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Commons Chamber

Volume 421: debated on Tuesday 16 April 1946

House of Commons

Tuesday, April 16, 1946

The House met at a Quarter past Two o'Clock

PRAYERS

[Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair ]

PRIVATE BUSINESS

BUCKS WATER BOARD BILL [Lords]

As amended, considered; to be read the Third time.

ORAL ANSWERS TO QUESTIONS

HOUSING

Temporary Houses (Cost)

asked the Minister of Works what is now the average factory cost of temporary prefabricated houses; and the average cost of the work on the site.

The average ex-works cost of the factory-produced temporary houses, including the aluminium houses, is approximately £690. This figure includes fixtures and fittings. The site work and erection is carried out under competitive tender and it is not in the public interest at this stage of the programme to publish the average cost at which it has been possible to have this work carried out.

Will the Minister say what is the average cost of the aluminium house as distinct from the other types and why he cannot publish these figures, of which the House should be informed?

I could not give the first immediately, and I cannot publish the second at this stage because new contracts and tenders are being accepted for the remainder.

What possible advantage can there be in concealing from the public the average cost, as distinct from individual tenders?

That was the Question and why will the Minister not tell us what is asked in the Question?

Gravesend

asked the Minister of Works whether he is aware that, of the 118 prefabricated houses allocated to the Gravesend Borough Council in December, 1944, fewer than 50 hulls have yet arrived and only some internal fittings for 12 have been supplied, but none can be occupied owing to the absence of certain minor plumbing parts; where, and why, this hold-up has occurred and when he expects to release the material so that Gravesend can get the first prefabricated house occupied.

By 10th April the hulls of 75 houses had been delivered to Gravesend, 37 had been erected, and equipment for 16 had been supplied except for some small plumbing parts which had been omitted in packing at the factory. This omission has been rectified and the first two houses should be available for occupation within a fortnight. Further supplies of fixtures and fittings are expected to be sent to Gravesend this week.

Does not the Minister realise that there has been a very serious lack of coordination between the various Ministries resulting in the fact that there have been houses standing empty in Gravesend which could have been occupied if there had been cooperation?

I think I have admitted before that there has been a shortage of components due to the fact that we were not manufacturing them at the same speed as the hulls. Whatever coordination there was, if there were not sufficient of them they could not have been supplied.

MINISTRY OF WORKS

Georģe V Memorial

asked the Minister of Works what buildings it is proposed to demolish in order to make a space for the proposed George V Memorial.

The scheme approved by Parliament in 1939 for the George V Memorial requires the eventual demolition of No. 5 Old Palace Yard.

I should imagine it is eighteenth century, but I think the question of beauty is a matter of taste.

Victory Celebrations (Cost)

asked the Minister Of Works the estimated cost in money and man-hours of temporary buildings, including accommodation for troops, to be erected in connection with the Victory Day celebrations in London.

I would refer the hon. Member to the reply given to the hon. Member for Abingdon (Sir R. Glyn) on 2nd instant, of which I am sending him a copy. It is not possible without undue labour to separate the cost of temporary buildings from the remainder of the camps. No temporary buildings are being erected by my Department unless the saluting base and the Press stands are so regarded. The total cost of these is estimated at £5,500.

Would not these men be better employed in putting up permanent houses instead of preparing for a victory march that no one wants?

asked the Minister of Works the estimated cost of the Victory Parade on 8th June and if he will give details of some of the larger items of expenditure.

As the answer contains a number of figures, I will with the hon. Member's permission circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

Whatever the figures are, in view of the appalling political and food situation throughout the world, and incipient civil war in Britain—

I imagine that if the hon. Member withdraws the wide part he would have to withdraw the whole of his supplementary question.

Following are the figures:

I would refer the hon. Member to the reply given to the hon. Member for Abingdon (Sir R. Glyn) on 2nd instant.

The major items of expenditure on the Victory celebrations on 8th June are now provisionally estimated as follow:

£

Camps:

Expenditure by the War Office

30,000

Expenditure by Ministry of Works

5,000

Decorations

20,000

Floodlighting, sound amplification and expenses connected with the Aquatic Display

30,000

Saluting Base. Press Stands, etc

5,500

Public Lavatories

15,000

Children's entertainments, including transport

19,000

Fireworks

15,000

Expenses of the Civil Contingent taking part in the Procession

15,000

There will in addition be expenditure on barriers, etc., for the protection of the public and on transporting and maintaining troops, for which details are not vet available.

Vehicles, Reģent's Park

asked the Minister of Works whether, having regard to the need to maintain public service vehicle services and to the present scarcity of omnibuses and motor-coaches available, arrangements can be made to return, immediately, approximately 30 vehicles, now standing idle in Regent's Park, to the original owners of those vehicles or to make them available to operators in the industry, those vehicles having been taken by the Government from their owners for war purposes and a list of them having been furnished to him for identification.

Nine of the 36 motor coaches in Regent's Park are beyond repair. Fifteen are awaiting their turn for repair and reconversion and are required, with the remainder, for further use in the Ministry's Mobile Labour Service. I regret therefore, that it is not at present possible to dispose of them

May I ask the Minister why these vehicles that are awaiting repair cannot be returned to the operators and owners so that they can repair them and put them on the roads for public use?

They are awaiting repair for public use, that is, by the Mobile Labour Service.

Reģent's Park Terraces

asked the Minister of Works (1) how many of the 212 houses in the Regent's Park terraces, which he proposes to convert into Government at offices, came within the scope of Regulation 68cA;

(2) upon what grounds he applied to the Minister of Health for exemption from the provisions of Regulation 68CA in respect of the Regent's Park terraces.

All but two of those houses in Regent's Park terraces, which it is proposed to convert temporarily into Government offices, come within the scope of Defence Regulation 68CA. The houses are not suitable for conversion into economic units of residential accommodation except at a disproportionate cost in labour and materials which cannot be spared at the present time. As stated in my reply to the hon. Member for Hertford (Mr. Walker-Smith) on 9th April, their use for offices will enable me to release requisitioned accommodation. These facts were borne in mind by the Minister of Health in giving his consent under the Regulation.

Was the Minister of Health informed of the large number of applications from people who wanted to live in these houses?

Is it part of the policy of the Government to destroy all our architectural features in London?

If the hon. Member had been present last week he would have discovered that it was to save the architectural features.

As this is a point upon which the House would like to be clear, may we assume in this case that occupation means restoration?

House of Commons (Acoustics)

asked the Minister of Works if he will install a microphone on the Table for the benefit of those hon. Members who cannot at present hear replies to questions by Ministers who read down towards the Despatch Box.

For technical reasons, a microphone on the Table would not be practicable, but some improvement might be effected in the reception of answers made by Ministers by altering the position of the microphone nearest the Despatch Box, and experiments will he carried out during the Easter Recess.

May I ask whether something can be done not merely to— [HON. MEMBERS: Speak up."] —improve the audibility of the replies from the Front Bench but also substantially to improve the character of them?

Office Buildinģs, London (Repair Licences)

asked the Minister of Works why he has refused to grant a licence for the repair of Market Buildings, 29 Mincing Lane, in the City of London, in view of the urgent demand for office accommodation, especially in connection with export trade and the fact that the greater part of the work would not involve the type of building labour utilised in the erection of houses.

The demand for repair of office accommodation in the City of London is far greater than can be satisfied at the present time, and it is my policy to discriminate according to the amount of space that can be brought into use for a given expenditure of labour and material. The application for a licence in respect of Market Buildings has had to be rejected on this ground, and most of the labour that would otherwise have been required will instead be available for housing and other urgent work.

Does the Minister realise that if we are to get business going again and also if we are to derequisition many of the flats at present being unsuitably used for offices, some sort of priority must be given to the repair of office buildings?

Yes, Sir. I am fully aware of that and the only limiting factor is the availability of labour and material and the most economic use of the space that can be brought into being.

Statutory Rule and Order No. 371 (Error)

asked the Minister of Works whether he is aware that there is a minor printing error in S.R. & O., 1946, No. 371; and what steps have been taken to correct this error.

I am aware and regret that in Paragraph (1) of Statutory Rule and Order No. 371, 1946, the word "of" has been printed instead of "or" in Paragraph (6B), sub-paragraph ( b ) of Defence Regulation Fifty-six A. The mistake occurred owing to an accident to the type at the Stationery Office after the proof had been read. Since the Order in Council itself was in the correct form, I was advised that the matter could be put right by an erratum slip, which was done as soon as the mistake was discovered.

On a point of Order, Mr. Speaker. Would you indicate whether this is a suitable Question to put on the Order Paper?

Brick Production

asked the Minister of Works the number of bricks that are now being produced monthly; what is the monthly national requirement; and what was the number in reserve on the latest date available.

The brick returns for March are not yet complete, but it is estimated that production will amount to approximately 170 million. The monthly national requirement for March was estimated at 290 million; the number of bricks in stock at the end of March is estimated at 725 million.

Does not the Minister realise that the British public infinitely prefer brick houses to houses of any other material and especially to many of those now being built by the Ministry today, and will he therefore see that every effort is made to increase the production of bricks so that we can have brick houses?

I can assure the hon. Member that we are doing all we can to increase the supply of bricks, and that any effort from any source that will increase the number of people going into brick works will be welcomed by us.

Government Buildinģs (Architects)

asked the Minister of Works, for which Departments his Ministry is responsible for the buildings and in how many of these cases the design for any important building was selected by competition or by some other suitable method which enabled independent architects to be considered for these commissions.

The Ministry of Works is responsible for the erection of buildings required by Civil Departments together with those needed for housing the headquarters staffs of the Service Departments. Between 1918 and 1939, at least 10 important schemes were entrusted to independent architects. In addition, as the hon. Member is aware, during the last war extensive use was made of nominated architects to carry out a large war programme of buildings, including hospitals, hostels, camps, schools and factories.

Can the Minister give the House an assurance that the same policy will be carried out in peace as was found successful during the war?

I cannot give an all-round assurance that the same policy will be followed, but I can say that it is our intention to use outside architects as well as our own.

NEW FACTORY, CROOK

asked the Minister of Works the present position regarding the proposed new factory for Messrs. Ramar, Limited, Crook, County Durham; whether any date has been fixed for the completion of this work or can be given now; arid if he is aware that the local authority are anxious to see the erection of this building as early as possible, with the view of providing further employment in this district.

I have been asked to reply. Negotiations which have been proceeding between the company and the North-Eastern Trading Estates, Ltd., are now nearing completion. Subject to satisfactory agreement, it is hoped to complete the factory before the end of the year. I am aware of the need for providing further employment in this district, and the company has been allocated temporary premises in Crook where they are employing over a hundred workers.

Is the Minister aware that the temporary accommodation is very limited, that this firm could employ at least another 400 people, that production could be much greater if they could have the new factory built, and that it is much better to have people employed and producing goods than drawing unemployment benefit and not being employed.

I am aware that there is a difference of about 500 between the panther employed now and the number who will be employed when the factory is completed. For that reason I am doing everything I possibly can to speed up the completion of the new factory.

FUEL AND POWER

Electricity Supplies (Rural Areas)

asked the Minister of Fuel and Power if lie is satisfied that adequate materials and manpower have now been made available to electricity undertakings to enable them to extend electricity supplies to rural areas; and if he will now make a statement on the result of his discussions with representatives of the industry.

I would refer the hon. Member to the reply which I gave on 12th March to my hon. Friend the Member for North Norfolk (Mr Gooch). As regards the last part of the Question the representatives of the Electricity Supply Industry have assured me that normal development work will proceed in the interim period before the industry is placed under public ownership.

Is the Minister aware that plans for supplying electricity to rural areas completed before the war are likely to take at least two years to carry out, unless steps are taken to increase materials and manpower?

I am well aware of the difficulties. We shall do all we can to expedite the work, but the hon. and gallant Member must also be aware that there are difficulties about materials and manpower. It is not so easy to overcome them.

Has there been any noticeable improvement since 1st March, when the Minister gave his answer about the supply of timber poles for electricity?

I could not say offhand. The matter is not referred to in the Question. I rather imagine that it is being dealt with.

asked the Minister of Fuel and Power whether, in view of the present delay in the extension of electricity to farms caused by shortage of poles, potential consumers may be given the opportunity of supplying the poles themselves subject to the necessary specifications

Will the Minister communicate with those concerned to see that advantage is taken of this?

Railways (Coal Supplies)

asked the Minister of Fuel and Power what steps he is taking to ensure that main line railways arc supplied with coal of quality which will enable them to maintain efficient running.

Every endeavour is made to ensure as far as possible that the main line railways are supplied with coal of suitable quality, but so long as there is a shortage of the best large coal to meet all requirements the inclusion in the railways' supplies of some qualities which they would not normally use cannot be avoided.

Hydrocarbon Oils

asked the Minister of Fuel and Power whether he will make available in respect of the years ended 31st March, 1942, 1943 and 1944 respectively, the certificates of information referred to in the First Schedule to the Finance Act, 1938.

Under the Finance Act, 1942, the Minister of Fuel and Power was relieved of the duty during the period of the war of laying the certificates which were required under Section 2 of the Finance Act, 1938. Information in respect of the years mentioned in the Question was seriously affected by war conditions, but I will consider whether there is any information which could now be made available.

Alkali Production (Coal Supplies)

asked the Minister of Fuel and Power why the allocation of fuel to the alkali factories of I.C.I. in the northwest region was reduced from January last; and for how long this reduction will operate.

Existing coal supply arrangements are designed to spread available supplies equitably to all industrial consumers, and the I.C.I. factories have been getting their fair share on this basis. Any question concerning the relative priority of particular firms or industries is now a matter for decision by the regional production boards.

Is the Minister aware that according to the answer the Board of Trade gave me yesterday, the reduction of this allocation brought about a reduction of exports of 34,000 tons of alkali over February and March, and there was also an increase in price to the home consumer of about 5 per cent.?

I am aware that I.C.I. have experienced some difficulty as regards exports because of the shortage of coal, but obviously if there is a shortage, we must allocate it on the basis of suitable priority.

Hull (Coal Distribution)

asked the Minister of Fuel and Power (1) whether the further inquiries into the maldistribution of coal, both among merchants and consumers, in Hull have been completed; and what action he proposes to take with the local fuel overseer, the house coal officer and regional officers in Leeds, particularly those who are members of the trade or connected with a colliery, to prevent a recurrence of such maldistribution in the new coal year May. 1946-April, 1947.

(2) what steps he proposes to take to ensure that small customers in Hull who, through maldistribution, have not received their fair share of the coal actually supplied to the city, some having several hundredweights due to them, will receive their coal before the end of the coal year 30th April, observing that many have to rely on coal alone for cooking as well as heating.

My regional controller has now completed his inquiries and I am expecting a detailed report at an early date. When I have had an opportunity of examining this report I will communicate with my hon. and gallant Friend.

May I ask the Minister if he is aware that no fuel officer in Hull will accept the responsibility for the equitable distribution of coal in the city, that regional officers have interests in collieries, that the Hull coal officer is a principal of a large firm of coal merchants and that large firms have had more than their equitable share of coal: and will he have a public inquiry into this grave problem of maldistribution to which merchants and customers can give evidence, instead of the present secret hole-and-corner affair by which the public know nothing?

Those are precisely the allegations which have been inquired into. So far as I can tell from the evidence available, some of them cannot be sustained, but further inquiries arc, being made.

asked the Minister of Fuel and Power what percentage of the allocation of domestic coal has actually been supplied to Hull during the 14 weeks since 1st January, 1946, or nearest period for which figures are available; and what percentage of their allocation has been supplied, respectively, to Hull Cooperative Society, Risdale and Walker and other merchants in the city.

The percentage of the house coal allocation supplied to the Hull district during the 14 weeks ended 6th April, 1946, was 89.5. The percentages supplied to Hull Cooperative Society, Ridsdale and Walker and other merchants were 88.6, 90.5 and 89.7 respectively.

May I ask the Minister whether the difference of 6 per cent. in the allocation to the Cooperative Society has resulted in a deficiency of over 7,000 tons, and that a thousand different customers in various weeks of the 46 weeks have lost 2 cwts. of coal?

There is no difference of 6 per cent. There is a difference of about one or two per cent. at the most. Moreover, it depends very largely on where the coal supplies are provided. If the Hull Cooperative Society purchases from particular collieries, it must take the risk entailed.

Petrol Stocks

asked the Minister of Fuel and Power if he will state the amount of petrol in stock in this country in March or April, 1938; and what is the amount of petrol in storage at the present time.

I would refer the hon. Member to the last paragraph of the answer I gave on 18th December to the hon. Member for Orpington (Sir W. Smithers).

Can the right hon. Gentleman state the actual figures for petrol in storage in this country?

Can the Minister publish the latest storage figures—a month ago, for instance?

COAL INDUSTRY

Directed Miner (Trade Union Membership)

asked the Minister of Fuel and Power whether he is aware that Mr. G. E. Reynolds, a Gravesend member of the Amalgamated Society of Woodworkers, has been directed to work in the Greenside Pit of the Stella Coal Company, Limited, at Blaydon, County Durham, who are making deductions from his pay as compulsory contributions to the Durham Miners' Association; and whether his Regulations permit colliery owners to make such deductions from the pay of directed mineworkers.

The deductions to which my hon. Friend refers were made as a result of a misunderstanding and I understand they have been refunded. I have not made any regulations concerning deductions from pay on behalf of trade unions.

Will the Minister assure the House that representations will be made from his Ministry to make it certain that young fellows who are directed into the coal mines are not also directed compulsorily into any particular trade union, outside the union of which they were ordinarily members?

We shall not do anything to force men into any particular trade union, but obviously, it is desirable that the men should be in a trade union.

Is not this a matter for negotiation among the unions concerned rather than for a Question on the Order Paper?

Underģround Transport

asked the Minister of Fuel and Power how many collieries have dispensed with the use of horses for underground haulage; and what progress is being made in the mechanisation of underground transport.

The number of collieries at which horses are employed fell from 1,582 in 1925 to 821 in 1945, and the number of horses from 60,852 to 23,491. This decrease is due largely to the replacement of horses by mechanical methods of transport and is likely to continue.

Is not the Minister aware that in many cases the transport arrangements are exceedingly primitive and that men have to travel long distances to and from their work? Is there not a tendency to concentrate on coal face mechanisation while neglecting the most important feature of mechanisation of transport?

It is because haulage arrangements are so primitive that we are presented with difficulties about coal. I agree with my hon. Friend that it is not much use to mechanise the coal face unless we modernise transport facilities.

Will not the National Coal Board have full power to deal with this matter? Will they be instructed to complete the mechanisation of coal mines at the earliest possible moment?

One of the primary duties of the National Coal Board will be to mechanise the pits.

Opencast Operations, Wentworth Woodhouse

asked the Minister of Fuel and Power what steps have been taken in the last three months to ensure that the opencast mining near Wentworth Woodhouse does not damage this famous Georgian mansion.

I anticipate there will be no damage to the mansion through opencast operations.

Has the proposal put up by the miners' leader, Mr. Hall, for winning the coal by normal methods, come before the Minister? Has the Minister rejected it and, if so, on what ground?

The proposal to work the coal from underground came before the Department many months ago, and was rejected on technical grounds.

Can my right hon. Friend assure the House that all alternative means of procuring the coal which is to be obtained from Wentworth Woodhouse have been explored? Many people are exceedingly disturbed at the proposed despoliation of this charming oasis of natural peace.

Of course, every possible alternative has been explored. It is obvious that if we could have secured the coal by other means we should not have adopted this method. As to "spoliation," we are very anxious to prevent any undue disturbance, and indeed, we are going to do it.

Before taking action of this kind does the Minister make it his practice to consult the Council for the Preservation of Rural England and other such bodies?

The decision to work the coal on the Wentworth Woodhouse site was taken by my predecessor, in consultation with the then Minister of Town and Country Planning. I have not consulted the organisations to which the hon. Member referred, but I have consulted the Minister of Town and Country Planning.

Will the right hon. Gentleman bear in mind that it is not a question of blaming this Government or other Governments? I think that the genuine concern is whether amenities that might be preserved for the enjoyment of the nation will be destroyed. How does the Minister explain the views of the Yorkshire miners themselves?

The right hon. Gentleman is ill-informed. The Yorkshire miners have expressed no opinion on this matter. Mr. Hall does not happen to be the Yorkshire miners but the President of the Yorkshire miners, speaking in his individual capacity. I have received no representations against the scheme from the Yorkshire miners or from the National Union of Mineworkers. On the contrary, some of the Yorkshire miners have written to me commending the scheme, in existing circumstances. Nor do I blame my predecessor for what occurred. I merely state the facts. Moreover, it is not for the right hon. Gentleman to complain about blame. I notice that he has been dealing with that subject himself.

Knowes Colliery, Fauldhouse

asked the Minister of Fuel and Power whether he will withdraw the notice to close Knowes Colliery, Fauldhouse, in view of the firm pledge to prevent another stoppage given by 97 per cent. of the men employed, who have greatly increased production during recent months and who will be affected should the colliery be closed, because a few youths and the management had a dispute over a recent grievance affecting part of the pit.

With permission of Mr. Speaker and the House, I propose to make a statement in answer to this Question at the end of Question time today.

Later—

During the past six months the number of unofficial stoppages in Lanarkshire and the adjacent area in West Lothian was 285— compared with 194 in the rest of Scotland and 288 in the whole of England and Wales. Stoppages in this small area are thus proportionately far in excess of those in any other section of the British coalfield although in this, as in other areas, there exist joint agreements entered into voluntarily on the workers' behalf by their trade union representatives providing comprehensive machinery of collective bargaining, conciliation and arbitration for the settlement of any dispute on wages and conditions without recourse to direct action of this kind. Following discussions which I had with their Executive, the Scottish Area of the National Union of Mineworkers, recognising the dangers inherent in the situation, issued at my request in January of this year a general warning to a number of collieries that the continuance of unofficial stoppages was likely to involve the risk of the collieries concerned having to be closed.

There have been nine stoppages at Fauldhouse during the past six months, involving numbers of men ranging from six to 180, of which four have occurred since the beginning of this year Following one which took place on 25th and 26th February, I authorised my Regional Controller to cause a notice to be posted at the colliery to the effect that if any further stoppage of the colliery or any section of it took place after 1st March. the colliery would be closed without further warning being given. This notice was posted on 27th February, but notwithstanding its unequivocal terms, a further stoppage involving 18 men took place on 3rd April. Although I carefully considered the facts, I was unable to discern any extenuating circumstances in connection with this stoppage which would have justified me in intervening to prevent closure, and all the men employed were accordingly given notice terminating their contracts of service with effect from 13th April.

Every effort is being made to find alternative coalmining employment for the men displaced, and there is every prospect that the great majority will be engaged at other collieries in the vicinity with outputs of 25 cwts per manshift and over, as against an output at Fauldhouse varying from 12 to 17 cwts. This level of output at Fauldhouse had resulted in heavy losses being incurred, and since 1942 the maintenance of the colliery in production has cost the Coal Charges Fund £190,000. The position in Lanarkshire and the adjacent area in West Lothian is that the value of the joint machinery of conciliation and arbitration is gravely endangered by the recent course of events, which has also resulted in the loss in that area of over 100,000 tons of coal during the past six months. The maintenance of this machinery is of the highest importance not only in the national interest but also in the interest of the general body of workers in this basic industry. I cannot stand aside and see it weakened or destroyed as must ultimately happen unless there is an end re unofficial stoppages on this scale.

Limiting anything that I have to say to the Question I put on the Order Paper with regard to this one pit, may I ask if my right hon. Friend is aware that the last stoppage there could have been avoided if the management had accepted the desire of the hulk of the men, 370 of them, to dispense with the services of the nine who caused the stoppage? Does he not agree that that would have allowed production to go forward at a time when production was being stepped up owing to the way in which the men were trying to play their part? Does he not think it would have been advisable to deal with nine men who caused the stoppage instead of scattering 370 others over the whole of the coalfield?

There is no evidence to show that the nine men were entirely responsible for the stoppage. In any event, in all the disputes, unofficial disputes, which have occurred at this colliery different men have been responsible, and if on each occasion we dismissed those who were regarded as primarily responsible we should have no men left. Obviously, that is not the way to deal with this problem. This is not the only colliery in Lanarkshire and it is obvious drastic steps must be taken to put an end to this unconstitutional action.

Arising out of that historical survey, would the right hon. Gentleman care to indicate to the House that he at one time was the representative of West Lothian? Has his personal influence entirely abated in that constituency?

I would like to ask, on a point of elucidation, whether the Minister in his original reply, which if I followed it correctly—[HON. MEMBERS: Speak up."] In the original reply given by the Minister, if I followed it correctly—

Yes, it is. I want to know the point or policy in the original answer —[ Interruption. ] Please give me a chance. The point is that the Minister did state that he was looking for alternative employment for the men. He was having the machinery of the pit looked after. At the same time, he wanted disciplinary action. I want to know exactly what disciplinary action can be taken if the pit is closed, the cost of maintenance of the machinery is incurred, and men are sent to work somewhere else.

The cost of care and maintenance is not considerable. In any event, it is desirable to take precautions. Some day we may require to use the coal resources of this colliery. As for the distribution of the men over the collieries in the adjacent area, we shall get higher production, as I indicated in my reply, and that is very essential; apart from that, we think that distribution will prevent recurrences of this kind.

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether the Government could give consideration in connection with all these unofficial strikes to the question of dealing with the Communist shop steward movement?

We have no evidence that the Communists are responsible for these unofficial disputes. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh."] No. I have nothing to do with shop stewards. This matter relates to colliery undertakings where there are no shop stewards. We have no evidence that the Communists are responsible. We must be fair in this matter. There is evidence which goes to show that the Communists, at any rate in this area, are anxious to avoid these unofficial stop pages. It does not follow that every unofficial stoppage must be dealt with in this fashion. There are occasions where an unofficial stoppage is attributable to causes outside the control of the men. In these circumstances we are very careful not to take action which would seem unfair; but in the present circumstances it was impossible to do other than I did.

Is the Minister aware that immediately after his notice was put up at the pit head the whole of the miners in the colliery held a meeting? They conveyed to the manager of the pit the majority decision of that meeting, which was to discharge any man who caused an unofficial strike? Immediately these men struck unofficially, the secretary of the union went to the manager and asked that these men be discharged. Surely it is not at all the fault of the men. It is the fault of the management. I ask the Minister whether this is the sort of treatment to be expected by these 370 miners, who are willing to raise production and to back the Minister to the hilt in keeping unofficial strikes away—to be penalised for nine men whose action they deplored?

I must point out to my hon. Friend that on previous occasions the majority of the men were implicated. They cannot be excused on the ground that they did not all come into the dispute on this occasion. It may well be that in certain cases the manager may have been responsible. I direct the attention of my hon. Friend and other hon. Members to the fact that the men can always have recourse to the constitutional machinery and should not defy their union or its leaders.

I wish to give notice that I will raise this matter on the Adjournment.

Miners' Hostels, Durham

asked the Minister of Fuel and Power how many hostels for ballotees for the mines there are in county Durham and how many are fully occupied; what use he intends to make of the Crook Hostel, which is now empty; and whether he will consider adapting it as a rehabilitation centre for disabled ex-Servicemen.

There are five miners' hostels now operating in county Durham. None is fully occupied. There were recently two other hostels which have since been handed back to the Ministry of Works. The Crook Hostel was reported on 30th March to my right hon. Friend, the Minister of Works, as available for disposal. I will convey my hon. Friend's suggestion to my right hon. Friend, the Minister of Labour.

Is the Minister aware that this is causing a considerable amount of discontent in the Crook district, and will he have this matter pressed forward?

EMPLOYMENT

Government Traininģ Scheme

asked the Minister of Labour (1) whether since shortage of accommodation is part of the cause of the inadequacy of the Government training scheme for ex-Servicemen and women, he is satisfied that he has now earmarked sufficient accommodation for the planned expansion of training centres and colleges; how far such accommodation is immediately available; and what steps he is taking to obtain suitable accommodation without delay;

(2) how many Government training centres and technical colleges, shown separately, it is planned to have operating by 30th June and 31st December, 1946, respectively; and what is the total planned capacity of all centres and colleges that will be operating on these dates.

Training facilities are being extended as rapidly as possible. Since VJ-Day the number of centres has been increased from 18 to 39 and by 30th June 56 centres with 19,940 training places should be in operation. By 31st December next 69 centres with 25,488 places are contemplated. Similar figures cannot be given for technical colleges but their facilities will continue to be used to the maximum extent possible.

Is the Minister aware that, apart from nearly 15,000 ex-Servicemen on the waiting list hoping to go to these centres and colleges last month, thousands of officers would have applied if they had seen any signs of efficiency in the way the Government are running the scheme?

My source of information as to those who would have applied is not equal to that of the hon. and gallant Gentleman, but we admit there is a waiting list. The difficulty is to get accommodation in which to put our classes, and to make a proper balance between building of the training centres, the building of houses and factories and so on. We are pressing on, and will get the list down as quickly as possible.

Has the Minister considered taking over aerodromes, of which a great number are vacant and have suitable buildings which could be used as technical colleges?

They are being surveyed. They are not always easily made suitable. One cannot always use a shed on an aerodrome in its existing condition. It will want walls and partitions, and that is part of the difficulty.

Are there not vacant camps all over the country that could easily be used?

If the hon. and gallant Gentleman knows of any—I do not say it sarcastically—if he will let me have particulars, I will be glad to look into them.

asked the Minister of Labour if he has now looked into the question of how far shortage of equipment is causing the inadequacy of the Government training scheme for ex-Servicemen and women; if he will make a statement; and what steps are being taken to remedy all shortages.

Certain trades, such as watch and clock repairing and hairdressing are dependent on equipment not normally produced in this country, and conditions in the producing countries place difficulties in the way of imports. Other trades, such as tailoring and the leather trades, which depend on still scarce raw materials present special difficulties. These are being overcome as far as possible by the use of reasonable substitutes. My right hon. Friend the Minister of Works, whose Department is responsible for supplying the training centres, assures me that everything possible is being done to ensure that supplies are available as soon as possible.

asked the Minister of Labour whether he will withdraw Leaflet P.L. 156 and replace it by another giving a more accurate description of the Govern- ment vocational training facilities available to ex-Servicemen and women and of the conditions of eligibility for this training.

I do not accept that Leaflet P.L. 156 gave an inaccurate description of the Government training facilities. In order, however, that in future there shall he no question of misunderstanding, a revised edition of the leaflet has been prepared and will be issued shortly.

Will the new leaflet make it clear that training is not normally available for occupations other than that in which the Serviceman or woman was previously engaged or for which they were previously trained?

The trouble with the previous leaflet was that people put different interpretations upon it from those of the Ministry of Labour. Therefore, we have published a leaflet of questions and answers which we hope will clear up all the doubts.

Domestic Service (Aliens)

asked the Minister of Labour whether he is now in a position to announce permission for a limited number of suitable applicants from Austria to be allowed to come into this country for domestic service, especially as cooks and nurses, in view of the grave shortage of these workers at the present time.

Yes, Sir. I would refer my hon. Friend to the statement I made in the House on Thursday, 11th April, a copy of which I am sending him.

Will permission have to be obtained from the Home Secretary as well as from my right hon. Friend's Department, or either, and also will he say what travel facilities will be available for those concerned?

