House of Commons
Thursday, May 27, 1948
The House met at Half past Two o'Clock
Prayers
[Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair ]
Oral Answers to Questions
Questions
Radiotherapy Centre, Hull
asked the Minister of Health if he is aware that the treatment of cancer in Hull by X-ray therapy is dependent upon one old X-ray plant; and if he will expedite making a decision in order that Hull Royal Infirmary can extend and re-equip their radiotherapy centre.
The necessary building licence was issued by the Ministry of Works on 19th May.
Rural Water Supplies
3 and 4.
asked the Minister of Health (1) how many rural water supply schemes have been completed since July, 1945, stating the number of villages affected, the amount of Exchequer grant payable and the total costs of the schemes;
(2) how many rural water supply schemes are at present awaiting his approval or started and not yet completed; the number of villages involved; and the estimated total cost of these schemes.
Six hundred and fifty-six schemes for 3,052 parishes at an estimated cost of £23,457,000 are under consideration. In addition, 1,061 schemes relating to 2,146 parishes at an estimated cost of £12,221,000 have been approved. I have information of 350 completed schemes for 609 parishes at an estimated cost of £1,619,000; the amount of Exchequer grant in respect of these schemes is £46,000.
Is it not clear that the completion of the schemes is taking a very long time? In view of the fact that it is more than three years since the Act was passed, will the Minister consider giving some degree of priority for these water supply schemes because of the possibility of drought in the summer?
I admit, having regard to the needs of the rural areas, that the schemes are being completed more slowly than we should like, but in comparison with what happened before it is a marathon.
Is my right hon. Friend bringing any pressure to bear on those authorities which are not yet installing schemes, especially in view of the drought which may occur in the summer, and the fact that many villages in Essex have no water supply at all?
There are some local authorities still rather tardy in presenting schemes. Unfortunately a larger number of schemes has been approved by me than there is steel to complete.
While I realise that this matter is of long standing—and I am glad to hear that a great deal has been done—does the Minister realise that there is a great deal of feeling on this subject in rural areas; and will he see, where water exists near a village, that it is made available to the people and they do not have to wait for some long-term scheme which may or may not materialise?
I accept that there is a great deal of feeling in the matter, and if there had been considerably more upsurge of feeling some years ago the remedy might have been found.
Am I to understand that the cost of these schemes approximates £36 million, and, if so, if this matter had been looked after when it should have been, would we not have saved £30 million?
National Health Service
Entitlement
asked the Minister of Health upon what does he intend to spend the 10d. and 8d. contributed weekly by every man and woman, respectively, in their National Insurance contribution.
As I have tried to make clear on many occasions, entitlement to the National Health Service is not based upon contributions. A relatively small part of its cost, however, is met by a grant from the National Insurance Fund. This grant will not be allocated to any particular part of the Service.
Will the right hon. Gentleman say how he arrives at the decision that it is not contributory, when every member is to be asked to pay either 10d. or 8d. towards the Health Service? As on 5th July he is not going to provide the service laid down in the Act, will the right hon. Gentleman consider advising his colleagues to reduce the weekly contributions of 8d. and 10d., respectively?
As there will be persons eligible to the full benefits of the Health Service, even if they make no contributions at all, it is obviously non-contributory.
Dental Practitioners
asked the Minister of Health if he accepts in principle the recommendations of the Committee on the Remuneration of General Dental Practitioners.
Yes, Sir.
Can my right hon. Friend say when he hopes to be in a position to make an announcement in regard to the detailed application of these recommendations?
Discussions are about to take place with the representatives of the dental profession, and I am hoping to reach a speedy conclusion.
Nurses (Minority Report)
asked the Minister of Health whether he has received the minority report of the Working Party on the Recruitment and Training of Nurses; and whether he proposes to publish it.
Yes, Sir, but I should like to make it clear that I cannot interrupt consideration of the questions of policy raised by the majority report, which was received nine months ago and on which I have already received the views of the organisations consulted.
Housing
Building Costs
asked the Minister of Health how present-day housing costs compare with prewar levels; and what steps are being taken to secure reduction and to provide cheaper, but not inferior, housing accommodation.
I regret that figures for reliable comparison are not yet available. Contract prices are, however, being carefully controlled.
Could my right hon. Friend say what measures are being taken to create conditions in which local authorities can provide for slum clearance people who are not in a position to pay the present rents although the subsidies are recognised as being more handsome than they were before?
That does not directly arise out of the Question. The prices of houses are kept under control by competitive tender.
New Construction
asked the Minister of Health what is the total value of the new housing construction sanctioned by his Department since September, 1947.
The information is not available.
Rent Rebates
asked the Minister of Health to what extent circular 221/46 obliges a local authority to take into account family allowances in connection with any rent rebate granted in respect of children under school leaving age; and whether he will make it clear that no penalty will attach to any local authority which decides to ignore family allowances in granting such rent rebates.
Terms and conditions for rebates from rents are left by statute to the discretion of local authorities, and I have no reason to doubt their observance of the general principles referred to in Circular 221/46.
In view of that answer which relates to the first part of the Question, would the Minister be good enough to assert, as there seems to be some doubt about it amongst some local authorities, that no possible penalty attaches to the local authority which properly exercises its discretion?
If I attempted to give any guidance to local authorities in the matter it would indeed be interference with their discretion and in this matter under statute they are completely free.
I should like to have an answer to the supplementary question put just now by the hon. Member for Finsbury (Mr. Platts-Mills). [ Interruption. ] Shut up you—[HON. MEMBERS: "Order."] I beg your pardon, Mr. Speaker, I was referring to hon. Members opposite. Would the Minister say if there would be any penalty on local authorities if they allowed these rebates?
If local authorities have full discretion obviously there can be no penalty for exercising it.
Thank you very much.
Remarks should be addressed to me and not to hon. Members opposite.
Education
Child Guidance Clinics, South London
asked the Minister of Education how many child guidance clinics are in operation in South London; how long has an applicant to wait before commencing treatment; and what action is being taken to recruit additional staff.
There are two child guidance clinics at hospitals in London south of the Thames. The London County Council are about to open a third. I am told that the average period of waiting is two months. I am sending my hon. and gallant Friend a copy of a circular which was sent to local education authorities last January on the recruitment and training of staff.
Is the Minister aware that in South London particularly a very large number of applicants are waiting for facilities to attend these clinics and that there is considerable distress at the delay which is taking place?
If my hon. and gallant Friend will send me particulars we will certainly look into the matter at once.
Teachers (Emergency Training)
asked the Minister of Education what provision is made for the supervision of the work and progress of teachers after the completion of their short course in the emergency training colleges.
I assume that my hon. Friend is referring to the part-time course of study which is required of teachers who have been trained in emergency colleges. The arrangements for this are described in Circular 106, of which I am sending my hon. Friend a copy.
Deaf Children (Instruction)
asked the Minister of Education if his experts have made any study of the parent-child instruction for deaf children now being carried on in the John Tracy Clinic in Los Angeles; and whether similar instruction is given in this country.
No, Sir. I regret that I have no information about the work done at this clinic. Parent-child instruction is, however, given in this country at the clinic held at the Department of Education of the Deaf at Manchester University.
Would the hon. Gentleman obtain through U.N.E.S.C.O. or some other source details of the scheme, which has produced, so we are told, some very remarkable results?
I shall be very glad indeed to have such details and to use them where possible.
Is the Minister aware that indeed for several years similar parent-child work has been given in the Infants' Hospital in Vincent Square and in the Granville Street Kindergarten Clinic?
General Certificate (Examination)
asked the Minister of Education what are the reasons for his decision imposing a minimum age limit of 16 for candidates sitting for the new examination for the General Certificate of Education.
I would refer the hon. Member to the answer which my right hon. Friend gave to the hon. Member for London University (Sir E. Graham-Little) on 25th May, 1948.
Is the Parliamentary Secretary aware that this decision will have the effect of depressing the standard of education by holding back the more capable children?
No, Sir. I am not aware of this repercussion of the decision taken in regard to the age for the taking of this examination. We have consulted all the relevant authorities, and, as the hon. Member knows, the decision was taken after the unanimous agreement of the representative people.
Why should not the bright boy—as I am sure the Minister himself was a few years ago—be allowed to take the examination when his intellect is right for it and then get on to the job like His Majesty's Government?
