leicester (Mr. Nicolson). He told us that we could talk either in terms of the machine or of its purpose. I want to say a few words about the purpose, which is to secure the peace of the world. I believe a great deal more ought to be said than has been about what we must do in constructive work to build up a regime of peace. But before I turn to that, I must say a word on machinery. We have had a great deal of argument about machinery and about voting powers. I had myself regarded these as of minor importance, since I think the realistic view is that if matters have got to the stage where there is a dispute which has to be settled by the use of voting rights, then the whole machinery will have broken down. But as so much has been said about them I want to express one point of view. The hon. Member for Berwick-upon-Tweed (Sir W. Beveridge) in talking about these voting powers seemed to assume that there would always be disagreements between the great Powers. But why should it be assumed that they will not work in agreement, or that if there is disagreement it will be based on bad faith or evil purposes? And I want to put another aspect. If we look at the world as it will be after the war, we can see three great national units able to exercise power in a way for which there is no parallel in history. That might cause alarm for the future, since it is clear, if one studies history, that the causes of war in the past have been the outward pressure of power which continues until it is met by organised resistance. Are we now to see something new in history in the way in which these three great units will use their power? I believe we are. That is my faith. But others may see dangers. And then, with such dangers in mind, is it not really a safeguard that according to the provision of so called veto which has been so much criticised, each of these great Powers has agreed that it will not use its forces to make war except in agreement with all the rest?

I submit to the House that that can be regarded as a definite factor on the side of peace and a self-denying ordinance. Why should it be assumed that one great Power will use its force in order to break down the security machinery of the world? I refuse to accept that assumption. And let us consider the alternative. We must all recognise the immense difficulty of devising satisfactory provisions since the real question is how far the world is ready to accept the rule of international law. Therefore I do not expect satisfactory alternatives. But when I reflect on the alternative proposals put forward by the hon. Member for Berwick-upon-Tweed I am afraid I viewed them with much greater alarm, than the Dumbarton Oaks proposals. He pleaded for collective security, and condemned selective alliances. But the alternative which he suggested of regional groups amounts exactly to selective alliances. His proposals stand condemned out of his own mouth. I want to submit to the House that we have been discussing this matter in altogether too pessimistic a spirit. We all know the definition about the optimist and the pessimist, the optimist is the one who looks at his glass and says it is half full, and the pessimist is the one who looks at his and complains that it is half empty. I think we should have done much better if we had regarded our glass as half full.

At any rate when I look back on the past and I reflect on the realities, on the decisions reached at Yalta, on the fact that Marshal Stalin has now agreed to send Mr. Molotov to San Francisco, when I reflect that we now have got something the history of the world has never seen before, the three great national forces with real power concerting measures together with their leaders in terms of intimate personal contact, when I reflect on all this, I think we have every reason to feel that we can look forward to a new era, and that our leaders have achieved things far greater than we had a right to anticipate. We can acknowledge all that, but in this Debate we have to consider how are we going to go forward. I want to see our delegates go to San Francisco with a message of encouragement from this House and with a strong expression of our feeling of confidence in their united efforts. I want to ask the House to consider how we can go forward. I submit that we dare not imagine that the nations of the world have yet reached the stage when they will agree to have all their national affairs regulated by an international rule of law. Much nonsense indeed is being talked to-day about the international rule by law. As a matter of fact the analogy between the rule of law in a national and in the international field is a false one. But even if we take the question in the national field we must learn from history that it has proceeded slowly and that the pace cannot be forced. Mere formulae or arrangements about voting powers are no solution. But there are ways forward and I submit the way is this. What we have to do is to learn to work together in practical daily tasks. We have seen what has happened already when our troops are doing a job together fighting side by side with the Americans. It should be just the same with the tasks of peace. I want to see us handling these economic and social tasks jointly. I want to see functional organisations set up, in which the nations can work together. Mr. Evatt, of Australia, has been making some very sensible speeches lately. I want, with him, to see the Social and Economic Council of this new world organisation developed to exercise substantial and effective powers, and I want to see our Government develop their own policy in a constructive way. May I put a few points on this to my right hon. Friends on the Front Bench? It is no use expecting this international organisation to develop any wonderful policy for putting the world right unless we come to it with good ideas of our own. Our national policies must be such that they will add up to a good international total. If we have no effective national policy of our own, and other countries have no national policies, it is folly to expect that a world organisation, meeting intermittently, can evolve constructive and effective practical programmes for international economic policy.