I shall be grateful if my hon. Friend will read the statement, and if there is any point on which he has doubt, and he will see me, I will try to clear it up.

Munition Factories

asked the Minister of Labour what investigations his Department is undertaking into the complaints that more staff than necessary are being kept on the pay rolls of Royal Ordnance and other factories making munitions; and when these investigations are likely to be completed.

My officers both regionally and locally, as part of their normal duties, bring to notice for proper action any instances in which there may be temporary under employment due to various causes, such as delays in the delivery of raw materials or components or uncertainty as to future contracts. In conjunction with my right hon. Friend the Minister of Supply I have taken and will continue to take all possible steps to see that staff is not retained unnecessarily.

In view of the statement made in, amongst other places, "The Times" to the effect that this was very widespread, is any special investigation being undertaken?

Yes, Sir. A special investigation has been undertaken and has been completed, and I am sure the House will be pleased to hear that whilst there were one or two instances of this, in the main no real case exists that would cause us to complain to employers of unnecessary retention.

Bricklayinģ (Trainees)

asked the Minister of Labour why a man demobilised from the Services who takes the course in bricklaying, arranged by his Department, continues for five years to be treated as an apprentice and to receive only the wages of an apprentice.

The hon. Gentleman appears to have been misinformed. The bricklaying courses agreed with industry and in operation under the Vocational Training Scheme last, not for five years, but for 20 months, at the end of which time the trainee will be paid the full skilled rate.

Is it, then, a fact that for the full period of his training the man, regardless of his age and obligations, receives only the pay appropriate to an apprentice?

No, he receives the pay appropriate to this kind of apprenticeship in this scheme. The man goes into the training centre for six months. He gets intensive training there, then he goes out, and for 14 months is paid a special rate—something less than the craftsman's rate—and at the end of 20 months he gets the full rate. However, I am pleased to report that employers come to these training centres, and are so pleased with the results of the six months' intensive training, that many of them take men away and are prepared to put them on to the full rate straight away.

Caterinģ Employment Aģencies

asked the Minister of Labour whether he will favourably consider taking the necessary steps to abolish the hotel and catering employment agencies, with a view to all catering staffs being engaged either directly by their prospective employers or through the appropriate Ministry of Labour Employment Exchange.

This is a matter upon which I must await the views of the Catering Wages Commission.

Wales

asked the Minister of Labour the present number of unemployed in Wales; the areas and industries in which they occurred; and what steps are being taken to provide full employment for all concerned.

As the reply to the first and second parts of the Question contains a table of figures I will, if I may, circulate it the OFFICIAL REPORT. As to the last part of the Question, I would refer my hon. Friend to the answer given by my hon. Friend the Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Trade on 1st April to my hon. Friend the Member for Central Cardiff (Mr. G. Thomas).

Do not these figures indicate that in some areas in Wales unemployment is still increasing? Does my right hon. Friend think that schemes now in hand will fully absorb the unemployed before long?

I think it would be helpful if my hon. Friend 'would look at the answer before he presses that further question. The evidence of the last week for which we have returns showed that in certain parts of Wales the unemployment figures, whilst not dropping, show considerably less increase than has been the case for some weeks.

Following is the reply:

At 11th March, the latest date for which figures are available, there were 69,644 unemployed insured persons suitable for ordinary employment on the registers of employment exchanges in Wales and Monmouthshire. Of this total, 60,839 were in the South Wales and Monmouthshire Development Area, and 2,461 in the Wrexham Development Area.

In the Table below the number of unemployed insured persons in Wales and Monmouthshire at nth March is analysed for the principal industries: Industry . Number of insured persons unemployed Building 983 Civil Engineering Construction 1,725 Engineering 8,325 Construction and repair of Motor Vehicles Circles and Aircraft 4,884 Explosives 18,747 Steel Melting and Iron Puddling, Iron and Steel Rolling, etc 1,042 Brass, Copper Zinc, Tin, Lead. etc.,Manufacture 1,238 All other Metal Industries 3,831 Hotel, Boarding House, Restaurant Club, Catering, etc., Service 1,060 Coal Mining 6,900 Distributive Trades 3,301 National Government Service 3,156 Local Government Service 1.299 All other Industries and Services 7,920 Ex-Service Personnel not classified by Industry* 5,233

*These are ex-Service personnel who have not yet been classified to a particular industry, although they may have had some employment since release or discharge from the Forces.

Appointments Department

asked the Minister of Labour whether he is satisfied that employers are making sufficient use of the Higher Appointments Department to justifiy its continued existence.

I am satisfied that the Appointments Department fulfils a useful function and that its continuance is not only fully justified, but necessary. Nevertheless its usefulness would he very greatly increased, especially to ex-Service officers and men looking for suitable employment, many of whom are being forced to advertise and canvass for posts, if every employer would notify his vacancies.

Since VE Day, 47,406 vacancies have been notified by employers to the Appointments Department of my Ministry. During the same period, 26,925 vacancies were filled by persons submitted by the Appointments Department. In addition to this employment service, the Appointments Department provides an advisory service on the choice of careers, and administers the Further Education and Training Scheme and the Business Training Scheme.

Is the Minister aware nevertheless that in many cases employers appear to prefer to notify vacancies to private agencies rather than to the Higher Appointments Department? In many cases they say that they do not get any service from this Bureau at all.

I think that if a study is made of the figures I have given, it will show that we have quite a number of applications, and that we successfully fill the vast majority of the vacancies.

Personal Case

asked the Minister of Labour whether he has considered the dismissal of a disabled ex-Serviceman by Messrs. Washington of Manchester; whether he is award, that this man's dismissal prompted 17 of his colleagues including eight ex-Servicemen, all members of a newly-formed trade union branch, to strike in sympathy; and what action he proposes to take to secure this man's reinstatement.

I am aware of the case to which my hon. and gallant Friend refers. A joint meeting between the employer and the trade union has been held under the auspices of my Department. I understand that the man concerned was dismissed in order to permit the reinstatement of a former employee returning from H.M. Forces. I have no powers which would enable me to secure his reinstatement.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that the first statement of the employer in this case was that he did not like this man's face—an excuse for dismissal, or an expression of opinion, which might go very ill with some of us in our employment in this House?

I would hesitate to gamble upon my security of tenure if that applied to me. This was a case in which 15 men and two women were concerned. They took action against the advice of their trade union and declined the advice of their trade union about resumption of work. The matter has been negotiated between the employer and the trade union concerned, and I hope they will find a satisfactory settlement.

May the House learn the name of this newly formed union? As a believer in private enterprise, I would like to know the name of this new enterprise.

Resettlement Scheme (New Arranģements)

asked the Minister of Labour what arrangements he is proposing to make in order to give effect to the policy outlined in the White Paper on employment policy (Cmd. 6527) in regard to the payment of resettlement allowances to workers transferred to new areas under approved schemes; and whether he contemplates making any alteration in the present arrangements for the payment of grants and allowances to transferred workers.

I am proposing to introduce on 1st May a new scheme for assisting the resettlement of workers who, with the approval of my Department, transfer permanently to a new area. At the same time, steps will be taken to modify in the light of present conditions the present temporary scheme of grants and allowances which was framed on a wartime basis. I am also introducing immediately a special voluntary transfer scheme for assisting the transfer of certain unemployed workers to temporary employment in a new area while they are awaiting the development of new industries in their home area. I will, with permission, circulate particulars of these arrangements in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

Following are the particulars:

1. — Scheme of permanent resettlement

(1) This scheme is designed to assist three types of cases:

(1) The permanent transfer of key personnel for the purpose of establishing new industries or extending the scope of existing ones in development areas or other areas where it is desired to encourage the growth or diversification of industry in pursuance of the Government's employment policy;

(2) The permanent transfer of unemployed workers from areas where the prospects of employment for them are poor to areas where the prospects are good; and

(3) The permanent resettlement of workers already in employment away from home for whom there are no good prospects of employment in the home area.

These workers will be assisted to resettle either in the area where they are now employed or in another area according to the existence of regular employment for which suitable persons are not available locally.

2. The main facilities which will be available are:

(1) Free fares to the new area for the worker and his dependants;

(2) A travelling allowance for unemployed workers to meet the incidental expenses of the journey;

(3) A settling-in grant of 24s. 6d. (for both men and women);

(4) Financial assistance towards the cost of removal of household effects;

(5) A lodging allowance of 24s. 6d. per week for a period up to three months for married men (and unmarried workers with similar responsibilities) while seeking family accommodation in the new area;

Note .—Until the general housing situation improves the three months' period will be extended, if necessary.

(6) A continuing Liability allowance of up to 24s. 6d. per week in cases other than (5) for the minimum period necessary to dispose of a liability for payments in respect of the old home.

II.— Temporary continuance in modified form of wartime scheme of grants in respect of temporary transfer

This scheme will continue to operate in a modified form. The scope of the scheme will be restricted as regards future transfers to workers placed in employment away from home in a very limited field of industries or services of the highest priority. In the cases of workers already transferred away from home the facilities of the scheme will continue to be provided for those whose employment away from home is still essential in the national interest and will otherwise he withdrawn after due notice has been given to the workers concerned.

III.— New voluntary temporary transfer scheme

The scheme is supplementary to the normal arrangements for assisting workers to obtain suitable employment. It is designed to meet the needs of workers in certain places where developments are planned which will, in due course, provide new employment, but where meanwhile considerable numbers of workers cannot be placed in work locally. The aim is to alleviate this special temporary situation by enabling such workers to accept temporary transfer to work in other areas pending the development of employment in their home areas. They will be able to record their names on a special Register in their home areas so that their absence from home will not result in the loss of opportunity of local employment and they will be eligible for submission for any suitable vacancies there in the same way as if they had remained unemployed at home.

Assistance available under the scheme will include, inter alia , free fares, a settling-in grant of 24s. 6d. and, for workers with dependants, a lodging allowance of 24s. 6d. per week.

DEMOBILISATION

Students (Class B Release)

asked the Minister of Labour whether, in view of the long term needs of agriculture, he will consider allowing universities to make application for the release from the Armed Forces of a limited number of students taking the ordinary B.Sc. agriculture degree.

I hope to make a statement about Class B releases of students at a very early date.

Provisional Proģramme, July-September

asked the Minister of Labour if he is now in a position to announce a further programme of releases from the Forces beyond June next.

With my hon. Friend's permission, I will circulate a statement in the OFFICIAL REPORT. Under the provisional programme the estimated num- ber of men and women to be released and discharged in the third quarter of this year will be 532,400 bringing the cumulative total since 18th June, 1945, up to 3,988,000. I am asked by the Service Ministers to make it clear that although as far as possible men and women will be released in accordance with this provisional programme, compulsory deferment of release of a number of individuals will continue to be necessary, and, as in the past, there will be some inequality in the rate of release for certain branches, categories and trades of the Royal Navy and Royal Air Force.

RELEASES AND DISCHARGES FROM THE FORCES

Provisional Programme —July to September, 1946.

PERIOD.

MEN.

WOMEN

Age and Service Groups(Class A releases).

Estimated Number of Releases and Discharges.

Age and Service Groups(Class A releases).

Estimated Number of Releases and Discharges

Can my right hon. Friend say what is the highest group reached in his programme in all three Services?

It is all set out in the statement which I am circulating. I will be obliged if my hon. Friend will refer to that.

Will my right hon. Friend tell us up to what period he is referring in his answer?

Up to the end of September.

Following is the statement:

NURSING SERVICES.

Period

NAVY

ARMY.

R.A.F

Age and Service Groups(Class A Releases)

Estimated Number of Releases and Discharges.

Nursing Officers

V.A.D.s.

Age and Service Groups (Class A)

Estimated Number of Releases and Discharges

Age and Service Groups (Class A)

Estimated Number of Releases and Discharges

(Average)

R.A.F estimate not yet completed. It will be issued by the Air Ministry as soon as possible.

Nursing Sisters and V.A.D. Officers

V.A.D.s

1946.

July

46

52 and 53

145

Pt. 43

108

50

90

August

47

54

145

Pt. 43-Pt. 44

95

51

70

September

48

55

145

Remainder 44

102

Pt. 52

50

46–48

52–55

435

43 and 44

305

50-Pt. 52

210

MILITARY SERVICE

Volunteers (Choice of Service)

asked the Minister of Labour if he is prepared to make arrangements to enable men who volunteer prior to being called up for National Service to elect which of the Services they shall join.

Any man who is accepted as a volunteer by the Armed Forces before being called up under the National Service Acts ceases to be subject to the provisions of those Acts, and I assume that he will have joined the Service of his choice. Men who are called up under the National Service Acts who expressed a preference for a particular Service at the time of registration are posted to that Service whenever it is practicable.

In view of that answer, will the right hon. Gentleman make it perfectly clear that all men are entitled to volunteer for any Service prior to the date of being called up?

I do not know if anything further than this Question and answer will be necessary, but that is the fact: a man can volunteer, and obviously, if he volunteers, he volunteers for the unit of his choice.

Will the right hon. Gentleman say if that is the absolute case now as I understood from the Minister of War that a man was not allowed to volunteer for compulsory short service now?

I was not speaking about that. The Question deals only with the choice of unit.

Dairymen

asked the Minister of Labour whether he will now include dairymen in the category farm workers entitled to deferment.

Cowmen employed on farms are not at present called up and dairymen are eligible to be considered for individual deferment I can see no justification for going beyond this.

RUSSIA (BRITISH EMPIRE WAR ASSISTANCE)

asked the Prime Minister if he will publish a comprehensive statement giving a list of the weapons and materials, together with their costs, that were supplied in aid to the U.S.S.R. by the British Empire, between 1st October, 1941, and the termination of hostilities in Europe.

Yes, Sir. I am circulating a full statement in the OFFICIAL REPORT. The House may like to have the following summary of this. In the period from 1st October, 1941, to 31st March, 1946, we supplied to the Soviet Union 5,218 tanks, of which 1,388 were from Canada. We supplied 7,411 aircraft, including 3,129 aircraft sent from the United States of America. As previously explained on the 10th May, 1944, the aircraft from the United States of America were sent on United States Lend Lease to the Soviet Union as part of the British commitment to the U.S.S.R. in exchange for the supply of British aircraft to United States Forces in the European Theatre. The total value of military supplies despatched amounts to approximately £308 million. We have also sent about £120 million of raw materials, foodstuffs, machinery, industrial plant, medical supplies and hospital equipment.

We are very glad to have been able to give this assistance to our Soviet Allies and to have helped to equip and sustain them in their bitter struggle against the common enemy.

Can the Prime Minister say whether the Soviet public have been informed by the Soviet Press and radio of this substantial contribution to the Allied victory over Germany in the East?

Full publicity was given to the reply which was given by the right hon. Member for Woodford (Mr. Churchill) on 10th May, 1944 Of course, this is essentially a matter for the Soviet authorities, but I should hope that full information will be given.

Will my right hon. Friend arrange for this information to be put over the B.B.C. by the regular Russian broadcasts which are now being made so as to enable our Russian Allies to develop a proper perspective in judging the relative merits in contributions of those who brought about our united victory?

I would like to consider that suggestion, which seems to me to be a good one.

May I ask whether it is possible for a comprehensive statement to be given in detail of the shipping losses from the Arctic convoys?

I should like to look into that, to see whether it can be given. There were actually 41 outward convoys to Russia during the war.

Could the Prime Minister say how many British lives were lost in convoying or transporting this great equipment?

May I ask what is the value of war materials and other equipment which we received from Russia during the same period?

With a view to getting the matter in perspective, could the Prime Minister state the number of Russian lives which were lost in the using of that equipment?

The hon. Member is now asking me to give a short account of the late war.

Following is the statement:

The following list shows the approximate quantities of the main items of military and civil supplies despatched in aid to the U.S.S.R. from 1st October, 1941, to 31st March, 1946. The value of munitions sent during this period is approximately £308 million. The value of raw materials, foodstuffs, machinery, industrial plant, medical supplies and hospital equipment is approximately £120 million. These figures exclude sea freight costs. They also take no account of the very considerable aid provided by the Royal Navy in the form of convoy escorts.

The cost of the battleship, destroyers and submarines listed below has not been included in the figure of £308 million. These ships were the subject of a special arrangement, as stated in the right hon. Member for Woodford's reply to a question in the House on 5th June, 1945.

It has not proved practicable to relate the lists of supplies to the period ended the 8th May, 1945. To do so would moreover render the picture of our war time aid to the U.S.S.R. incomplete in that a proportion of supplies, military and civil, which we contracted to send under the wartime arrangements continued to come forward for shipment after the 8th May. The lists have therefore been compiled to include all shipments of supplies provided under wartime commitments up to the end of the quarter just concluded. The shipment of military supplies virtually came to an end with the termination of hostilities, and the terms of the Military Supplies Agreement, under which military supplies had been provided during wartime on a Lend-Lease basis, ceased to apply on 8th November, 1945, six months after the termination of hostilities in Europe. Civil supplies have been provided under the terms of the Civil Supplies Agreement, whereby the Soviet Government paid 40 per cent. of the value in gold or dollars and the remaining 6o per cent. out of a credit from His Majesty's Government.

The figures given relate to what was despatched. In the period covered by the earlier statement incessant attacks by enemy submarines, warships and aircraft, especially on the route followed by the Northern Convoys, took toll of shipments to the extent of some 15 per cent. After 1st April, 1944, in consequence of our growing mastery over the enemy, losses were fortunately negligible. The hazards faced by the Royal Navy and by our merchant ships neverthless continued, and the fortitude and endurance of all concerned is a matter for high praise and gratitude.

SUPPLIES TO THE U.S.S.R. DESPATCHED BETWEEN 1ST OCTOBER, 1941, AND THE 31ST MARCH, 1946.

1. MILITARY SUPPLIES.

(a) War Office Supplies

Tanks : 5,218, of which 1,388 were supplied by Canada. All tanks were shipped with ammunition.

Vehicles (includes lorries and ambulances): 4,020.

Machinery Lorries: 323.

Bren Carriers and Carriers Starting and Charging:

1,212 to which should be added 1,348 from Canada.

Motor Cycles: 1,721.

Tank and Bren Carrier Spares and Maintenance Equipment: 20,145 tons.

Other vehicle spares and Maintenance Equipment: 4,090 tons.

Weapons 1,000 P.I.A.T. 103 Thompson sub-machine guns. 636 2-pdr. anti-tank guns. 96 6-pdr. anti-tank guns. 3,200 Boys anti-tank rifles. 2,487 Bren guns. 5 81 7.92 mm. Besa guns.

Ammunition: 100,000 rounds P.I.A.T. 20,786,000 rounds 45-in. sub-machine gun. 2,807,000 rounds 2-pdr. anti-tank gun. 776,000 rounds 6-pdr. anti-tank gun. 1,761,000 rounds 55 in. Boys anti-tank rifle. 89,332,000 rounds 303-in. rifle. 53,411,000 rounds 7.92 mm. Besa. 1,163,000 2-in. Mortar (H.E. and smoke). 162,000 3-in. Mortar (H.E. and smoke). 303,000 Smoke Generators. 2,204,000 Signal Cartridges 159,000 Clams.

Electronic Equipment. Radar sets: 1,474. Radio sets (including suitcase sets):4,338. Valves: 42,850. Radio test equipment about 850 items. Charging and Generating Sets: 160.

Telephone Equipment: Telephone Cable: 30,227 miles. Telephones: 2,000. Switchboards, 10 line: 400. Switchboards, 40 line: 60.

Miscellaneous: Exploder Cable: 1,070 miles. Camouflage netting: 3,013,000 metres. Camouflage face veils: 1,199,500. Surveying and Meteorological equipment: 925 Items. Specialloid pistons: 159,000. Tyres: 72,000.

( b ) Admiralty Supplies Ships 1Battleship. 9 Destroyers. 4 Submarines. 5 Motor mine-sweepers. 9 Mine-sweeping trawlers.

Asdics: 293 sets.

Radar: 329 sets.

Submarine batteries complete: 41.

Guns 56 130 mm guns complete 2 6" guns complete. 36 4" guns complete with 16 spare barrels. 22 12 pdr, guns complete with 12 spare barrels. 162 20 mm. guns complete with 54 spare barrels. 384/" Vickers complete with 52 spare barrels. 240/" Colt Browning complete with 120 spare barrels. 210 30" Martin. 36 sets 2" Rocket Projectors. 16 sets A.A.D. Type L Projectors and ammunition 530 Various Gun Mountings

Underwater Weapons— 3,206 Mines. 318 Paravanes. 6,800 Depth Charges. 2,304 Hedgehog Projectiles. 361 Torpedoes.

Ammunition— 2,000 Rounds 15" 2,400 Rounds 6". 13,600 Rounds 4/', 4/", 4,3". 31,000 Rounds 12 pdr. 93,000 Rounds pdr. 882,000 Rounds 20 mm. 5,792,000 Rounds 5 Vickers. 1,399.500 Rounds.5 Colt Browning 26,00o Rounds 455" 359,500 Rounds 303" 889,000 Rounds 30". 4,000 Rounds 2" Rockets

Pyrotechnics, etc. — 8,273 Flares, Grenades, Rockets, Signal and Identification Cartridges. 5 124 Generators and Smoke and Lachrymatory Candles. 67 Sets of Fire and Grenade Throwing Equipment complete.

( c)Air Mtmstry Supplies— Aircraft: 7,411, including 3,129 sent direct from the U.S.A. on British account. Aircraft Engines: 976. M.T. Vehicles:L 724. Aircraft Engine and M.T. Spares to the value of£1,15,981,000 including £8,806,000 sent direct from the U.S.A. on British account. Equipment for aircraft to the value of£1,734,000. Petrol, Oil and other Product, 14,146 tons. Ammunition. 162,000 000 rounds 303-in., including 13,000,000 rounds from U.S.A. on British account. 66,450,000 rounds. 30-in., including 58,450,000 rounds from U.S.A. on British account. 24,000,000 rounds 50-in., including 17,000,000 rounds from U.S.A. on British account. 17,500,000 rounds 20 mm

2. RAW MATERIALS, FOODSTUFFS, MACHINERY AND INDUSTRIAL PLANT

GRAND TOTAL OF CIVIL STORES MADE AVAILABLE BY THE UNITED KINGDOM FROM ALL SOURCES: £111,626,000

( a ) Raw Material .,.—The greater part of these supplies have been bought from Empire sources. The following are the more important of the items we have sent:

30,00o tons of aluminium from Canada (£3,038,000)

2,000 tons of aluminium from United Kingdom (£720,000).

27,000 tons of copper from Canada (£1,431,000).

13,000 tons of copper from United Kingdom(£773,000).

£1,424,000 worth of industrial diamonds, mainly from African production

100,435 tons of jute from India (£4,975,000).

114,359 tons of rubber from Ceylon and from the Far East (£15,574,000).

9,050 tons of sisal from British East Africa(£239,000).

3,300 tons of graphite from Ceylon (£160,000).

28,050 tons of tin from Malaya and United Kingdom (£ 7,774,000).

29,610 tons of wool from Australia and New Zealand (£5,521,000).

TOTAL VALUE of these and other raw materials: £47,841,000.

( b ) Foodstuffs .—These include tea from Ceylon and India, cocoa beans, palm oil and palm kernels from West Africa; groundnuts from India, cocoanut oil from Ceylon; pepper and spices from India, Ceylon and British West Indies.

TOTAL VALUE of all foodstuffs supplied: £8,210,000.

( c ) Machine Tools, Industrial Plant and Machinery .—These form the principal direct contribution to civil supplies for the U.S.S.R. from United Kingdom production The following are the major items which have been provided since 1st October, 1941: —

Machine Tools: £13,081,000

Power Plant: £12,264.000.

Electrical Equipment: £9,091,000.

Various types of machinery: £4,691,000

(e g. telephone equipment, food processing plant, textile machinery, port and salvage equipment).

Miscellaneous industrial equipment: £3,201,000.

TOTAL VALUE of ( c ), including certain minor items: £43,616,000.

3. MEDICAL SUPPLIES AND COMFORTS, AND HOSPITAL EQUIPMENT.

The public have contributed a large proportion of th funds for these supplies. Since October, 1941, £5,260,000 have been spent through charitable organisations on surgical and medical items and clothing. In addition, His Majesty's Government have made a grant of £2,500,000 for clothing, nearly all of which has been spent.

MIDDLE EAST (DEFINITION)

asked the Prime Minister whether it is the intention to continue to use the term "Middle East" to cover those geographical areas which, in the past, have been referred to as "Near East" and "Middle East."

It has become the accepted practice to use the term "Middle East" to cover the Arab world and certain neighbouring countries. The practice seems to me convenient and I see no reason to change it.

Would the right hon. Gentleman agree that we might get rid of this confusion once and for all if we used geographically correct terms such as "South East Europe" and "South West Asia "?

That seems rather a large, omnibus definition, because ii would also include a hit of North East Africa.

If Egypt is to be called the "Middle East," where is the "Near East" now? As Egypt and other Eastern Mediterranean countries were called the "Near East" before the war, would the Prime Minister consider—I do not ask him to answer now—whether, in the interests of geographical decorum, he could not apply the term "Near and Middle East" to the commands, committees, and other organisations which cover both Egypt and countries further East?

The vital point was that put in the first part of the hon. Member's supplementary question. It all depends where you are in the world.

GERMANY

Aģriculture

asked the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster what is to be the agricultural policy in the British zone in Germany.

The policy is to produce as much food as possible for direct human consumption. Shortage of seed, fertilisers and agricultural equipment are serious handicaps but the programme includes the ploughing up of 650,000 acres of grassland, the reduction of livestock, the prohibition of luxury crops and the use of town gardens for growing potatoes and other vegetables.

Does not the Minister consider that this policy might be furthered by the socialisation of this land?

Will the Minister bear in mind that it is necessary to retain a measure of industrialisation in Germany if there is to be a balanced economy in our zone?

Is the Minister satisfied that there is sufficient seed in Germany for the amount of land already ploughed up?

I could not give an affirmative answer to that, but the fact is that the land is being ploughed up in the hope that as much seed as possible will be coming forward. We cannot guarantee the necessary amount.

Shipyards (Operations)

asked the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster how many major shipyards in Germany were in production in April, 1945; and how many are working at the present moment.

Seven major shipyards were in production in April, 1945, six are working at present; they are used exclusively for meeting essential allied requirements.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the retention of German shipbuilding power means the retention of German sea power? I trust he will keep this fact in mind.

That is already covered in the Potsdam Agreement, but it should be appreciated that if the vessels and other equipment that are to be allocated for reparation, if for nothing else, are to be put in the necessary order, it is necessary that we should retain the use of equipment at the shipbuilding yards and not destroy it before we have met the reparation allocations.

NATIONAL FINANCE

Food Subsidies

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether the index of 69 for food over the level of July, 1914, takes account of the subsidy of £335,000,000.

Would it not be better in the national interest to reduce the gap betwen production and consumption prices so that the consumer might be—

The hon. Member seems to be indulging in argument and not in a supplementary question arising out of Question 49.

I am asking the Chancellor to reduce the gap between consumption and production so that the consumer may be aware of the very grave food situation, aggravated by the policy of this Government.

What the hon. Gentleman is asking me to do is to put up the cost of living, and that is not going to happen.

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what part of the sum of £158,000,000 representing cost of maintaining home-grown food prices at their present level, is accounted for by administrative charges; if these charges include the administrative costs of the Ministry of Food; what these costs amount to and what commodities are covered by them.

About£4million, or less than 3 per cent. of the subsidy, is attributable to the administrative charges on home produced food. The commodities covered are shown in the estimate.

Does the right hon. Gentleman's answer mean what I asked, namely, that that £4 million to which he refers represents the cost to the Ministry of Food?

No, Sir, what I have given is the administrative cost of the subsidy on home produced food.

Messrs. Simmonds Aerocessories, Limited (Profits)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether his attention has been drawn to the statement in the Second Report from the Committee of Public Accounts that Messrs. Simmonds Aerooessories, Limited, and Messrs. Simmonds Aerocessories (Western), Limited, made an average profit for the years 1939, 1940 and 1941 of more than 70 per cent. on the capital employed; and what steps he proposes to take in the matter.

Will the Chancellor of the Exchequer agree that the Treasury ultimately get most of these profits through the Excess Profits Tax?

The report of the Public Accounts Committee showed that these profits were far in excess of any rate considered to be appropriate in Government contracts. At the same time, there was no contractual right to regulate profits secured in this case by the Ministry of Aircraft Production.

I was not Minister of Aircraft Production. Any adjustment other than a voluntary refund by the firms concerned, which the Treasury will be very glad to accept, will require retrospective legislation.

I do not think the Chancellor quite answered the question. Could he tell us how much of this profit came back to the Treasury through E.P.T.?

Not necessarily at all, but I think the right hon. Gentleman knows the law well enough not to make it necessary for me to answer at greater length.

Is it not a fact that in a previous similar case, the Committee of Public Accounts stated as a reasoned view that taxation does not compensate for this form of profiteering?

Is not the Chancellor aware that in subsequent years this firm suffered very heavy losses?

That is not the Question on the Order Paper. I have endeavoured to answer the Question, I hope. It is difficult to pursue the matter at greater length now.

Women's Land Army (Income Tax)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer why members of the W.L.A., living at home and paying their parents for their keep, have to pay Income Tax on the amount so paid, whereas others, living in billets, are not liable for Income Tax in respect of their cost; and whether he will Lake steps to exempt girls living at home from liability to Income Tax in respect of the amount they pay for their keep.

No, Sir. A member of the Women's Land Army cannot, any more than any other taxpayer, be allowed a deduction from Income Tax on ordinary living expenses paid for out of income

Would not the Chancellor agree that where two girls are doing the same work on the same farm they might expect the same remuneration?

I have taken steps, having the Women's Land Army particularly in mind, to reduce Income Tax, so that most of these girls will pay nothing when my proposals come into operation.

Dutch Forces, Britain

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what has been the cost of rnamtaining, training and equipping Dutch forces in Britain since August, 1945; and who will bear the cost.

This information will take a little time to collect. Perhaps the hon. Member will repeat the question after Easter.

Patent Riģhts Claim

asked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury if he will make a statement regarding the patent rights claim of Mr. Buchanan Reith.

I understand that the Admiralty, the Department concerned, are in correspondence with the claimant's solicitors.

Seeing that the First Lord—[HON. MEMBERS: "Speak up.''] — declined to receive representations on behalf of Mr. Reith, contrary to the appropriate Section of the Patents and Designs Act, will the right hon. Gentleman convey to the First Lord the need for him to take some steps in the matter?

BRITISH MUSEUM (ADVISORY COMMITTEE)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, in view of the national importance of the Natural History Museum as an instrument of public entertainment and instruction, a treasure-house of valuable collections and a centre of scientific research, consideration is being given to ' the installation of an advisory committee large enough to cover the varied technical matters which confront the British Museum trustees in connection with the postwar reconditioning and reconstruction of this museum.

Yes, Sir. The Trustees of the British Museum are considering the representations which have been made to them on this subject.

BRETTON WOODS PLAN

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he has approached the International Monetary Fund to obtain an interpretative declaration of the phrase, fundamental disequilibrium, in the Bretton Woods Plan; and what answer he has received.

This matter has been referred to the Executive Directors of the Fund, who are meeting to consider it next month.