Infants' Schools (Accommodation)
asked the Minister of Education, if, in view of the rising birth-rate of the last few years, he is taking emergency measures to supply additional class-room accommodation for infants' schools.
I would refer my hon. Friend to the answer my right hon. Friend gave to the hon. Member for the Combined English Universities (Mr. K. Lindsay) on 4th March, 1948.
Is the Parliamentary Secretary aware that in a number of areas today infants are only receiving half-time education owing to the lack of accommodation, and could he not adopt some scheme like H.O.R.S.A.. in order to provide additional emergency accommodation for infant schools to meet this difficulty?
I am aware that halftime has been instituted in a few districts. In reply to the second part of the supplementary question, arrangements are being made, subject to the supply position, for huts of the same type as those being erected under the H.O.R.S.A. scheme to continue to be made available to local education authorities and schools as in the past.
Agricultural Instruction
asked the Minister of Education if he will encourage the introduction in rural secondary schools of instruction in agricultural and rural subjects; and if he will arrange suitable training courses for teachers.
It is for school authorities to determine their curriculum, but every encouragement is given them to provide instruction in agricultural and rural subjects in rural secondary schools. Certain training colleges provide courses of training with a rural bias and, so far as circumstances permit, courses for serving teachers are held and will be further developed.
In view of the fact that agriculture is our greatest industry will the hon. Gentleman assure us that the Minister and the Ministry are giving active attention to this matter with a view to promoting this type of education?
We have been giving active consideration to this matter since taking office and this activity will be further intensified.
Will the Minister also see that schools in boroughs have proper educational facilities for agricultural instruction.
We are in entire agreement with that.
Trade and Commerce
Utility Clothing (Profits)
asked the President of the Board of Trade what reduction in the profits of manufacturers and wholesalers was assumed in the calculations which resulted in the recent increases in permitted prices of utility clothing.
I assume that my hon. Friend is referring to the recent increases in maximum prices of utility clothing due to the removal of the cotton cloth subsidy. Ceiling prices for manufacturers have been increased to allow no more than existing cash profits. This means that percentage net profits will be reduced in many cases. Wholesalers' gross percentage margins for most of the dearer garments have been reduced and a general review of wholesale margins on cloth and clothing will be started shortly.
While I thank my hon. Friend for that reply, may I ask him if it is not a fact that there has also been a further increase in men's utility clothing in addition to the increase caused by the removal of the subsidy, and would my hon. Friend say whether in that increase due to greater costs any reduction was made in respect of reduced profits?
No, Sir.
Educational Books (Paper)
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is satisfied that the provision of a reserve of paper, jointly for export and for educational books, results in an adequate proportion of publishers' resources being devoted to publication of educational books.
There is no joint reserve of paper for export and educational books. Under the arrangements at present in force, publishers are allowed paper to the extent of 60 per cent. of their pre-war consumption and are required to maintain the same proportion of educational books as hitherto. They are allowed a further 20 per cent. which must be used only for educational books or books for export. In addition, there is a special reserve of paper for educational and other important books which would not otherwise be produced from the publishers' quotas, and a second and separate reserve for export books. I am satisfied that under these arrangements no important educational books need be held up for lack of paper.
Is not my hon. Friend's reply contradictory when he says there is no joint quota and then goes on to say that an additional percentage is allowed either for export or for educational books, which sounds like a joint quota? Is there not a danger that educational books may not get their proper percentage because of the need to export?
No, Sir. The special reserve I mentioned is for educational books £1,750, and for export £1,000 in each four months.
Is my hon. Friend aware that the consequent restrictions on the production of educational books resulting from this arrangement is leading to an increase in imports of American dictionaries, which cannot he regarded as Marshall aids to spelling?
I said at the end of my first answer that I am satisfied that no important educational books need be held up for lack of paper.
Mangle Roller Blocks
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he is aware of the acute shortage of mangle roller blocks; and what action he proposes to take in order to improve the position.
An allocation of hardwood from Timber Control stocks is given to manufacturers of mangle rollers. Though this may not meet all home demands in full, I am advised that there is no acute shortage and the import of additional supplies of blocks would not be justified.
If I communicate the necessary information, will the hon. Gentleman look into a particular case with speed?
Yes, Sir.
Independent Film Production (Committee)
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he has yet appointed the independent committee to inquire into the position of independent film production announced by him on 21st January; what are its terms of reference; who are the members composing it; and when does he expect it to report.
We hope to be able shortly to announce the composition and terms of reference of this committee.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that his right hon. Friend announced that this Committee would not start work until the Autumn? It will then take some considerable time to report. In view of the great importance to the independent producer of getting some satisfactory financial return for his products, can some direction be given to the Committee to make an interim report?
In view of the fact that this industry is missing the greatest opportunity it has had since its inception to establish itself on a firm basis, will the hon. Gentleman expedite the arrangements for production credits until the Committee has reported?
I will take note of that question.
Can the hon. Gentleman make any reply to the question put by my hon. Friend the Member for West Wolverhampton (Mr. H. D. Hughes) with regard to the date of the commencement of this Committee? This independent Committee was one of the most important things arising out of the Films Act, and we must get on with it if we are to produce anything at all.
I have said that I shall be announcing the names of the members of the Committee shortly.
Pottery
asked the President of the Board of Trade what quantity of coloured and decorated china and other pottery was imported into this country during the past 12 months; and what quantity it is expected will be imported during the next 12 months.
Imports of coloured and decorated china and pottery are not separately recorded, but import licences for these goods were issued during the twelve months ended 30th April last to the value of £3,550. I am not yet in a position to say what quantity will be imported during the next twelve months.
Is my hon. Friend aware that several manufacturers have large stocks of coloured ware, which is badly needed by the public, due to cancellation of orders for materials originally intended for export? Can he promise that his Department will expedite the delivery of these to our own people as quickly as possible?
The only imports we have had have been from Denmark and they have been taken for two reasons, (1) because it was a special quality which we thought we could take, and (2) to assist the Danes to send traditional goods.
Will the hon. Gentleman answer the supplementary question put by the hon. Member for Hanley (Dr. Stross) and say when the public will get these articles? Why cannot they have them now?
We have had many Debates on this matter, and the urgency for exports should be known by all hon. Members. I can only repeat that that is the answer.
In taking this matter into account, is my hon. Friend having regard to the imports of china and earthenware from Japan into the Colonies and this country?
No, Sir.
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that there is an appreciable black market in pottery, particularly in china tea sets; and whether he will take action to end this type of transaction
I am aware that there has been a certain amount of evasion of the Domestic Pottery Control Orders. With the close co-operation of the Industry, the Board of Trade investigating officers are trying to eliminate these evasions, and we are planning certain changes in one of these orders which should make enforcement easier.
While I thank my hon. Friend for his reply which will give some satisfaction to us, may I ask him if he is aware that the supplementary question which I asked on the previous Question applies also to this Question, namely, that there are considerable stocks cluttering up the warehouses of some firms due to the cancellation of orders and will he help to see that these are released to the public?
No, Sir. I must repeat that again the emphasis must be on exports.
Anglo-American Film Agreement
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he will now publish the terms of the Anglo-American Film Agreement.
Yes, Sir. I hope that the text of the Agreement will be published as a White Paper by His Majesty's Stationery Office early next week.
When that agreement is published, will my hon. Friend see that if any terms have been introduced into the agreement by the unilateral decision of the Americans at a later stage since the formal agreement was entered into, the date of those new terms are also added?
I am able to say that no change of substance has been made in the text.
Hosiery Stocks
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that members of the National Union of Hosiery Workers at their annual conference expressed fears about increasing unemployment in the industry due to the huge accumulation of stocks; and what steps he proposes to take to deal with this accumulation.
In so far as lack of coupons among the public has contributed to the accumulation of stocks referred to, the measures which my right hon. Friend announced last Tuesday should help to release them. I understand that seamless rayon stockings were a particular difficulty, and these have now been removed from the ration.
Is my hon. Friend aware that those who are in the industry are of opinion that the concessions which have been made are totally inadequate to stimulate employment in the sections of the trade which are now suffering?
No, Sir.
Can the hon. Gentleman tell the House how much under-employment there is in the hosiery trade as well as the total unemployment?
Not without notice
Anglo-Soviet Trade (Contracts)
asked the President of the Board of Trade what progress is being made in the placing of contracts by the Soviet Union with manufacturing firms in this country; and whether he is satisfied that sufficient orders have been placed so that the complete delivery of Soviet grain can be made.