We have to ask ourselves, What steps can we take to avoid a recurrence of the causes which lead to wars? There are great lessons to be learned from what happened between the two wars. There is no chance of establishing a satisfactory régime of peace unless we can create all round Germany an area of countries making a success of their social and economic life. What enabled Germany to raise her head? Largely the fact that all around her were countries either suffering from unemployment or left to become entirely dependent economically on her. We must not let that happen again. We have, first of all—and this is our special task—to show that we in this country can make a success of our home policy, that we can solve our domestic problems by creating welfare and full employment, and achieving a national purpose without surrendering all our spontaneous activities or freedoms. If we can show the world that we can do that, we shall have contributed a great deal to world peace.

But we have to do more than that. We have to take the lead in showing the countries of Europe how they may rebuild their affairs again. There are, of course, the obvious first-aid measures. Concerted action for these is provided for in the White Paper recording the Yalta decisions. But I want to see something that looks beyond first-aid measures. Take countries like Denmark, for example, that rely on us for an outlet for their produce. We must find some way for those countries to rebuild again into a balanced prosperous life. We must help them to find outlets. Or look at South-East Europe. We and Russia shall have failed utterly if we allow those countries again to become entirely dependent economically on Germany. It needs constructive thought to see how such a policy can be worked out. And there are new problems. We are talking now, quite rightly, of keeping Germany in such a position that she can never build up her war potential again. That will mean the drastic restriction of her industries, her iron and steel industry, for example. But what then? Where is Sweden, for example, going to find an outlet for her iron ore? Indeed, if Germany is going out of Europe as a big industrial Power, all sorts of problems will crop up. We must face these problems. The time has come when we ought to be getting down to their practical study. Otherwise we shall have no chance of making progress. So I want to see our Government taking the lead at San Fran- cisco, and saying that the time has come when we must get down to international economic discussions, facing up to realities, considering how we are going to rebuild prosperity. Unless we do that, I can see no sure hope of safeguarding the world against war.

Referring to what my hon. Friend has just said about the Western democracies, I agree that we have a special duty to those Western democracies; or rather, we have a special role to play—I would rather put it like that. But we must be very careful how we envisage that. I think it is our historic role to be the rallying point for the weak, but we must be careful about suggesting anything which implies creating a Western European bloc under British hegemony. That would not be acceptable to them, and might create other undesirable reactions, as may be seen from an interesting book recently published by a Dutch Socialist minister, Dr. van Tempel. But, on the other hand, if we can succeed in solving our own problems and in developing a world policy which brings us into line with the United States and Russia; if we can work out a constructive economic programme which provides for the Western democracies getting a chance to rise again; then they will gladly rally with us, and we shall be performing in an appropriate way our historic role. I want to impress very strongly upon our delegation that they must not leave San Francisco without preparing for a realistic factual survey of the economic situation. We need something like a 10-year programme for the world. Let us learn from the lessons of the last war. After the dislocation of the war, there is no chance of getting back into a freely-working system except by consciously concerted measures. Let us put our heads together and concert wise measures.

In conclusion, I want to voice the belief that there are reasons why one can look forward to the future with hope. It is very well to reflect on the lessons of history and to learn from them. Nobody is better qualified to do that than our own Prime Minister, but he would be the first, I think, to agree that if we only look back on the past we shall never move forward. We must take into account the advance in human ideas and changing moods. I believe—and I say this as a result of many talks I have had with representatives of the smaller European countries—that the dominant mood in those European countries, once they can think of peace again, will be a longing for social welfare and social progress. If we look back on the past, we have known nationalism in various forms—nationalism in culture, nationalism in the form of the pursuit of national power. Cultural nationalism may be justifiable and attractive, but it must tend to be exclusive. Nationalistic pursuit of power is obviously a very dangerous thing, since it must set up pressures and rivalries which tend to produce war. But nationalism in the desire for social progress can bring all countries together, because, as we are beginning to realise, the only sure way to security and social progress is international collaboration.