CIVIL SERVANTS (APPROVED EMPLOYMENT, PENSION RIGHTS)

asked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury whether civil servants appointed to the boards of nationalised industries are to give up their Service pension rights.

I have been asked to reply. In the case in which this question has already arisen the officer concerned is to be treated as being in "approved employment" and will retain his existing pension rights.

HOUSING (SCOTLAND)

asked the Secretary of State for Scotland how many permanent and temporary houses, respectively, have been erected and occupied from 31st July, 1945, to date, in the burgh of Ayr.

Fifty temporary houses have been erected and occupied, and 30 others are in course of erection. In addition, 74 permanent houses are under construction.

In view of these figures, and also in view of the fact that there are 1,900 families waiting to be rehoused in Ayr, does the hon. Gentleman realise that it will take some 20 years before the people of Ayr are properly housed?

So far as Ayr is concerned, we are making not unreasonable progress, and when one compares it with the progress made by past Governments which had not the same difficulties, it is not the worst record we could have.

asked the Secretary of State for Scotland how many new houses have been completed in the Ayr district of Burghs between 31st July, 1945, and 31st January, 1946.

Twenty-four temporary houses were completed during the period in question and 26 more since 31st January, 1946. In addition, 228 permanent houses are under construction, and 96 more are in approved contracts.

FOOD EXPORTS (GOVERNMENT POLICY)

The Government have recently been reviewing the question of export policy with regard to processed foods. During the war, a small volume of exports of certain foods was maintained, principally to meet programmes submitted by Colonial and other Empire Governments where this country was the normal or most convenient source of supply. It had been hoped that it would be possible, after the termination of hostilities, to allow exports of small but increasing quantities of the more freely available foods, and token quantities even of foods still in restricted supply, such as those containing appreciable quantities of flour, fats and sugar, so that the food industries could begin to play a part in the general expansion of exports, as well as to enable exporting firms to begin to regain a footing in markets which had been lost during the war. Some steps in this direction were in fact taken. With easier shipping conditions, and a reduction of Services demands, exports of certain foods especially to the Colonies began to increase. In December of last year arrangements were put in hand for a strictly limited increase in exports of other foods, such as chocolates, biscuits and soft drinks.

With the deterioration of the world food situation, however, the Government have been obliged to review this policy. It has been decided that, until further notice, export licences will not be issued in respect of a list of processed foods containing more than an insignificant quantity of ingredients which are in short supply. An exception, however, will be made in the case of the approved programmes of exports to Colonies and other Empire countries to which I have already referred and to certain Middle East countries. Requirements of this kind will continue to be met if supported by the Governments concerned, to the extent that the current supply position permits. Experts of certain foods which can be spared for relief purposes will also continue. It is, of course, impossible to stop supplies which are already in transit and a small trickle of exports will continue for a time under export licences already issued. The Government will continue to permit exports in the case of a group of foods where it is clear that exports cannot adversely affect the food situation. This will apply to foods which are in ample supply, such as yeast extracts and various types of cured herrings, and also to such products as mustard, spices, cocoa powder, unsweetened fruit juices, flavouring essences, chicory and coffee, which either have little food value or do not contain significant quantities of scarce materials. It will also include whisky and gin, for the production of which no cereals are now being issued. The export of certain quantities of staple foods, which are subject to Combined Food Board allocation will also continue in cases where the United Kingdom is nominated as a supplier. Export licences will continue to be required for all foodstuffs except for a few non-essentials, and the flow of exports still permitted under the policy I have described will be con- stantly watched. Exports of particular foodstuffs will be restricted or encouraged in the light of prevailing conditions.

The Government regret the necessity for the revision of policy. The immediate loss of trade will probably not exceed one half of one per cent. of the value of all exports in 1946. Nevertheless the recovery of prewar export markets in certain valuable processed foodstuffs will be delayed Moreover, the decision will cause disappointment and inconvenience not only to the manufacturers arid exporters concerned, whose arrangements to resume exports had in some cases reached an advanced stage, but also to importers overseas who had been hoping for a renewal of their customary trade with this country. In special cases, arrangements may be made to enable exporters to meet firm commitments, so far as may be practicable without prejudicing the general policy. But no further commitments for food exports should be entered into, unless they fall within the categories of permissible exports to which I have referred. A statement setting out the particulars of the revised policy in more detail is being issued to trade associations. The Government warn consumers not to expect any perceptible increase in the supplies of processed foods available in shops, as a result of the curtailment of exports. The quantities to be diverted from export are quite insignificant in relation to home consumption.

Could the right hon. Gentleman say, epitomising his statement, whether we are going to get more or get less?

I am afraid the potential recipients are going to get less, and we are going to get less in the form of the amounts of money that will accrue to this country.

In view of the length of the statement, could it not have been rendered down and clarified?

Is the Minister aware that, in Cornwall, pilchards, which could be processed and exported, are being thrown back into the sea because buyers are un-willing to pay 2s. a stone for them?

In view of the repeated Government statements that they knew many months ago how serious the food position was, why was not this action taken earlier, thus avoiding the necessity of importers and exporters going on with arrangements which now have to be cancelled?

I agreed to small amounts of commodities—sugar, oils, fats, flour—in December last when everything was more promising—[HON. MEMBERS: "Oh, oh "]—yes, in December—being used to start a trickle of exports. From then, the whole thing had to be started and markets opened up and licences issued on firm markets. It is in the light of the present situation that I have had to say that I cannot any longer permit, for export, things that are in short supply in this country, with this difference, that where during the war we maintained our Colonies as well as we could, that we shall continue to do.

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman how is it possible to reconcile the statement he has made now, that everything in December looked promising, with the speech he made not so long ago trying to prove that, as far back as last October, he knew it was disastrous?

It was promising in the sense that—I speak from memory—there were 8,000 tons of sugar available for this purpose, and the oils and fats position was not nearly what it is today. In fact, we had good stocks, but we had not had the monsoon in India, which resulted in the United Kingdom losing 97,000 tons of groundnuts, and it was in the light of that fact that we had to change over.

Is the Minister aware that there is nothing in the present situation to warrant cutting down the export of canned herrings from this country; and is he also aware that the policy of the Government in cutting down the production of whisky is short sighted in the highest degree because it is the best dollar-earner?

The obvious answer to that is that we have to choose between feeding the people and making whisky. I have taken the liberty of saying to the distillers that I cannot issue any more barley for distilling while the position is what it is.

Is the Minister aware that the principal cereal product of Scotland is oats, and that the exportation of oats to Scotsmen all over the world is a necessity for the maintenance of their character and individuality? Is the Minister also aware that the stopping of the export of porage and Scottish oats will cause great disappointment to Scottish millers, who have looked upon the American and other markets as very valuable indeed?

BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE

May I ask a Question on Business in order that we may know how to act on the Estimates today? Is it intended to take the Herring Industry (Amendment) Order tonight; and, if so, at what hour?

That will follow the Estimates.

With regard to the Motion on the Herring Industry (Amending) Scheme, that is exempted Business.

BILL PRESENTED

RAILWAYS (VALUATION FOR RATING)BILL,

" to amend the Railways (Valuation for Rating) Act, 1930," presented by Mr. Bevan; supported by Mr. Westwood, Mr. Barnes and Mr. Key; to be read a Second time upon Tuesday, 30th April, and to be printed. [Bill 108.]

BUSINESS OF THE HOUSE

Proceedings on Consideration of Lords Amendments to the Housing (Financial and Miscellaneous Provisions) Bill exempted, at this day's Sitting, from the provisions of the Standing Order (Sittings of the House).—[ Mr. Whiteley .]

SUPPLY

AIR ESTIMATES, 1946

Order for Committee read.

Motion made, and Question proposed, '' That Mr. Speaker do now leave the Chair."—[ Mr. Whiteley .]

3.48 p.m.

I beg to move, to leave out from "That" to the end of the Question, and to add instead thereof: This House deplores the continued failure of His Majesty's Government to specify the period for which men are now being called up for the Royal Air Force, thus causing needless uncertainty and difficulty to both employers and employees and also to young men on the threshold of their careers, and urges upon His Majesty's Government the need for making an immediate statement of policy. I feel that it is such a long time now since I had the honour of trying to catch your eye, Mr. Speaker, that I should ask for the indulgence which the House usually affords to those hon. Members who are addressing it for the first time, but my political life has followed a course which has made it, up to now, inappropriate for me to take part in these Debates. Those days are now over, and I am happy indeed, through the fortune of the Ballot, to be able to move this Amendment on the Air Estimates.

I have no personal experience of the Air Force, but as a member of a sister Service, I have always admired the work and exploits of that great Service in all its fields of operations. Today I am dealing with the calling up of young men into the Air Force arid the other Services. I believe that we are discussing this afternoon the most important age group in the country, that between 18 and 21, or 22. Young people in the late 'teens and the early twenties appear to me to demand the greatest possible attention from all hon. Members of this House and from the Government. Each year, according to my research, I understand that there are, approximately, 300,000 people who reach the age of 18. No doubt the Air Force will be responsible for the future careers of a goodly proportion of that number. However small or great that proportion may be, I am certain that the Under-Secretary will agree that their well being should be carefully considered.

It is eight months since hostilities against Japan ended in victory for the Allies. Yet the Government still keep the nation waiting to hear for what period of service men are now to be called up in the Armed Forces. I believe that in moving this Amendment in the terms which I have read to the House, I am expressing the anxiety of hon. Members in all parts of the House and that of hundreds of thousands of parents, of wives, of industry as a whole, of universities, and, indeed, of the young men concerned. The whole nation is waiting on a Government whose Election pledge was that the affairs of the nation would be planned. We in this House, and the nation as a whole, are entitled to know what those plans are, and to know quickly in regard to this particular Service. If I might digress for a moment, I would say that there is very often misrepresentation in regard to the word "planning." It appears to be suggested that right hon. Gentlemen opposite are the only architects of "planning" and that hon. and right hon. Members on this side of the House do not want to plan anything. That is very far from the truth. The view which hon. Members on this side of the House take is that we do not want to plan for planning's sake but we do want to plan when it is necessary. If there is one problem today which requires urgent and immediate planning, it is the problem of our young men. Since the present Government came into office there have been interesting discussions in this House both as regards the older members of the community—on the question of old age pensions, and so on—and as regards the younger section. The country is engaged in putting into operation the great Education Act which was sponsored by my right hon. Friend the Member for Saffron Walden (Mr. R. A. Butler). That is a very important Act for the young people of this country; yet we. have this age group of the 18's to 20'S being left, literally and completely, in the air as to their future.

I would refer for my argument to a statement made by the Prime Minister during the Debate of 4th March, because the right hon. Gentleman's attitude, I think, is not reassuring. During that Debate he used the following words: The reason why we cannot come to a decision vet is that it all depends on so many uncertain, indeed, unknown, factors."— [OFFICIAL REPORT. 4th March, 1946; Vol. 420, c. [...]6.] Six weeks have gone by and yesterday, in answer to a Question by my right hon. Friend the Member for Horsham (Earl Winterton), in regard to the voluntary service scheme, the Prime Minister said: We have to consider the length of term in relation to the general scheme of voluntary service I am not prepared to make a statement at once. —[OFFICIAL REPORT, 15th April, 1946; Vol. 124, c. 2366.] I hope to come back to that point before I sit down, but, in my view, those statements by the head of the Government are just not good enough. If we are to take the words of the Prime Minister literally, then, I believe, we should have to wait for Armageddon itself, before we could solve the problem of conditions of service for our young men. It is also true that the longer the delay in making decisions, the greater and more widespread becomes the resulting chaos in our national life.

May we examine for a short time this afternoon the position of the men who are now being called up, and who are actually joining the Royal Air Force? As long as the war was in progress, and we were fighting a common enemy, there was no question in the minds of the personnel of the Air Force, or, indeed, of the other Services, about the length of their engagement. When we were engaged in a life and death struggle, and when the fate of civilisation itself depended upon our efforts and those of our Allies, the only thought of the personnel of the Royal Air Force was how soon they could get into action against the common enemy. Those days have passed. After six bitter years of war we are now a free people once more, made so by the efforts of ourselves and our Allies. We have now a new series of problems to solve, and in solving them I think it will be agreed that the first and most important thing to do, is to re-equip our Services, and the Air Force in particular, with fresh men in order that they may relieve those who have borne the brunt of the struggle. But in doing that there are other weighty considerations to be borne in mind.

The country is trying to effect a change from war conditions to those of peace. It is true to say that service in the Royal Air Force must be fitted into the general plan for peacetime employment, but so long as there is no indication of the period of national service, it is impossible for our young men to plan their futures. It is the duty of the Government of the day to make it possible for these young men to plan their futures. Many hon. Members were in this age group at the end of the first world war. If we cast our minds back, we must remember the difficulty and the anguish of mind which many of us experienced when we had to make up our minds which direction our lives should follow. We had not at that time however this overriding difficulty of not knowing what the country wanted and expected of us in the most critical years immediately following that war. Many of my hon. Friends in that age group at that time arranged very different kinds of lives for themselves, but all will agree that that difficult time would have been made a thousands times more difficult, if they had not known w hat were the Government's plans.

I wish to say a few words on the question of national service. Yesterday the Financial Secretary to the War Office, talking of this subject in the Debate on the Army Estimates, implied that much as he disliked it, he accepted the necessity for compulsory service at present. That was the first time we heard such a statement made from the Government benches. I believe that statement reflects opinion throughout the country, and that people expect compulsory service to apply from the age of 18. Therefore, the real problem is to decide the exact period of that service. I would like to give a few examples, from different sections of the age group of 18, of what is happening today. Let me refer first to apprentices in industry. I believe it is of the greatest importance that the system of apprenticeship should be encouraged by all of us. Yet those who, today, are undergoing apprenticeship do not know when they will be able to practise their trades. In many trades, depending on the age at which apprenticeship commences, apprenticeship will not be completed at the date of call-up. I ask the Under-Secretary to consider very carefully the problem of apprentices, and to say whether it is possible within the Air Force, which is a very technical Service, to help forward those people who are apprentices in certain industries, while they are in the Service, so that they can benefit during their period of service and prepare for their return to civil life. I throw that out as an idea. I know the difficulties in connection with this proposal, but I believe it is worth examining.

I turn to a different section of the community, in dealing with education. I will not say much in this regard because my right hon. Friend the Member for Saffron Walden is present and he is an expert in this matter. In general terms, for students at present the uncertainty is complete. They do not even know if they will be called up, and if they are called up they do not know the terms of service. That is a most unsatisfactory state of affairs. Let me turn from the question of students to that of the universities. It is impossible for them to make provision for their intake, and to organise their teaching staffs, when they do not know the conditions governing young men today. understand that the Government have given to the universities an assurance that before the new academic year in the autumn, a decision will be made on the question of the faculties in which postponement of compulsory service will be granted, but that does not clarify the position. The universities are still anxious about the way in which they should advance in the interests of the young people. I believe that this uncertainty is having a bad effect on many boys at school. If they knew where they were, they could work for university scholarships, whereas many of them are wondering if it is worth while doing so, and instead of working for scholarships are sitting back and, not doing as much work as they would do if they knew what the future held in store for them. School teachers have a very great problem in regard to the work which they have to do under the Education Act of 1945. This uncertainty as to the future must be a hindrance to them in the work of preparation for the raising of the school leaving age. I leave the field of education at that point, but I am certain that the Under-Secretary will agree there is much food for thought in that sphere of our national life.

In commerce and industry the same uncertainty exists. How can any firm be expected to offer a permanent career to a young man who will shortly be leaving it for an unspecified period of service in the Forces? It is impossible for industries to plan their future. Every good industry, it will be agreed, wants a representative of each age group among its ranks. We do not want one industry to consist entirely of old workers, because the day will come when they will be too old to work and conduct their business, and the industry will cease. Everyone who is planning industry on modern productive lines wants representatives of every age group so that the young men can come forward, the best of them can gain promotion, and the whole unit can go forward to greater efficiency and production of whatever the commodity may be. That is impossible until a decision is made on this question. This is a time when every ounce of effort is required to keep the wheels of production moving, both for export trade and our home consumption.

With those instances, I will leave the subject of the effects on our young people. I hope and expect that my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Macclesfield (Air-Commodore Harvey), who is seconding this Amendment, will carry on the story in regard to the effect that this uncertainty has within the Royal Air Force itself. I leave that side of the problem to him, because he is specially informed on these matters, and I know it will interest the House to hear his views as to the effect on various branches of the Service.

I pass to some of the reasons which have been given from time to time in amplification of and following on the statement of the Prime Minister on 4th March why a decision must be delayed. It is said: "We do not know our future commitments; we do not know the size of our contribution to the United Nations; we do not know what the atomic age has in store for us." Surely, it will be years before any solution will be found to those problems. Even when a solution, or partial solution, or partial answer is found to them, I am perfectly confident there will be many different points of view in regard to each and every one. It would be the height of folly to delay a decision on that account. There is one reason which I would like to argue more closely, because I believe the Government attach special importance to it, and it is my profound belief that they have got it the wrong way round. That is the statement that we do not know what will be the extent of voluntary enlistment. I believe that here the Government are putting the cart before the horse. I will try to explain, in as few words as I can, why I take that view. It was referred to in general terms during the Debate yesterday, but I do not think the point I want to try to bring forward for the study of the Under-Secretary was mentioned.

My belief is that if we settle a national service and get a foundation on which to work, we are much more likely to improve the voluntary recruitment. I believe so for this reason. Nobody knows yet the period of national service. If it is to be a year or 18 months, it is obvious to all who have had Service experience that that would be too short a period in which to ask men to go on foreign service, because they would not have had time to learn their job. It would be quite improper for any Government or any Service to send untrained men on foreign service. If that supposition is correct, it would be bound to follow—and in fact it does follow—that the regular Air Force would spend a very large proportion of their service overseas, and a large proportion of that overseas service would probably be East of Suez. I submit that that state of affairs is not conducive to getting a large number of volunteers. If, on the other hand, the decision is taken that the service required in the national interest is, say, two or two and a half years, then the Service would be able to plan accordingly; and the Air staff would be able to say there would be so long for recruit training in this country, that the recruits would go overseas for a period of further training, and then return to civilian life. Under that method, if it were known that that was the decision of the Government, we would get a large increase in volunteer recruitment for the regular Air Force. I ask the Under-Secretary to deal with this point in his reply, because I believe it is the crux of the whole question. I am under the impression—I may be wrong—that the Government are putting too much store on the opposite point of view, namely, wait-upon the result of a voluntary scheme, before they decide on the period of service.

In conclusion, on this important consideration for our young men, I ask the Government—and particularly the Air Ministry—not to treat this problem as one affecting the Air staff or any of the other great general staffs of our Services. It is natural that the Air staff should like a neat and tidy scheme, all dressed up, with all the problems solved. With all the problems we have to face, that is an improbability. A decision can come only from the Minister of Defence in consultation with his Cabinet colleagues. He should give a directive to the Service Ministries as to the result of those deliberations, and, having been given that directive, it should he the duty of the Service Departments to prepare a scheme in response to it. On many occasions during the past six months we have been told that this is the first time the Socialist Party has been responsible for our Government and has at the same time been in power. With power goes responsibility, I ask the Government to realise the extent of that responsibility in this very human problem affecting, as it does, the young men of Britain who are, we must agree, the most precious raw material in the world. My final words are these: Act now and take a decision quickly. Every day that goes by is making everything more difficult for all sections of the community. The whole country demands a speedy decision on this matter, and I think they are entitled to have it.

4.9 p.m.

I beg to second the Amendment

I am very pleased to see the Under-Secretary of State for Air back in his seat today, after his recent illness to reply on this very important subject. With respect, I would say that my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Richmond (Sir T. Dugdale) presented his case most ably and in a very fair manner. There is no doubt that the delay of the Government in announcing the terms of service is causing great distress throughout the whole country. I shall refer to points which affect the men who are in the Royal Air Force. The Service is steadily losing really good men who, in their heart of hearts, would like to stay in the Service and serve their country. The Halton apprentices—who, in my opinion, and I think in the opinions of other hon. Members, have been the backbone of the Royal Air Force—enter Halton at 15 years of age, and carry out an intensive course of training lasting some three years. The Halton apprentices proved during the war that they were the core of the maintenance side of the Service. These men also proved themselves in other directions. One apprentice became an Air Vice-Marshal at the age of 38, which I call good democracy. Nevertheless, these men are steadily drifting back into industry, because they do not understand or realise what is in store for them if they remain in the Service.

I will now refer to the question of N.C.Os. Many N.C.Os. have attained acting rank, some paid and some unpaid. Are these men to retain their rank in continuing their service? Perhaps the tinder-Secretary would give me an answer later to that question. The N.C.Os. see less prospect of being commissioned. Naturally the number of commissions will be less than it was during the war, but the Air Ministry should give some indication of the chances of N.C.Os. attaining commissioned rank. I hope the Air Ministry will have a really sound policy to ensure the future of the N.C.O. pilots, to whom I referred in the Debate on the Air Estimates who fought alongside commissioned officers in battle, and who proved themselves. We all know that the Royal Air Force is steadily becoming more technical. There are jet turbines, and aircraft are advancing in the kind of technical equipment they carry, such as radar. Therefore, we must have the best maintenance crews available to look after the aircraft and to ensure safety in flight. Unless we keep a big nucleus of men who were in the Service during the war it is going to take a great deal of time to achieve the necessary efficiency.

I consider that the warrant officers have had a very raw deal in the Service. The rank of warrant officer is a most unfortunate one. He carries great responsibility, and gets very little reward. His pension is minute He can give the major part of his adult life to the Service, at the end of which time he gets a pension of something in the region of 3os. a week, which is not enough. As an example, take a warrant officer in 1o39. The war came along and he eventually found himself serving as a wing-commander, in charge of the maintenance of aircraft on a large station.

I understand the hon. and gallant Member is referring to conditions inside the Service at the present moment. The Amendment, of course, only mentions the period for which men are now being called up, and asks for a statement of policy in that regard. It says that the failure to specify the period of the call-up is causing uncertainty and difficulty to employers and employees. The conditions of service inside the Royal Air Force are not under consideration, and they would be outside the scope of the Amendment.

With respect, Mr. Speaker, I was doing my best to show what effect the failure to give decisions in this matter is having on the men who perhaps desire to remain in the Service, making a Service career. My hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Richmond has already dealt with the points to which you referred. If I may make this point, I will do so as briefly as possible. Some of the young officers who are being demobilised are being offered permanent commissions. The Permanent Commissions Board has been sitting for over 12 months. A great number of officers have been accepted for permanent commissions, but those who are leaving the Service are told that if they return to civilian employment, and then find they would like to be given a permanent commission, they may still be accepted. Surely it is quite wrong from the point of view of the individual, and very unfair on the employer, that a man should return to civilian life for four to six months and then assume a Service career.

Likewise I think young men going into the Service want to know what is offered at the cadet college at Cranwell, when the cadet college is to be opened, but nothing has been said about the conditions of Service except that cadets will be drawn from the ranks. I ask the Air Ministry to make up their mind on this point. Every day it becomes more serious, and I believe that in delaying their decisions the Government are doing a great disservice to all concerned. The Chiefs of Staff want their plans tidied up, so that they can build up an efficient Service. By delay we shall go backwards.

4.16 p.m.

I am glad the opportunity has been given me to support, not the Amendment as it is worded, but some of the remarks made by the mover of the Amendment. There is, undoubtedly, a great deal of uncertainty and anxiety right through the ranks of our young men, who do not know what their future immediately is to be; and this uncertainty is spread throughout the field of secondary education. It is affecting the schools and the pupils in the schools, and I hope, therefore, the Government will be able to make a pronouncement in the near future. I rose mainly to make this further appeal to the Government. If there are to be any special categories at all as far as the provision of further training in the technical schools and colleges and the universities is concerned, I profoundly hope that the Government will not restrict those privileges and facilities merely to science students. There has been an overemphasis—necessarily an over-emphasis owing to the necessities of the war—on what might be broadly termed, and I say it without any taint of derogation at all, technical education, on the expansion of technical knowledge and technical skill. There is no doubt about that.

But now that we are in peace time, surely, it is essential that those pupils who have an aptitude for what is broadly termed the arts should have an equal opportunity of going to the universities with those who have an aptitude for scientific studies. Therefore, I make my plea to the Government not to exclude those pupils who have this broad general aptitude for the study of the arts. After all, we can narrow our education too much, and so not produce the volatile, quick nation we desire in the future. Too narrow specialisation, particularly at too early an age, and even at any age, is not good for the general wellbeing of the future of Britain. I make the special plea that, in any consideration given for facilities to enter the universities in the future, such facilities shall apply at least equally to all types of students—equally to art students and students of literary subjects, as to science students. I do not want to argue the case at any great length, but I would say in conclusion that if this nation relies merely on a narrow development of technical skill alone, it will not be able to face the great problems of the future. A broad, general, liberalising education is profoundly essential for the mass of our people and for the prosperity of our nation. I hope, therefore, that the Ministry, in considering the future of these young men, will not only make a speedy pronouncement, but will realise that a broad, general education is essential, not only for individuals, but for the health and wellbeing of Britain herself.

4.20 p.m.

There is no matter upon which the Government have needed more pressing than on this question of making up their mind about the length of service which they require from our young men, and I rise to support my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Richmond (Sir T. Dugdale) in the excellent initiative he has taken in introducing this subject this afternoon. His view is one to which we on this side of the House attach the utmost importance, and it is one which, I believe, all educationists—witness the speech of the hon. Member for Aberavon (Mr. Cove)—deliberately try to support in view of the great uncertainty which prevails. I, therefore, trust that, as a result of the short Debate on this Amendment before we come to the more general question of the Estimates, the Government will give us some satisfaction. If they cannot give us some satisfaction, and satisfaction to the mothers and fathers, to the universities and to the apprentices in industry, and to the whole generation of our young men, I think they will profoundly disappoint the country as a whole. If they cannot give an answer today I hope they will do so, before we rise for the Easter Recess.

The Government have been repeatedly pressed on this matter. They were pressed in the Debate on the Defence White Paper on 4th and 5th March. It is now over a month since that Debate. We hoped that after that Debate that they would come out with some statement. I trust, therefore, they will not leave this important matter any further. The Government usually say that the delay arises from two main considerations. The first is the need for defining our commitments, and the second would appear to be the need they appear to feel for defining the ratio of voluntary service as against compulsory service. Let me examine these two excuses of the Government for not coming to any decision on the matter. On the question of defining commitments, I should like to ask the Under-Secretary of State for Air, and through him the Prime Minister, what was the meaning of the Prime Minister's words in his speech on the Defence White Paper on 4th March. On 4th March the Prime Minister said as reported in column 44 of HANSARD of that date: I hope that the Armed Forces will be susceptible of further reduction, but I have a very full knowledge of what our obligations are The very full knowledge of what our obligations are is set out in the Defence White Paper in a detailed list of our commitments in various parts of the world. The Prime Minister appears to revise his opinion later, because in column 46 we find these words: As I have already shown, we cannot tell the extent of our commitments."—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 4th March, 1946; Vol. 420, c. 44 and 46.] What is the meaning of this volte face on the part of the Prime Minister in the course of ten minutes in one speech? Do the Government know or do they not know the extent of our commitments? If the Government cannot come to some idea of their commitments why should the Prime Minister make a statement of the sort I have quoted? The Government in this matter have acted in a most dilatory manner. They are unable to make up their minds, and it is high time they came to a conclusion and told us what are the reasons holding them up.

Now I come to the second excuse given by the Government—and one can understand the difficulties of reaching a decision —which is even less convincing than the first. This was dealt with in a fair manner by my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Richmond. The Government appear to want to test the value and possibilities of a scheme for volunteers as against the need for clearly defining the length of compulsory military service. In my view, my hon. and gallant Friend is profoundly right on this matter. We shall never get clarity about volunteering until we have some clarity about the length of compulsory service. In this matter, as in that of defining commitments, the Government are chasing their own tail. Therefore. I hope the Government will throw aside this excuse and tell us what, in fact, are the reasons why they have to hold up young men in the present uncertainty so many months after the end of the recent war, totally differently from what was done after the end of the previous war. Let us look at one or two statistics. We have been told in the course of these many Debates on demobilisation that the total forces—and I am coming to the Air portion in a few minutes—at the end of December, 1946, are to amount to some 1,200,000, of whom 100,000 will be in training. We have been told that Regulars, that is, as opposed to conscripts, will amount at that date to approximately only 250,000. Thus, the Government are depending for well over three-quarters of our Armed Forces at that date on conscription, and they are, therefore, appearing to rely indefinitely upon compulsory service. This information was given us by the First Lord of the Admiralty in the same Debate on defence on 5th March.

Now we come to the position of 'he Royal Air Force. The Under-Secretary of State told us in the Debate on 12th March that the total numbers he expected to be in the Royal Air Force at approximately the date I mentioned would be about 305,000 persons, men and women. We were told yesterday-15th April—by the Prime Minister that of these it was hoped, as a result of this recruiting campaign, some 60,000 would be volunteers. We are beginning to get some idea of the proportion of the volunteers who will stay in voluntarily as Regulars.

They would be approximately 60,000 —on a certain contract of service, as opposed to 305,000 men and women altogether. I want to ask whether these figures are correct. Do the Government imagine that the results of their recruiting campaign will be to give them figures of this sort; and if so, are they aware of how many can be secured by voluntary enlistment altogether? Whether the Government think these figures are correct or not they must decide the voluntary and compulsory proportions of the Royal Air Force, because unless they do we are going to be perpetually held up, and it is going to be extremely unfair to the young men joining the Royal Air Force.

I appeal to the Government to decide this question by stages. The first stage, I suggest, would be to come to some clear decision about those in whom we have some educational interest. This is the educational side. I will deal with the apprenticeship side in a minute. I am informed by the universities and schools that there is an immediate need for a decision for the October term in 1946, that is, this year. The universities and schools are quite at sea. They do not know what the policy is going to be. Are scholars to be deferred, or not? We on this side of the House have parents asking us whether this Government are seriously educational or not, and whether they are in earnest about the provisions of the Education Act, which provided new State scholarships and help for our young men to proceed up the educational ladder. Are the Government in earnest about those provisions or not? On this matter the Government do not appear to me to be educationally minded at all. I do not know which sections of the Government are in predominance at the moment. I have studied the observations of "Lindo" and others who are good at making astrological forecasts. There are people in the Government and on those benches opposite interested in education, but those stars are not in the ascendant at the present time. The tough boys are on top; those who believe in the moral improvement of our young men and the educational improvement of our young men are completely submerged. They are the submerged tenth, and it is our business on this side of the House to cause them to rear their heads again and to come to the surface with the aid of allies such as the hon. Member for Aberavon who has come to our aid this afternoon.

I want to pursue this matter a little further. The hon. Member was quite right when he asked whether there is to be exemption in the Government's policy for the arts. The position in the universities can only be described as chronic, and it is a position which has been allowed to deteriorate. Today, in the view of the Government, the dentistry as compared with the humanist has an importance ratio of 100 to one. I am the first to agree that the professions are very important to this country. I believe that dentists, scientists, doctors and so on are very important, but I am convinced that the greatness of any country is dependent upon the proportion in which that country rates the arts as against scientists and mathematicians. If we look abroad to other countries, we see that those who have held the practical things of life to be of more importance than the spiritual, have been led to their own destruction, and have led to the destruction of others. It is high time that we restored the balance, and got back to the real study of man. We want to know from the Government whether, on this occasion, there will be exemption, as during the war, and whether, unlike the procedure during parts of the last war, there will be exemptions only for technical students, scientists, doctors and dentists. Are they going to treat with equal consideration those young men who have dedicated their lives to the study of what are broadly known as the arts?