Tenders have now peen submitted to the Soviet Trade Delegation by United Kingdom manufacturers for items amounting to approximately 90 per cent, by value of the equipment scheduled to the Agreement and negotiations are proceeding on all these items. Contracts have been signed for just under £1 million worth of this equipment. As regards the second part of the Question, it is still too soon to say whether sufficient value of orders will have been placed by the end of the month.
Is the Minister satisfied that there are no difficulties in the way of the Soviet Union getting deliveries at an early date, for reports have said that there are difficulties with regard to the guarantee of the date of deliveries; and is it not the case that in some cases manufacturers cannot guarantee delivery dates because they are not quite sure of the delivery or raw materials?
No, Sir. All I can say is that we are anxious that an agreement should be concluded. It is still in the future and both sides are working hard so that the contracts can be completed.
Can my hon. Friend say whether any deliveries have been made to Russia?
I stated the amount of goods that have been contracted for already. We know that steel rails have been sent. I could not give further information without notice.
Would it not be a great deal better for all concerned if the contracts were being placed by Canadian firms and not by Russian firms?
Fuel and Power
Electricity Supply (Economy Poster)
asked the Minister of Fuel and Power if, before sanctioning the issue of the poster, "Mummy has forgotten to turn off the light," he consulted the Safety First Committee or any Government Department concerned with the safety and well-being of children.
The poster referred to was issued by the British Electricity Authority, and not by my Department.
Has the right hon. Gentleman no power whatever over the issue of these posters? Quite apart from the fact that the poster is factious propaganda, is it right that the taxpayer's money should be spent on inducing children to clamber upon a chair and turn off a light which is already in the off position, then get down from the chair, fall over the dog in the dark and run the risk of breaking their necks?
The character of the posters which they should issue is certainly not one of the things on which I intend to issue directions to the British Electricity Authority.
Is my right hon. Friend aware that the women of the country resent this poster very much and that they wish to have the word "Mummy" deleted and "Daddy" inserted?
I am sure the British Electricity Authority will take notice of that suggestion.
Is this not the opening round in a campaign to teach children to snoop on their parents?
Is it not a fact that when the electricity authorities were in private hands a considerable amount of money paid by the electricity consumers was spent on propaganda against nationalisation?
We must remember that whatever may be the merits of this poster the intention was to secure greater fuel economy, and we would all support that.
Petrol Consumption (Government Departments)
asked the Minister of Fuel and Power the total quantity of petrol consumed by the civil and revenue departments during the first quarter of 1948, with comparable figures for 1938, 1946 and 1947.
The estimated consumption of motor spirit by civil and revenue departments during the first quarter of 1948 was 25,600 tons, compared with 21,600 tons and 18,800 tons in the corresponding periods of 1947 and 1946, respectively. A comparable figure for 1938 is not available.
To what does the right hon. Gentleman attribute this substantial increase, and what action is he taking to check it?
The increase is due to an increased coupon issue for goods vehicles, vans and lorries, run by the Post Office and other Departments. It is only in line with the general increase in the use of petrol throughout the country.
Coal Industry
Disputes (Lost Output)
asked the Minister of Fuel and Power the tonnage of coal lost through disputes in the mining industry in the first quarter of 1948, as compared with the same period of 1947.
313,900 tons of saleable coal in the first quarter of 1948 and 133,800 tons in the same period of 1947.
Is the Minister aware that these figures show that the number of working days lost in the first quarter of this year in the coal industry is approximately 18 times greater than those lost in the iron and steel and metal group, although approximately half the number of men are employed? Will he bring this to the attention of colleagues who talk about producing a new spirit in the iron and steel industry?
And the figures are about one-seventeenth of the number of working days lost in 1920 in the coal industry.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the public are not particularly interested in what happened 30 years ago but are interested in something being done now?
National Coal Board (Member's Resignation)
asked the Minister of Fuel and Power whether he will publish the correspondence between Sir Charles Reid and the National Coal Board, leading up to the former's resignation.
This is a matter between Sir Charles Reid and the Chairman of the National Coal Board, but I understand that they have no intention of publishing this correspondence.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say why correspondence on a matter of high public importance between functionaries appointed by him is being withheld from this House? Is he aware that public disquiet about these happenings is greatly magnified by reason of his policy of hushing up everything connected with this Board?
I should not consider it any part of my duty, even for the benefit of the hon. Member, to try to extract private correspondence between a Member and the Board.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that subsequently, on 15th May, Sir Charles Reid issued a statement saying that he still believes nationalisation of the mines wise and right, and that he further said:
"I particularly desire that neither my resignation nor my resignation statement shall be used against the Government, and I shall not lend myself to anything of that kind"?
Is the right hon. Gentleman encouraged by his hon. Friend's extracts from this correspondence to publish it? Is he aware that it is not private correspondence at all, but relates to a matter on which there is grave and justifiable public disquiet?
If the hon. Gentleman is not aware of the contents, he cannot know whether it is private correspondence or not. This must be left to the parties concerned.
Are not the people of this country who own the mines entitled to know what their senior managers think on this matter?
I should have thought the general position of the statutory Boards in relation to the Government was already sufficiently clear.
Why does the right hon. Gentleman try to hide behind nominal regulations?
Absenteeism
asked the Minister of Fuel and Power what are the chief age groups into which absenteeism falls amongst miners; what proportion of absentees are married; and what proportion are coal-face workers whose wages depend upon output.
I regret that the information is not available.
Is the absenteeism mostly amongst young unmarried men? If so, would the Minister consider abolishing P.A.Y.E.?
We have not got the information the hon. Member is seeking, but any question referring to P.A.Y.E. is a matter for my right hon. and learned Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer.
Revenue Payments Period
asked the Minister of Fuel and Power whether, in view of the length of time that is elapsing before the findings of the Central Valuation Board under the Coal Industry Nationalisation Act can be formulated, the revenue payments period will be continued till the final compensation is paid.
No, Sir.
Will the Minister give further consideration to this? Does he realise how great a hardship is inflicted on people who are depending on regular dividends for some part of their livelihood who, owing to delays for which they are not responsible, neither have got their capital returned nor get anything from it? Will he not continue the interim dividends at any rate during next year?
I cannot agree that any question of hardship arises here. In the first place, there is no question of the companies not receiving interim income to which they are entitled when their compensation is finally settled. Furthermore, there is power to make regulations authorising payment of partial compensation, should that be necessary.
When considering this matter, will the Minister bear in mind that it was nearly a year before the Valuation Board was set up, and as half of the period was used up before the Valuation Board was set up, extra time should be allowed?
I cannot accept the view that the delay was entirely due to the Government.
No, but there was delay.
I have already pointed out that there is no question of hardship. The only problem is whether payment should be made in advance and I have said that regulations can be made for that purpose.
Will the right hon. Gentleman make the regulations for the interim period?
I will consider that when the time comes.
Can my right hon. Friend tell us how many of these people were applying for public assistance?
Employment
Remploy Factories, Staffordshire
asked the Minister of Labour when he expects that the Remploy factory in Stoke-on-Trent will have been completed; how many men and women, approximately, will be employed in it; and what type of worker will qualify for such employment.
A Remploy factory in Stoke-on-Trent is not included in the present plans. There is a factory for 60 employees at Longton. Another at Hanley for 300 employees should be open in July if present progress continues, and a further factory at Newcastle-under-Lyme, for 30 employees, should be open by the end of the year. Employment in these factories is open to persons registered as handicapped by disablement who, by reason of the nature or severity of their disablement, are unlikely to be able otherwise to obtain employment.
Whilst I thank the Minister very sincerely for the information he has given, may I ask him if he is aware that the name "Stoke-on-Trent" includes Longton and Hanley?
— Blackpool. Lytham St. Annes. Males 14–64 Females 14–59 Total Males 14–64 Females 14–59 Total 14th April, 1947 … 930 131 1,061 55 14 69 12th January, 1948 … 1,282 586 1,868 87 19 106 12th April, 1948 … 2,641 548 3,189 139 16 155
Until yesterday I was not aware of that.
Is my right hon. Friend satisfied that the provision of these three factories will meet the needs of North Staffordshire and Stoke-on-Trent in respect of disabled persons, because in that area there is a large legacy of silicosis among the miners and pottery workers?