It is on that ground that I feel hopeful about the future, and it is with those thoughts in my mind that I think this country has a tremendously important part to play. I believe that if we handle our own domestic policy properly, if we remain strong, if we demonstrate our belief that it is only by international collaboration that we can provide for our own social progress and security, if we trust the Russians and show them that we trust them, if we make it quite clear that we realise that we must work with them just as much as we must work with the United States, then we can look forward to the future with confidence and we shall have made a really worthy British contribution to the solution of the world's pressing problems.

9.18 p.m.

In the short time that is left, it is obviously undesirable that I should go over again the arguments that have been repeated by practically every hon. Member to-day in connection with the veto, but I think sufficient has been said to indicate to the Government that on this particular question the House of Commons and the country in general is very much perturbed. I would only want to put one point to the Government in this connection which I think has already been put by the hon. Member for Berwick-upon-Tweed (Sir W. Beveridge). Are we finally and irrevocably bound to support the veto at the San Francisco Conference? So far as I am aware, that has not yet been made clear following upon the discussion at Yalta, except in so far as the Yalta Declaration indicated that that Conference had been able to resolve the difficulty of voting. I should like to be clear as to whether or not we can in any way move from that position. Whether or not this veto is maintained at San Francisco, I think everybody is agreed that the conversations must go on, that the world machinery envisaged at Dumbarton Oaks and underlined at Yalta must go on, irrespective of difficulties of voting procedure or anything else, because there must be, after the conflagration is over, some kind of world organisation, and one based inevitably upon the unity of the three major Powers.

I want to leave that aspect altogether, and turn to one that has not been sufficiently touched upon, and that is what has been referred to as the more positive side of the prevention of war, the establishment of economic and social security. In particular I want to refer to the position of the International Labour Organisation within this new scheme. There is no question at all in the minds of anyone, I think, as to the importance of the social and economic organisation that is to be set up under this new machinery, but there is a considerable amount of dubiety as to what is to be the form of this social and economic organisation. I should like to know whether or not the final intention of the Government representatives is that the I.L.O. shall be extended to take the place of the social and economic organisation, or that by some means the I.L.O. shall be embodied within this organisation or whether, alternatively, the I.L.O. shall become subsidiary to the social and conomic organisation. I should like to know whether or not our representatives to San Francisco have a clear policy on that point. At least I think it should be granted by all concerned—not only the representatives of our Government but the representatives of the American Government and others—that the I.L.O. organisation must be maintained within this new world machinery in some form or another because the I.L.O. has established itself as probably the only surviving practical experiment in world machinery and world organisation, as has already been said. It has created what none of the other theoretical parts of this machinery have yet created, a universal confidence amongst the masses of the people in the world, because of the experience and the achievements of the I.L.O. during its comparatively short life. The most important feature of the I.L.O. machinery which has contributed so largely to creating that confidence is, of course, essentially its tripartite constitution, and I presume—and I expect the Government will confirm this—that, at all costs, our representatives will insist upon that tripartite constitution being maintained in the I.L.O. part of the Social and Economic Council, or whatever other relationship the I.L.O. may have to the new world organism. I should like to know to what extent the delegation has a policy on that question.

There are two other points I should like to make in connection with that. It has been mentioned that insofar as the I.L.O. is accepted and is embodied within this machinery—again I say we do not know to what extent that is accepted yet, I hope to have some declaration to-night—it is to be hoped that the I.L.O. machinery will continue to have direct access to the assembly of the world organisation. But it is equally important in my opinion that it should not only have direct access to the assembly, but that it should continue to have, as it had in the past, direct access to the individual governments and that should include the obligations upon these governments to recognise the decisions of the I.L.O. that have existed in the past.

The one question, of course, which is likely to cause difficulty, we all know, is the question of the relationship of Russia towards the I.L.O. I do not know to what extent this is a real difficulty, to what extent the Russians may be adamant in their present attitude, but I do not think that it is a difficulty that cannot be overcome. I understand it is largely a question of Russia's attitude towards the general conception of capitalist countries, of governments, employers and workers. I believe that the Russians have suggested a new representation, if they are to take part in such an organisation, of one government delegate, two workers delegates, and—I am not quite sure of this—one management delegate, but I do not think that should be an insurmountable obstacle. I believe that at the original Peace Conference of 1918–1919 the original proposition for the constitution of the I.L.O. was one government delegate, one workers' delegate, and one employers' delegate, but I think it can be taken for granted that the workers' organisations and the employers' organisations and, I presume, also government representatives who have taken part in the I.L.O. discussions in the past have recognised from experience that the double government representation is a definite advantage in this organisation because it imposes upon the governments a real obligation to carry out the decisions once they have been taken. I have very vivid recollections of the 1939 Conference on the 40-hour week. In view of public opinion throughout the world on this question there was not a single government delegate who dared to vote against that proposition, which was accordingly carried, and because of the fact that governments had the double representation, there was implicit an obligation upon the parts of those governments, had the war not intervened, to carry out the purport of the Convention that was then in the course of being drafted.