I also wish to ask the Government about their policy in regard to teachers. I think I am perfectly justified in saying that we have spurred the Government on in this matter. The whole future of the Education Act is at stake, and no statement, so far as I know, has yet been made by the Government to reassure those who intend to be teachers. Today we have a gap of some 100,000 teachers which has to be filled, and we have had from the Minister the most miserable figures about those at present al training. We know the difficulties, many of which I bequeathed myself, but what we want to hear from the Government is whether, in this call-up, special facilities are to be given for deferment for young men entering training colleges, and whether these deferments are to apply to the long-term training colleges and, if so, how are they to he operated. We also want to know what is to happen to the teachers when they have concluded their training at the colleges, and what sort of service is expected from them, because until we know that, we cannot operate the Education Act. We also want to know about agriculturists. From the fumbling statements made almost daily by the Minister of Food, it is becoming clearer and clearer that the agricultural position of this country is one of vital importance. We want to know whether those who are dedicating their lives to the higher ranges of agricultural study will be similarly deferred or exempted, and what kind of military service may otherwise be demanded of them. Can the Under-Secretary give us any idea of the position of universities? Is it the case that the universities are willing only to take ex-Servicemen? Are they so full that they cannot take any young men, because, if that be the case, I make the plea, if the new Education Act is to mean anything, for a combination of those who have been in the Services and those who may normally continue their curriculum by passing through the universities from the age of 18 onwards?

That is the first stage. We want to hear from the Government their immediate plans for the autumn of this year in a matter which should have been decided long ago.

The next stage is more important, and it concerns what all the young men in the Royal Air Force want to know. We want to know what is the Government's long-term view. The only official view I have seen, if I can so regard it, is an article which appeared in the "New Statesman" on 23rd March, 1946. The editor of this excellent journal, in his freer time, is a constituent of mine, and as he has full liberty of movement, he is not prevented from making speeches or addresses in my constituency. His journal has stated that the country should expect one year's compulsory service. He also states that a target figure should be given for the Regular Forces to be raised by voluntary enlistment. He then makes the striking suggestion that, having done all that, our commitments should be adjusted to the figure finally reached. I should not like to follow the "New Statesman" quite as far as that, because I think it would be much more reasonable to ascer- tain clearly from the Government a definition of our commitments, and then for this country to carry out her age-long tradition of framing tip to her commitments, whatever may be the cost. I do not ask the Government to follow the editor of the "New Statesman" in the wilder suggestions which he makes at the end of his article. Perhaps he was absent on the day the article was written and did not write it.

Whether that is the case or not, I should like to know if the Government believe in a one-year compulsory military service. I believe that we made a mistake in previous discussion on these matters in trying to decide this question too far ahead. I want the Government first to make a statement about immediate needs for this year, and then to give a longer term policy for a short time ahead, until they get out of their present problems and U.N.O. is operating successfully. Eventually we shall have to decide our long term policy for the Services and for our young men. I think it is reasonable to take these things by degrees. We are not asking the Government to put themselves into an obviously embarrassing position with their supporters by deciding on a long-term policy tonight, even if they are capable of giving a decision at all. We ask the Government to do these things by degrees, and by doing so they will be doing a great service to the young men of this country.

In conclusion, I make the appeal that the first stage shall be decided now, namely, this year's programme—the programme which can be foreseen for a year or two ahead. Without that the whole attitude of the Government towards the young men and education is a mockery. We may be told that the Government can only give way to pressure groups. In the course of another Debate, we were told that for many years the old have organised themselves into such pressure groups, and that the Labour movement cannot stand up to them. With the help of hon. Members, like the hon. Member for Aberavon, and all educationists in the House, we hope to bring home to the Government, in the most insistent manner, that the young, although they may not have the experience of the old, have the vigour to form the biggest pressure group of all. If politics are to be run by pressure groups, I can assure the Under-Secretary that he will not be disappointed, but I hope that he will decide this matter calmly and in the light of ideals. Our greatest ideal should be, based on the statement in the White Paper, that "the bulwarks of a city are its young men." The bulwarks of our city are our young men, and it is important that they should not have this perpetual uncertainty hanging over them if, educationally, they are to give of their best. I leave the Under-Secretary to fill in the gaps in my remarks, and to fill in most definitely the gaps in policy in regard to the call-up to the Services, giving us a reply in the same way as hitherto he has answered us so successfully in this House. I hope that he will not disappoint us today on these all-important matters, and that he will not disappoint us by giving a negative reply.

No doubt other Members will wish to join with us, and I do not wish to delay the House further, because I know there are other matters to discuss. When the Government do make up their minds regarding this period of military service, I hope that it will not be treated by the young men as a brake and a burden on their lives, and that they will take it cheerfully in their stride. Whether it is to be for some at 18, for others, perhaps, at 21 or even for others a period of service in the Territorial Army, or in some other way combining their duties with their studies, whether in industry or outside it, let it be a composite picture, a democratic process. If the Government take that decision there need he no controversy in any part of the House. We shall have made a decision in a proper way, and we shall not have frittered away the time of the young men of our country.

4.42 p.m.

There is no difference of opinion on any side of the House as to the urgency and importance of a decision on the duration and conditions of national service in the immediate future. I do not think that anyone on this Bench—certainly I do not—wants to quarrel with the various points which have been made, very ably and forcibly, by each of the speakers in this short Debate on the inconvenience, and more than inconvenience, unquestionably—the anxiety—which must be caused, in many spheres of national life, to the young men themselves, to potential em- ployers, to educational authorities and the like, so long as they do not know the duration of the period for which young men must be called up.

It is true that this affects the apprenticeship scheme. I think that the hon. and gallant Member who moved this Amendment put his finger on a very important point. It is also an exceedingly complex one, and there is a wealth of trade union experience on this side of the House on the matter. Although it is not one on which I am qualified to speak, I believe that, not only in relation to national service, but also in relation to the changed and changing character of modern industry, the whole question of apprenticeship might repay careful re-examination. There is no quarrel on the points that have been made with regard to industry and trade, and the uncertainties which must go on until a decision is given on the duration of the call-up. Those in agriculture, and, it might have been added, in mining too, will want to know where they stand —whether the deferment or exemption which they have hitherto enjoyed is to continue—and the educational authorities, of of course, are profoundly affected.

I cannot, at this stage, answer in detail the questions which the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Saffron Walden (Mr. R. A. Butler) put to me on that point. Some of them, I think, are questions which the spokesmen of the Ministry of Education are much better qualified to answer. But when I have said all that, and agreed and admitted the obviously vital importance of this decision, I would like to put it to the Committee that the more important the decision, the more important it is that it should be a right decision. Do not let us overlook how much hangs on this decision, even in the immediate future, for this nation. I am now speaking of what the right hon. Gentleman termed the first decision—the decision as to the immediate call-up, the duration of the immediate call-up and how much the nation depends on that. On the one side, there is the maintenance in the immediate postwar period of adequate Armed Forces and, on the other, there is the provision of an adequate labour supply of the right quality for industry, for the export trade and for agriculture.

The whole problem of our manpower allocation, which is a life and death issue for this country today, is intimately bound up with this question of the duration of the call-up in the immediate future. I would emphasise what the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Saffron Walden has said, that what is being asked for is not one decision but two, and it is very important to keep them distinct. We have to decide the duration of the time which young men who are being called up, or who will be called up in the immediate future, must serve in the Royal Air Force and, consequentially, of course, in the other two Services. That is one decision and one of the very greatest urgency. There is another decision—really, two related decisions—the question of whether we are to have, as a permanent feature of our national life, a system of compulsory national service, and, if so, what is to be the duration of the call-up under that permanent system of national service. These are entirely different. The first is the period for which it may be necessary —some period clearly is necessary—to call up young men compulsorily at the present moment. We are doing that, so obviously there is no question of its necessity. It is simply a question of the duration for which they shall be called up. But that period is not necessarily the same, by any means, as the period which would be fixed were it decided to keep a permanent system of national service; and it would be the greatest mistake, when a decision is announced by the Government on the duration of immediate call-up, if that were taken to mean that it would necessarily, or even probably, be the same period as would be given for a permanent system of national service, if there is to be one. The two things are completely distinct and should not be confused in any part of the House.

I do not think that it is true to say, as has been suggested, that the Government are waiting to see what is the result of a system or an appeal for voluntary enlistment. We are appealing to men as they leave the Services to re-engage, and a certain number are doing so. The Prime Minister yesterday announced a bounty scheme for special short term re-engagement to cover the postwar period. The result of that cannot be known fully for some months at any rate, but that is not what the Government are waiting for. It is a misconception to think that it is. The reason why no decision has yet been announced on the duration of service of the immediate call-up is that it has not been possible hitherto to foresee the numbers in the Armed Forces which will be necessary after the end of this year. A figure has been arrived at, and announced to the House, for the Armed Forces taken together and for each Service separately as of 31st December, 1946. That has been as far ahead as His Majesty's Government were willing to commit themselves. Is that an unreasonable position? I ask hon. Members and right hon. Gentlemen in all parts of the House to put it to themselves: Do they feel confident that they could tell us here and now what the size of the Armed Forces will be which it will be necessary for this country to maintain during 1947, 1943 and 1949?

Those who are pressing the Government this afternoon for a decision on this matter of the duration of the call-up are asking for nothing less than that the Government should commit themselves here and now, to the maximum size of the Armed Forces of this country two, three and four years hence. That is a decision of the utmost difficulty as well as of the utmost importance. What is it that makes the decision difficult? It is, of course, the uncertain—is it too much to call it tumultuous?—character of the world situation today. That is why I would complain of only one word in the Amendment which has been put before the House today, and that is the word "needless." The mover of the Amendment told us about the uncertainties, to which he was perfectly right in alluding, and their consequences, and he said that they were needless. I cannot accept the view that they are needless. Those uncertainties are not of the making of the Government or even of this House. They are the uncertainties of the world situation, and they affect us in such a way that we cannot come to a decision on this matter without the utmost care. What are the uncertainties of the world situation? Are they abnormal? I do not think they are. I think they are such as occur at the end of any great war. In the past, the years immediately after any great world conflict were always periods of great uncertainty and great international disturbance before the world settled down. That was so after the Napoleonic wars of 150 years ago, and it was certainly so after the first great war in 1918.

When we complain today of the uncertainty and the tumultuous character of the world at present we too easily forget what the world was like in 1919, 1920, 1921 and 1922. At that time there were six separate British Expeditionary Forces actually fighting in various parts of the world. They were attacking Russia, which had been our Ally during that world war, under the very active leadership of the present Leader of the Opposition. Any uncertainties and difficulties which the world faces today are of a very mild character compared to that situation. That situation persisted for a very long time. After all, it was not until 1922 that the Chanak crisis took place, which was really the end of the period of extreme uncertainty after the last war. Therefore, when we point out, as we must, the difficulties and uncertainties of the present international situation I hope that I am not complaining or drawing a picture of special difficulty or referring to something unexpected. In fact, they are considerably milder and we hope and believe that they will be much shorter than they were after the last world war. As the mover of the Amendment pointed out, it is only eight months since the end of the Japanese war. There is nothing, therefore, unusual or extraordinary about the fact that the world situation is disturbing and difficult, and that it has been hitherto a matter of great difficulty to look ahead two, three or four years and commit ourselves to the exact size of the Armed Forces which we shall need at that time.

The situation in the world is changing every day, as the right hon. Gentleman knows. The Foreign Secretary is going out in the next few days and will be engaged in what we hope will result in the signing of a whole batch of peace treaties. That will be one factor in the world situation which should have a stabilising effect. It will then be possible to see far more clearly in the immediate future. Though I cannot make, and I am sure hon. Members opposite would not seriously expect me as a junior Minister on this occasion to make, an announcement of such transcendent importance as this would be, I can say that the country will not have too long to wait before this announcement on the duration of the period for which, in the immediate future, and without prejudice to any more permanent schemes, men in the Armed Forces will be called up. It cannot be made before the Recess, but it will be given after the Easter Recess, and I do not believe that it need be unduly delayed.

4.57 P.m.

I do not think we can leave the question where it has been left by the hon. Gentleman. It is a most important matter in its effect on the Services. I really have great sympathy for both the Under-Secretary and for his colleagues sitting behind him, because they know that these uncertainties are not only destructive to the hopes of young men, but are very confusing to the Staffs of the three Services in making their plans. All I rise to ask is whether we can have it as a definite promise that the announcement will be made by the Prime Minister after the Easter Recess. I agree with the hon. Gentleman that he is not in a position to make an announcement of this kind today, but are we to take it as certain that after the Easter Recess a definite statement will be made? I only want to know whether it will be a definite statement, and it so how soon will it be made after Easter?

I can say perfectly definitely that a statement will be made after the Easter Recess.

In those circumstances, if it means soon after Easter, it will be welcomed, because it is of the greatest importance to young men who are now considering what their future is to be at the university. I hope that the announcement will be made at such a time, and definitely before the Summer Recess, that we shall know exactly what the terms and conditions are, because it is not good enough to go on indefinitely as at present. I could not help thinking during the hon. Gentleman's remarks that the whole of the younger generation will suffer for all time if we go on like Mr. Micawber and await events. It is for us to take a decision occasionally which may have the effect of making other countries far less turbulent. One of the reasons for this turbulence is that we do not seem to know our own mind, or we do not seem to be strong enough to take a definite line. If an announcement is made after Easter, coupled with an announcement from the United Nations Chiefs of Staff Committee, it will help to clear the air. I think the statement of the hon. Gentleman is a most important one, and we must hurry His Majesty's Government until the promised statement is made, which we hope will be within a few days of the resumption after the Easter Recess.

5.0 p.m.

I intervene only for a short time, first to say that the announcement which the Under-Secretary has made regarding the prospect of a statement immediately after the Easter Recess reduces to absolute nonsense the whole of the remarks which he addressed to the House. The hon. Gentleman made his usual courteous and extremely well-reasoned speech, but it was the speech of a man who had no decision to announce, and which gave reasons why no decision could possibly be arrived at. It was the speech of a man who asked us to remember the tumultuous nature of the times. I do not know what the hon. Gentleman hopes to happen in the next 10 days which will make the times so much less tumultuous that he will he able to give then, a decision which he is unable to give now.

It is not plausible to suggest that the Easter holiday will reduce the tumultuous happenings in other parts of the world to such an extent as to enable this vacillating Government to come to a decision. It is not plausible to pretend that the Government have been taken by surprise by this Debate today, because the topic was raised by my right hon. Friend the Member for Woodford (Mr. Churchill) as long ago as October last, and has been pressed almost continuously from these benches ever since. One would have thought, having regard to the persistency of the criticism, both in this House and the country, about failure to reach a decision, and having regard to the grave inconvenience and anxiety caused not merely to those about to enter the Services, but to industry and the learned professions, that the Government would have done the House the courtesy, on this occasion, to have announced their decision. I cannot accept the argument that the hon. Gentleman is limited entirely by the terms of his Departmental responsibility. He might well have been authorised by the Cabinet to say what was in their minds today. The hon. Gentleman has told us that the world is in too contused a state to make a statement on 16th April, but that presumably by 1st May—Labour Day—some decision will he arrived at.

My experience of these matters leads me to wonder whether the announcement, when it comes, will be of the slightest use to the universities, to industry, or to the young men concerned. Our experience has been unfortunate in this respect. The attitude of the Government has been that in the disturbed state of the world decisions were impossible. I believe that that is an argument they will continue to use, and that the real point of the difference between hon. Members on these benches and hon. Members opposite resides in the fact that we believe the disturbed state of the world makes a provisional decision abundantly necessary, while they regard it as their excuse for want of planning. We have not had an assurance from the hon. Gentleman that this will not be the case, and I hope the Amendment will be pressed to a Division, in which case I shall go into the Opposition Lobby. What disturbs me about the present situation is that I cannot resist the impression, gained over a period of months, that the very frequent "stalling" on the Government Benches is what is really holding up a decision. It is not the disturbed state of the world, as we are constantly assured, but the confused state of the Labour Party's mind on the subject. It is not the disturbed state of the world which is causing delay. We know enough about the difficulties of the present situation to enable us to arrive at a provisional decision. What is holding up the decision is that any decision on this point would cause trouble in the Labour Party. It is the internal division of the party opposite, and not the external divisions in the world, which is preventing the decision being made—

Is the hon. Gentleman saying that internal divisions in the Labour Party will vanish by 1st May?

I hope that by the Whitsun Conference, at least, the Labour Party will have made up their mind. Perhaps it was to that that the hon. Gentleman was referring. It is not fair to ask that the affairs of this great country should be held in suspense on so vital a matter while the Labour Party make up their mind. There- fore, without the smallest sense of personal offensiveness to the Under-Secretary, who discharged an unpleasant task with notable distinction, I trust that the Opposition will go into the Lobby against the Government, in order to express their disapproval of their characteristic want of planning.

5.6 p.m.

The Under-Secretary is "tipped ' in many newspapers for early promotion, and if the ability to say absolutely nothing at great length, felicitously and disarmingly, is the main criterion for high office in the Socialist Party, then the hon. Gentleman has a bigger appointment in his pocket. I think the House has been disappointed at the absence of any statement from the Government, either for immediate or long-term purposes. We cannot allow the exceedingly lame defence which the hon. Gentleman put up to pass un-answered from the Opposition Front Bench. Members know that there is no subject on which their constituents, and those to whom we look for guidance and advice— educationists, in particular—are more concerned than this subject of length of service in the Armed Forces. My postbag is full. I am a school governor, and all of us know the difficulties in which school governors are placed. Many people are engaged in training for industry, and we know the difficulties in which industrialists and trade unionists find themselves. Therefore, my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Richmond (Sir T. Dugdale), and my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Macclesfield (Air-Commodore Harvey), were abundantly justified in putting forward this Amendment today.

The Under-Secretary has been at great pains to show the difficulties in which the Government are placed in coming to a rapid decision. But the Socialist Party did not always take so long in coming to a decision on the length of service in regard to conscription. In April, 1939, when the Military Training Bill was introduced, they did not even wait a week to make up their minds as to what period of service they thought proper—no period at all. The present Prime Minister told the government of the day: You will appeal to us, but you will appeal in vain. And on the question of a fixed period for conscription the present Minister of Health described this and other aspects of conscription as another squalid attempt by the Tories to defend themselves against a re-distribution of international swag."—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 4th May. 1939; Vol. 346, c. 2139.] The Socialist Party had thus a great many useful sources to draw upon in coming to a rapid decision at that time. Indeed, following their action, the Socialist Prime Minister of France said he was staggered at such an attitude in the United Kingdom. What effect that had on the will to resist in France only history will show.

We, in that Bill, provided for six months' liability for military training for those between 20 and 21. Within a day or two the Socialist Party made up their mind to vote against that Bill, and against any period of compulsory service. This was only a few weeks after Hitler marched into Prague, and five months before the outbreak of the war. We are also entitled to claim that those were tumultuous times. The Government came to a definite decision as to the length of service. At that time we did not have the advantage of an Opposition Front Bench which was prepared to cooperate on the subject of a fixed period for compulsory service. I was Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Labour at that time, and I remember the many conversations we had in 1939 with the vice chancellors of the universities, the President of the Board of Education, in regard to technical training, and the teaching colleges, Members of Parliament—and what talks have the Government had with the University Burgesses?—the University Grants Committee, and innumerable trading and industrial bodies. I saw a great number of them myself, and I remember vividly what pains we were at to see that the compulsory period of training, from 20 to 21, was achieved with the minimum of disturbance.

If I may interrupt the theme of my few remarks, there is one point of very considerable interest to a small number of people to which I would like to direct the attention of the Under-Secretary of State. It concerns the release from the Royal Air Force of people half way through university courses. I am thinking, in particular, of the long-term needs of agriculture and one constituent of mine —representative of a number, but not too many—who had done half his agricultural course before he was called up, his agricultural course being a bachelorship in science at a university where that was not an honours course. The university is precluded from asking for his early release as he was not working on an Honours course. His university career was interrupted and after a period of Service, which, as hon. Members will realise, in the case of these young men, having gone on not for one or two years, but for three or more years, he finds the Government's refusal to make up their minds before the university term starts in September absolutely intolerable. On behalf of that constituent and many others I urge the Government to look at this matter again with real and renewed vigour.

In place of the statement that we had hoped to hear from the Under-Secretary of State, we have had nothing further than the very woolly statement by the Prime Minister on 4th March, a statement couched in phrases reminiscent of the speeches of the late Mr. Ramsay MacDonald. He repeated, not for the first time, that we can make up our mind in this matter only when certain other things are settled—our commitments in the world and our international obligations under the United Nations.

As my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Richmond (Sir T. Dugdale) pointed out, if we are to wait till those are settled, we shall have to wait a very long time, and the lives of not only this university generation, but a number of other generations will be partially wasted. The Under-Secretary referred to the suggestion that the Government were waiting for voluntary enlistment before they made up their mind, and said that nothing in the Prime Minister's speech could have that meaning read into it; but, in fact, the Prime Minister said that the Government were prevented by a number of factors, of which he expressly named the ignorance of the numbers of voluntary enlist-

ments,as one, from coming to an early decision. I hope that we can have an interim report on the subject of voluntary enlistment in the Royal Air Force. It would be exceedingly interesting. That is one of the practical comments that we had expected to receive from the Under-Secretary of State.

The hon. Gentleman made great play at the close of his speech with the difficulties in the world today, and compared them with the difficulties in the period after the last war, and even drew attention to the fact that in Poland then, a. perhaps in parts now, the war was still continuing years after the Great War, in 1921. But there is this difference. The Government of that time did not go on calling up' young men without giving them any indication of the period of service to which they would be liable. It is futile to compare the situation in 1918 and the situation now. In 1918 the Government, whatever in the eyes of later generations their demerits may have been, most certainly did know their own mind on this subject. The present Administration, tortured by past statements which, now that they have been confronted by the facts, they realise will not bear examination, and with their own followers having been bemused for many generations by some of their Election speeches, are now finding the utmost difficulty in reconciling their own party, whom they have themselves deluded, to the acceptance of compulsory service for a fixed period. Because of this, undergraduates at many universities, young apprentices hoping to start their apprenticeship, and education authorities all over the country, are being held up to ransom, and I hope the House will, by its vote, register most emphatically a protest against this intolerable delay by His Majesty's Government.

Question put, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Question."

The House divided: Ayes, 239; Noes, 124.

Supply accordingly considered in Committee.

[Major MILNER in the Chair]

PAY, &C., OF THE AIR FORCE

Motion made, and Question proposed, That a sum, not exceeding £73,000,000, be granted to His Majesty, to defra the Expense of the Pay, &c., of the Air Force, which svill come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1947, in addition to the sum of £103,500,000 to he allocated for this purpose from the sum of £150,000,000 voted on account of Air Services generally.

Committee report Progress; to sit again Tomorrow.

HERRING INDUSTRY

I beg to move, That the Herring Industry (Amending) Scheme, 1945, under Section 2 (7) of the Herring Industry Act, 1935, a copy of which Scheme was presented on 22nd March, he approved. The purpose of the Herring Industry (Amending) Scheme, which is now before the House, is to confer certain additional powers on the Herring Industry Board. This Board was set up in 1935 under the Herring Industry Act of that year which empowered the Board to prepare a scheme for the reorganisation, development and regulation of the industry, and it specified a number of powers which could be conferred on them by the scheme. The scheme had to be approved by Parliament. Such a scheme was duly made. Since then, however, the request has been made for further powers being conferred on the Board and it is accordingly proposed to amend the original scheme. The amending scheme confers three additional powers on the Board. There are further powers which, under the Herring Industry Acts, may be included in the herring industry scheme. Probably it might be an objection against the scheme which I am now submitting, that it does not confer enough, but these other matters which are involved are of a somewhat controversial nature and we have therefore picked out for the present scheme, the powers which are most urgently required, and about which there is general agreement. We have consulted the industry and there is agreement, in accordance with the statutory requirements, about the prcposed extension of the powers of the Board.

The three additional powers arc as follow. The 1935 scheme empowers the Board to make loans in connection with the construction, reconditioning and equipment of boats. The amending scheme substitutes in effect, in paragraph ( a , 1) the word "provision" for the word "construction" as authorised by the Herring Industry Act, 1944. This alteration will enable the Board to assist a man in buying an existing boat as well as in the building of a new boat, and will be of great value at the present time, when many fishermen are hoping to purchase secondhand vessels which the Admiralty are now releasing. The second provision is in paragraph ( a , 2). It provides additional loan-making powers to the Board, in accordance with the provision made in Section 61 of the Herring Industry Act, 1935. The inclusion of these powers will enable the Board to give assistance to societies or organisations for the purpose of acquiring nets and gear, fuel for boats and other fishing requirements. The third proposal is in Section 2 of the Herring Industry Act, 1944. It says that the Board may be given power to purchase boats and equipment for the purpose of chartering or hiring them to fishermen. The amendment proposes, under paragraph ( c ) to provide those additional powers, the need for which has been represented by several hon. Members. The men coming back from the Forces who are willing to give service in gathering the food we require cannot, in many instances, purchase boats, but can hire them. The amendment makes it possible for this to be done. This is a relatively small but I hope useful scheme. I commend it to Members of all parties, and I hope that this Motion will be agreed to.

5.32 p.m.

So far, this scheme has been a complete washout, as the Secretary of State for Scotland no doubt knows. We have to discuss whether the amended scheme will make it any less of a washout. I do not think it will. The right hon. Gentleman referred to the purchase of existing boats instead of newly constructed ones, and particularly those about to be released by the Admiralty. Let me give the right hon. Gentleman the figures issued by the Admiralty only the other day. For a 75-ft. boat, which is the only craft of real use to the industry, the hull, at the launching stage, costs £3,750. Those are the terms offered to the fishermen. The complete boat, with engine, costs £6,750. In addition to that, they have to be reconditioned at a cost of not less than £2,000, making the total cost of a 75-ft. boat of the type held by the Admiralty and about to be sold to the industry, £8,250, as compared with about £3,000 to £4,000 before the war. That is not, on any calculation, an economic proposition for the herring industry. Before I come back to this point, I will ask a question. The word "requisites" I take to include nets. The question is, Do second-hand nets qualify for a grant or loan?

The point is important. The right hon. Gentleman probably knows that a new net is of no use for fishing. It has to be put into the water for two or three months before it can catch fish. The Government have made little or no attempt to make new nets available in recent months; and none of them will now be of any use until July. The only way in which the fisherman can get effective nets for immediate fishing is by the purchase of secondhand nets. I want to know whether the grants and loans cover the purchase of secondhand nets. If not, why not? It is a very vital point.

I confess I am bitterly disappointed with the operation of the Herring Industry Act, 1944, and of those schemes which preceded it. Those who took part in the passage of that Act will not easily forget it. It was at the peak hour of the doodlebug but we were much too enthusiastic about the herring fishing industry even to worry about the doodle-bugs. We were all led up the garden path. The Secretary of State for Scotland, then Mr. Thomas Johnston, spoke of the Bill in glowing terms, and of the scheme which was to be produced. It has turned out to be simply tall talk. Large sums, relative to this industry, were bandied about, and included in the text of the Bill. Now we know that it was only the Treasury up to their old tricks again. One of the favourite tricks of the Treasury is to use the phrase, "a sum not exceeding." In this case, the sums ranged from £500,000 to £750,000. They were mentioned in debate, and written into the text of the Bill. Everybody thought that the fishermen were to get this £500,000. They have turned out to be only a few paltry thousands of pounds. We should have known better, and have taken the figures only at their face value.

What is happening? The Board have laid it down that grants and loans are available only for successful and energetic fishermen. I ask the Secretary of State to think of the man aged 21 who joined up at the outbreak of the war and served throughout, on Admiralty service, and perhaps rose to the rank of skipper lieutenant by the end of the war. He had not much chance to become a "successful and energetic fisherman," because he was too young to have started fishing before the war. He may have been only 18 or 19 when the war broke out. Nevertheless, this is the very kind of man who now requires financial assistance. A fantastic position has been reached in respect of the qualification for the grant or loan. Either a fisherman must be possessed of "considerable means," in which case he does not need the grant, or, if he has only about 200—a man who served throughout the war could hardly be expected to have saved more than that out of his pay—he does not qualify for the grant. The net result is that practically nobody qualifies for a grant. Either a man has cash, in which case he does not need the grant; or he has no cash, in which case he does not get it. That is the position at the present moment. The number of applications for grants and loans have been few enough in all conscience: but the number turned down has been almost 90 per cent. The Act has hardly come into effective operation at all.

In this amending scheme there is just one ray of light. For the first time, and at long last, there is one reference to the ex-Serviceman as such. That is at least a step in the right direction, because these are surely the men to whom we most need to bring assistance. It is the young fisherman coming back from the Services whom we want to start up again; but, so far, we have not been able to do anything for them at all. I went recently to the Joint Under-Secretary of State for Scotland on a deputation representing the British Legion. We asked for special treatment in these schemes for ex-Servicemen as such. The Joint Under-Secretary of State for Scotland told us categorically that he saw no reason why any distinction should be drawn between a man who had served in the Forces during the war, and another man who had been fishing in the ordinary course, and in many cases made a great deal of money. I submit to the right hon. Gentleman that that was a most disgraceful statement to be made by a responsible Minister of the Crown. I cannot believe that he had Cabinet responsibility for it. [ Inter- ruption .] I assure the right hon. Gentleman that the Joint Under-Secretary said he saw no reason why the slightest distinction should be made between the ex-Serviceman as such and anybody else; and he applied that principle over the whole field of industry. That was a grave and most disquieting statement of policy. I say to the Secretary of State that, if he is not proposing to do something special to help the young ex-Servicemen who served magnificently right throughout the war to get back into the fishing industry, he will be making one of the mistakes of his life. Nevertheless, so long as boats remain at their present prices, and the present terms and conditions of granting loans continue, I personally should hesitate to advise any fisherman to make an application for a loan. Under existing conditions, he may well find himself burdened with a load of debt which will hang around his neck for many years to come.

I was in Peterhead, in my constituency, last weekend, and I had a discussion on the granting of loans at a meeting of fishermen. One of the young ex-Servicemen, who has just got back from the Forces, and wants to get to sea, and cannot do so at the moment, asked me what could be done. He pointed out the exorbitant price for boats now being charged by the Admiralty, the impossibility of getting nets, and the difficulty of the situation he was in, without any capital, in getting a grant or loan. I had to tell him of the observations of the Under-Secretary of State for Scotland, and his answer was, "Ah, well, it is just as I thought, it will be the burroo ' for us for the next few years." Translating, for the benefit of the Sassenachs in this House, I may say that "burroo" in Scotland stands for unemployment exchange. That is the frame of mind induced by the schemes introduced up to date by the Government among the young fishermen who have just come back atter serving their country so magnificently for the past six years. It is a disastrous situation; and I wish 1 could feel—I cannot at the moment—that this scheme was anything like drastic enough to remedy it.

5.42 p.m.