No, I am not satisfied that they will be enough, but if they will not completely meet the need, the work will not end there.
Blackpool and Lytham St. Annes
asked the Minister of Labour the numbers of men and women registered as unemployed at the Blackpool and Lytham St. Annes exchanges on r5th April, 1947, 1st January, 1948, 15th April, 1948, or the nearest convenient dates.
As the reply includes a table of figures, I will, if I may, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
Would it be possible for the right hon. Gentleman to amplify the figures in the OFFICIAL REPORT by stating the number of people who have left these two towns through unemployment since the closing of Vickers factory which was making aluminium houses early this year?
I could not amplify the statement in time for publication in the OFFICAL REPORT of today's Proceedings but I will look into the question and give the hon. Gentleman what information I can.
Following is the reply:
The numbers of unemployed insured persons on the registers of the Blackpool and Lytham St. Annes Employment Exchanges at the dates in question were as follows:
Industrial Employees (Piece-work)
asked the Minister of Labour how many of the 18,829,000 persons employed in industry it is estimated are paid by piece-work.
Comprehensive statistics are not available, but it is estimated that rather less than one-fifth of all employed persons are paid by piece-work.
Would the Minister do his best in negotiations to encourage the system of payment by results, because it gives better production?
The system of payment by results is not applicable to many activities, such as domestic servants, shop assistants—and Members of Parliament.
Questions
Government Organisation Committee
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer on what considerations it was decided to set up a small committee consisting chiefly of permanent secretaries from the Departments to serve on the Government Organisation Committee compared with the recommendation made by the Select Committee on Estimates that a specially constituted body be formed of a few highly placed and experienced persons; whether he will give an undertaking that the Government Organisation Committee will be expanded by the addition of members from outside the Civil Service who have suitable qualifications for this task, that it shall meet at least as frequently as once each month and that its report will be published.
The reasons for the decision referred to by my hon. Friend were given in the reply which the Government made to the Estimates Committee's Fifth Report of last Session, and which the Committee have recently published in their Fourth Report of this Session. On the second part of the Question, regarding the composition of the Government Organisation Committee, I have nothing to add to the answer my right hon. and learned Friend, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, gave to my hon. Friend on 11th May, 1948. On the third part of the Question, regarding the Committee's meetings, it would be unwise for me to lay down any precise rule. The answer to the last part of the Question is, "No, Sir." Any changes in organisation that affect the public or the House will be announced in the ordinary way but it would be quite inappropriate to publish all reports of investigations or other deliberations leading up to such changes.
Whilst I appreciate what the Financial Secretary to the Treasury has said, in view of the tremendous importance of this subject matter, how can he possibly justify its being relegated to a purely Departmental committee? In view of the wide repercussions that its recommendations may have on the machinery of government and, indeed, on this House, would it not be preferable to follow much more closely the procedure of the Haldane Committee Report, three of the seven members of which were Members of this House?
The reason why is given in the report to which I have referred my hon. Friend.
National Finance
Northern Ireland
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer the total revenue-which is collected from Reserve services in Northern Ireland by his Department.
The figures are in the footnote on page 4 of the Budget White Paper of 6th April last (House of Commons Print No. 105).
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he will take steps to secure the agreement of the Joint Exchequer Board to Northern Ireland's Imperial Contribution reverting to £8 million as originally fixed by the Government of Ireland Act, 1920, and thus enable Northern Ireland to have the balance at their disposal in order to provide for housing, electricity and other needs of the people of Northern Ireland.
No, Sir.
Can the Financial Secretary tell the House why £8 million per annum was set aside under the 1920 Act, and in this financial year he is claiming from Northern Ireland £21½ million?
Not half enough.
The original £8 million was for two years only and was then subject to review. The figure is greater now because circumstances have changed, the amount of revenue raised is a good deal higher, and this figure is decided upon by the Joint Exchequer Board and ratified both by the Government of Northern Ireland and this Government.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that during the war Northern Ireland more than quadrupled the quota paid in 1920, and exceeded enormously the total quota of Northern Ireland and Southern Ireland, thus compensating for the default of Southern Ireland under the Act of 1920?
Would the Financial Secretary use this revenue for the purpose of establishing a fund to provide the necessary labour for removing partition in Ireland?
Exchange Control (Emigrants)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what difference is made by the Exchange Control authorities between the treatment of emigrants to countries within the British Commonwealth and outside the sterling area and the treatment of emigrants to countries outside the British Commonwealth and outside the sterling area.
None, Sir.
Could the right hon. Gentleman ask his right hon. and learned Friend to reconsider this? Is there not something even more important than dollars involved here?
It has, of course, been very closely considered. There are only two countries involved, Canada and Newfoundland, and unfortunately they are within the dollar area ambit.
Does not the Financial Secretary realise that the Canadians seriously consider this to be a difficult point, resulting in the deliberate diversion of emigration to other parts of the Empire; and that they would be glad to try to meet us in some way? Does he realise how seriously the Canadians consider this embargo against emigration to their country?
I hardly think they look upon it as an embargo. The Canadian Government are well aware of our difficulties, and sympathise with them and, jointly, we do our best to see that as far as possible emigrants are encouraged to go to Canada.
Has this particular point been discussed with the Government of Canada, and if not, would it not be a good thing to do it?
Yes, all these points have been discussed and the Canadian Government, as I say, are well aware of the situation.
Could not more sympathetic treatment be meted out to those people who decided to emigrate to Canada 12 months ago and wish to set up a business there, but are prevented from doing so because of this embargo on their capital?
No, if arrangements were made before the present conditions were laid down, and commitments have been entered into, the original arrangement is allowed to stand.
May I ask the right hon. Gentleman, since under the British North America Act emigration is also a matter for the Provinces, whether those facts were discussed with the Provinces as well as with the Dominion of Canada?
I should want notice of that question.
Would the right hon. Gentleman consider some half-way mark between the amount allowed before and the £5,000 which is allowed to non-Commonwealth and non-sterling area countries now? Would he perhaps consider £3,000, or some figure like that?
Certainly, I will ask my right hon. and learned Friend to consider that, although I should perhaps add that he has considered all these various alternatives.
Currency Regulations
asked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury how much Italian currency was allowed to each British delegate to the recent World Trade Unions Congress held in Rome.
Each delegate was allowed the currency equivalent of £4 per head per day for the period of the Congress.
asked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury how much Dutch currency was allowed to British delegates attending the Congress of Europe, recently held at The Hague.
The Congress lasted from 7th–11th May. The delegates received hospitality from the Dutch. Apart from a small advance party who had to find some of their own accommodation and were therefore allowed the normal rate of £4 per head per day, the currency allowed was restricted to an amount to cover personal incidental expenditure, and was at the rate of £1 per head per day for the period of the Congress. The applications received represented a total cost to this country in exchange of £1,215.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that many hon. and right hon. Gentlemen were very embarrassed at The Hague—[HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear."] financially embarrassed at The Hague, owing to the attitude of the Treasury on this matter, and that their embarrassment would have been greater if it had not been for the traditional generosity of the Dutch people? Furthermore, will he agree that these allocations were very unfair as between man and man?
On the contrary, I think from what I have said that the allocations were fair and just as between one individual and another. In addition, they could, if they were so minded, use part of the £35 which they were allowed, and will be allowed, this year for overseas visits.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the £1 a day was not sufficient for the purchase of the necessary Dutch books to enable members to keep themselves informed with regard to Dutch history?
Dutch courage—that is what they need.
Educational Facilities, Switzerland
asked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury if he will give particulars of the scheme for the resumption of educational facilities in Switzerland for English children; and to what extent those who had already arranged places for their children in Swiss schools before currency was banned will be given priority.
As the answer is somewhat long I will, with the hon. Member's permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
Following is the answer:
As has already been announced, a special allotment of foreign exchange has been made available to enable approximately the same number of pupils as in previous years to attend full-time courses at Swiss schools for the academic year ending July, 1949. The maximum allowance will be £200 for a full academic year for each child, and any current basic travel allowance to which the child is entitled may also be used. Full details of the arrangements may be obtained on application to any bank in the United Kingdom. Before accepting a pupil, the Swiss school must obtain a recommendation from the Swiss Compensation Office, and when making its application the school will presumably give priority (if necessary) to its present pupils and to those for whom places were arranged before the currency ban was imposed.