What the Russian proposals are at the moment I do not know, and I also do not know whether they will be insurmountable when we come to the San Francisco Conference, but I think it can be stated with some confidence that the masses of the organised workers in this country, and in other democratic countries, including France, are looking for some kind of clear declaration as to where the I.L.O. is going to stand in this new world organisation as a result of the San Francisco Conference. I do not know whether it is true, but I have heard a whisper that Russia is now prepared to consider a new basis of representation of three government, two workers, and one management delegate. I do not think anybody on these benches would quarrel with that proposition, but on the other hand I do not think we would be prepared to insist that that was of fundamental importance and we would accept quite willingly the continuance of the past representation in the I.L.O.

One final point is to ask whoever replies for the Government if we can be informed, in view of the importance which masses of organised workers throughout this country and other parts of the world—not only organised workers but, as has been made evident from the unanimous decision of the governing body of the I.L.O. also the employers' organisations and the government representatives on the governing body—attach to some decision coming out of the San Francisco Conference in connection with the I.L.O., as to what arrangements have been made, if any, for the participation of the I.L.O., either directly or indirectly, in the conversations at San Francisco.

It will be remembered that at the Philadelphia Conference of the I.L.O. there was a definite desire on the part of that Conference, representing 48 to 50 nations, that the I.L.O. should be represented in such discussions affecting the future setting up of a world organisation. Has the I.L.O. been asked to send a delegation, or will they be asked to send a delegation? If not, will they be invited to send a representative group from the governing body in order to take part unofficially in the Conference? What is the position of the I.L.O. generally in regard to the San Francisco conversations? I would remind the Government that the last time we had a Debate on the I.L.O., dealing with the Philadelphia Conference, it was clearly shown that it was the general desire of the House that the I.L.O. should be given full recognition in these conversations, and I therefore hope the Government will be able to give us some assurance on this matter later to-night.

9.32 p.m.

One thing upon which we can all congratulate ourselves to-day is the wide variety of opinions which have been expressed on the tentative proposals for the San Francisco Conference. I believe that is important, because I hope sincerely that it will stimulate public discussion and interest in the Dumbarton Oaks proposals. The Lord President of the Council in opening the Debate, said that the proposals had received the widest publicity and discussion throughout the world. That was a very true remark indeed, because the American Press has been full of it, and debates have taken place in towns all over the world. But in this country, and this country almost alone, there has been practically no consideration by the public of these proposals at all. Yet this is a most important subject, and I doubt even now whether the public generally realise that not only in this the first time that this matter has been discussed in this House, but also that it is probable that Parliament will have no further opportunity of considering proposals which are to lead to the charter of the world organisation, for I understand that our delegates are going out to San Francisco as delegates of this Government with the purpose and hope, and, presumably, the expectation, of drafting, and agreeing upon, a charter for the world security organisation. That throws upon us an immense responsibility.

In the last war, when America took the lead, through its then President, in the initiating of the principles which culminated in the League of Nations, the scheme was largely a failure because he was not supported by the American people owing to their lack of knowledge, and the lack of publicity for the proposals. I hope we shall not find the same thing happening to us in regard to this second attempt, and the proposals which are to be discussed at San Francisco. There is one criticism which has been made, to which I would like to call attention, and that is that the proposals are a departure from our established and traditional foreign policy. That, in my estimation, is not true, but is a very good thing. We cannot develop civilisation; we cannot turn from a transport system of the last century to a transport system of this century, so that we can travel in a matter of hours where we used to travel in a matter of days; we cannot have instantaneous communication and develop a striking power for a matter of a 1,000 miles where before it was 1,000 yards; in fact, we cannot progress without the necessity of a change of policy. What was sufficient in the old days, as represented by the balance of power as a policy, is no longer sufficient to-day, although the objective which we were then seeking is exactly the same as the objective we are now seeking, namely the preservation and maintenance of peace throughout the world.