There is nothing in this scheme to which one can object. It does not contain anything which is not in various Acts already. I was very much surprised the other day when I discovered that the Herring Board had not actually got power to make grants and loans for the acquisition of secondhand boats. All their powers were for building boats. I put down a Question to the Minister, and I do not know whether that was what woke up the Herring Board. They have been slow, considering the amount of pressure that has been put on the Secretary of State and the Minister of Agriculture to deal with this question. It has now become a matter of urgency because. as a result of this pressure, the Admiralty are about to release a number of boats.

The hon. Member for East Aberdeen (Mr. Boothby) dealt very adequately with the case of the young fisherman. I want to draw the right hon. Gentleman's attention to another class of fishermen who have suffered very severely as a result of the war. I want to know how far this amending scheme is to be used to help them. The men are those who had their boats requisitioned at a time when they were at a very low value indeed, owing to the depressed state of the herring industry. After one, two, three or four years' hiring, many of these boats were lost, and all the compensation these men are entitled to is the very depressed value at which the boats stood at the date of requisitioning. This is all tied up with the Act dealing with defence compensation. We thought we had found a hole, through which relief could be brought to these men but I am sorry to say that I got a letter from the Ministry of Transport yesterday to the effect that that is not the case. It says that it is specially desired to help men who are engaged in industry, or have served in the Armed Forces of the Crown. I ask the right hon. Gentleman to take particular care to see that this amending scheme is made use of to help men who have lost their boats and have received in compensation a sum of money which is wholly inadequate to replace them.

There is another point about which he would perhaps say a word. As far as I have been able to ascertain, the interest on these loans will he 3½ per cent. repayable in 20 years. Under the Inshore Fishing Industry Act, as far as I can make out, the interest is 2½ per cent. repayable in three years. I do not know what the reason is for this very wide difference in terms. We can welcome this scheme because it gives the Herring Board powers which it ought to exercise as quickly as possible.

5.45 P.m.

I support the remarks made by the hon. Member for East Aberdeen (Mr. Boothby) about ex-Service fishermen having priorities and special treatment. While one welcomes the amendment of the law, one hopes that under it better opportunities will be given to the actual working fisherman rather than an extension of privileges under the scheme as amended to the shore owners, in financing the new fleet we hope to see come to Scotland to prosecute this industry. At the moment, even with this amendment, the cost of boats, nets and gear makes it virtually impossible for ex-Servicemen, or others who are of poor economic status, to acquire new vessels. I am repeating myself, but when the Act went through in 1944 I made a prophecy—quite an obvious one, hardly worthy of the name of prophecy—that men coming back with an ordinary Service gratuity could not hope to take advantage of the scheme as it stood. Even with this amendment, I cannot foresee any enthusiasm among the men in my constituency who have been fishermen and are the sons of fishermen, and hope to become fishermen again.

A great deal more must be done. There is no mention yet of the training which hon. Members, including myself, proposed on the technical side for the new entrants to this industry, who have to learn the whole technique of the diesel-engined vessel and bring their fishing methods up to date. They hope to make a vocation of the herring industry, with a certain guarantee of security in what is, we trust, going to be, in their own interests and that of the nation, a wholetime job. We have not gone nearly far enough on the financial side to meet the needs of these men who are the first legitimate claimants for any assistance this House can give. We, should not pamper the shore owners and others who are out, for their own private profit, to finance other people going to sea, at any rate, until we have seen that these men, who, during the most profitable years of the industry—shame to say, during the war—were elsewhere serving the nation, have first the opportunity of acquiring vessels and of getting the greatest possible financial assistance to set themselves up in the industry.

I am extremely alarmed at the state of the fishing industry, not only in Scotland generally, but particularly, in my own constituency. Today we have there what is relatively in proportion to population—and to able-bodied population—the highest record of unemployment in Great Britain. Two months ago we reached the figure of 1,200 able-bodied men unemployed—in Lewis alone. Today it must be over the 1,500 mark, but I have not the most recent figures. Taking the whole of the Outer Hebrides alone, we must nearly have reached the 2,000 level. That is a serious state of affairs. We have another record, and again it is in proportion to the population. We contributed the greatest number of able-bodied men to the Services of this country to the sea-going Services, both the Royal Navy and the Merchant Navy, and ancillary services of all kinds. For that reason we have a special claim on the Government and the Secretary of State, and especially on the Treasury—because these men have given what cannot be represented in pounds, shillings and pence. Those will not be "meaningless symbols," if put in the proper context in which my right hon. Friend, the Lord Privy Seal used them some time ago. Pounds, shillings and pence are the lifeblood which we have to infuse into these islands, because it is as much a social problem for the whole nation as an immediate personal problem for the men and area concerned. If we intend to maintain these communities, and I think in the interests of the nation we must do so, then we must rehabilitate the industry and give men an opportunity, to the limit to which this House can go in generosity, and in every other form of assistance we can give, to build for themselves and their families a livelihood, and security for themselves and their children their native land.

This is an honourable calling—the calling of the sea, the calling of the fishermen. Tributes have been paid to them in this House during the war and, in a less practical way, before the war. We had derelict areas then, and this House accepted a Motion in 1936 that in the Islands of Scotland and the Highlands the conditions were conditions of distress. They were described as a "distressed area" and for all practical purposes they were accepted as such but. "for geographical reasons," as the Scottish Office then argued, they could not be scheduled as a distressed area. But surely geographical disadvantage strengthens the case for help. Surely, there you have a more especial case than any other in Great Britain; and, when you add to that the fact that today you have nearly 2,000 able bodied men, passed as men of first-class physical condition for war service, and praised as men of first-class performance during the war, unemployed, I think it is high time that the Government gave priority to doing all they can to assist these men to rehabilitate themselves in an industry which is so important to the nation.

5.52 p.m.

At the end of Questions, the hon. Member for East Fife (Mr. Henderson Stewart) was very anxious to know when this question would come up, because he wishes to take part in this Debate, but in view of the fact that he is not here, the hon. Member for West Fife will take it up.

I remember, when we were discussing this subject in 1944, I said, from the other side of the House, that every fisherman who returned from Service who was capable of sailing a boat and desired to do so, should be able to get a boat. Many hon. Members have taken up the slogan in connection with pensions, "Fit for service, fit for pension." I say that every fisherman who has been taken into the service of the Admiralty, if he is fit for the Service, is fit for carrying on the fishing industry, and a boat should be placed at his disposal There should be no hesitation about that at all. Some hon Members opposite, when on this side of the House, were very much astonished that I should be advocating such a system of private enterprise, but I am all for the fishermen getting boats and equipment, and the opportunity to follow what the hon. Member for the Western Isles (Mr. M. MacMillan) has called a great and honourable calling, one of the original callings, with agriculture.

I have paid many visits to Aberdeen and to Peterhead—not the prison—and have found the conditions amongst the fishermen deplorable. I am certain, however, that bad as they may be in the immediate days ahead, though some may have to go on the "bureau "—although I would prefer that not one of them went on to it—I am certain that this House will never allow the fishing industry to go back to the condition in which it was during the period between the two wars. I have had a lot of experience in the North of Scotland and at Loch Fyne of the condition of fishermen, and it is almost impossible for hon. Members who have had no such contact to understand the deplorable conditions of the fishing industry and the fishermen at that time. The right hon. Gentleman's predecessor had many discussions with people interested in the industry, but I want to see the right hon. Gentleman working out boldly, on the basis of the 1944 Act and the Amendment, a general scheme for the industry, to ensure that every fisherman who is capable of going to sea and sailing a boat shall have a boat supplied, and that the industry is organised. It has been in a disorganised condition for years. Fishermen would go to sea and bring back catches, never knowing whether the catches would be properly disposed of or not. The organisation was always chaotic, and very often it was not the fishermen or the consumers who benefitted from the catch, but the people in between the fishermen and the community. I have been in the market many times when fish was scarce and demands were coming in from different places, and I have seen one man in the market buying up the catch of another member of the market without having touched the catch or the boxes of fish, but making very big profits out of buying from one to sell to another. I know the Secretary of State is deeply interested in this question, and his experts should work on the financial plmi not only so that the fishermen may have an opportunity to go and fish, but they should work out a broad general plan to ensure the organisation of the industry for the benefit of the fishermen themselves.

I see that the hon. Member for East Fife has just come into the House. I felt it was necessary to try to hold the fort until he arrived, but I will conclude by saying that I hope the scheme will be worked out in such a way that the fishermen and the consumers will be able to rely upon it, and, as a consequence, our people will get a good and healthy food and the fishermen will get a good and deservedly high standard of living.

5.58 p.m.

The hon. Gentleman the Member for West Fife (Mr. Gallacher) among his other qualities shows always a great friendliness towards other Fifers in the House, and I express gratitude for the courtesy he has extended to the county and to me also this afternoon. I apologise to the House, and especially to the Secretary of State. I was most anxious to hear his statement and to take part in the Debate, but I did not know that it had actually begun.

I attach the greatest importance to this amending Order, particularly to that part of it which enables the Herring Industry Board to charter rather than to sell vessels. The House is aware that I have in recent months been pressing the Government very hard to consider the dire straits of the fishermen in my constituency. In November last, half of my constituent fishermen were idle; today, three-quarters of them are idle. Why? Because there are not sufficient boats—

I am coming n to nets—with which they can go to sea. ''Our chief concern in Fife is boats, and the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary of State informed me a few days ago that he thought that at least 15 new or additional boats were wanted. Fifteen boats is a considerable number in a limited part of the coast such as that which I represent. Fifteen boats would give employment to many men. As a matter of fact I think the Secretary of State is underestimating rather than overestimating the case at the present time. I believe the number required is greater.

I have been endeavouring, with not very great success, to persuade the Government, and eventually I had to appeal to the Prime Minister, to release for fishing purposes some of the boats now owned by the Navy. The Prime Minister, after, no doubt, a general strafe round the Departments, was able to inform me that a considerable number of motor fishin,, vessels were to be released for sale to fishermen. But as I have always pointed out, these boats, while good enough for tiding us over the present period of 15 months or so, until new boats are built, are not entirely suited to the industry. I do not think a great many fishermen will purchase these M.F.Vs; but large numbers would charter them. I have discovered, however, that the Admiralty have no power to charter these vessels. I ask the Scottish Secretary to represent to the Cabinet, particularly to the First Lord of the Admiralty, the necessity for giving the Admiralty power to charter vessels, as we are now giving the Herring Industry Board power to do. that were done, I feel certain that, in Fife at all events and possibly elsewhere, considerable numbers of fishermen would apply for such charters and would hire those boats for a year, two years, or perhaps more, until the up-to-date vessels with which the Herring Industry Board is experimenting, are ready to operate.

The powers taken by the Herring Board to charter arise out of the recommendations of the Herring Committee, a prominent member of which was the Provost of Anstruther. Many men returning from the war without means and perhaps without friends to whom they can turn for the very large capital sum involved in purchasing boats today would probably find it much easier to hire boats. I am glad the Herring Board is to be given this power.

I think it is not out of Order to ask the Secretary of State to what extent it is proposed to use these new powers. How many boats is it proposed to build? There must be some financial provision behind the Order. To what extent is the House committed; what sum is involved? The funds of the Herring Board are voted by this House; how far can they go for this purpose? Is the Secretary of State to ask for an additional grant? I feel he ought to provide a very considerable sum of money for the Board to purchase boats for the purpose of chartering them to men returning from the war. I would be glad it he could tell us what the programme is, how many boats he has in mind and in what period they are to be built?

Or is this Order to represent merely an easy-going programme for the Herring Board during the next five or ten years? I hope that is not going to be the case and I have every reason to believe that it will not be so. The Board is composed of men of considerable energy and sympathy for the trade, but unless the Government provide drive behind the Board and provide finance and above all facilities for acquiring essential equipment, nothing effective will be done. What are the facilities to be? One cannot get engines for the boats today. The Minister of Supply told me the other day, under a good deal of pressure, that the manufacturers of fishing boat engines have now been instructed to show preference to fishermen over private yachts and, I believe, over certain exports. But does the right hon. Gentleman know the terms of that instruction to the engine makers? Is it a real instruction? Does it mean anything? Will it mean that I can get engines which I cannot get now for the men for whom I have been fighting all these months? Does it mean that the Herring Board will have power not only to acquire hulls, but also the engines, which are vital? And if these boats are built and chartered will they have the gear? The hon. Member for East Aberdeen (Mr. Boothby) has drawn attention to the fact that there are no nets. What is being done to ensure that the Board, if not the unfortunate fishermen, are to get nets for the boats?

I have put a number of questions to the right hon. Gentleman and I am sure he will not regard it unfair or unreasonable that he should answer them. I can assure him that the industry will regard this Order as of very little value unless the answers are given with the greatest definition. I congratulate him on bringing this matter forward. It should have been brought forward a long time ago. I press him now that it has been produced and will be welcomed in all quarters of the House not to make it valueless through the lack of real power and drive.

6.8 p.m.

Some years ago a right hon. Member of this House was told to "Speak up for England, Arthur." It seems to me that in this Debate it is time someone spoke up for England. Every speaker, so far, has spoken for Scotland and I am certain that people who read the Debate will assume that the herring industry is a Scottish industry, whereas the herring, of course, is at its finest maturity when caught off the English coast, particularly off the coast of my own constituency.

I think I must ask for your Ruling on this, Mr. Deputy-Speaker. The hon. and gallant Member has made a mistake. The herring is at its finest off the coast of Aberdeenshire.

I think this is drawing a red herring across the question under discussion.

I must rest content with saying that I do not think the herring either in England or Scotland can be beaten anywhere in the world.

The herring industry in England must be built up if we are to get rid of places which can be classed as distressed areas. I hope the provisions about ex-Service men and so forth will be interpreted very widely. I also hope that the provision regarding people who have been engaged in the industry will not only apply to the fruitful years before the war, but will be interpreted in the widest sense. The shoals are there and there is the prospect of colossal catches off the coast of my constituency, where the industry could be built up to what it was in its heyday.

It is important to my town that we should get this basic industry started, so that it can, in the long run, bring prosperity back to us. In the short run, it is important in relation to the food problem in Europe. If we in Yarmouth could provide each German with one herring, and other places could provide each German with two potatoes and a slice of bread per day, we could solve the problem of starvation this year. It is to be hoped that the industry will be of great help to this country, and also in solving the crucial problem which is facing us in Europe today.

I was interested in the provisions relating to freshing, curing, kippering and processing, because I have been trying to impress on business men, and on people coming from the Forces with capital, the possibilities there are in this direction for investment. There is a great future in my district, and no doubt in others, for the processing of herring and other fish, and linking that up with the preservation of other kinds of food. It is an industry which has never been worked properly. Here is a chance, and I hope that when we decide on this scheme the Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries will not he content with working out their scheme in the Ministry, but will go to the Ministry of Food and the Ministry of Transport and see that there is proper coordination, in order to make the herring industry a really big new industry in the East of England. I hope that this scheme is only a beginning. It is but a drop in the ocean, or, shall I say, in the herring shoal. We have the chance to revitalise an old-established industry which had almost collapsed in Eastern England, and to build it up into a basic industry which will last for years to come. I hope that the Secretary of State, for Scotland, will assure us that he intends to show some interest in the herring industry in England.

6.13 p.m.

I must disagree with my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Great Yarmouth (Squadron-Leader Kinghorn). I believe myself that the herring is only at its very best when it passes out of the Pentland Firth along the Caithness coast, coming as fast as it can from the Hebrides, seeking a less salubrious area further South. I would like to give my blessing to this Bill as one who has been actively engaged in this industry. I feel sometimes that we do not approach the problem from the proper angle. It is not a matter of providing boats or nets or engines. The industry has been depressed since 192.4. That has not been due to lack of nets. With modern catching power the danger of any herring fishing is unregulated landings of fish, with no provision made for proper processing or proper marketing.

I would particularly impress on the Secretary of State one part of this amended scheme, to which he should give the full force of his authority, that is, the development of scientific research and technique in dealing with herrings. Unless we can get the herring treated in a modern fashion, the markets that we are at present finding on the Continent because of the needs of hunger will not persist into that period when we in this country will be looking for a higher standard of living. I particularly urge this point upon my right hon. Friend, since I believe that of all fishing, herring fishing is the most important, because of the tremendous amount of shore employment which it gives. It is not merely the catching and landing of herring which is important, but the ancillary industries, such as barrelmaking, hoopmaking, kippering, netmaking, ropemaking, canning and the procuring of salt. All these industries help to make our countryside not merely prosperous because of our proximity to a fishing port but make the hinterland a busy hive of ancillary activities.

Passing from the processing and preparation aspect, I turn to the fact that modern fishing requires a craft of such extent that the ordinary fishermen cannot face the capital charges; so that, unless this scheme is administered sympathetically and rightly, we shall have the industry getting into the hands of the shore corporations. These can, at all times, secure a profit by laying off sufficient ships to make the catching power of the remainder meet the demands of the market—laying fishermen idle so that shore owners can secure a profit out of a restricted catch. That will happen if these loans are given, in an excessive degree, to the shore corporations, and it the ordinary fisherman is not treated so as to make it possible for a young man, who has given good service in the Navy during the war, who is ambitious and knows his job, to become not merely a paid deck hand in some boat, but, after a time, a share-owner in that boat, able to take pride in the condition of his ship and the product he is providing. We must ask the Secretary of State to see that the widest possible interpretation is given to the terms of this scheme, in order that the ordinary primary producer may have an opportunity to do more than be a pawn in the ancient game of catching fish. I think the proposed amendments of the scheme are wide enough to give the Secretary of State and the Herring Board an opportunity to put this industry once more upon its feet. There is no industry more important; there is no better food, than this product and there is no finer class of men than the men who go down to the sea in drifters, to catch the herring.

6.17 p.m.

I wish to deal with a phase of this subject which has so far not been discussed. I have been under the impression for a long time that a separate Ministry of Fishing is required in this country, not one attached to the Ministry of Agriculture. It was found necessary, in the state of agriculture before the war, to have some kind of organisation, but in the fishing industry and the herring industry there was no organisation of any kind. Working on the distributive side—in which I was engaged for many years—I have watched boats coming in with great catches, and seen the buyers coming down and selecting exactly what they wanted. Because there were no facilities in that particular point on the West coast of the Clyde, apart from one or two little backdoor places where some curing, kippering, etc., was done, whole boatloads of fish had to be thrown back into the sea. There is not one iota of difference between the position today and what it was in those days. Things have not advanced at all.

This proposal now before us does not propose to alter the position in any way. It only proposes to give a kind of compensation to the men who have served in the Forces during the war, to put them back into a postwar job. There is no attempt to deal with the fishing industry or the herring industry. I can remember when the finest herring in the world, coming from Loch Fyne, were sold in the streets, eight and 12 for 6d. There was a time, when fishermen brought in their catches, and everyone in the population of the West of Scotland took the opportunity of buying and selling fish. Even the unemployed did so, and it helped to get us out of a difficulty. Instead of that, there is now a chaotic condition and a scarcity of the fish which is teeming round our coasts.

I think the greatest disgrace in the administration of this nation's affairs—and I would commend this point to the attention of the Secretary of State—is the fact that we as an island, with the greatest potentialities for fishing in the whole world, have to import fish from Newfoundland. It is a disgrace the blame for which should be attached to lack of organising ability on the part of past Governments. I sincerely hope the present Government will bring forward something which is better than a mere palliative of this kind, to deal with what is a very great problem.

6.21 p.m.

I wish to add a word in praise of these measures which have been brought forward. It is impossible for this industry, one which has been neglected probably more than any other British industry, to be rescued in the short space of a few months after long years of neglect by previous Governments. The scheme which is now brought forward amending the Act which was passed by the Coalition Government shows that that Government did not take a wide enough view of the problem. I congratulate the Secretary of State for Scotland upon bringing this matter forward. Particularly, I would like to say how happy we feel on this side of the House about the arrangements which, I hope, will shortly be made for the processing of the fresh herring. In that, I think, lie great possibilities for the expansion of this industry. Indeed, it is no exaggeration to say that we can look forward, as a result of the application of science to this industry, to a time in the very near future when the British housewife will be able to have fresh herring every day in the week, should she so desire. There is no reason why that should not be the case as a result of the introduction of quick freezing. I hope that this system may be developed and expanded in the greatest possible measure.

It is true that there is a scarcity of boats and nets. I hope that the Secretary of. State, when he comes to allocate the available boats, will remember that there are other places in Scotland where there are unemployed fishermen besides Fifeshire, on whose behalf a special plea was put forward by the Member for East Fife (Mr. Henderson Stewart). In my own constituency I am told that we could man something like ten boats with unemployed men. There are other constituencies in other parts of Scotland where that could be done. I hope that in the allocation of these boats my right hon. Friend will have regard to the needs of ex-Servicemen, particularly those who lost their boats miring the war. They should have first priority.

There is another problem to which I have been trying to draw the attention of this House, and that is the problem of neglected harbours. Unless we can have these harbours repaired and put into a proper state to receive the boats when they come in with the fish, then we shall not get very far. I was in my constituency a few days ago and I watched the boats as they were coming in and were having to wait until the tide changed before they could land their fish. Those boats were waiting for two or three hours. During that time, of course, the fish was deteriorating. We find not only one defect in this industry, but a whole series of defects which will have to be tackled with courage, and very quickly. The state of the industry is the result of long years of neglect. I hope—and I believe my hope is not misplaced—that in this Government we see prospects of, at last, the requirements of the fishing industry being tackled in a methodical way and thereby fishermen will get that justice for which they have looked in vain to previous Governments.

6.25 p.m.

We have listened to Members from the fishing ports debating these provisions mainly from the point of view of their constituency interests. It is perfectly proper that Members should come to this Chamber and debate those interests. There are, however, wider interests in connection with the fishing industry which ought to be mentioned. We have heard of the shortage of nets and boats and of the other problems which confront fishermen throughout this island kingdom of ours, but I hope the Secretary of State will bear in mind consumer interests when these provisions are further considered by his Department. We had an occasion at Question time a few weeks ago when the whole House was made to laugh at my expense, and I lughed, too. The laughter was caused by the Parliamentary-Secretary to the Ministry of Food on a matter connected with the loss of fish at Billingsgate Market. A question was raised by an hon. Member stating that during one weekend some 40 tons of fish were destroyed because, through bad marketing and distributive facilities, the fish had gone to rot. Forty tons of fish were wasted out of 4,300 tons.

We are living in a world where there is a shortage of food. The fact that 40 tons of fish were destroyed because there had been some breakdown in the distributive machinery, is a reflection upon the whole administration. I suggest that, as this wastage of food consisted of a highly nutritious catch by our fishermen—part of it even the herring we are debating—it is a disgrace. I hope the system will be rectified. I represent a rural constituency where we are very grateful whenever a man knocks at our door, once a week, purveying fish for our consumption. We very rarely receive fresh herring and even more rarely the kippers which are produced by the herring industry. I am concerned that in the reorganisation of the fishing industry of this country we should have some positive provision for the total consumption of the catch which comes into our fishing ports. I must admit with regret that I do not see this provision in the scheme we are discussing this evening. For example, I want to feel that the Government have well in mind plans for a major canning industry, particularly in respect to the herring catch. I ask the Secretary of State to state, when he winds up, if he has in mind provisions for the modernisation not only of distribution but for the preservation of the catches of the herring industry. If he has not those matters in mind, will he at least give a promise that there is some expectation for the uture that there will be no further wastage of the magnificent catches which we can confidently expect in the next few years from the herring fleet?

6.30 p.m.

I assure the House that I do want to do something useful to help one of the finest bodies of men that we have in England or Scotland at the present time—those engaged in the fishing industry. If we cannot get men in the herring industry, we shall not have that wonderful reservoir of manpower on which we were able to fall back during the last two great wars, and particularly the last one. If we had not had that reservoir of men, who knew the dangers of the sea and who were willing to take all the risks associated with saving this nation from the attacks of our enemies, we should have been in a very bad position today. Consequently, I want to do what I can to help those engaged in the herring industry.

I did not suggest, when I introduced this amending scheme, that it was the last word and I have no complaint about the manner in which it has been received. Not one hon. Member who has taken part in the Debate has objected to the provisions of the Scheme. Therefore, I am justified in saying, that, having got the approval of the industry itself, and now, having got the approval of all who have taken part in this Debate, I have done something useful for the industry which I am seeking to serve. After all, I wa.s brought up in a fishing village. It is all right for the hon. Member for West Fife (Mr. Gallacher) to talk of Buckhaven, but I have jumped from the pier more than once when it was not so easy to do so as it has since become. There we had a fishing community who taught me something of the energy and enthusiasm which they showed in trying to win the harvest of the deep.

I repeat that I want to do something useful to help this industry. The hon. Member for East Aberdeen (Mr. Boothby) has already pointed out that there is a ray of light here so far as ex-Service men are concerned. I do want to do something for the ex-Service man, and one proposal which I put to the House in introducing the scheme specifically states: including in particular persons who have given service in H.M. Forces. It may be only a ray of light, and I am not making the claim that the full blast of sunshine will come on the fishing industry as the result of this Scheme. It will not, but it is quite possible that there may be more than one amending order. We are trying to get more agreement, to get something that is noncontroversial, and I think that, so far, we have succeeded. It is hardly fair to talk about delay or the ineffectiveness of the operation of the 1944 Act. We could not operate that Act fully during the war, and even this Scheme, which I have introduced today, is a long drawn-out procedure under the 1935 Act, and I was not responsible for that Act. I assure hon. Members that I want to see this Scheme, which I am now amending, applied in the very widest interpretation, both in the chartering and hiring of boats and in the giving of the loans.

A number of points were raised by the hon. Member for East Fife (Mr. Henderson Stewart). In reply to one of them, may I say that it is not for me, as I have no responsibility in connection with the Admiralty, to give the answer, but I will draw the attention of the Admiralty to the question of hiring some of their -boats directly to those engaged in the fishing industry.

Would the Secretary of State, in case that endeavour does not come off, also give the Herring Industry Board powers to purchase these motor fishing vessel.; from the Admiralty, in order that the Board may hire them quickly in the course of the next few months?

I have been too long at this Box to. give a definite pledge unless I know I can fulfil it. What the hon. Member has suggested will receive full consideration. Beyond that I cannot go until I have had time to discuss the suggestions he has made. The provisions of the Herring Industry scheme were suspended at the beginning of the war, but some were revived in January, 1945, to enable the Herring Industry Board to undertake the preparatory work with a view to its future activities, and I propose to revive the remainder immediately, so that the Board may take charge of production and of the export side of the herring industry this year. In the small amending scheme which I have put before the House today, I cannot deal with all the problems of the industry, but we will at least try to do something here, in agreement with the industry, and now, apparently, with the complete agreement of both sides of the House.

Before the right hon. Gentleman sits down, will he deal with the point which I raised about loans or grants for second-hand nets?

Certainly I will, but, at the moment, I think this must not be taken as a pledge. I do not see why powers should not be used to buy secondhand nets, and, if it is possible for that power to be used, the suggestion will receive not only sympathetic but favourable consideration so far as my advice to the Board is concerned.

Will the Minister say what number of boats he expects to get, and when?

I have tried to be very fair with the House, and have said that all points raised would be looked into. I want the Order to be applied as widely as possible. I cannot say offhand just the number of boats required, but I know of no limits that have been placed on the Board's activities to give effect to the amending scheme which I am now submitting for the approval of the House.

Resolved: That the Herring industry (Amending) Scheme, 1945, under section 2 (7) of the Herring Industry Act, 1935, a copy of which Scheme was presented on 22nd March, be approved.

INDIA (FAILURE OF CONSTITUTIONAL MACHINERY)

6.37 p.m.

I beg to move, That this House approves the continuance in force of the Proclamation issued under Section 93 of the Government of India Act. 1935, by the Governor of Madras on 3oth October, 1939, and of his Proclamations varying the same issued on 15th February, 1943, and 29th September, 1945, copies of which were presented to this House on 28th November, 1939 It:4h March, 1943, and 12th October, 1945, respectively. As the House is aware, the Province of Madras, in common with a number of other Provinces, has been under the direct rule of the Governor of the Province since October, 1939, when the Leaders of the Congress Party of India instructed their party representatives in the various Provinces in which the Congress Party had a majority, thereby exercising the function of government, to withdraw. As a consequence, it was necessary for the Governor of the Province to take over the powers of the Legislature which, as the House is aware, he is empowered to do under Section 93 of the Government of India Act, 1935. Elections have recently taken place in the Provinces and, indeed, in all cases where the election has been completed, with the exception of Madras, the leader of the majority party has been entrusted with the formation of a Ministerial Government. In the case of Madras, the election was completed on 30th March, and the results up to date are to the effect that 161 seats have been secured by supporters of the Congress Party and 39 seats are distributed among the Muslim Party and other parties in the Province. Unfortunately, the majority Congress Party are unable, up to date, to decide who shall be their leader and thereby be entrusted with the formation of a Ministry. The Proclamation, under which the Governor of Madras is at present exercising direct rule, expires on 29th of this month. Unless a Ministerial Government were to be formed before that date, it would be necessary for the Governor's powers to be extended for this Proclamation to be continued.

On 5th April a telegram was received from the Governor of the Province informing the India Office that there was this dispute about the leadership and, in consequence of that telegram, a telegram was sent from the India Office on 8th April drawing the attention of the Governor and his advisers to this problem which might arise under Section 93 and to the fact that the proclamation would come to an end on the 29th of this month. On Friday of last week a telegram was received from the Governor saying that there was little sign of the dispute being settled and suggesting that it would be preferable to ask this House to extend the life of the proclamation. I am here tonight to ask the House to extend the life of the Proclamation so as to cover any possible contingency which might arise in the event of no agreement being arrived at. It will be possible, as the House knows, to revoke the Proclamation at any time following an agreement among the majority party in the Madras Legislature. The Governor has power to do that, but I am asking the House tonight to agree to an extension of the life of the Proclamation in order to safeguard the position in view of the present dispute.

6.42 p.m.

It is very regrettable that the Government have had to come to the House with this Order. We are quite aware of Orders under Section 93, but the House should clearly realise the position with which we are now faced as the Parliament about whose work arid about whose influence there is so much criticism in India. We find ourselves in a position where elections have been held in the Province of Madras—a Province which we have always regarded as being exceptionally enlightened and one in which the working of the reforms, on the whole, has been satisfactory with the exception of the last few years—and where the Congress Party have a very large majority of 161 as against their opponents 39. At a moment when we are told that self-government in desired in India, we are also told by the Government that the Congress Party in Madras, unlike other well-regulated parties in this House, is quarrelling about its leadership, and is unable to form a constitutional Government.

This is an extremely disappointing sign, coming at the present moment. I should have thought it would have been possible for Congress, with whatever well. wishers or friends they may have in Madras, so to resolve their differences that out of their immense majority, they could, at least, attempt to form a Government before 29th April. I am sorry that the Governor, who is, I know, one of our most distinguished men, has thought it necessary to appeal to the home Government to come to this House for an Order. I should have thought there was sufficient time for negotiation before 29th April, to do without this Order. We on this side have no desire that there should be a reversion to Governor government in Madras. I would like to put this fairly and squarely before the Presidency of Madras. What is the position? In all the Indian Provinces, with the exception of Orissa, the Central Provinces and Bihar, all India has reverted to responsible government as we would desire her to do. Madras is a place where, thanks to the majority, the issues are perfectly clear, and I should have thought Madras would have been the first Province to revert to the ordinary constitutional working of democracy under the 1935 Act.