Palestine (Sterling Balances)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what Palestinian assets are held in this country; and what steps His Majesty's Government propose to take in disposing of them.
The sterling assets of Palestine, including those of the Palestine Currency Board are, as has been announced, of the order of £100 million. The sterling balances were blocked on 22nd February when Palestine left the sterling area. Releases of reasonable sums have been and will continue to be made from the blocked balances of Palestine banks where we are satisfied that they are necessary to enable essential payments to be met.
Atomic Bomb Tests, Eniwetok
asked the Minister of Defence whether he was notified by the U.S. Government of the recent atomic bomb tests at Bikini; and whether the British Government sent a team of observers.
I assume that my hon. Friend is referring to the recent atom bomb trials at Eniwetok. If so, the, answer to both parts of his Question is, "No, Sir."
Having regard to the great contribution made by British scientists to the American atomic energy programme, is not this a most ungenerous lack of co-operation on the part of the United States of America, and will His Majesty's Government make representations to that effect?
I would like to know what is going on in a great many countries with regard to experiments of this kind, but it is a matter for the Government of the United States themselves to decide who they invite to such an experiment.
May I, without trying to press my right hon. Friend too hard, ask him to bear in mind that there is agreement on this subject between America and Britain, and that we played a great part indeed in the atomic energy programme, without which America would not be so far ahead today?
It depends on the kind of experiment. I am sure that my hon. Friend will remember that we were invited to the experiment at Bikini. Two hon. Members of this House, one from each side, went to that. I do not think there is any need for us to try to make unpleasantness with the United States on this matter.
Will the right hon. Gentleman bear in mind that what we wish to have is information of the results of the experiments, and can he assure us that that is forthcoming?
I do not think that there will be any difficulty about that.
Does not the right hon. Gentleman think that the Government of the United States are showing a growing tendency not to inform us of what is going on?
I should think that the hon. Member's question applies in the main to the sphere of the Foreign Office, and I think that that question had better be put down to the Foreign Secretary.
Potatoes, Grimsby Docks (Inspection)
asked the Minister of Food if he is aware that an accredited local Press representative was refused permission to inspect the thousands of tons of potatoes now warehoused and deteriorating at the Grimsby docks and was referred to the Public Relations Office at Whitehall; and if, in view of the harm that exaggerated reports might cause, he will give instructions that responsible Press representatives be permitted to inspect such Government stocks at reasonable times, so that the public may know the true facts.
This inquirer was properly referred to the Public Relations Officer of my Department who would have supplied the facts and arranged for an inspection which the Ministry would have welcomed. The deterioration in the potatoes in store at Grimsby is not excessive for this time of year.
Is the Minister aware that the local Press said, in connection with thousands of tons that have been transhipped to Germany, that they were shovelled aside in heaps as being unfit for transportation, that some sacks burst open, dripping with moisture, and that many sacks were so bad as to be of no use at all? In view of the facts being given in the local Press would it not be better if the hon. Lady had allowed this Press representative to see the potatoes?
This representative did not ask to inspect the potatoes. He asked for information from the local commodity supervisor, and it is usual in such cases to refer inquiries to the Public Relations Department. If the representative concerned had asked for permission to make an inspection we should have been quite happy to arrange it.
My information is that this representative asked to see these potatoes because of the scandal which was arising from tales being told locally, and that he was refused permission and told to come to London to get permission.
I am afraid that the hon. Member has been misinformed.
Is it the Government's policy at the moment to encourage people to eat more potatoes or to eat less?
We leave it to the individual to decide.
Were these potatoes originally grown in this country, and had they made more than one trip across the North Sea after an unsuccessful attempt to sell them abroad?
The answer to the first part of that supplementary question is, "Yes, Sir," and to the second part, "No, Sir."
Business of the House
Can the Leader of the House tell us the Business for next week?
Yes, Sir. The Business for next week Will be as follows:
Monday, 31st May—Supply (16th Allotted Day), Committee. A Debate will take place on Civil Aviation in Scotland until about 7.30 p.m. Afterwards, Debate on the Ministry of Fuel and Power in Scotland.
Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday, 1st, 2nd and 3rd June—Committee stage of the Finance Bill.
Friday, 4th June—Second Reading of the Veterinary Surgeons Bill [ Lords ]; and further progress will be made with the Radioactive Substances Bill [ Lords ] and with the Nurseries and Child-Minders Regulation Bill.
Will my right hon. Friend say why it is necessary to take important Scottish Business on a Monday? I do not know whether there are many Members of the House who are aware that it is very inconvenient for a number of Scottish Members to be here on a Monday. Is not my right hon. Friend aware that repeated protests have been made against taking important Scottish Business on Monday, and cannot he avoid it?
My hon. Friend will appreciate that the choice of the subject on that day lies with the Opposition. I understand that they are anxious to cultivate Scottish good will towards the Opposition, and it is, of course, a matter for comment which my hon. Friend quite legitimately raises whether they are actively cultivating Scottish good will by choosing Scottish Business on a day which is inconvenient for Scottish Members.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that we, of course, carefully consulted our Scottish friends on this side of the House, who are quite prepared to work here on Monday.
Before my right hon. Friend answers that question, might I ask him whether he is aware that the bulk of the Opposition Scottish Members live in London, and that it is quite convenient for them to be here on Monday? We on this side of the House prefer to be in our own constituencies.
I would like the hon. Member to withdraw that remark. Not one-quarter live in London; I doubt if one-tenth do.
May I ask the Leader of the House another question? I know that the Foreign Secretary did not want to make a statement today about Palestine, but could the right hon. Gentleman say whether the Foreign Secretary proposes to make a statement tomorrow, or when? I think we were told that we should have a statement in the near future.
My right hon. Friend has not really anything new to say compared with what he said yesterday, but it can be understood and accepted that he will take an opportunity of making a further statement at an early date, either tomorrow or Monday, I should think.
Would my right hon. Friend bear in mind that it might be the desire of Members of the House, when a definitive statement has been made by the Foreign Secretary, that the House should discuss it? Would he say whether in that event an early day or some part of an early day could be provided for that purpose?
That is hardly a matter for the question of the allocation of Supply Days, but it is a little difficult to judge at this stage before any statement has been made by the Foreign Secretary.
In regard to future Business, may I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether in view of the serious unemployment in certain sections of agriculture in this country he will give the House an opportunity of discussing it before the Summer Recess, in regard both to the Government short-term and long-term policies on agriculture?
If the hon. Member would let the Ministry of Labour and the Ministry of Agriculture know where there is unemployment I am quite sure that they would look into it. I do not think that we could provide a special day, but, of course, if agriculture happens to come up on a Supply Day that aspect of the matter could be raised.
The Lord President of the Council has mentioned what the Foreign Secretary said yesterday. He will remember that the Foreign Secretary said that no British officers were in charge of the bombardment of Jerusalem. Is my right hon. Friend aware that "The Times" today says that a British major is in charge of operations, and that several British officers are with him? Has my right hon. Friend anything to say on that?
My hon. Friend will appreciate that I am hardly able to make any observation on the substance of the matter. I am really concerned with the Business of the House rather than with the substance of policy.
In view of the drift which has taken place—the very serious drift—and the deep feeling that exists on this point, would it not be possible, after a statement has been made, not only to have a discussion, but a discussion on a Motion of confidence in the Foreign Secretary?
We had better wait and see what happens and reflect upon the motives of the hon. Gentleman who is so notably seeking an opportunity to express confidence in the Foreign Secretary.
Further to the point raised by the hon. Member for Eye (Mr. Granville), will the Lord President of the Council give further consideration to the question of allotting time for a discussion on agriculture, because there is a strong feeling in the East Riding of Yorkshire that the Government grudge time spent on agriculture in this House? After all, it is the most important industry at the present time.
The hon. Gentleman will be the first to put that impression right in Yorkshire, because the Government have devoted more time to agricultural discussions than any Government for a long time. Therefore, I am sure that he will put right this misapprehension. It is really a matter of what happens to crop up on a Supply Day. If the Opposition should choose to devote a Supply Day to agriculture, then all these matters would be in Order, but I do not think I can give a special day for it.
With regard to future Business, may I ask the Leader of the House, in view of the reports that there is to be an extra Session in September, if he will let the House know as soon as possible whether this is likely to occur, as many hon. Members wish to fix holidays with their families?