After the last war, we developed the policy of what was then considered the modern ideal, namely, the ideal of collective security, and that resulted in the League of Nations. I will not touch upon that except to call attention to the fact that the upshot and outcome of that form of security was the present war. Now we are going to try something different, because I submit that it is different. It is a new principle, but really it goes back to the oldest one of all. It is the old principle that it is the duty of the strong to protect the weak. The operative word in that principle is the word "duty." If the strong will bear in mind their duty, this scheme will work. On the other hand, if the strong will not bear in mind their duty, no scheme will work. Therefore, we are reverting to one of the oldest principles of all in the most modern conception which we have for the preservation of peace.

May I say a word upon the voting question? One anxiety which there is in the minds of people, particularly in the minds of the people of the lesser countries, is that they are to be crowded out. There is a certain lack of confidence. I wish to remind the Committee of what I believe is the most striking passage in all the conferences that have taken place during the war; that is the passage in the Yalta Declaration, which states:

With all respect to Russia, I do not call that a realistic point of view. It is only the expression of a point of view which is simply going to hurt other people's feelings and not get us anywhere. I make an appeal to them on this realist ground, that whether the Great Powers reserve to themselves the power of veto or not is entirely immaterial and will not make the slightest difference. If we get to the point where one of the Great Powers exercises its right of veto, the whole basis and principle of the United Nations is frustrated and the framework is smashed. Either the remaining Powers will exercise such coercion as they think fit or, on the other hand, the Power which desires to exercise its right of veto will throw the world into another war. Therefore, the right of veto is immaterial as far as the Great Powers are concerned, but it is not immaterial so far as the lesser Powers are concerned.

As the hon. Member for Keighley (Mr. Thomas) pointed out, if a Great Power seeks to set itself above the law, it undermines the confidence of every lesser Power in the whole structure. Therefore, on that ground, which I believe to be the essence of realism, I appeal to the Russian Government not to stand out for this right of veto, and if it is necessary to compromise on the matter, why should it not be left to the Security Council to decide among themselves, by their own procedure, whether or not a country in any given circumstances shall have the right to exercise its vote or not? That is an alternative suggestion.

In conclusion, there are two points on which I hope my right hon. Friend the Minister of State will say a few words. What is the attitude of the Dominions towards this matter? If we go to San Francisco and speak not with one voice but with many voices, we shall not be able to claim that we are fulfilling our rightful and proper place in the leadership of the world. Therefore, I trust that, notwithstanding the statements we have read from Dr. Evatt and the absence of any Ministerial representative from Canada, my right hon. Friend will be able to reassure us on the question of Dominion unanimity with regard to our attitude to the Conference. One recognises that in international co-operation such as is proposed through the Security Council, we must yield to some extent our national traditions. It must involve some sacrifice of national traditions. But I do not believe there is anything of substance in that. I believe it is merely introducing into a co-partnership with ourselves the object for which we have been striving for generations past, the maintenance of peace and the ensuring of the security of the world for all time.

9.44 p.m.

This Debate has been a most interesting and fruitful one. My hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Chichester (Lieut.-Commander Joynson-Hicks) reminded us that the public in this country has taken relatively little interest in the Dumbarton Oaks proposals and the San Francisco Conference compared with the interest which has been taken in them in other countries. Certainly if this Debate has the effect of stimulating public interest in this fundamental problem it will have done very great good by that alone. But it has done good, I think, in other ways. The Lord President expressed the wish that he might have the support of the House to take with him to the Foreign Secretary and his other colleagues who are going to the San Francisco Conference. I think that wish has been fully met. It is not, I think, unfair to say that there has been general approval of the main lines of the Dumbarton Oaks proposals, although there has been much criticism of particular parts of them, but that criticism itself is valuable. I regard it in some sense as being as valuable as the approval. I do not wish to be misunderstood when I say that. I do not think that all the extreme criticism that we have heard about the voting agreement has been justified, but that criticism shows that the British House of Commons is deeply concerned for the success of this great undertaking upon which we are embarking. I am sure the delegation will give the fullest possible weight to everything that has been said. It has been a most interesting Debate and altogether worthy of our theme.