It appears to be impossible to get Congress to make up its mind about leadership unless the Under-Secretary comes down and gets this House to pass an Order, which will act as a sort of sword of Damocles hanging over the heads of the Congress Party, so that unless they make up their minds by the 29th, they know the Governor will resume rule. It is necessary to speak bluntly on this occasion, because the Under-Secretary has had to come to this House on other occasions on vital Bills and Measures, and other matters which ought to have been decided on the Indian sub-continent itself. On a previous occasion the Under-Secretary had to come to the House on the Indian Divorce Act, because the High Courts of India were unable to follow the developing process of legislation and watch its effects, with the result that a mistake was made in the High Courts and certain people who thought they had been or had not been divorced were in a state of despair and irritation. As I say, this is not the first time that the Under-Secretary has had to come to this House with matters that ought not to have been brought here. This is particularly the case in regard to the Presidency of Madras.

What will the position be? We shall, I presume, pass this Order because, in the circumstances, if the House does not pass it, it will be impossible for Madras to be governed under Section 93 and it will have no government at all, and the powers under the Government of India Act will lapse. Therefore, it is necessary for us to pass the Order, but, at the same time, it is a distinct indication to the Congress in Southern India—in Madras—that they should make some attempt to resolve their differences before 29th April. Questions of leadership in this country are solved with the greatest of ease and, despite journalistic prognostications, we never have any difficulty. I should have thought the Congress Party in Madras—I will not enter into personalities because that is not our affair—could, out of their majority, have indicated to the Governor who would be a suitable leader and that, at the same time, the Governor would have been able to find from this majority a responsible Government.

It would be out of Order on this occasion to mention anything about the major Indian constitutional question which is being discussed in another part of India, and I have no intention of so doing, but I would like to make an appeal to the Presidency of Madras that it would be a better augury for the working out of the vital questions of India, if they resolved their differences and proceeded to proper constitutional government. I hope that if the Under-Secretary says anything further he will echo those words. It is an intolerable situation that, because a vast majority party is unable to make up its mind about individual personalities, they should have to come to the Imperial Parliament for Orders to enable the Governor to rule by himself. That is all I have to say on the matter. I trust those words will have some effect and that, as a result, it will be found that a reversion to constitutional government will be possible and that the Presidency will proceed with that fair wind which we wish it to have.

6.49 p.m.

I am certain that this House wishes to send a message of confidence to the Acting Governor, Sir Henry Knight, who is a most distinguished member of the Indian Civil Service and who has a most remarkable record in Bombay. In Bombay he was entirely responsible for the introduction of the system of rationing, which is a model not only for the rest of India but, perhaps, for the whole world. There is no man in India more suitable for the position of Acting Governor than Sir Henry Knight. I am stare that if there are steps which he can take to resolve this difficult position, they will be taken, and I hope they will be successful. I join with my right hon. Friend the Member for Saffron Walden (Mr. R. A. Butler) in deploring this situation. It is, indeed, a bad omen for India if, in Madras of all Provinces, constitutional government cannot be re-established. I beg and pray all Indian statesmen to ponder this situation seriously in the light of their objective, which surely is that the day shall come when there will be no Section 93 and no British Parliament to which to appeal, and perhaps no British Governor on to whose shoulders the burden of responsibility can be thrown. It seems to me that if at this juncture of India's destinies petty bickering over questions of leadership and political plotting should stand in the way of a full resumption of provincial self-government, then indeed the outlook for India's future is dark. I know it is not in Order to refer to what is going on at New Delhi, but, as a friend of India—and indeed, we are all in this House friends of India, without distinction of party—I beg Indian political parties to take warning by this sinister development.

There is one other factor which comes into play in Madras, and I hope it has nothing to do with the political crisis. That is the fact that within the next few months much of Madras Presidency will be passing through a period of acutest famine. As one who has just been to India I registered a vow that I would neglect no opportunity of hammering home to this House our duty towards India. If we expect India not to let herself down, we must not let India down so far as allocations of grain are concerned. It will be a lasting disgrace to us if we allow one single grain to be diverted from our fellow subjects in India to any other part of the world unless it is absolutely necessary. I notice your warning look, Mr. Speaker, and I will resume my seat.

6.53 P.m.

Inevitably speeches on this matter will be very brief and somewhat reiterative. What I am about to say reiterates what has been said before. I naturally express my very great hope that the unfortunate differences will be resolved at an early date and that the threat which is held out will be withdrawn. Therefore, I endorse what has been said by the Under-Secretary of State for India, and I support the appeal which is made to our friends in India to resolve their differences so that this unfortunate proposal shall not be carried into effect. I do not think we necessarily assist our Indian friends by suggesting that this is a bad omen for the future. It concerns only one part of India and, serious as it is, in other parts of India Provincial Governments have been formed. Again we should appreciate that these unfortunate difficulties are not unknown in other parts of the world besides India. Sometimes Governments are held up because of very sincere, though lamentable, differences. We are not entirely unaware of similar difficulties in our own country, even though they have not reached the very grave stage which they have reached in Madras. Therefore, I urge on hon. Members not to overplay the note that this is a very had omen or a bad augury for the future.

On the contrary, while we must make our appeal, as we shall make it, to our Indian friends to resolve their differences for the sake of India and for the sake of future self-government, we should also point out to them that, if in other parts India has succeeded in establishing self-government in the Provinces, it should be possible in Madras as well. For that reason, I hope we shall be able to accept this proposal with the hope and understanding that directly there is in this major Indian party in Madras agreement regarding leadership, this proposal shall be withdrawn. I would like an assurance from the Under-Secretary that that will be so. If that assurance is given, then, with great reluctance, we shall pass this proposal, but at the same time make a fervent appeal that at no distant date the Congress Party in Madras will resolve its internal difficulties and, for the sake of Madras and India as a whole, the Province will be able to re-establish self-government.

With the permission of the House, I would like to echo the wishes of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Saffron Walden (Mr. R. A. Butler) in expressing the hope that this dispute will be quickly settled. I can certainly assure my hon. Friend the Member for West Leyton (Mr. Sorensen) that the sooner the dispute is settled, the sooner will Ministerial Government be established and the sooner will the Proclamation which has been made under Section 93 be revoked.

Resolved: That this House approves the continuance in force of the Proclamation issued under Section 93 of the Government of India Act, 1935, by the Governor of Madras on 3oth October, 1939 and of his Proclamations varying the same issued on 15th February, 1943, and 29th September, 1945, copies of which were presented to this House on 28th November, 1939, 16th March, 1943, and 12th October, 1945. respectively.

HOUSING (FINANCIAL AND MISCELLANEOUS PROVISIONS) BILL

Order read for consideration of Lords Amendments.

Ordered: "That the Lords Amendments be now considered."

Lords Amendments considered accordingly.

CLAUSE 4.—( Standard amount of Exchequer contributions for flats etc., on expensive sites .)

Lords Amendment: In page 3, line 28, leave out from "Schedule ", to the end of line 37.

6.58 p.m.

I beg to move, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."

This Amendment really results in the omission from Clause 4 of the proviso which limits the discretion of the Minister with regard to the granting of increased moneys for the erection of flats and houses upon land of high value. It was felt when we introduced this Bill that the extra money given for flats might possibly be extended to houses if a mixed development could be made to result, but the proviso limits the power of the Minister to do that in cases where the mixed development would result in the provision of accommodation equivalent to an average three storey flat over the whole of the area concerned. It has been felt that in the lower ranges of the values set out ir. Part II of the First Schedule—that is land valued from £1,500 to £6,000 an acre —it might be even more economical to put on that land only houses and not a mixture of houses and flats. For that reason it is desired to agree that this proviso shall be taken out. I must, however, say that so far as the central areas of large cities are concerned, in order to provide the necessary accommodation in proximity to the places where people work, we shall have to insist upon the erection of flats. It is felt that a wider discretion should be given to the Minister in this matter.

7.0 p.m

I think the Minister has persuaded me and my hon. Friends that it is right to take out this proviso. In his speech he said the Amendment "really" resulted in taking out the proviso. Of course it does. It does not do anything else. That is the object of the Amendment. Whether or not he need say it "really" results in that I do not know. That is all it does. It is quite true, as I read it—and I hope I am right—it gives the Minister a much wider discretion in the use of this expensive land. To that extent I suppose it is a minor triumph for the town and country planning Members, who are not here at the moment, so we need not expect any speeches from them. At the time the Bill was being discussed they urged that there should be more mixed development than seemed to be the case under the Clause when we had it before us. In the end, of course, it must rest with the Minister as the Bill is drawn. As a result of the removal of this proviso I presume the Minister will feel himself more free, in certain circumstances, to allow houses to be built as well as flats, which, we all agree, will be the predominant development of the expensive sites in the central areas. If I may say so, I think the Minister has been very well advised in accepting this Amendment in another place, and in asking the House to approve of it. So far as we are concerned, we take no exception at all.

Remaining Lords Amendments agreed to. [One with Special Entry.]

SUPPLIES AND SERVICES TRANSITIONAL POWERS)

7.3 p.m.

I beg to move, That the Order in Council, dated 20th March, 1946, amending Regulation 56A of the Defence (General) Regulations, 1939, and the Defence (Recovery of Fines) Regulations, 1942 (S.R. & O., 1946, No. 371), a copy of which was presented on 25th March, be annulled. This Order in Council is an addition to Defence Regulation 56A. That regulation is used for the purpose of preventing building operations being carried out without licence from the Ministry of Works. If any work is carried out, beyond what I think is at present the limit of £10 normally, either without a licence or in such manner as to infringe any condition in a licence, then no less than three different kinds of people are subjected to penalties: first, the person at whose expense the work is done; secondly, the person undertaking the work; thirdly, the architect or engineer who supervises the work. All three people are guilty if any infringement takes place. In the Defence Regulations there are set out defences, rather difficult to interpret in particular cases, which may easily give rise to quite legitimate differences of opinion. The first is, if those who are charged reasonably thought, when they began the work, that the permitted limit of expense would not be exceeded—a somewhat difficult question, very often, to determine whether that defence can be sustained. The second, equally difficult, is to the effect that a permit will not be required, and an offence will not be committed, if the work carried out was urgently necessary, so that it was impracticable to obtain the necessary authority. Obviously quite difficult questions can be raised there, and persons may easily be guilty of an offence without any serious criminal intent, merely by making some comparatively trivial error.

I agree that at the other end of the scale there may very well be deliberate attempts to evade this control. I realise that, as the Government policy is at present proceeding, this control is vital to them. Perhaps their policy is not as good as it should be. Nevertheless, we have to take things as we find them, and if they insist on this policy I cannot object to a raising of the maximum penalties. The maximum penalties at present are quite severe. They are, three months' imprisonment or £100 on summary conviction, and two years' imprisonment or £500 on indictment. It may well be—and I do not quarrel with this at all—that those penalties may have to be stepped up in particular circumstances. I ask the learned Attorney-General, whom I am glad to see in his place, whether he really thinks it a good thing to step up the penalty on summary conviction to the extent of one year's imprisonment. I do not take any exception to stepping up the penalty to seven years' penal servitude for the serious type of case. However, I do venture to suggest that we should not get out of line with the normal maximum penalty on summary conviction. I would be interested to know why a penalty so heavy as one year's imprisonment is thought necessary on summary conviction. Although the financial penalty may be raised—and I take no serious exception to that—for both summary conviction and on indictment, and although the penalty of imprisonment on indictment may be raised, we should be very careful about raising the penalty of imprisonment to these heights on summary conviction.

The main matter to which I have to draw the attention of the House is the novelty of a minimum fine. I draw the attention of the House to the new paragraph (6B): The minimum and maximum amount of the fine referred to (above) shall, subject to the provisions of the three next following paragraphs, be as follows… I leave the summary conviction and pass to the other, for a reason that will appear later: on conviction on indictment the minimum amount shall be the said cost of five hundred pounds, whichever is the less, and the maximum amount shall be three times the said cost or five thousand pounds, whichever is the greater. That does not make sense grammatically. The word "of" obviously ought to be "or," and it ought to read: …the minimum amount shall be the said cost or five hundred pounds, whichever is the less, and the maximum amount shall be three times the said cost or five thousand pounds, whichever is the greater. One would not mind very much about a misprint in a comparatively obscure part of an Order, but I am bound to say I am astonished that in the most important part of the Order we should be given a misprint of this kind. It is the sort of thing that would not have happened in ordinary times; it could not have happened. The idea that a document containing a misprint of this character was submitted to His Majesty in Council would be just unthinkable in ordinary times. I do not seek to blame anybody in particular for this, because I know that the Government are overdriving the machine, and this is the kind of thing that happens when the machine is overdriven. I hope the Government will take warning from this comparatively trivial incident, and see to it that the machine is not driven in such a way that those who are responsible for this important work have not even the time to see that there is no misprint in a legislative instrument. Of course, the Government must accept this Prayer. An Order containing an absurd misprint of that kind cannot be left. Therefore, because the Government must accept the Motion which I am now proposing, I cannot imagine the learned Attorney-General or the Parliamentary Secretary would wish to persist with an Order which contains an error of this character. I do not want to criticise anybody, but I think we shall criticise very strenuously if this Order is not withdrawn.

I pass to the problem of what the substituted Order should contain in addition to the correction of this misprint. A minimum fine is not a good thing, and I do not think either of the Law Officers would say that it was a good thing in the ordinary case, It is a bad thing, and I know of no precedent at all like this. I can think of only one, which is quite different, and that is the "black market minimum. There we do not have a settled sum; we have a minimum penalty of the amount of the profit involved in the offence. The amount of the profit is proved in the course of the case, and then, quite properly, the court is directed that, in the absence of special circumstances, the man must be fined the full amount of the profit. There the amount of the minimum fine depends on the circumstances of the case. In this case—and I know of no other—the amount of the minimum fine is settled in advance, however trivial the case may be. It is worse than that, because the amount of the minimum fine is £50 on summary conviction and £500 on indictment. It is bad enough for Parliament to enact a minimum fine, but it is very much worse that Parliament should delegate to somebody the settlement of what that minimum fine shall be, because the question of whether a case is to be taken summarily or on the indictment, according to the procedure with which I am familiar, is determined by the Lord Advocate and by nobody else, that is to say, by a Member of the Government. I know it is not quite the same in England. It is wrong for this House to delegate to a Member of His Majesty's Government the task of determining what shall be the minimum fine imposed upon a particular defendant. I hope that point will be taken into consideration.

What is the point of having a minimum fine at all? In the normal course Parliament indicates to His Majesty's judges the gravity of the offence, as they see it, by determining the maximum. Any court, seeing a maximum of seven years' penal servitude, will, of course, see that, apart from common knowledge, this is regarded by Parliament as a very serious type of offence; then it is the duty of the judiciary to determine what the penalty is to be. This is an encroachment by the Executive on the judiciary of a wholly unwarranted character. Why are His Majesty's judges not to be trusted to inflict a proper penalty? Is the object of this minimum fine to ensure that His Majesty's judges do their duty? Is it the Government's view that His Majesty's judges will not inflict a proper penalty unless this is done?

To my mind it seems to be rather insulting, and I do not think that is at the back of the minds of the draftsmen of this Order. There is some muddleheaded idea that the gravity of the offence is indicated by fixing a minimum fine, and the meaning of fixing a minimum fine is that it is ensured, or at least provided, that the man's deserts are not to be the measure of the penalty. No matter how technical the offence may be, no matter how deserving the man may be, he will still be fined £50 on summary conviction and £500 on indictment unless he can point to special circumstances.

What are these words "special circumstances "? They are not new. Under the Road Traffic Act the provision for the suspension of a man's licence can be modified for special reasons. Those words "special reasons" have caused the courts of Scotland a great deal of difficulty, and we have had a series of cases, but nobody has quite determined what they mean. But one thing is quite certain. It is not a "special reason" merely that the man does not deserve to have his licence suspended. It must be something different from the deserts of the individual offender to come up to "special reasons." If that is good authority there, it is good authority here, and, indeed, we should not want that authority here, because if it is suggested that it is a "special reason "that the man does not deserve to be fined £50, then the enactment of a minimum fine is wholly nonsensical. If we are going to reduce the minimum fine every time a man does not deserve it, we may as well not have one; and, therefore, the court will necessarily be driven to the conclusion that Parliament meant something different from merely reducing the minimum fine when the man appeared not to deserve it. This will result, in my judgment, in the courts construing this provision in this way.

We must contemplate circumstances in which this Order will require the court to impose upon the offender a penalty greater than he deserves by imposing this minimum fine. This, surely, is a new theory of criminal jurisprudence. I have always thought in the past that even the most reactionary people did not want to impose on persons who offended against the law a greater penalty than they deserved, and I thought hon. Gentlemen opposite regarded themselves as rather enlightened in the matter of criminal jurisprudence. I am very surprised that they of all people should come forward and say that they now require to impose upon offenders penalties which, admittedly, are not deserved, and that they are doing so only in order that it may be a warning to others not to offend. There is a good deal of controversy in legal circles about what is a proper philosophical basis of a scale of punishment, but I had thought that we were long past the day when the Government had to come forward to impose upon an offender a penalty which they knew he did not deserve because they thought that would act as a warning and a deterrent to others. That, unquestionably, is the theory that underlies this minimum fine. I defy anybody to prove otherwise.

It seems to me that we ought not to accept this new doctrine. If we are to accept this doctrine of imposing a minimum fine, which must be imposed even upon technical offenders, where are we to stop? Nobody can suggest that a breach of control of building regulations is one of the most serious crimes in the calendar. Nobody can even suggest that this control so much more vital to the recovery of this country than any other in the book of Defence Regulations. Why should it he treated separately? There are many other controls in the book much more important in the national interest. I cannot see any reason at all for imposing this new type of punishment in this limited class of case and not imposing it also in a great number of other controls under the Defence Regulations.

I do not know whether the Government intend to bring in this penalty in other cases. I do not know whether this is just an example of what we are seeing increasingly—that one Department in this Government does not know what another is doing. I strongly suspect that. I know how busy the Law Officers are. I am sure that this has not been properly considered by them. I strongly suspect that it has not been properly considered by other Departments concerned, and I suspect that this is a result of gross overwork, that one Department has had a bright idea which has slipped through without much criticism by other Ministers. It certainly slipped through without the supervision of the draftsmen, of the Stationery Office, or whoever has to see that these things are properly printed. I am very much afraid that this is a result of a little slackness and a little lack of coordination. The Attorney-General is really asking for well-merited comment from His Majesty's judges when they are asked to enforce this. I should have thought he would have sought to avoid that. But we shall see what they do. I do not think any of us would hold it against the Government, if they were to withdraw this, and modify the penalty. These things happen and it is a pity. But we hope that the Government can learn from their mistakes. It they persist in this new type of jurisprudence of a rather un-British character, I think we shall have to take such steps as are open to us.

On a point of Order, Mr. Speaker. I wonder whether we are in Order in discussing this at all. It is within my recollection, which is, of course, quite different from that of the Law Officers, who were not in the old Parliament, that on a previous occasion we had a somewhat similar case in connection with the Unemployment Insurance Regulations. At that time, if my memory is right, the hon. Member for Normanton (Mr. T Smith) in the course of Debate found there was a misprint. It had no relevance at all to the subject under discussion; it did not make any difference. But it was then ruled that the Order could not be discussed, and the Order, as such, had to be withdrawn, and was discussed anew on another day. That is exactly what has happened here. As my right hon. and learned Friend the Member for Hillhead (Mr. J. S. C. Reid) has pointed out, the Order, as printed, on page 2, Bb, does not make sense. For that reason I submit that the Order should not be discussed any further until it is reprinted.

It is true that the Government have introduced a little corrigendum affair here with a sticky back. But in its present form, I submit, it is not valid. It just states that it is an Order in Council. It does not give the proper definition or state when the Council was held or where. At the end it just says "London. H.M. Stationery Office." I submit to you, Sir, that that is not a proper designation of the Order, because all the Orders bear the words "London. Printed and published by His Majesty's Stationery Office." That is the usual description, which is the common form and governs the validity of the document. This little corrigendum slip has none of that on it. On the precedent of the Unemployment Insurance Regulation, which had to be withdrawn on exactly the same ground, I put it to you, Sir, that we should no longer discuss this Order, but that the Government should withdraw and reprint it, and that we should discuss it on a future occasion.

The right hon. and gallant Gentleman has made a very interesting point; but as far as my recollection goes on the former occasion to which he refers, there was no slip attached amending the printing of the Order. It was incorrectly printed. In this case the House has a corrected form, and can learn how the Order should have been printed. On the former occasion, as far as my recollection goes, no public attention was drawn to the error until the time when the House discussed it. On this occasion, attention was drawn by a Question on the Order Paper, and, therefore, the House had notice, so to speak, that there was a slip and that there was a misprint. Therefore, it seems to me that this is correctly put before the House of Commons, and so far as I am concerned, I cannot rule that the mater should not be discussed.

I am very much obliged to you, Sir, far what you have said But the House must surely take it that the original document was the document which was before the King's Most Excellent Majesty in Council. If we are right, we must assume that it was that document, which does not make sense, which was before His Majesty in Council. We then get this little document which corrects the mistake, but there is nothing to say the error has been before the King in Council and rectified there. It is on that point that I join issue with the Government

Further to that point of Order. Perhaps I can set the right hon. and gallant Gentleman's mind at ease. I can tell him that the original Order in Council, of which I have myself seen a copy—I had it dug out of the archives especially for this purpose—was quite correct, and that the misprint which has occurred, and for which my right hon. Friend apologised to the House this afternoon, occurred in the printing of the copies. I can give him the whole story of how it happened in the Stationery Office, but I am sure he does not want to press the matter so far. I can assure him, and you, Sir, that the Order was quite correct.

How are we to know? Of course, I do not doubt the word of the hon. Gentleman, but these things must be done formally, I submit, and it is wrong that this House should have to depend upon the word of any Minister or any other Member of the House in matters of this kind, particularly as the hon. Gentleman has seen only a copy of the document which was submitted to His Majesty. He has not seen the document submitted to His Majesty in Council, and it is that document which ought to rule. We are entitled to have that document, and we ought to have a right copy before us. To say we are going to save 2½d. by putting in a corrigendum is absurd. I ask then whether it is proper for us to discuss this.

The point has been carefully explained at Question time, and, therefore, the House has had notice of it. It is in Order to discuss it.

Further to that point of Order. I am not sure whether this point is for you, Sir, or the Minister. What I had in mind and what I am wondering about is the position of the general public. Have any of these Orders gone out without this corrigendum ? So far as I know, hundreds must have gone out, because the error was only discovered later on. That reinforces the point that I have been making to you; that we should not discuss it, until it has been reprinted correctly, because so far as this subject is concerned outside the House, those who have received the Order in its original form will see that it is nonsense and will be unable to be informed in the proper sense by that document. Of course, if I am assured that all the Orders recently printed have been withdrawn, and every one concerned now has a correct one, that alters the case, but, unless it is so, I submit that these Orders should be withdrawn, and should not be discussed, until the matter is clean and tidy.

The situation, so far as I am concerned, is this: Has the document been properly presented to the House of Commons? I think it has been properly presented. What happens to the public is a matter which will he decided by our votes. I cannot rule the document out of Order because there is the possibility that one copy may have gone out without this corrigendum . We are discussing the document which has been put before us, and all we are concerned about is whether it is a correct document.

I do not want to labour this point, but I have in my possession two copies which I obtained on different days from the Vote Office, neither of which has this corrigendum . I shall be surprised to be told that this corrigendum was added before yesterday, whereas the document has been available in the Vote Office for a matter of three weeks, and every copy issued to this House, and the copy which was laid on the Table of the House, were without the corrigendum . These copies have been issued from the Vote Office without the corrigendum to this House for a matter of three weeks, and I submit that at the last moment, to stick a piece of paper on the remaining few copies in the Vote Office, is not treating the matter properly.

May I point out that this Order has affected the law from the date of its presentation, 25th March, and that all the earlier copies of the Order have gone out without this addition?

It seems to me, from the little Debate we now have had, whether "of" "or" "or" is the correct word, that public attention has been drawn to the misprint, and everyone who has a copy will now know perfectly well the position. As far as I am concerned, this document is in Order for discussion.

7.34 P.m.

The difficulties and the complications to which the printing error contained in this document has given rise, seem to me to be a most vivid illustration of this unsatisfactory method of dealing with serious matters of this kind by delegated legislation. Here we have a document which has been part of the law of the land for over a month, containing an error in the most vital part, which affects the subject, namely, the penal Clause. It is now admitted by the Government to be completely erroneous, which illustrates the dangers necessarily involved in dealing with criminal legislation by this method. It illustrates further the technical difficulties in which the Government involve themselves. I do not know whether it was by happy coincidence that the corrigendum happened to be mentioned at Questions today—no doubt it was a spontaneous Question to the right hon. Gentleman the Minister of Works. I do riot know whether it is proposed to lay the corrigendum upon the Table of the House, and whether it will be possible to pray for its annulment within 40 days from today. It is an illustration of the complexities and technicalities in which the Government involve themselves by this method of legislation. It is no doubt by reason of this that the House has the advantage of having a straight flush of Law Officers to assist in the deliberations of this evening.

The position surely is this. The Amendment to the law affected by this Order is one of serious import in the criminal code. It involves the possibility of the imposition of a sentence of up to seven years' penal servitude. It is a serious matter, quite apart from the confusion in dealing with the matter in this way, and there is the further disadvantage that we are not told and have not been told of the necessity for it. Surely, if it is thought necessary by the Government to amend the law of the land so as to include serious and substantial criminal penalties, before that is done some explanation as to the necessity for this change should have been given. Had this matter been dealt with properly by Act of Parliament, an explanation would inevitably have been given by a responsible Minister on the Second Reading of the Bill. Here we find that the law is changed in this direction, and changed over a month ago, with no explanation whatever. Owing to the vigilance of certain hon. Members, it is only now that we have an opportunity to discuss it. On the principle of better late than never, I hope that someone on the Front Bench opposite will explain to the House the necessity for this very big increase in criminal penalties. I am perfectly certain that progressively-minded Members opposite would not increase the penalties of the criminal law in a light hearted or wanton manner. I am sure that there must be some serious and substantial justification for it.

It would appear that the existing penalties must have proved inadequate. I hope that the House will be told in full detail and with full evidence why the present penalties are inadequate, and why this change is necessary. There is the strange provision, to which my right hon. and learned Friend drew attention, that in the absence of special circumstances there shall be minimum penalties. I put it to the Government that that provision will either have no effect at all and will be worthless, because it will be disregarded, or, inevitably, it will cause injustice, because it will take away from courts of law their very difficult and complicated discretion in assessing a proper penalty. That is the dilemma with which we are faced. Either this provision is not worth the paper it is printed upon, because the courts will be able to find special circumstances, or it is a calculated attempt to inflict injustices on individuals. In matters affecting the safety of the Realm, it is necessary sometimes to include such a provision, but is it seriously suggested that breaches of the regulations, directions, orders and rules, and other pronunciamentos of the Minister of Works will affect the stability of the Realm to the extent that it is necessary to inflict serious hardship upon individuals in the administration of the criminal law?.

Finally there is this strange provision which gives to the Minister the right to direct that a case be not tried by the magistrates, but shall be sent for trial on indictment. The provision giving discretion to the Director of Public Prosecutions is not unreasonable, but why is it desirable to give these special powers to the Minister is it seriously suggested that the Minister is vindictively to pursue alleged offenders against his Orders? Is the Minister who has made the Orders to be entitled to dictate the forum in which breaches of these Orders are to be discussed and awards made? For a party which prides itself upon a progressive approach to criminal jurisprudence, this seems to be a strange provision.

I hope that we shall be given an assurance, if only as a result of the technical deficiencies which have been fully elucidated, that this Order will be withdrawn. If it is not, I hope that we may be taken fully into the confidence of the Government, and that they will explain why the necessity to increase the penalties has arisen. If a full explanation is not given, no doubt hon. Members on this side of the House and most people in the country will regard this Regulation as being simply part of the Government's policy to substitute the uttering of threats for the building of houses, and of indicat- ing, as a last resort, that they have decided to solve the problem of accommodation for our people by ensuring that, at any rate, there is no waste of accommodation in His Majesty's prisons.

7.41 p.m.

I do not desire to criticise the Government with regard to the necessity of these provisions, but I wish to make one point with regard to Paragraph (6G) of this Order. I would like to draw the attention of the House to its wording: Where proceedings for an offence against this Regulation are being carried on before a court of summary jurisdiction— ( a ) by or on behalf of the Minister; or ( b ) by a person specified by an order made by the Minister and for the time being in force; or ( c ) by or with the consent of the Director of Public Prosecutions, the court shall not deal with the case summarily if it is certified by the Minister or the Director of Public Prosecutions, as the case may be, that there are circumstances which make it undesirable that the case should be dealt with summarily. I desire to draw attention to what I suggest is a grave danger which is now increasingly affecting the liberty of the subject. In the days before the war, before the Defence (General) Regulations, 1939, were passed, the position was this: If a person committeed an offence and was dealt with summarily under the provisions of the Summary Jurisdiction Act, the proceedings had to be commenced within a period of six months. That was increased to 12 months by the Defence Regulation of 1939. That meant two things. It means, first, in the case of a Ministry bringing proceedings, that they had 12 months in which to make up their minds, and, if they did not do so, they could not bring summary proceedings. It also meant—and I want to impress this upon the House—that if proceedings were brought in summary fashion, and the Ministry failed in their case, the magistrates had power to grant costs against the Ministry. By way of contrast, if proceedings were brought by indictment, generally speaking, there was no time limit and there was no power to give costs to an injured person. The result, in my submission, is that a premium is given for delay.

Officials of any Ministry—I am not criticising any one in particular—if they care to delay, may take a considerable time in making investigations and bringing proceedings. Twelve months and possibly years may elapse, and, in that way, the matter is kept hanging over the head of the individual concerned. Then proceedings are brought by indictment, because there is no time limit, and when they are brought, the person concerned may be involved in an elaborate trial at assizes, quarter sessions or the Central Criminal Court, incur very considerable expense, and get no costs at all because the proceedings are brought by indictment. I suggest that that is a very grave danger, and it is very important to note it now because we must, by the very nature of things, have many more Orders brought into being The more Orders we have, the more provisions, and the more provisions, the greater the likelihood of more offenders. As there is no remedy against the Crown, and no question of costs, the result is that, if proceedings are brought by indictment, an innocent person may suffer very considerably..

I suggest that this is a power which ought to be exercised only in very special circumstances. I am glad to see that in this Order it is stated that the court shall not deal with the case summarily if it is certified by the Minister or Director of Public Prosecutions that there are circumstances that make it undesirable. But what are these circumstances? The circumstances are made in a very vague fashion. I should have thought that some indication would have been given to justify a course being taken which may mean so much to the subject. I agree with the criticism made on the other side of the House that the Minister should certainly not be the person to certify that this matter shall be dealt with by indictment and not summarily. I would suggest that the Director of Public Prosecutions ought not to be the person. Why a magistrate should not certify, I do not know.