I think it would be very improper on my part to presume what another place is going to do with a certain Bill.
Business of the House (Supply)
Ordered, "That this day, notwithstanding anything in Standing Order No. 14, Business other than the Business of Supply may be taken before Ten o'Clock.—[ Mr. H. Morrison.]
Business of the House
Proceedings on Consideration of Lords Amendments to the Motor Spirit (Regulation) Bill exempted at this day's Sitting, from the provisions of the Standing Order (Sittings of the House).—[ Mr. H. Morrison. ]
Orders of the Day
Supply
[15TH ALLOTTED DAY]
Civil Estimates, 1948–49
Considered in Committee.
[Major MILNER in the Chair]
Motion made, and Question proposed,
"That a further sum, not exceeding £50, be granted to His Majesty towards defraying the charges for the following services connected with the Ministry of Works, Administrative Costs and Buildings for the year ending on the 31st March, 1949, namely:
£ Class VII., Vote 1, Ministry of Works 10 Class VII., Vote 3, Houses of Parliament Buildings 10 Class VII., Vote 6, Public Buildings, Great Britain 10 Class VII., Vote 9, Royal Parks and Pleasure Gardens 10 Class VII., Vote 10, Miscellaneous Works Services 10 Total £50" —[ Mr. Glenvil Hall. ]]
Ministry of Works
3.34 p.m.
The proper function of the Committee of Supply is to vote in detail, after discussion, the moneys required for the different Departments and the public service in general. But, as hon. Members know, for many years past it has been more normal to use Supply Days for discussion of general matters of policy connected with a particular Department, the idea being, I presume, that if the general policy of the Minister was accepted, then it would be reasonable, generally speaking, for the expenditure which he thought necessary to carry out that policy to be voted by Parliament. Of course, that is making a very big assumption. It is quite possible that one may agree with a particular line of policy, but there may be thousands and tens of thousands, and even millions, of pounds difference in the way in which the particular policy is carried out.
It is a long time since an Estimate has been considered from the point of view of the actual expenditure involved. If hon. Members are to follow what I am going to say I hope they will have a copy of the Estimate, because I shall make considerable detailed references to points there in order to deal with a point which has been so frequently thrown across at us by Ministers. We have repeatedly taken the view that, over the whole Government field, there is a great deal of wasteful expenditure, and time and time again Ministers have said, "Oh, yes, and what would you cut down?" I think that a short afternoon's browse over the Ministry of Works Estimate may give some ideas, even to the Minister, where "good housekeeping," which is the phrase of my right hon. Friend the Member for North Leeds (Mr. Peake), would have made it possible to cut down by perhaps half a million here, a million there and perhaps a hundred thousand somewhere else.
If one does that over the field of all the Government Departments one may very well find that considerable expenditure could be saved, resulting in less taxation for everybody, without touching any of the major points of policy which are so dear to hon. Members in all parts of the Committee. It is not my intention in what I am proposing to say to raise any big policy problems with which the Minister deals; for example, the policy about temporary housing and all sorts of things like that. I wish to deal with these Estimates. I think that we may very well find, just as we do in our private affairs, that there are lots of things that we would like to have, but do not have them, sometimes because we cannot afford them, and sometimes just because when we look at the price we think it is not worth paying.
Having said that, I wonder if the Minister or his Under-Secretary have ever looked back into the Estimates for his Department ten years ago, when it was the Office of Works, and seen the extraordinary change that has come over it. I quite understand that the scope of the Department has been very widely extended, but I very much doubt if many hon. Members realise the vast difference in size between the Department as it now is, and the Department as it was when the war broke out. The Department, as it was before the war broke out, showed on Vote I—that is, the Ministry's own salaries and the administrative organisation of the Department—a figure of just over half a million pounds net. This year it £9¼ million net. That is for the staff and the running of the Ministry of Works. The number of people involved total today, or for this year's Estimates, is 20,630. It is really rather startling to find that the war has brought such an enormous increase in size and expenditure.
Before the war the First Commissioner of Works, as he was then called, had a modest staff at headquarters. I am now talking about the higher grades. There was himself, the Permanent Secretary, a Principal Assistant Secretary, three assistant secretaries and ten principals. That was the headquarters staff at the higher administrative level. If hon. Members care to look through the 28 pages of staff enumerated here, they will find on the very first page that there is, as compared with that prewar figure, beside the Minister, a Permanent Secretary, two deputy secretaries, three under-secretaries, 10 assistant secretaries and 23 principals. All that is on page 1, and there are 28 pages. Of course, in a lot of other cases they are called directors, controllers, director-generals, and so on; but they are all higher administrative officers. That is the first thing I put to the right hon. Gentleman. Is he really satisfied that there is a need for this enormous mass of men and women, not only at headquarters but in the regional organisation which did not exist, except in the very smallest form, if at all, before the war? There is a staff of 8,815 in the regional organisation. Of course, Scotland does not count as a region, so we have to add about 1,500 there.
These are really startling figures. Apart from what they do, one is surprised that the people should be there at all in such numbers. There have been great increases and developments since prewar days. Of course, one admits that. One realises that the right hon. Gentleman has taken on all sorts of new duties and, of course, all sorts of new controls. It is most difficult to work out exactly the relationship of these different sub-branches of the work of the Ministry compared with before the war, because the names have so much changed that they are almost unrecognisable. However, it is certainly true that there is a very considerable staff at headquarters dealing with what is called, "Planning and General" which also deals with licensing and central programming. The interesting thing is that when one tries to see what happens in the regions with regard to "Planning and General" one finds, as far as I can make out that there it is called "Controls"—and that is where a great deal of the labour and effort of the right hon. Gentleman and his staff goes.
If as a result of any review of the work of this Department one could come to the conclusion that there was room for reducing control and licensing in present circumstances, automatically there would be a very great reduction in staff and in expenditure. Following the matter to its ultimate end, there would be a reduction in taxation. I will take the instance of a completely new branch since the war, that of the "Chief Scientific Adviser's Division," which is a large and costly branch. The staff this year is 518 and the cost is over £300,000. Incidentally, the number of staff has gone down since last year, but the cost of what remains has gone up. It rests at £302,000 with the Chief Scientific Adviser at a salary of £2,500.
One can see that there might be a case for considerable research in the Department concerned with building, materials and the like. It might be reasonable to have such a scientific staff, even though it may not be necessary to have such a large one, if it were not for the fact that there is already, and there has been for years past, a Department of Scientific and Industrial Research, and that one of the most important sections of that Department is the section which deals with building research. There is the building research station under the Department of Scientific and Industrial Research which, incidentally, employs 287 persons at a cost of £217,000. All that existed before the war and it continues to exist.
I ask the right hon. Gentleman what on earth is the connection between the two. Apparently there is a perfectly good long-established building research department under the Department of Scientific and Industrial Research, and here is another one, more expensive with about twice as many people in it, under the Minister himself. I should like to know whether the Minister can point to any discovery, any invention or adaptation which has resulted from his Scientific Adviser's division? It is not as if a great deal of research on building materials and the like did not occur outside Government circles altogether. Great firms like Imperial Chemical Industries have for years, naturally for their own purposes, done a great deal of research into matters such as paint and the like. I suppose that all that is co-ordinated. Perhaps that is the function of this officer —I do not know.
It is not as if the cost of the staff was the only story. The staff have to live somewhere, and it is interesting to note from page 55 of the Estimates that quite a lot of money, a total of £19,000, is being spent on "alterations and erection of shedding." I take it that that means the erection of sheds. That is to be done at a place called Boreham Wood, Thatched Barn, for this Department—or rather for what is called the field test unit of the Department. It may interest hon. Members to know that Boreham Wood, Thatched Barn, is a very wellknown prewar road house on the Barnet By-Pass, complete with swimming pool and other luxurious arrangements. I have no idea at all what the field test unit does there; but, at any rate, it has got an industrial staff because a great deal of money, as shown on page 84, is required for building work for experimental and demonstration purposes, and so on, to the net cost of £510,000. Therefore, we have this Chief Scientific Adviser's division with an administrative staff costing £300,000; we have the services which they are to render, which cost something like £500,000; we have the conversion of the road house at a cost of £19,000, and there may be scattered all over this Vote a great deal more money for this purpose.