It is a very great theme. Once again in a generation we are emerging from a great war into a victory both more widespread, because this time it covers the whole world, and more complete than anything that we knew a quarter of a century ago. Once again in a generation we are setting our hands to the establishment of a world organisation which we hope will bring our successors better fortune than we have had, and once again we are attempting with great courage to do what has never been done before, namely to do away with war as a means of settling disputes and to substitute reason and understanding for force. I think the Committee ought always to realise that this great task, which has often been tried, has never yet been achieved. It is a task of enormous complexity and difficulty. We in the twentieth century, particularly those who live in this country who are living in the shadow of the Victorian age, are sometimes a little inclined to imagine that the tranquillity of the Victorian age has been typical of human history, and I think we are always trying to restore as the norm of our existence something which has never been the norm. In fact the whole story of mankind has been one of struggle and conflict; and, when once again we set our hands to this task, we ought to remember that the whole of human history is against us, and it may be that the nature of man is against us. We have to remember that it is a most formidable task.

Listening to some of the speeches this afternoon, I had the feeling that the speakers regarded this world as a lump of clay which might quite easily be moulded to our heart's desire. But it is not that at all. It is a very hard and difficult world, and it is a difficult job that we have to do. Much the greatest criticism in this Debate has been on the proposals at Yalta. A great many hon. Members have criticised the Yalta Agreement. I think perhaps my hon. Friend the Member for Berwick-upon-Tweed (Sir W. Beveridge) and the hon. Member for West Leicester (Mr. H. Nicolson) have been most passionate in their criticisms. I can well understand the argument which has been running through these criticisms. At first sight it is highly shocking that powerful nations should seem to be, in however qualified a degree, outside the law merely because they are powerful, that power should bring of itself special privileges; but I believe that this criticism, though it is natural, is based upon a double fallacy. It is based first of all on the belief that international relationships are strictly comparable with the relations which exist between individuals. That is not the case. I am sorry I missed his speech, but I understand my hon. Friend the Member for Walsall (Sir G. Schuster) rather developed that argument himself; if the Committee will bear with me I will develop it a little further.

Secondly, I believe much of this criticism has been based on a misunderstanding of one of the most important aspects of the Dumbarton Oaks proposals. The argument which runs through most of the criticism which we have heard on this question of voting seems to be that because individuals are equal before the law, nations too must be equal before the law. But that presupposes the law that governs the relations of nations is strictly comparable with the law which governs the relationship between individuals, and there is at the present time—it may be a pity but it is a fact—no such law. An individual who breaks the law is hailed before the law courts. But it is dangerously misleading to suggest that a world Security Council can operate as a judicial body operates and that it is simply a question of simple, impartial, dispassionate interpretation of the law. A Security Council cannot operate in this way for a very good reason. A judicial body is dealing with questions that are capable of a judicial decision — questions of law — but the Security Council will be dealing with political questions—not of law, but of power, influence and national self-interest. Great political questions cannot be decided by any appeal to law because there is no universally accepted law which governs them. They can be resolved only by agreement, by compromise and by negotiation; above all they can be resolved by the growth of confidence between peoples and governments. I think hon. Members ought to understand this: It is the purpose of this new world organisation, the foundations of which we are laying now, not to issue judicial fiats but to do everything it can to promote those processes of agreement and compromise, and above all to ensure the establishment of that confidence without which it will be impossible in the present stage of our human development ever to create any real system of international law at all. I cannot believe that these healthy processes will be encouraged by insistence upon theoretical legal equality, which is purely illusory.

That point will apply to the smaller nations. If the five Great Powers agree that the small nations are to be subjected to this law, why should not the bigger nations be subjected to it also?

I have been trying to explain to the House that in my view at any rate there is, in the sense in which we have been talking about it, no law which governs the relations between States whether great or small which can be compared to the law which governs the relations between individuals, and that the best hope of the smaller States is that there should be the fullest possible understanding and co-operation among the Great Powers. If there is that, the smaller States are all right. If we do not have that, the smaller States, the greater States and the whole lot of us will get into the same kind of trouble that we have got into twice in our lifetime.

Does not the right hon. Gentleman realise that exactly the same argument could have been used against the establishment of municipal law in the Middle Ages, and that the mediaeval barons were in exactly the same position as Great Powers to-day?