We are in danger of taking away from the judicial functions which we praise very much in this country. Whatever Government is in power, we know that we have a splendid set of persons in our judges and magistrates, and we ought to rely upon them to act properly in these cases. I would press that the rule ought to be in this Order, and in other Orders, that the greatest possible care should be taken in every case which might tend to interfere with the liberty of the individual in that way. If you give him the right to trial in summary fashion, do not take it away in such a manner that you allow officials to delay for a long period, then get a certificate of special circumstances, and involve the individual in the cost of a trial before judge and jury without any possible compensation for the loss incurred.

7.47 P.m.

I feel somewhat diffident in following the hon. Member for Stoke Newington (Mr. Weitzman) partly because I agree with him profoundly on certain points, and partly because I think he must have given considerable thought to arguing his contention. It seems to me that there must be power for the Minister to certify because—I am sure the hon. Member will see the point immediately—it is not wise that the Director should be involved in the case. It would be an intolerable nuisance, so far as the prosecution is concerned, if the Department who were prosecuting were perpetually having to consult the Director. If it was a very serious case, no doubt the Director would quite properly be invoked. Nevertheless, it does leave one with a considerable amount of anxiety on the point of delay. There is considerable force in what the hon. Member says about delay.

If I may be allowed to give the benefit of some experience in these matters from an angle which is not universally seen by hon. Members here, I have had and will have the opportunity of seeing this matter from the point of view of the Bench. May I draw attention, first, to the fact that, it is true, as the hon. Member has told the House, that there is a tendency to delay. He has voiced something which I can echo with absolute certainty. Certainly there has been this sort of tendency to delay. Let me draw attention to this because, although you entrust everything to the Law Officers and prosecuting agencies, such as the Director and so on, surely the House must be careful to try to understand the complexities in these matters and see that attention is given to these points.

I can think of a recent case, in one of the most distinguished courts of the realm, in which a man was brought there for an offence against a Regulation—quite properly, no doubt—but a mistake had been made in the indictment. Owing to a technicality, he was free, and months went by before that man was brought back again to the Old Bailey. There the case was dealt with, but the man had suffered agonies, and had become ill through worry. I will willingly give the Law Officers particulars of the case but I ought not to mention the name in this House.

The Department have now discovered that they desire to proceed in respect of matters well within their knowledge at the time when the man was brought before the Old Bailey months ago. I assure the House that unless we take particular care here to see that the various legal advisers to the different Ministries act with speed we may be certain they will not act with speed. It needs that spur, which the Lord President of the Council, or perhaps it was the Home Secretary, used to say should be applied to legal departments as well as other persons who may be a little dilatory.

May I turn to something different? I am not going to take the view of the hon. Member for Kingston-upon-Thames (Mr. Boyd-Carpenter). That does not mean that there is a division in the camp, because one may speak differently from one's colleagues on an administrative point. Let us turn to the short words Paragraph B and try to imagine ourselves in the position of the judge on an indictment at assize or quarter session. The House does not need an assurance that the judges are trying to do their duty and enforce the law of the land no matter who has brought the law into being. They try to see that the law is carried out. They have at the back of their minds the fact that they have to regard the individual who stands in the dock, which is a comparatively modern idea. They have to make the punishment not only fit the crime, but the individual. The judge finally hears the man either plead guilty or be found guilty. What does he then do? He has to turn to the Regulation and instead of finding something perfectly simple with a maximum penalty like seven years' penal servitude or a maximum fine of £7,000, he discovers that he has to look up and pay attention to a complex Regulation and that he has to impose a minimum fine. I can assure the House that that is quite unnecessary.

The whole desire of the justices of the peace or the court of assize or quarter session—and I am sure the Home Secretary will agree with me because he sat for several years in a most distinguished position—is to enforce the law. Having heard the police officer say what he has to say and having heard the pleas on the man's behalf, the courts of this country try to decide what is the right thing to do in the particular circumstances. On the whole, it is done extraordinarily well. We here tonight are satisfied that the administration of justice in this country is beyond reproach.

As far as the magistrates really following up the desires of the Government are concerned, there is no difficulty, and there are no complaints about it. There is no material to show that at all. When I say there is no material I do not want to exaggerate it. Of course, in individual cases a small penalty may be imposed which should be a lot larger. May I give an example of a case of receiving stolen goods? A small fine may be imposed whereas some people think that the man should go to gaol. On the whole, however, it has worked faithfully. With regard to Statutory Rules and Orders we find that a magistrate has to see whether, in fact, there is some minimum penalty, and then it is a considerable nuisance working out the minimum penalty. In Paragraph 1 (6B) we find The minimum and maximum amount of the fine referred to in paragraph (6A) of this Regulation shall, subject to the provisions of the three next following paragraphs, be as follows, that is to say— ( a ) on summary conviction the minimum amount shall be the cost of execution of the operation, or the carrying out of the work… It should not be like a mathematical calculation trying to enforce the laws of Parliament. It is not a fine piece of needlework. It is a rather broader thing. When one finds one has to decide the exact amount of the cost of the execution of the operation or the carrying out of the work one feels that the House is out of touch. May I show what happens when, having heard what is the cost of the execution of the operation, or the carrying out of the work involved, the chairman of quarter sessions, or the judge of assize, looks at, or has his attention drawn to, a paragraph which says that he need not impose the fine. unless, having regard to any special circumstances, the court thinks there is good reason for not imposing a fine or for imposing a fine of less amount. The right hon. and learned Gentleman the Member for Hillhead (Mr. J. S. C. Reid) drew the attention to the difficulty of special circumstances in respect of an offence we all know and which we arc endeavouring to stop—being under the influence of drink to such an extent as to be incapable of having proper control of a motor vehicle. Those of us who have sat in the various courts and have looked up the Statutes already existing have found that there is no need to suspend a man's !icence for the automatic period of 12 months when there are special circumstances, but to find out what Parliament meant by special circumstances is extremely difficult. It is extraordinarily difficult to determine when circumstances are special. To say that a judge need not impose a fine if there are special circumstances is no help whatsoever. That is a bit of clever drafting; it is well drafted and I make no complaint of that. It is skilful drafting, but it does not help any of the conrts throughout the land in any shape or form. Let the House consider for one moment what happens. A judge tries to decide whether there are special circumstances for not imposing a fine. The judge or magistrate will remember that under the Summary Jurisdiction Act Parliaments that have gone before us have been extremely careful to see that penalties are not fixed as minimum penalties. In that connection I would draw attention to the customs' penalties. In the old days the customs people came down to the courts and demanded certain penalties, but in the Victorian days Parliament very sensibly and finally said, "No, we cannot have that; we will have the magistrates deciding the amount. We are not going to have a Government Department deciding the amount."

Recently that has been got round and no doubt it will be raised in this House at some future date. The weapon is being revived of a writ of Capias. The person concerned remains in gaol pending the decision of the Treasury to let him out. So far as taking proceedings against persons before a court of summary jurisdiction is concerned, the position until this war was almost invariably that no minimum penalty was laid down, but it 'vas really left to the magistrates to enforce the law and they did it well. To say to them that they must impose this or that amount is simply undermining the whole structure and asking magistrates to search in their minds to see if there are any special circumstances.

May I press the point about what is called the "drunk in charge case? In the case of a drunken motorist I believe that one of the most efficient ways which have been found of punishing him is by taking away his licence. Every now and again you will find that courts have taken away a man's licence for five years, often more. They have been experimenting, and watching their lists, to see how many cases of that kind have been brought before them. They have tried their hardest to see what is necessary, and no more. When anybody has been appointed to a judicial position in this country the Home Secretary used to send out—and, I fancy, still does—a circular saying, ' Do not send the man to prison unless you have made up your mind that it is really necessary." That 's the most useful bit of instruction I ever got from anybody.

I ask the House to look at the Regulation, and consider this: Supposing it had been drafted to say that the maximum penalty should be raised, on indictment, to seven years' penal servitude and a maximum fine of £5,000, who would mind? Nobody. But in order to do something clever, an extra bit has been put in about the minimum penalty, which gives justices and judges a power to mitigate a fine which they would have had already, if the whole matter was simply left to them. I speak with diffidence on this matter, because it is difficult, but if you know that at some future date that you will have to administer a particular law, you look at that law from the point of view of those who passed it, and wonder whether those who passed it really understood that what was being done was necessary.

I urge the House to say that this matter should be reconsidered, and the Regulation redrafted. Do not put in minimum penalties. Supposing you had a bench of justices, a body of hard-faced, tire some, magistrates—and I have no doubt that they exist, although not in Kingston, and places like that—who found it difficult to find special circumstances to enable them to mitigate the fine, who is in front of the court? Somebody who, you know quite well, has never been in trouble before, and who has never done any wrong at all. What happens? The magistrates are advised by the clerk that they must find special circumstances before they can mitigate the penalty, and there is then imposed on the wretched defendant a penalty that is far and away more than is necessary. That is the point I am pleading tonight. You must not set your courts to work imposing penalties that are more than necessary. Why is it thought that this is necessary? Why is it thought necessary to impose a minimum penalty? I honestly do not know why; I have not the slightest idea.

The sending to prison, which is provided for by the Regulation, is for three months on summary conviction, and the fine, on summary conviction, is £100. Is it sufficient? Who says it is not, and why not? There must be some reason to suppose that it is not. My own belief—and I say it in no uncertain terms—is that up till now it has been sufficient in the majority of cases which have been dealt with by the justices. If it is not, the case can be sent for trial. What do you find then? Something heavy. On indictment, there is liability for imprisonment for a term not exceeding two years, or a fine not exceeding £500, or both. I suggest that it is taking leave of one's senses to suppose that there are persons who are prepared to enter into building operations and face two years' imprisonment lightheartedly, that there are people who would willingly undertake this work in order to make money, and be prepared to undergo two years' imprisonment. If there is a Member who believes in such a thing then the reason, I think, may be this: There are, on both sides of the House, Members who have been and are anxious to ameliorate punishment in gaols. The belief has grown up that prisons arc really very comfortable, that there are lectures, that the inmates mess together and have separate bedrooms, and that they have the wireless turned on at mealtimes. [ Laughter .] I have not mentioned anything which is not a fact. The belief has grown up that a prisoner is able to pass in and out of his cell with much greater freedom—

No. The hon. Member's recollection goes a long way back, I know, but things have changed. May I tell him, so that there is no doubt? Take the Exeter Gaol, which I know well, which I visit. After the first month of your imprisonment—I am sorry, when I said "your," I do not mean the hon. Member—which is a lone performance, although breakfast is delivered to your cell door, after that month there are midday and evening meals with the other prisoners—

The hon. and learned Member is getting very wide of the subject.

Well, perhaps the hon. Member for Dumbarton Burghs (Mr. Kirkwood) will come and see me afterwards, when I will give him all the assistance which we on this side usually give to Members opposite. The Home Secretary would, no doubt, be able to give him the same information, but at any rate what I have said, as will be seen in HANSARD tomorrow, is not incorrect.

If the House thinks that two years is not enough I can assure you that the deprivation of liberty for such a period, even on the most benevolent terms, means exactly what it says. There is no reason to suppose that it is not sufficient. There is no reason for not doing what I have urged on the House, namely, put up the maximum to seven years' imprisonment and a fine of £5,000, if you like, but leave it to the courts.

8.9 p.m.

I can understand Members opposite raising this matter, because we are all aware that the repair or decoration, or adaptation and improvement, of business property is, in normal times, a perfectly lawful and highly desirable operation. This Order, which Members opposite are seeking to have annulled tonight, makes such building without a licence a serious criminal offence, and the House is certainly entitled to be told why we consider the Order to be necessary. I hope that when I have given an explanation those who have raised this matter, and others who may have been in doubt, will agree that it was absolutely necessary, and that any lesser measure would have been inadequate in the highly abnormal and difficult times in which we are now living.

The Order we are discussing piovides heavier penalties for a breach of Defence Regulation 56A, which came into force in October, 1940, and which prohibited all building work undertaken without authorisation or licence except within the financial limits prescribed by Order of the Minister of Works These limits are at present £10 on any single property in the current period of six months, plus £2 worth of work in each calendar month. At the outset, the financial limit was £500, but this was reduced in April, 1941, to £100 in any period of 12 months. Following the V-weapon attacks, it was further reduced to £100, first in London, and then in other areas of Southern England, and on 22nd March, 1945, the then Minister of Health in the Coalition Government—the right hon. and learned Member for North Croydon (Mr. Willink) —announced that, in view of the need for concentrating the maximum possible force of labour and materials on house building and house repair, the limit was to be fixed at £ for the whole country.

The need for this strict control of relatively unessential building is, I am sure, fully recognised by most hon. Members, although perhaps, judging from the discussion which has taken place in the last half an hour, it is doubtful whether some hon. Members opposite are fully aware of the need for it. I want to indicate very briefly why we consider this necessary. In spite of the rapid expansion of the manpower of the building and civil engineering industry in the last few months, it is still impossible to meet all the demands that could be placed on it in a free market, and impossible to meet the priority requirements, without the strictest control of less essential work. It is not generally realised that the number of building trade operatives employed on repairs and maintenance, to housing alone, before the war, was as big as the number employed on new buildings. During the six wartime years, there was virtually no private building, and the arrears of maintenance are so great that if we did not control them they would be enough to employ a labour force equal to the whole present manpower of the industry for at least a year to come, without leaving anyone for housing or other essential work.

Is it not a fact that there was a building force in prewar years of,000,000 or 1,250,000, and that the maximum number employed on maintenance was never more than 300,000, so that it could not he equal to the whole present manpower of the industry?

I said that it would be equal to the number employed on the provision 'of new houses.

I think the hon. Member will find that the figures are very close to what I have said. It is not only a question of manpower. As I think the House will realise, the pressure on available supplies of building materials is even more severe than the pressure of manpower. I take it that the need for the licensing system, and for pressing it right to the £10 limit, is accepted on all sides of the House. What I have been asked to explain by a number of hon. Members is why the existing powers under Regulation 56A are inadequate and why this new Order has been found necessary. It was necessary to tighten up our powers because there was and is a large and most malignant black market in unessential building—hundreds, if not thousands, of cases of building far in excess of the £10 limit, without any licence, or of building far in excess of licences which have been issued. I was fascinated by the arguments of the hon. and learned Member for Exeter (Mr. Maude), who proved, in a way I could not possibly disprove, because of the complexity of his argument, that with the penalties as they are today no one would think of doing any black market building. But the plain facts are that there is an enormous black market going on in spite of the hon. Member's proofs.

That was not my suggestion. In order to stop crime of that sort, one has to catch the people. If one catches them, one finds that the fine, or the two years' imprisonment, is quite enough. But it may not be possible to catch them. That is the trouble.

I am sorry if I misrepresented the hon. and learned Member's argument, which was a little difficult to follow. The point is that if we have a sufficiently heavy penalty, we hope we shall deter a very large number of those people whom the hon. and learned MemLer advises us to try to catch which is not always too easy. This black market is certainly going on, although much of the Debate this evening has taken place in almost happy ignorance of the fact that the black market is so serious. I do not think we can sufficiently strongly condemn this kind of conduct among those who are running the black market. It means that property owners are gratifying their desire for improvements in their house, or for changes in their place of business—a very large proportion of the cases which have been brought were night clubs, restaurants, and so on—on a scale sufficient to endanger the housing programme. Such property owners—I know they are a small minority—and the builders who collaborate with them, and often lead them on—again a small minority—tempted by the higher profits they can obtain, are not only deliberately flouting the law. Although they may not realise it, they are standing in the way of someone, with very much greater need than themselves, getting a house. We must make it quite clear that this sort of activity is not merely a technical offence; it is a selfish and an immoral course of action. Too many people have thought of black market building in the past as a fair game; they have thought of it rather in the way they have thought of defrauding the Customs. If they could get away with it, they were clever, and no harm was done But we must emphasise that great harm has been done, and the small minority of builders who have gone in for this sort of activity are most severely condemned by the great majority in the industry, who realise what it means.

Could the hon. Gentleman give us any figures or an estimate of the numbers doing this? It is rather important to have an estimate, because we may be getting this entirely out of perspective.

I am sure that no one will realise better than the hon. Member for Maidstone (Mr. Bossom) that it is extremely difficult to form any estimate of the exact numbers employed in the black market—

—because it is permissible to undertake building work up to the £10 limit. Unless it were possible to take returns from the builders in the black market it must be, as the hon. Gentleman will appreciate, quite impossible to say how many builders are engaged in black market operations and how many in legitimate maintenance.

Could the hon. Gentleman tell us how many prosecutions there have been? Mr. Wilson: No, Sir, I am afraid I have not the figures with me. If the hon. Gentleman will put down a Question he will be given the information.

If the right hon. and learned Gentleman will put down a Question it will be answered at the appropriate time. What I am telling the House, and what everyone on this side realises, is that whether we can give figures or not there is a very serious black market going on, and anyone who knows anything about the building industry today or is in touch with that industry will know that it is one of our biggest problems. It is not always necessary to put statistics to a problem to prove that it exists. The local authorities are particularly anxious, and only last week I was approached by the Chairman of a Housing Committee in the North who was greatly concerned about the amount of black market work in his city in spite of the previous Regulation. He was concerned about the extent to which it was likely to interfere with the housing scheme and he asked us for a promise to cooperate to the full under our new powers to stamp out that black market.

It is in those circumstances that increased powers have been sought and obtained by means of these two Orders, Numbers 371 and 372. I believe the right hon. and learned Gentleman's Motion relates only to No. 371. What is the effect of these powers? First, as hon. Members have said, they increase the maximum penalties which may be imposed, both on the building owner and on the contractors, from £100 fine and three months' imprisonment on summary conviction, or £500 fine and two years' imprisonment on indictment, to £500 or the cost of the work, whichever is the greater, and one year's imprisonment on summary conviction, or £5,000 fine or three times the cost of the works, whichever is the greater, and penal servitude for seven years on indictment.

Secondly—and I think this is the principal point to which the right hon. Gentleman has objected—for the first time in building regulations, minimum penalties are laid down: £50 or the cost of the work, whichever is the less, on summary conviction; £500 or the cost of the work, whichever is the less, on indictment. Before I come back to that point I should add that thirdly, S. R. & O. No. 372, which was made at the same time, amending Regulation 56 AB, provides that, if the court so recommends, the Minister can revoke or suspend the registration certificate of any contractor convicted of an offence against the licensing regulations, and of course, without being so registered, he cannot undertake any building work. I rather gather that hon. and right hon. Gentlemen opposite are not protesting against that particular power given to the Ministry.

In view of what I have said about the inroads of the black market into the housing programme, new and more realistic penalties had become necessary before this Order was made.

It would be of assistance if the Minister could tell the House of any particular case in which the existing penalties have been too light for the offence.

No, Sir, I am not going into past cases but I think it will be understood that the need for this Regulation is to act as a deterrent to this kind of thing in the future.

The hon. Member cannot intervene unless the Minister gives way.

If the hon. Gentleman will let roe continue I think I can deal with this point. Before this Order was made the kind of penalties—[ Interruption. ]

It would be better if the conduct of the House were left to the Chair.

—the kind of penalties which could be imposed were not adequate. A rich and unpatriotic household —and there are some—to whom high building costs meant little would not be deterred by the addition to those costs of a moderate fine; a night club proprietor who was prepared to spend £1,000 or £1,500 on some building or decorative work—and I can give plenty of cases of those—and the builder who did it, would regard the previous penalty as merely a small addition to their working expenses. The new penalties, both maximum and minimum, are in line with those applicable in cases of conviction for operations in the food black market, where the fines are related to the money involved.

Hon. Gentlemen have complained about these minimum penalties as though they were an entirely new thing in this country. Let me remind them that minimum penalties in connection with the food black market were introduced by a Noble Lord whom hon. Members opposite never cease to praise, when the food situation became critical early in the war. Their introduction now shows the gravity with which the Government regard this particular black market, and the determination with which we are prepared to stamp it out.

I should like to refer to the question, upon which there was considerable discussion, of the misprint in the Order. It is, as my right hon. Friend said this afternoon, in answer to a question, a very regrettable thing to have occurred. My right hon. Friend did express his apologies for the fact that it had occurred. As I have explained tonight, and as he explained this afternoon, the original Order, as made, which I have myself seen, was perfectly correct. In view of the long discussion that went on about this matter, perhaps I should explain exactly what did occur. The original Order had been made, and the Stationery Office was preparing to start printing the copies for sale to the general public. A proof reader noticed that the word "or " in paragraph 613 ( b ) was rather faint. He asked the printers to bring it out more clearly. He did not realise that this would involve resetting the whole line, but that is what the printer did.

He returned the proof to the proof reader who, not being aware that the line had been reset, failed to observe the error. No proofs were sent to my Department, because this was purely a reprinting; so the error was not seen. I think I can say that it is the kind of mistake which would happen perhaps once in several thousand cases, and it is not likely to occur again. We have expressed our apology on behalf of the Stationery Office for what occurred.

On a point of Order. This is really treating the House with the grossest disrespect. I have myself obtained from the Vote Office, days and weeks after those dates, uncorrected copies. Why did that happen?

As soon as the error was discovered corrigendum slips were printed, and when they were available they were attached.

Hon. Members cannot speak unless the hon. Member addressing the House gives way.

As this is a matter which falls within your jurisdiction, Sir, may I ask how many uncorrected copies of this Order went out from the Stationery Office?

When the error was first discovered was the Select Committee's attention drawn to the matter?

I am sorry I cannot give the figures but I am sure that very few went out to the general public that were not corrected. With regard to the Scrutiny Committee, I should say that this Order went through them last week with the corrigendum slip attached and that there was no comment and no discussion by any Member of the Scrutiny Committee.

On a point of Order. By what authority has the Minister any right to tell the House what happened in a Select Committee? The proceedings of a Select Committee are known only to the Members of that Committee, until such time as a verbatim report is published. By what authority can the Minister make that statement?

I do not think the Minister's remarks would have been out of Order if he had prefaced his remarks with the words "So far as I know," the Select Committee had no comment to make.

On that point of Order. The Minister has no means of knowing, unless it is by an improper disclosure by a Member of the Committee, and I ask him to withdraw the statement altogether.

I think it would be advisable if the Minister withdrew that statement.

I will withdraw the statement. I have not seen any report of the Committee drawing attention to this, but if that statement is not in Order, I ask leave to withdraw it. I am not aware, and I hope that hon. Members opposite will agree, that there is anyone in this country who, because of this misprint, would have been induced to go in for any black market building that he would not otherwise have done. There has been a long discussion on the subject tonight which has been carried on without sufficient regard to the urgent needs of the housing situation, which hon. and right hon. Gentlemen opposite are always complaining is not being dealt with at sufficient speed. I want to re-emphasise that the Government building programme involves not merely maximum materials production and maximum build-up of manpower in the constructional industries but also the maximum possible deployment of men and materials on essential building materials and housing. We can learn a lesson from the end of the last war. The Government of that day, impatient to remove controls as soon is possible, revoked the regulations which controlled unessential building on 14th January, 1919, and that was one of the reasons why virtually no working class houses were built for a year or two after that. Plenty of building was done in 1919 and 1920, but far too large a proportion went into unnecessary luxury improvement and building for those with the longest purses, and the erection of great mansions for the war profiteers.

The building programme of the present Government, under the controls which this House has authorised them to make, is not only far outstripping the achievements at the end of the last war, but is directed and concentrated on meeting the requirements of those in the greatest need for houses. It is because the Government want to emphasise the urgency of this problem and want to show the need for controlling this black market, that I hope this House is not going to be led into temptation on the matter of this Order which has been raised tonight.

We really cannot allow the hon. Gentleman to get away with a lame explanation of that kind. At various stages throughout his rather rambling speech, he attempted to fasten on the Opposition a desire not to forward the building programme and to show indifference to the amount of unauthorised building that is taking place in various parts of the country. At the end of his speech, he made the astonishing statement that at the end of the last war palaces were being built for the well-to-do or lavish changes were being made in some people's houses. As no doubt even the back bench Members on the Government side know, the Minister responsible for housing at the end of the 1914–18 war was the present Secretary of State for the Dominions in the Socialist Government. It is true that he was sacked for incompetence by the then Prime Minister and that he had to wait for his political revival until the present Prime Minister felt that he was about the best person he could find to fill high office in another place.

The hon. Gentleman made a series of very wild and vague charges, and we are now beginning once more to see the careful build-up of the Socialist Party alibi. On almost every public issue, whenever there has been a Socialist Government, and never more so than now when, we are assured, for the first time they have real power, they are anxious to show that somebody else is really responsible for their failure to carry out their sweeping election promises. Now it is the surreptitious, illegal builders who are really sabotaging the building programme. The truth of the flatter is, of course, that at the General Election, in a desire to snatch a cheap Party advantage, they made a series of wild promises which now they find themselves hopelessly unable to implement. We watch from our historic seclusion in Opposition the birth of a new legend, and it is of very considerable interest to all of us to be in at the christening tonight.

One or two charges have been made, and one or two direct questions have been asked of the Parliamentary Secretary, and I really think he might give us an answer. If, in fact, there has been a widespread breaking of the law, why have there been so few prosecutions? Can he. give us chapter and verse? Can he tell us how many prosecutions there have been, and how many prosecutions were nearly made and then they found they were perhaps barking up the wrong tree? The Parliamentary Secretary tells us to put a Question down, yet this is a Debate on the subject, and since when has Parliamentary Question been a substitute for proper argument in the House of Commons when a formal Debate is taking place? I really believe that the defence put forward by the Parliamentary Secretary is about the lamest statement from the Government Front Bench we have had today, and that is saying a very great deal indeed.

Will the hon. Member give way? Was he trying to elucidate a point from the Parliamentary Secretary, or was he simply gloating over the inability of the Government to prosecute these people?

Not in the least. I was asking the Parliamentary Secretary—if he had got up instead of his stalwart champion, I would have sat down—how many cases of prosecution had taken place, and in how many cases they failed to prosecute when they felt there was a prima facie case to do so. If the hon. Gentleman will answer, I will willingly sit down; if he does not, then one can only imagine that he is not prepared to give the answer.

I think the figure of prosecutions in the last six or seven months has been something like 75, but I am not quite certain.

The number of cases where it might have been possible to prosecute, that is, the number of cases reported to us with prima facie evidence of black market building, were something like 200 times the number of cases in which proceedings were taken.

Then all I can say is that that is a pretty extraordinary reflection on the functioning of the Law Officers of the Crown. I shall be equally ready to give way for the hon. and learned Gentleman the Attorney-General if he will tell the House why no action was taken in these several thousand cases. It would be extremely interesting to know. Will the hon. and learned Gentleman vouchsafe the House an answer?

We are getting more and more valuable information. A few minutes ago the Parliamentary Secretary told us that the whole of the Government building programme was being held up by illegal building activities; he now tells us that, with the full power of the State mobilised against these people whom, on all sides of the House, we deprecate, and whose actions we all want to stop, only 75 prosecutions have taken place. That is, 75 prosecutions have been holding up a building programme which, I believe, to quote the words of the Foreign Secretary at the last Election would give us 4,000,000 houses in double quick time. The Parliamentary Secretary, I think, will have to get another brief. We have had no answer to the real questions of principle which have been raised. If we do not get an answer—and the Law Officers are particularly involved —we shall be obliged to take this Prayer to a Division.

In how many cases was this Order without the corrigendum issued to the general public? Is it not a fact that private citizens in this country may be prosecuted for infringing the Order which, when they received it and read it, made absolute nonsense? If that is so, it is a pretty poor augury for the private subject when we are assured that government by Statutory Rules and Orders will rapidly replace government by Parliament. The House is entitled to an answer to that question. We want further information on this question of minimum penalties. I speak with hesitation here as a pure layman—as a layman, in deference to the hon. and learned Gentleman I will withdraw the adjective. As a layman, it seems to me that this certainly is breaking new ground. I understood as a layman that there were very few offences in which minimum and fixed penalties were imposed, murder and treason being the most obvious.

The Parliamentary Secretary mentioned food penalties. I was, for a brief period, Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Food and my recollection of Orders there was that the penalty was based on the amount of profit the man who broke the regulation had in fact made. If that is so, and I stand to be corrected, it is no parallel whatever for these quite fortuitous and sweeping penalties which this Order enforces. For 100 years we have been rapidly getting rid of fixed and minimum penalties in the law of England. I should be very interested to know what is the attitude of the Home Secretary to an order of this kind. Did this go before the Cabinet Committee? Has the Home Secretary expressed an opinion on it? He came in for a few minutes and, no doubt for the first time, saw the Order, and beat a very hasty and wise retreat. The Home Office has realised for more than a generation, indeed for many generations, that fixed and minimum penalties of this kind defeat the ends of justice, and judges and juries alike are reluctant to convict in such cases, where the fixed penalties are out of tune with the gravity of the offence committed. We are entitled to a proper explanation from the Attorney-General himself. The Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry indulged in a few prehistoric sentiments about these penal sentences preventing the commission of crime. I thought we had got past that long since.

This is an attempt by His Majesty's Government, by increasing penalties, to cover up their failure to provide houses. We notice with interest that joint action is to be taken, or action taken singly by the Minister or by the Director of Public Prosecutions. We have a lively recollection of the collapse of the first Socialist Government because of a slight difference between their Front Bench and the Director of Public Prosecutions. We believe the collapse of this Administration, the first with full power, may come as a result of the complete failure of their housing programme. That is why it gives us certain ironical satisfaction to sec the marriage of the Minister and the Director of Public Prosecutions in this new Order. But our satisfaction is tempered by the fact that large numbers of our fellow citizens were in ignorance of the real purport of the Order and that, for the first time in my recollection, minimum and fixed penalties are to be imposed in defiance of the developments of the last 100 years.

8.45 P.m.

We really cannot allow the Attorney-General [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh."] It is really quite monstrous. We have two Law Officers here. A matter of important legal principle was put forward. I challenged the Law Officers to deny my statement that all we got in reply was a long rambling statement which did not answer my points at all, because it had obviously been prepared before I spoke. We are entitled, on a matter raising important legal principles of this sort, to have an answer from a Law Officer of the Crown. If we do not, the reason is obvious. It is because the Law Officers dare not de— fend this Order, and I am not at all surprised. I knew that the Socialist Party were a good many years out of date, but I did not think they were about 200 years out of date. About 200 years ago it was thought that if penalties were increased that decreased crime. Accordingly, all kinds of things, from sheep-stealing downwards, were made capital offences. Not many offenders were caught, and crime flourished. It was only in the course of last century that we discovered that the right way to stop crime was not to increase penalties, but to catch more of the offenders.

The Parliamentary Secretary has said that, in this matter, for every one caught there are 100 offenders. What is the good of asking for increased penalties in those circumstances? This Order will not enable the Department to catch one single additional offender. All it will do will be to increase the penalties of those who are caught. We are here back to the old days of making a thing a capital offence, of not bothering to tighten up the machinery of enforcement, and hoping that crime will stop. I counsel the hon. Gentleman to reduce the penalties, make better the enforcement machinery and prosecute the people who he says are offending. If he can only prosecute one in Too, the present administration must be beneath contempt.

8.48 p.m.