I hope that I have not taken this matter in too much detail. I have done it to point out to hon. Members that one should watch these Votes and that it appears that some good housekeeping could find economies here and there. There may be a complete answer to all this. I shall listen with great interest to anything the Minister has to tell us about it. I do not know whether branches of this kind are permanent and, if so, whether the Minister could tell us anything about the kind of qualifications which are required for all these scientific officers. A chief scientific officer may be a scientist of the highest qualifications or he may be someone at the administrative level with some knowledge of science. One would like to know what kind of staff is being dealt with. Those are the sort of problems we wish to discuss, and I am sure that my hon. Friends will find many more during the Debate.
I want to ask a question on Vote 3 which deals with the Houses of Parliament Vote, not that I want to discuss, that apart from asking a specific question of the right hon. Gentleman. Here, though there is no actual money taken this year, there is an item which is described as the purchase of site in Abingdon Street for additional building for the Houses of Parliament. I want to know the position with regard to that. There was a report which made some suggestions about building there a large building which was to have secretarial rooms, clubrooms and all sorts of things for Members of this House. That has never been accepted by this House. It has never been debated by this House, yet apparently money has been used to purchase the site. Of course, if it is left at that no great harm is done, because the Government might just as well own that site which, a long time ago, had been suggested as a suitable site for the King George Memorial. That was abandoned because we did not want to pull down Georgian houses. Hitler destroyed the Georgian houses, so that argument has gone by the board.
I hope that nothing will be done towards erecting one or more houses in Abingdon Street, or anywhere else, for the use of hon. Members before Parliament has taken a decision upon the proposal. It is not, in my view, a matter which should be included in one Estimate, and on which we should afterwards be told that, because it was in an Estimate of last year, Parliament by implication had accepted the whole scheme. I think anything which might lead the public to think that we are increasing our amenities at their expense should he debated in the House itself. That is the reason why we put that Vote down, in order that it might be appropriate for the Minister to give an answer.
May I now say a word about buildings, because here I think we can do some economising? I understand from the White Paper on Capital Expenditure that there were to be considerable cuts, but this is not reflected in these Estimates. In the year immediately before the war, the grand total for public buildings—it was slightly different in the dividing-up of the Vote, but it included the ordinary public buildings, such as the Labour and Health buildings and the Revenue buildings, which include the Post Office—was £5½ million. This year it is £35½ million in the Vote required for the public buildings in this country.
That does not sound like a very big cut in capital expenditure. It is, indeed, very difficult to follow—I would hesitate to wander too much in these interesting sidelines—for example, how much money in total is being asked for for new Government Departments, new office buildings. I do not mean the buildings which Departments obviously have to have—the offices in which they function, like the Post Office. I mean the central Government buildings and Government offices. As one looks through these Estimates, one sees not only the intention to spend a great deal of money, but the prospects of spending a great deal more as the years go on. On page 56, to take a few items consecutively, there is Item 65, relating to the preparation and adaptation of accommodation for use as Government offices, which amounts to £400,000 this year, but on which the eventual total will be nearly £1½ million. Next, there is the erection of temporary office buildings, which amounts to £2,400,000.
Then, we come to the acquisition of sites and erection of new Government offices in Glasgow, Whitehall Gardens—estimated to cost £3½ million—Whitehall Place, St. James's Square, the projected one in Horseferry Road and Carlton House Terrace. Eventually, £10 million will be spent on sites I and 2 on the South Bank of the Thames and so on. It looks as if the Government have got very big views on the development of central Government buildings. We are living in a time in which another Government document has stated that we should cut down as far as possible in our capital expenditure. Having expressed admirable views on the very wise lines of dealing with inflation, they now turn round and produce Estimates full of that selfsame capital expenditure.
The point I wish to make is that on one group concerning one side of building there must be scope for an enormous amount of reduction in expenditure. That is in connection with hostels and hutting. I call them huts, but hutting is the proper word in these days. It is astonishing to find how much money is required for this purpose, because, last year, all over the country, there were premises which ordinary people like myself thought could be adapted to the same purpose for which these hostels and huts are going to be built. I see that the hon. Lady is looking at me rather wistfully—
Admiration.
I thank the hon. Lady. She is no doubt thinking that this involves the people brought over from Europe—the European voluntary workers, the displaced persons, and so on. They are coming over, as I understand it, to be trained and absorbed into the general life of the country. One would have thought that considerable use of aerodromes or military camps could be made for people like that. I am sure that the hon. Lady is as surprised as I am to find that this year this Estimate is asking for £2½million for hostels and huts for housing these persons.
Why not?
I have just told the hon. Gentleman. I am sorry he is half asleep, but I do not want to say it all over again. May I indicate the different Departments which are having hostels put up for this purpose? There is the Ministry of Agriculture, for their trainees, requiring £22,000; the Ministry of Education, for their trainees, £73,000; the Ministry of Fuel and Power, for miners, £207,000—and, incidentally, I should have thought that it might have paid the Minister better to get on with permanent houses; the Ministry of Labour, for accommodation for industrial workers, £55,000. I do not know to what that refers, and perhaps the Minister will tell us, because we have the Ministry of Supply asking for £1½ million for exactly the same purposes, and presumably, it too is for industrial workers.
Then, there is the Ministry of National Insurance, for their staff, requiring £24,000, and the Ministry of Works, for first aid repairs staff, £5,000, and, for displaced persons and so on, £2½ All that is getting on for about £3 million. Then there is the super-hostel which, apparently, the right hon. Gentleman is providing somewhere in London for distinguished visitors coming here, and about which we read in the newspapers last weekend. If we are to have nearly £3 million on the Minister's Estimates, plus £1½ million for the Ministry of Supply, that means a total of £4½ million this year for expenditure on hostels, huts and Government housing of that kind. I cannot believe that all that is necessary. Therefore, I hope the Minister will be able to let us into some of these secrets.
I pass on to the next Vote, Class 9, which we put down for the simple reason that it deals with the Royal Parks. Nothing gives us greater pleasure than maintaining the Royal Parks, both in London and elsewhere, but what is very distressing is to note that, as compared with the prewar position, the cost has gone up fantastically. Before the war, we used to spend £230,000 net on the Royal Parks, and now it is £530,000 net. I daresay there is an explanation that can be given why the cost of maintenance and repairs has gone up; but what I want to know, in this search for good housekeeping, is why, if the expenditure has gone up, the receipts have not also gone up? When we look at this Estimate, we find the expenditure well up, but the appropriations-in-aid, that is to say, the moneys from this, that and the other which the Minister gets back to bring the gross figure slightly smaller, are in every case less than before the war. That does not make sense, and it is not good housekeeping. Why should the grazing rents in the Royal Parks be less now than they were before the war? Why should we get only about half as much for the licences for renting chairs in the Royal Parks as we did in 1939? That is the sort of thing which proper housekeeping would look into, and I hope we may hear something about that.
The last group of Votes which we put down for discussion are "Miscellaneous Works Services." This is a very important group which covers a lot of expenditure. For some reason which has never been given, so far as I know—I cannot think how it ever happened—this Government thought it would be a good idea for the Minister of Works to buy from somewhere or other pre-stressed concrete sleepers, and then, I presume, to sell them to the railways. I imagine the Government were just the agents, the middlemen. Whether it was a good plan or not I do not know —I have no notion one way or the other—but from the housekeeping and the public point of view, it was a thoroughly bad plan. It started last year, when the first lot of these pre-stressed concrete sleepers was bought for £1 million, but the Government got only £700,000 from the railways.
I thought perhaps that was just the run-over, and that we should get an enormous increase this year. But no; this year the Minister is apparently going to buy £1,060,000 worth, but he is going to get only £1,092,000, so that, on the whole, at the end of this year he will be just under £300,000 out. Is that sense? It does not seem so to me. I do not know what the Minister is doing in this particular sphere—merchandising. We always hear about the middleman making a profit, but when the Minister of Works is the middleman he apparently makes a colossal loss. That will require some explanation, if not today, I am perfectly sure in the long run, before the Public Accounts Committee.
I want to know what is happening about the expenses relating to the building trade apprentices' scheme. As I understand it, the idea behind this scheme was that apprentices, instead of just doing odd work, should be used in building actual houses. It is likely that the cost of houses built like that will be more expensive than those built in the ordinary way, and the Minister, therefore, will have to reimburse the local authorities for the extra cost. It is rather amusing to find that the note says: the cost of the scheme was £30,000; last year it was £100,000, and this year it is over £300,000. I would like to know if the Minister is really satisfied with the scheme. That has nothing to do with the cost to us as taxpayers, because it represents payments that have to be made to the authorities as a result of the extra cost of the houses. This is only the cost of the training scheme. I do not know exactly what it is supposed to cover, but no doubt the Minister will tell us.