Yes, but I would point out that municipal law was not established overnight by a Debate in the House of Commons or a meeting of officials at San Francisco or anywhere else. It took time to establish it, and it will take time to establish international law in the sense in which I have been talking about it. In many speeches there have been misunderstanding of one of the most important aspects of this proposal. It is very easy to criticize the weaknesses of the League Covenant. I happen to be one of those who believe that it was not so much weaknesses in the machinery of the League which made it fail, as weaknesses in will, both of Governments and of peoples, and of electors. [HON. MEMBERS: "No" and "Hear, hear."]

In some respects I believe that the Dumbarton Oaks proposals are an advance upon the Covenant. In particular there is a clearer and more definite relationship between power and responsibility. It is recognised that those States which have great power in reserve with which to keep the peace have an equivalent and special responsibility for keeping it. The initiative rests with them and it is they who have to shoulder the burden. The Lord President of the Council pointed out that the special responsibility of the Great Powers is more clearly expressed in these proposals than it was under the League, and that is the one respect in which the Dumbarton Oaks proposals are superior to those of the League, but if the Great Powers are to assume the special burden and responsibility, it is not unreasonable that the decision whether or not those burdens and responsibilities should be assumed at any given moment should rest with the Great Powers themselves. Indeed, is it possible to imagine any other arrangement at the present time? We really cannot have it both ways. We can have a system in which there is no clear relationship between power and responsibility, in which everybody speaks with an equal voice, and everybody's responsibility is the same. I believe that is a bad system, and it has failed, because when everybody has a responsibility, it very often happens that no one accepts the responsibility when the time comes—that is one system. Or you can build a system in which power and responsibility march together, and that is the system we have been trying to work out in these Dumbarton Oaks proposals. But if you accept the proposition that power and responsibility have to march together, it seems to me you must also accept the proposition that responsibility, and the decision as to how that responsibility is to be shouldered, must march together also.

What I have said does not mean, and certainly is not intended to give the impression, that this new world organisation is to be a dictatorship of the Great Powers. It is true that the Great Powers have the right of veto, but it is a qualified veto, and I think that nobody who has attacked the Yalta Agreement has really understood how qualified the veto is. The Committee ought to realise that a Great Power, whether it is a party to the dispute or not, cannot prevent a question from coming before the Security Council, it cannot prevent the question from being discussed, nor in a case in which a Great Power is involved, can it prevent the Council from making recommendations, as the proposals stand at present. That gives the Security Council immense scope, and the veto does not come into the question at all. To judge from some of the speeches to-day one would have thought that a world organisation for security was only doing a job when it was fighting a war. A great many critics have complained that, in fact, the veto would prevent the Security Council from taking extreme action in a crisis. But it is the purpose of the Security Council, first of all, to try to avoid a crisis, to try to reach a settlement by negotiation, by understanding, by agreement, and the question of the veto does not in any way enter into that side of its work.

All this may not be perfection; this is not a perfect world. But it is very far from being a reversion to international anarchy, which some hon. Members have pictured. I am sorry that my hon. Friend the Member for Berwick-upon-Tweed is not in his place, because I was greatly interested in his essay in realism, to which the House listened a few hours ago. My hon. Friend may be a realist: I could find another name for it. If it is realism to think, for example, that it is much better to be rich than poor, or to be well fed than hungry, or to be wet than dry, or dry than wet, whichever way one likes to look at it, if you assume that is realism, then certainly the hon. Member is a realist. But, in fact, that is not realism. It is no use saying that it would be much better if the world was like this, rather than like that.

Of course, it would be much better if great powers accepted the responsibilities of great powers but did not ask for any of the privileges of Great Powers. The hon. Member's only solution to this was to say that sooner than have a veto he would have no vote at all, which would mean, if it means anything, an organisation which is completely powerless. He went on to say that, failing that, he would like to have a regional organisation between the United States and this country. I daresay he would, but that is not practical politics. All the hon. Member's realism comes down, when you analyse it, to international anarchy and defeatism. It is defeatism to say, "The organisation is going to be difficult to work: it may be impossible; and, therefore, I will not try to work it." I think, if I may say so, with respect, that both my hon. Friend the Member for Berwick-upon-Tweed and my hon. Friend the Member for West Leicester were inclined to indulge in a kind of witch-hunt. They thought of everything that could possibly go wrong under this plan, and trotted it out before us. If you approach any organisation in that way, you are bound to arrive at the sort of conclusion at which my hon. Friend the Member for Berwick-upon-Tweed did arrive. Suppose we discussed our Parlia- mentary procedure in that way, and said, "What happens when the majority in the House of Commons shut up the minority in the Tower of London, or shoot them?" or "What happens when the Lord President shoots the Chief Whip?" All kinds of hypothetical questions of this kind could be asked about the House of Commons, and you could give convincing answers, just like my hon. Friend did. But he ought to reflect again and see whether he cannot look at the bright side as well as the dark side.