I would like to move the Adjournment of the Debate owing to the failure of either of the Law Officers, who have sat and heard the discussion, to give the House any advice on a question for which they are paid to give us advice. It is the duty of the Law Officers, when questions of law are raised, to answer them. We have no quarrel with the Minister. He is not here as one of our legal advisers His speech was adequate for the points with which he dealt, but if the Law Officers persist in not giving us any kind of advice, I wish to move that this Debate may be adjourned, in order that they can think out something to say when we resume it.

I cannot accept the hon. and gallant Member's Motion. I understand that the responsible Minister, admittedly a junior Minister, has replied at length. This has been a long Debate, and it seems to me that it is not a proper case in which I can exercise my discretion and accept an Adjournment Motion.

Then may I ask what useful purpose is served by the Law Officers sitting here?

Many questions have been asked. The right hon. and learned Member for Hillhead (Mr. J. S. C. Reid) said that speakers on the other side were being treated with great disrespect. Do they ask honest men to treat them with anything else but disrespect when they are defending black marketeers? For people to get a little extra profit is no serious crime to them, but we see men, women and innocent children dying for the lack of homes. That is why we cannot have any respect

of any kind for those who try to defend the people who commit these offences.

Question put, That the Order in Council, dated 10th March, 1946, amending Regulation 56A of the Defence (General) Regulations, 1939, and the Defence (Recovery of Fines) Regulations, 1942 (S.R. & O., 1946 No. 371), a copy of which was presented on 25th March, be annulled.

The House divided: Ayes, 76; Noes, 282.

SUPPLIES AND SERVICES(TRANSITIONAL POWERS)(FOOD)

9.2 p.m.

I beg to move, That the Imported Cherries Order(S. R. & O., 1946, No. 472), dated 29th March 1946, a copy of which was presented on 4th April, be annulled.

I understand that it would be to the general convenience of the House if this Prayer and the following one, dealing with imported green vegetables, were taken together.

As it would be convenient for the House to do as you suggest, Mr. Deputy-Speaker, I shall ask your permission, if we go to a Division, to move the second Prayer formally.

My reason for asking for an annulment of this Order is based upon a point of substance, and I hope that hon. Members will not have the impression that this Prayer has been moved in a trivial way. I can produce practical evidence to show that these Orders operate unfairly in many parts of Scotland. They deal with imported cherries and green vegetables, and are the latest two arrivals in a long list of Orders which has preceded them. The Orders regulate the price of distributing and selling by retail vegetables and fruit all over the country. Their operation has, in the main, been perfectly equitable and fair, but in the north of Scotland, and especially in my own constituency, this is not so.

For the purposes of the Orders, the country is divided, roughly, into three parts. My complaint is based on the fact, especially in the case of Order No. 471, that the actual cost of import, plus the cost of porterage and transport, is more than the permitted selling price when the goods get to their destination. It is very natural, therefore. that traders prefer not to deal in goods which only bring them a loss. The more they bring in the more they lose and, therefore, the population in the parts affected are going without that variety in their diet which they ought to be having. In effect, at the moment there is a famine of green vegetables in Aberdeen.

Without going into a mass of detail regarding the Order, I want to trace the result of bringing cauliflowers to Aberdeen from London. The first hand price of cauliflowers on import is 21s. 3d. per cwt., and the permitted selling price for wholesalers in Aberdeen is 27s. 6d. But we find that we have to pay far more than that difference to get the cauliflowers to Aberdeen. Here are the figures. There is a commission agent's charge of 9d. per cwt. and a porterage charge from the docks to King's Cross of 1s. 4d., so that we get the cauliflowers at King's Cross for 23s. 4d. If we take those cauliflowers by passenger train to Aberdeen the cost is 11s. 7d. per cwt., which makes the price of cauliflowers in Aberdeen 34s. 11d. against a permitted selling price of 275. 6d. The net loss per cwt. is 7s. 5d. But one may decide to take the cauliflowers by goods train, and there is an objection to this method, to which I shall refer. The cost by goods train for a two ton lot is 87s. 3d. a ton, which works out at 4s. 4½d. per cwt., and, therefore, with the price of 23s. 4d. at King's Cross, the cost at Aberdeen is 27s. 8½d., making a net loss of 2½d. per cwt.

The actual loss is even greater because the wholesaler on selling cauliflowers in Aberdeen pays at the gross transit rate—that is, the cauliflower and the container—and is only allowed to reclaim at the rate of 3s. 4d. per cwt. on the net weight. The inequality may perhaps best be summed up by saying that a wholesaler in Aberdeen has to sell his green vegetables at the same price as the wholesaler in Durham or Middlesbrough, although he has got double the haul to get them there, and that is the burden of my main complaint in respect of this Order. The position as regards carriage is aggravated by the fact that these vegetables must be moved by train. The time by goods train from London to Aberdeen is six days, and it is not always as short as six days. I have seen 5 cwt. of cauliflowers being shovelled into a dustman's cart, a stinking mass, having just come off the train.

The remedy is simple; it is a slight rise in the retail price. If the present price were 7d. or 7½d. to cover the passenger train cost, the people of the North East would rather pay that price and get a cauliflower, than walk around with 6d. in their pockets and see a Ministry of Food notice in the window saying, "Cauliflowers 6d. each," but he unable to get one. It would be far more satisfying. Hon. Members feel that this matter ought to be settled by negotiation between the trade organisations concerned and the officials of the Ministry of Food. I would like to point out that efforts have repeatedly been made to bring this matter to the attention of Ministry of Food officials. This point with regard to the transit of vegetables to Aberdeen applies not only to imported but to home produced vegetables, but I cannot refer to that because it is not in the Order. There is a shortage of vegetables in Aberdeen. In praying for the annulment of this Order, I want to stress that one of the first duties of the Government is to consider the people. It is wrong that a large section of the community should be denied the variety and balance that they are entitled to have in their diet.

I would like to refer to Order No. 472 which deals with imported cherries. Here the case is not so bad, although it is not as it should be. Aberdeen comes in what we call the No. 2 area, and the maximum carriage allowance for cherries is 11s. 1d. from London to Aberdeen. All imported cherries coming from France and Italy, which are the main importing countries, come to London; therefore, we have to get them from London. Out of the allowance of 11s. 1d. for carriage there are a variety of charges to meet; 11s. 7d. per cwt. is the cost of transport. There are brokerage and porterage charges, which are permitted under Order at the rate of 3s. 6d. Therefore, in the end it is found that there is 11s. 1d. less 3s. 6d., in other words 75. 7d., to meet a rail charge of 11s. 7d. The result is that the wholesaler in Aberdeen has to subsidise the cost of transport out of his profits. In Area 2 in the case of Order No. 472, which deals with cherries, the wholesaler in Lerwick, Shetland, has to sell his cherries at the same price as the wholesaler in Middlesbrough or Durham. That is definitely wrong, and is due to lack of foresight and understanding in the arrangements made by the Ministry. The Shetland Food Control Committee have, in the past, protested most vigorously to the Aberdeen provision dealers on this matter in connection with the shortage of fruit.

While these impractical Orders remain in force the result for the country will be that 500,000 people who live in the Scottish Northern Food Division will not get the ration to which they are entitled. It is on their behalf that I ask for this annulment tonight. I would remind hon. Members that this is not a political matter. Food is a common denominator of all parties. I know I shall receive support from the hon. and learned Member for North Aberdeen (Mr. Hector Hughes), who recently took the Ministry of Food to task in connection with vitamins in Aberdeen, when he drew attention to the position of green vegetables there. I hope the House generally will support this annulment, unless we can get a very great measure of reassurance from the Parliamentary Secretary as to the future intentions of the Ministry on this question.

9.13 p.m.

I beg to second the Motion.

The hon. Member for Central Aberdeen (Mr. Spence) has very clearly indicated the reasons why he has moved this Motion. Those of us who put our names to it accept the fact that, for the time being, and probably for a considerable period in the future, it will be necessary to have price control for such articles of diet as imported green vegetables and imported cherries. The chief fault we find with these two Orders is that adequate provision has not been made for the considerable expense of long distance train conveyance from London to the distant selling areas in North Britain. The extra cost of rail transport has to be borne by the wholesaler. The difference between the price the wholesaler has to pay to the importer in London and the price he is permitted, by regulation, to charge the retailer in Scotland or elsewhere is regulated, and in many cases is insufficient to meet the extra cost of the rail transport over the greater distance.

The result of these Orders is that during the last few months there has been a surprising scarcity of green vegetables in Scotland. Not only has the quantity of imported green vegetables been negligible, but, as is normal at this time of the year, there is a scarcity of locally grown vegetables, and an almost complete failure for the conveyance and local distribution of green vegetables grown further South in England. The result has been that the people of Scotland have been deprived of green vegetables at that time of the year when they are in greatest need of them. We can anticipate that, for exactly the same reasons, namely, the cost of transport, when the time comes there will be a similar scarcity of imported cherries.

I think it as well to remind the House that in Scotland the soft fruit season occurs at a considerably later period in the year than it does in England. There is no doubt that imported cherries, for those who are able to afford them, will be appreciated even more in Scotland than in many areas in England. In any event, we Scottish Members believe that the people of Scotland are entitled to imported green vegetables and imported cherries every bit as much as the people of England.

We also believe that when Whitehall produces these regulations for the people of Britain they have to pay just as much attention to those living in Scotland as to those living in England and in London. We are entitled to our fair share of the imported luxuries—if you would call them so—or necessities, as the case may he. We are entitled to them, and at the present moment we are not getting them, and unless some alteration is made to the present Regulations we are not likely to get them in the future. It is because of that that my hon. Friends and I, Scots Members, have put our names to this Motion.

9.18 p.m.

I do not wish to follow the mover and seconder of this Motion in the remarks that they have made relative to Scotland, but I should like to bring the attention of my hon. Friend the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Food, to one particular and to one general point. They apply to both these Orders. In both Orders there is reference to wicker containers, in which, it is expected, some of the produce will be imported. In the Order relating to cauliflowers it states that where trimmed cauliflowers are imported in wicker containers they should be sold at prices for trimmed, and that where they are imported in other containers they should he sold at prices for untrimmed. To my mind, the difference between these two prices, whether it be at the import stage or at the first hand stage or any other stage, appears to give a rough estimation of the value of these containers which, it is provided, shall afterwards be sold on the market. I notice that at the import stage the difference between the values varies from 7s. 3d. on 2nd June, to 8s. 3d. at 24th July, and 5s. 6d. at 29th September.

I do not want to labour the point that there cannot be a difference in values in these containers at different periods of the year, but I do want to point out most emphatically that the figures cannot in any way relate to the true values of these containers. They are related to one cwt. of produce. It is not possible to put into the container more than 28 lbs. of any cauliflowers or similar goods. It means there would have to be four bushel containers to take one cwt. of produce. Consider four bushel containers for 7s. 3d. when the price in this country cannot be less than 10s. each, and one can readily imagine what an appalling situation would be created in the basket industry when it is confronted with thousands of these containers being put on to the market at a price possibly a quarter or less than that for which they can be made.

The basket industry consists of some 7,000 workers scattered all over the country from Land's End to John o'Groats. In Scotland we are endeavouring, in the Isle of Skye and elsewhere, to build up Highland industries in willow-craft, and many of these containers can and should be made in the various basket shops throughout this country. There are included amongst the 7,000 workers in the basket industry some 3,000 blind workers. I suggest, and I feel quite sure my hon. Friend will agree, that it could not have been the intention to do anything which would injure these craftsmen and their possibilities of gaining a future livelihood. During the war they played an outstanding part and made an outstanding contribution to the war effort of this country, whether they were blind or disabled in any way or not. This argument applies equally to the cherries Order, although there is no specific difference there on which one can lay one's hand. But the containers have a very high value. They are immediately useful as soon as their contents are sold. They are a standard of package for containing apples or cauliflowers cm any other goods, and it does seem mistaken to price them at present under 10s. It may be argued that having done one journey they will be second hand; but they will be practically as good as new. Therefore, I do ask my hon. Friend the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Food to take another look at this matter to see whether it is not possible to make some different arrangements relative to containers.

I mentioned that I was going to speak on a general point which covers both Orders. In my view, my right hon. Friend is to be congratulated in having in these two Orders drastically curtailed the margin between the importer and the seller as compared with the margins in other Orders, notably the one relating to tomatoes. The difference for retail prices for cherries is only 60 per cent. as compared with something like 111 per cent. I notice that the system of first hand sales is still continued. In my view this crystallises quite unnecessarily another class of middlemen. It arises out of the fact that there has been a change in the definition of first hand sales between 1941, when it was described as: First sale by OT on behalf of the importer. '' \ The definition in the present Order says: the first sale thereof, after importation into the United Kingdom, by a licensed wholesaler or through the agency of a licensed selling agent. The effect of that is to change what was ordinary commercial practice before the war. Firms imported food and sold it as the wholesaler. or imported food and sold it ex-quay for other people to sell as the wholesaler. Now we have an importer, a first-hand salesman, a wholesaler and then a retailer. Another person has crept in. In the Order relating to tomatoes, my right hon. Friend has stated that 91 out of the 130 firms permitted to import tomatoes are, in addition, to be licensed wholesalers, and therefore qualify as first-hand salesmen and wholesalers, having the opportunity of making not one but three different profits.

It may be properly said by my right hon. Friend that these two Orders have taken good care of that situation by not allowing any separate margin; the first hand sale price is exactly the same as the wholesale price. If, in fact, there is to be no difference between the two prices, with which I thoroughly agree, then why perpetuate the fallacy that there are two different classes of traders when, in fact, they perform what is really one function. Another point is that the importer presumably can sell direct to the wholesaler, to the first hand salesman or wholesaler. In that event it would appear to me that under these two Orders the wholesaler would be getting a greatly enhanced profit. The import price is exactly the same in both cases, but it appears that there is nothing to stop him from getting a greatly enhanced profit. I ask the lion. Lady to make that point quite clear. In my view, although the margins have been most successfully cut and unnecessary profits have been eliminated, we are still perpetuating in these Orders the fallacy of the first hand salesman. Unless some drastic change is made in the Orders relating to wicker containers, a very grave blow, quite unintentionally, will be struck at the basket industry.

9.29 p.m.

The House has been greatly interested in the informed contribution of the hon. Member for Taunton (Mr. Collins). If I do not follow him, it is not because I do not agree with almost all that he has said, particularly in regard to the point which he made so well and with such lucidity in regard to containers. I did not intend to intervene in this Debate, although I come from a part of the country not uninterested in this subject. I am tempted to do so, however, by the fact that I feel almost sorry for the Parliamentary Secretary who is in charge of the Government's case and is to reply to these Orders. She looks so charming and so worried that one is almost tempted to come to her rescue. I want to do so. At the end of what I have to say, I want to suggest a way in which, I think, we on this side of the House may help her out of her obvious difficulties. The object of the Ministry of Food, in these Orders, must be to secure equitable distribution of green vegetables and fruit throughout the country. The effect of the Order, as my hon. Friend the Member for Central Aberdeen (Mr. Spence) and the Noble' Lord who seconded the Motion have shown, is not being obtained by the Order itself. In fact, under the Order, it is more profitable for the importer to send green vegetables to places nearer to London than to the North of Scotland, and the people in the North of Scotland are not getting their fair quota of this desirable commodity. Therefore, the whole object of the Ministry of Food is being defeated. The gratitude of 500,000 people in the North of Scotland will go out to my hon. Friend the Member for Central Aberdeen for bringing forward this subject tonight; it is only right that it should be ventilated in the British House of Commons.

I said that I was going to do my best to help the hon. Lady. I am going to do it in this way. We have, of course, no other choice open to us but to pray for the annulment of the Order, but we want to get an assurance from the Parliamentary Secretary, on behalf of the Minister, that she will look at this matter again, bearing in mind the points which have been so forcibly and clearly put by hon. Members on this side of the House. If we could have her assurance that it would be withdrawn and replaced with something which would meet our views, I am quite certain that we would not wish to harass her further.

9.33 p.m.

I can assure the hon. Member for Aberdeen and Kincardine, Western (Mr. Thornton-Kemsley) that it requires more than his ability to harass me. The mover of the Prayer was anxious to assure the House that he was not doing so for any trivial reasons. I am quite sure that the House realises that. I think that he has made a substantial point. I am convinced, listening to his presentation of the case, that the ability and capacity which he so obviously possesses indicate that Aberdeen is not short of vitamins. In fact, Scotland, I think, have put their case very well tonight.

Briefly, I would like to explain the purpose of these Orders. The discussion has been a little technical, and I feel that perhaps my Department has been represented as introducing Orders which are unnecessary. It is hoped that during 1946 the importation of a wider variety of fruit and vegetables will be available, and the two Orders which we are discussing bring under direct price control certain vegetables only—broccoli and cauliflowers—and, the only fruit—cherries.

These products have been prohibited since 1940. Having decided to import cherries, it became necessary to introduce a fresh price schedule, as the price schedule in the Order for home produced cherries and cauliflowers was not appropriate. The Order for home produced cherries prescribed the maximum prices chargeable by the grower and those chargeable by the purchasers from him. This classification was ineffective to deal with imported cherries and this also applies to imported green vegetables.

The differentiation, which has been discussed tonight, according to areas, is introduced to coincide with those in the home produced order, with which I think hon. Members are conversant. Imported cherries cannot be distinguished from home grown cherries for sale purposes. Many hon. Members probably do not realise that important point. Though they are imported cherries they cannot be distinguished by the purchaser. Therefore, this new Order deals with imported fruit and it must be related to the home produced. The differentiation of the areas in the Imported Cherries Order has been introduced for that reason, and, of course, in order that there shall be an equitable distribution of fruit and vegetables throughout the country. I think that, so far as the home produced order is concerned, hon. Members who are praying tonight will agree that that equitable distribution has achieved its purpose. The case for imported fruit and vegetables rests entirely on the shortage of supplies and the general desire, now that the war is over, to bring some variety into our diet. The total supplies of fruit in 1945 were considerably less than half the average supplies of the three years before the war. I am sure hon. Members will agree that these Orders are necessary if we are to supplement our present rather meagre rations of fruit.

I am anxious to deal with the other questions that have been raised. In order that the consumers and the traders should be treated equitably we decided to divide the country into three parts as far as the Second Schedule in the Order is concerned. If the hon. Member for Central Aberdeen (Mr. Spence), who moved the Prayer, will forgive me for saying it, there is a part of Scotland which is rather desolate and to which we give a special schedule. Apart from that schedule, we divided the rest of the country into two areas, the northern area and Great Britain. The distribution allowance for the traders in the Northern area is greater than in the Southern. It happens, that the hon. Member for Central Aberdeen represents a constituency which is at the tip of the northern area. He is in a difficult position. He reminds me of a question which was asked in the House some time ago whether the Ministry would divide the country into soft water areas and hard water areas, and that those people living in the hard water areas should get more soap than those who are living in the soft water areas. We always have to say it is impossible to define such areas, because there will always be people living on the boundary who will be dissatisfied. The hon. Member is one of the people who represent a constituency on the boundary of the northern area. The people in the south of the area are not supporting him tonight. They are satisfied.

I would not say the hon. Member represented a constituency in the extreme South of the Northern area by any means.

Certainly, but if the hon. Member will read his Order carefully he will find there are many constituencies South of Edinburgh in the Northern area.

There is something common to both Orders. I agree that the hon. Member for Central Aberdeen has a grievance, but he knows that we have tried to meet him and the traders. We have had meeting after meeting to thrash out the matter in order to try and arrive at an arrangement which would be acceptable to him. But the alternative he suggests is one we cannot accept. He said it would be simple to increase the price of cauliflowers. The Ministry of Food is primarily a consumers' Ministry. A very good case has been put up tonight for the trade, and I want to put the case for the consumer. It is unfair to increase the price of cauliflowers to consumers in any part of the country. We believe that there should be a uniform price. Furthermore—and I wonder whether this point has been thought of—if the price of cauliflowers is put up in Aberdeen then cauliflowers from the Lothians will find their way into Aberdeen in order that the trader should have an extra penny. That would be most unfortunate for every area in Scotland. Therefore, while the hon. Member may think that we are not playing fair with Aberdeen we are playing fair with those areas which are supplied with cauliflowers from the Lothians. It is for that reason that we cannot agree to negotiate once more, and that we cannot withdraw this Order.

My hon. Friend the Member for Taunton (Mr. Collins) referred to containers, and said it was impossible to obtain a sufficient supply. I shall bear in mind what he said about the black market in containers, and find out whether there is any possibility of that. My hon. Friend also referred to links in our chain of distribution. I agree that too many middlemen are certainly undesirable, but I would remind him that we have inherited the wartime machinery; that we are using it at the moment. We feel that it is most efficient to continue to do so until the time comes to reorganise our distribution. My lion. Friend also mentioned the price which first hand salesmen and wholesalers received in Area 1, under the Imported Cherries Order, and said he found it difficult to understand. In Area 1 there is only one wholesaler.

I think my hon. Friend referred to me as saying something about the black market. I do not remember making any remark of that kind. The industry has not yet been asked to supply containers, nor has it been given any orders, so it would hardly be fair to say that it cannot supply them. It would be most undesirable if thousands of imports were allowed to come in by the backdoor.

I am sorry if I have hurt my hon. Friend's feelings by saying that he said something about the black market, but I thought he suggested there would be undesirable firms who would be anxious to undercut the market. One tends to associate the black market with people who behave in an anti-social manner of that kind in commerce. I hope I have convinced the House that we have tried to deal equitably not only with the traders, but with the consumers. I assure hon. Members that it is very essential that we should not break faith with the consumers.

9.46 p.m.

When I entered the House this evening, I was not aware it would be in Order for me to talk about home-grown vegetables, but since the hon. Lady the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Food has mentioned them, I would like to say a few words on the subject, and I hope that someone who represents a vegetable district much more than I do may make a contribution to the Debate. I want to point out to the hon. Lady what has happened in my district during the last two seasons. I mention these facts in the hope that something may be done to give a better distribution of vegetables when they happen to be in surplus in a given area. For the last two years, in my area, at a certain period of the growing season, we have ploughed in crops of green peas because we could not get the cost of picking them. I have myself ploughed in 20 acres during the last two years.

As the hon. Lady mentioned home-grown vegetables, I thought I would be in Order in my remarks. I have mentioned these points because I think they are important to consumers of this country. Many people have suffered from the bad distribution of vegetables during the past two years, and the result has been that many are not growing all that they could grow this season. They have been bitten twice, and do not want to be bitten again. I ask the hon. Lady to give attention to this matter. If people North of the Border are short of green vegetables, I can assure them that we are in a position to supply them. Since imports are being allowed, I hope steps will be taken to see that those imports are directed to the North of England, where they will be wanted, rather than put on the Southern market, where they will still further depress our trade. In reply to a Question in the House a few days ago, the Minister of Food said that he did not intend to allow the consumers of this country to be stung to the extent of half-crown each for lettuces. The following day I visited Covent Garden to find out what were the facts. The market was rather swamped with imported Dutch lettuces. The Ministry should keep these things in mind when they allow imports of foreign fruit and vegetables. They should see that those imports are directed to that part of the country where they are wanted and not allowed to depress the market here.

9.49 P.m.

I should be obliged if the Parliamentary Secretary would give a further explanation of the figures in Part 7 of the Imported Green Vegetables Order. They refer to the period up to and including 2nd June, from 3rd June to 24th July, and from 25th July to 29th September, 1946. Nothing is said about maximum prices after the end of September, 1946. I raise the point because it seems to me that, as from that date, any sort of protection for the home grower will be removed. I am strengthened in that view by a letter from an association of growers in East Kent, in which they say that, although some measure of protection has been given in the case of cauliflowers and broccoli, this covers only the next two months, and that there will be no protection for the late autumn crop, as this will not be ready for sale until January, 1947. It seems that there will be no protection to the home grower after the end of September, 1946. I hope we can be given further explanation on that point and some sort of assurance that in spite of the need for imports there will be continual protection for the grower at home who has stimulated his production in response to the wartime requests of the Ministry of Agriculture.

9.51 p.m.

There is one point I should like to make. When I live in an area I do not like to be left out when any goods are going. What I am concerned about is whether the Minister is satisfied in her own mind that in the Northern part of Scotland, as has been stated, wholesalers cannot purchase the imported cauliflowers to sell retail at a profit. Is the hon. Lady satisfied that the North of Scotland shall continue to obtain cauliflowers under those conditions, or how does she propose to meet the situation? She definitely said that the Ministry of Food was a consumers' council. If that is so, what is the point of giving supplies to these particular people if the wholesalers are not going to stand the loss mentioned by the hon. Member opposite?

9.52 p.m.

May I express my very grave disappointment with the speech made by the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Food? I had hoped that we should receive some consideration If the claims of the 500,000 people in the North Eastern Food Division of Scotland. Instead, the Minister told us how equitable the distribution was and described the Ministry of Food as a consumers' Ministry. All I can say is that we do not get any green vegetables to consume in Aberdeen, and I cannot see why it should be impossible for the Ministry of Food to devise ways and means of seeing that we get these imported vegetables at a time when we need them. This need not interfere with the home-grown crop because we need the imported vegetables when they are not available from our own farms.

I express very great disappointment that I should have had such a harsh reply—for that is what it amounted to for the North of Scotland. I think the hon. Lady created the impression that I was in just a little corner of Scotland. I am not; I am right in the middle of the North-East of Scotland with cities with large populations who deserve the variety of diverse articles of diet which they are unable to buy because of these rigid regulations. It is this inelastic officialdom which is holding up the imports of these foodstuffs for Scotland today. The Orders to which my Prayers relate are very wide; they are symptomatic of all the Orders which are holding up the solution of the problem. I do not know whether hon. Members saw only last week in the newspapers that 20,000 tons of broccoli were brought out of Cornwall by 202 special trains, not tine of which went to Scotland, the fault being with the Ministry of Food. I take a very dim view of the reassurance given by the hon. Lady.

With your permission, Mr. Speaker, I should like to deal with the last point raised by the hon. Member for Central Aberdeen (Mr. Spence). He says that none of the trains he mentioned went to Scotland, and he

is quite right. I made inquiries and I discovered that not one train went even as far as Edinburgh—where it is certainly possible to make a profit out of these cauliflowers—because the wholesalers there did not ask for cauliflowers and, therefore., the stationmaster said that a special train was not warranted.

Question put. That the Order in Council, dated 20th March, 1946, amending Regulation 56A of the Defence (General) Regulations, 1939, and the Defence (Recovery of Fines) Regulations, 1942 (S.R. & O., 1946, No. 371), a copy of which was presented on 25th March, be annulled.

The House divided: Ayes, 60; Noes, 250.

I beg to move, That the Imported Green Vegetables Order (S.R. & O., 1946. No. 471) dated 29th March, 1946, a copy of which was presented on 4th April be annulled.

I beg to second the Motion.

Question put.

The House divided: Ayes, 63, Noes, 249.

ADJOURNMENT DEBATES (CANCELLATION)

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House do now adjourn.— [ Mr. R. J. Taylor. ]

10.16 p.m.

I shall detain the House only for a moment or two. I wish to record an expression of regret that, for the second evening running, the subject which had been announced for Debate on the Adjournment has not been taken. My sole object in rising, Mr. Speaker—I make no criticism of my hon. Friends, who no doubt had good reasons for abandoning the Adjournments they had booked—is to ask you if you would be good enough to consider advising hon. Members, now that this Adjournment period has become so much more rigid than it used to be, that if they abandon the Adjournment they have booked, they should cause their name and the subject of their choice to be crossed off the list behind your Chair. It is a very small point, but it would be a matter of some convenience to the House, because the subjects for last night and tonight are of some importance and interest to a number of hon. Members, who may have waited to listen to the discussion. I would ask you, Sir, to consider that when you have time, and perhaps make an announcement about it. Above all, I would ask my hon. Friends to cherish this precious final half-hour of Private Members' time and not to allow any persons, however influential or however beguiling, to coax or to flagellate them into abandoning it.

I am not sure whether the hon. Member is putting d point of Order, or what he is endeavouring to do. I would like to submit to you, Mr. Speaker, that a Standing Order is a Standing Order and cannot be relaxed. I cannot understand what the hon. Member means. Is he suggesting that the Standing Order should be altered in some way? What is the meaning of his statement?

I thought I had made my meaning tolerably clear, but for the benefit of the Noble Lord I will endeavour to make it even clearer. Within the last year there has grown up a practice of advance booking of this final half hour, which never used to obtain. The Adjournment period has become much more rigid than it used to be. Hon. Members now painfully and painstakingly ballot for it day after day, very often without success. The result of this crystallisation of the Adjournment is that the subjects are now announced in advance, as the Noble Lord knows, on the notice-board at the back of Mr. Speaker's Chair. My sole and very modest point is that when a Member decides, for his own good reasons, to abandon his Adjournment, and not endeavour to catch Mr. Speaker's eye, notice of that abandonment should be given to the House by the crossing-off that list of the Member's name and subject.

10.20 p.m.

As the Member who was successful in the ballot for the Adjournment this evening, I wish to say a word or two on this point. I say straight away that I have considerable sympathy with my hon. Friend in his disappointment at the loss of an opportunity. There is keen competition for opportunity to speak on the Adjournment. Of course, many hon. Members put down subjects which they wish to raise on the Adjournment, and about which they require more clear information. Perhaps they have been dissatisfied with the reply to a Question. If in the meantime, before the Adjournment is reached, information comes to them, however it may come, I think they have every right to withdraw, if they feel satisfied that there is no need to raise the matter. In withdrawing, I gave due notice to the Chair. I gave my notice to Mr. Deputy-Speaker who was in the Chair at the time, and I believed that I had fulfilled the responsibility attached to me, by so doing.

I think this raises the whole issue of the method of allotting this time. If I am not out of Order, I should like to submit that the question should be considered of whether time allotted by ballot is the most satisfactory method. We put down our names perhaps 20 or 30 times before we are successful in securing an Adjournment. Sometimes the matter we wish to raise has become very much out of date before the time is allotted. If some system of rota could be introduced, that perhaps would be more satisfactory. Then if a Member found he was in a position to withdraw, he could go to the next man on the list and tell him he was at liberty to take his Adjournment. In that way, an opportunity would not be wasted. I hope this suggestion may be considered, and that a new method may be adopted if at all practicable.

10.22 p.m.

All I can say is that I am very grateful to hon. Members for any suggestions for improving the way in which we may discuss matters during the last half-hour. The original point raised by the hon. Member for Maldon (Mr. Driberg) as to the opportunity lost when a Member gives up his rights to talk on the half-hour Adjournment, is a matter which I am quite prepared to consider at any time. I would, however, tell him that it does not seem to be very satisfactory if, at the last minute, a Member gives up his right and no Minister is warned, and, therefore, anyone who takes the place of the Member who first had the Adjournment is merely talking in the air. After all, the important thing is to get a reply, and not to talk in the air. I would make a further point—and in doing so I do not think I am making a breach of Privilege, because I think the evidence of the Committee has been reported to the House I suggested in my evidence to the Committee on Procedure that I thought if the time went to it o'clock, or 11.15, and the House was still sitting, then, automatically, the half-hour Adjournment Debate ought to lapse. I suggested that because there is the paint that the staff have to get home and I think we ought to consider them. I can assure the hon. Member that, as far as I am concerned, I will consult with any other hon. Members and I welcome any suggestions. If we can get a better system for arranging the half-hour Adjournment, I shall be only too pleased to do so.

Adjourned accordingly at Twenty-four Minutes past Ten o'Clock.