To take one case, my hon. Friend the Member for West Leicester referred to what is known as the hidden veto. He mentioned the case of Greece and Bulgaria. Bulgaria attacks Greece; there is a veto by one of the Great Powers; and the whole world organisation is sterilised, and prevented from taking any action to resist aggression. But there is another side even to that point. While my hon. Friend's hypothetical case might work out in that way there is another which might work in a different way. If a Great Power wanted to attack a small Power, under the guise of going to its assistance, the veto of one member of the Security Council would prevent that.

A number of points were raised in the Debate, and I have time to deal with only a very few. We have had, as always, a most interesting speech from my right hon. Friend the Member for Oxford University (Sir A. Salter), and on a subject of this kind the House will always listen to him with great respect and interest. My right hon. Friend made one comment which I thought I ought to qualify, if he will allow me to do so. He said that nothing of importance could go to this world organisation for the next five years, because all the important matters would be dealt with by the victorious Allies acting still as Allies. That, I think, is only partly true. A great many things will be dealt with by the Allies in that way, but there will still be a great many things of importance—we cannot say what they will be—which do not affect the enemy Powers or the war settlement, and these things will be dealt with by the world organisation.

If my right hon. Friend will allow me, I did not say "nothing of importance," but only that there would be such a big proportion of important and urgent matters dealt with otherwise that, from the point of view of public opinion, to that extent, the prestige of this new organisation would be likely to fall.

There is a possibility of that, I must admit, but I think my right hon. Friend is venturing rather far into prophecy, because nobody can tell what kind of political or security problems will turn up in four or five years after the war, and I am quite sure there will be other important work for the security organisation to do. But my right hon. Friend said one very wise thing, and the hon. Member for Keighley (Mr. Ivor Thomas) has, I think, also said it, and that was that it would be a great mistake to issue any kind of false prospectus for the San Francisco Conference. I am sure that is so. I have no doubt it will be a mistake to build up hopes too high, and make the people of this country, or any country, feel that all they should do now is sit back and the world organisation was going to do it all. If we encourage that feeling, there, is certainly going to be disaster ahead of us, as we have experienced disaster before. I entirely agree with that.

My hon. Friend the Member for Shipley (Mr. Creech Jones), who made such an interesting, and, I thought, reasonable, speech, asked me why it was that there was no mention in the Dumbarton Oaks White Paper of the Mandates Commission. Perhaps he will be content for the moment if I say that the mere fact that any topic is not mentioned in the draft proposals does not mean that that topic is excluded from consideration. One of the virtues of these proposals, as I see them, is that they are flexible and can be expanded or contracted to meet the needs as they arise or disappear.

I am afraid I have not time to answer all the points, and, if I am short of time to answer them, it is because I was very anxious not to curtail the time in which other hon. Members could speak. But I would like to add this final word. It is quite true that we must not issue a false prospectus of Dumbarton Oaks. It is, I believe, equally true that we must not be defeatist about it. We must not always be looking for the fire escape. We must go ahead with this tremendous project with the reasonable idea that it can be made to work, and we must realise that a thing like a world organisation cannot be created satisfactorily in full flower overnight. It will take years, possibly, to work out to its full development. Pallas Athene is said to have sprung fully armed—though perhaps on this occasion it would be better to describe her as springing fully disarmed—from the brain of Zeus. But I do not think we can reasonably expect that a world security organisation is going to come quite as easily as that. We have to have patience, understanding and faith.

Ordered: "That the Chairman do Report Progress, and ask leave to sit again."—[ Mr. Cory. ]

Committee report Progress; to sit again To-morrow.

Adjournment

Resolved: "That this House do now adjourn."—[ Mr. Cary. ]

Adjourned accordingly at a Quarter past Ten o'Clock.