Those are the sort of points on which we would like information, and of course there are many others which can be raised. Apart from these slightly exotic instances that I selected quite at random, what can be done to cut down a net Estimate in respect of these services of which I have been speaking, which before the war was somewhere about £10 million and which today is nearly £55 million? I will leave four points for the Minister to consider and to answer. First of all, there is the Directorate-General of Building Materials. Is it really necessary now —never mind whether it was in the past—to have this meticulous control of all this building material, all these allocations and licensing? Would it not be sufficient, from the point of view of the Ministry and of the national good, if it were limited to very few substances? Possibly, in this connection, for all I know, steel and timber might be sufficient for control.
Certainly it is not necessary to do anything about bricks. I do not think that at the moment much is being done by the Minister about bricks, but last September the industry urged the decontrol of bricks because they have been piling up, and if there is one thing which is in full supply at the moment it is bricks. Although it was obvious six or nine months ago that that would be the case, the large staff inside and outside the Ministry were busy filling and handling forms, and allocating materials of which there was no short supply. It was quite unnecessary to allocate anything, although, of course, it was probably necessary to keep the Directorate-General of Building Materials well employed.
There is one grave difficulty, as far as I can see, to which the Minister's activities lend aggravation. I refer to cement. I am told that the position about cement today is very difficult, and that is largely because of the Ministry's constant interference with the cement industry. All through the war this industry had no shortage, in spite of the enormous calls which were made upon it. Now there is a great demand for cement: it is a very good earner of foreign currency, and it is playing an important part in the export trade, but this is at a time when housing is practically at a standstill. [HON. MEMBERS: "No."] There are not very many in the agricultural area of Cambridge.
Oh, yes, there are far more than ever the party opposite built, and they are better houses too.
Undoubtedly there will be increasing demands for cement. I am told that one difficulty which has been foreseen is that it has been impossible to get on with the new factory buildings which are required by the cement industry. Incidentally, I am glad that interruption was made just now, because I have suddenly remembered that I have with me a quotation from a newspaper of last Friday on this subject. It says:
So much for building materials. The second point about which I would like to be satisfied is the effectiveness of the contract supervision of the Ministry because, in spite of the huge size of the 20,000-odd staff, the contract directorate seems proportionately very small. I would like to know if, in point of fact, it is true that nearly all the contracts made by the Minister are on a cost-plus basis. If they are, then we have gone a long way back. Perhaps the Minister will be able to re-assure me that none of these contracts for hostels and huts are on a cost-plus basis. If he can say that that is true, I shall be very satisfied indeed.
Thirdly, I would like to know whether there cannot be some cutting down in the directorate which is called "Mobile Labour." This is a body set up by the Minister, as he said in reply to some Questions this week, to put up houses in areas where he thinks other people would not be ready to build them. It is only a question of where he thinks that would occur, because he had to admit, in reply to Questions, that in point of fact tenders were not asked from anybody. This Mobile Labour force puts up the houses, at the request of the Minister, I think—I do not know what the machinery is—but not in every case is an opportunity given to other people to tender. That was the reply he gave in column 1719 of the OFFICIAL REPORT on 10th May. He said: sidering that they do not even automatically ask for tenders from other persons.
I have dealt with building materials, contracts, and mobile labour. Finally, I again ask the Minister if he is going to take this opportunity to say that he intends to relax some of the control of licences in the way of small repairs and small decorations. He threw out a hint at a luncheon the other day, as I saw in the newspapers, that he hoped soon to say that the £10 limit would stop. Is it not the real truth that the £10 limit, or £20, even £100, is really ineffectual from his point of view, and that the proper figure is something very much higher? If he wants to control, let him control things which matter and let the smaller things go. The trouble is, of course, that it is not the Minister who deals with this; in anything but the very large sums he has left it to the local authorities to be his agents and of course, the local authorities are absolutely swamped by this work. The delays which follow, not to mention the frustration, unemployment and, indeed, the loss which results, is very serious. Everyone could give countless examples. I will give only one, and then I will sit down.
This is a case of a building almost a stone's throw from the Minister's own Department. It consists of some flats which had been run on a non profit-making basis by a semi-charitable organisation and which suffered badly from bombing. The local authority carried out certain repairs and the owners wanted to complete them. This is the sort of time-table which occurred and this is the sort of thing which ought to come to an end. In December, 1946, the specification was prepared and the builders were approached for an estimate. On 23rd January, 1947—application to the borough council. On 28th March—reminder to the borough council. On 2nd May—further reminder. On 3oth May—reply received, part licence for urgent items would be issued in the next week. Two months later, on 21st July—request from the council as to what was the percentage for repairs and what was the percentage for decorations. Incidentally, the promised licence had not been received. On 13th August—further reminder. On 14th August—that was acknowledged by a postcard; something new. On 19th August—an interim licence for £1,000 received.
That is to say, it had taken from December to August to obtain an interim licence. Before the work could be put in hand for which the licence had been granted, they had to get the approval of the War Damage Commission because there was bomb damage in this affair as well. That was received on 15th December. It had taken exactly a year to get this small sum sanctioned for repairs of bomb damage to a block of flats run by a semi-charitable organisation on a non-profit-making basis, and that is the sort of thing which could be multiplied up and down the country everywhere.
I ask the Minister, has not the time really come for some relaxation here, not only because of the help it would be to everybody and because of the need of small repairs—property is deteriorating every day as a result of the lack of these small repairs—but because of the other reason—which is the main reason why we put down these Votes—the consequential saving of money which would result from cutting out staff in his own Department, which as I said in the beginning, and I repeat now, has swollen for this, that and the other reason until expenditure on staff alone has risen from half a million pounds in the year the war opened to over 9 million today? That is far too great a sum.
4.18 p.m.
I am afraid I have been given a very wide field to cover and there is a great deal of detail to which I must try to reply. I will do my best to cover the main points. If there are any which I omit, my colleague will probably be able to deal with them towards the end of the Debate.
The development of this Department in recent years has, of course, been very great indeed. As the right hon. and gallant Member for Gainsborough (Captain Crookshank) has said, the old Office of Works dealt with the business of providing accommodation for Government Departments, the supervision of the Royal Parks, and so on, as well as the provision of all the necessary offices for the diplomatic and consular services abroad. So far as these activities are concerned, there has, of course, been a very great increase in the amount of work which has to be done. Not only have there been great increases in the activities and size of the Government Departments because of the development of the particular services for which they are responsible, but there has been in that same period the creation of new Departments for which accommodation and services have had to be provided —the Ministry of National Insurance, the Ministry of Civil Aviation, and so on.
In addition, there have also been postwar emergency programmes which have had to be carried out and for which very large sums are included in the Estimates which we are considering. I refer, for instance, to the necessary building for the provision of school meals, extra school accommodation because of the raising of the school-leaving age and the attempt to reduce the size of classes, which were large in ordinary elementary schools before the war; and, of course, a good deal of temporary accommodation necessary to replace buildings lost by war destruction. Then there has been all the work on hostels and camps for the Poles who were here, and the European Voluntary Workers, of whom I shall have something to say in a moment, who are necessary for agriculture, mining, and so on, in the country.
There has been an increase in the special work my Department has had to do for other Ministries—for instance, in connection with the work of the Ministry of Supply on atomic research, and things of that sort, for which very large sums of money have to be expended from the Votes we are now considering. Then there is the cost of the new services for the maintenance and furnishing of a very large number of requisitioned and other premises for which my Ministry is responsible. In 1938 the number of buildings the Office of Works furnished and supplied was 8,000, but at the present moment it is 25,000; and I may say that the standard of work has had to be improved, so far as we have been able to improve it.
When comparing the costs of these schemes now with the cost in prewar days, we have to take into consideration some very important factors. There is, for instance, the great increase—and the justified increase, in my opinion—in the average cost per head of the staff. In 1938 this was £323. In 1948–49 it has gone up to £449, an increase of nearly 50 per cent., which would account for a good deal of the difference in the cost of the administrative staff. Owing to the increased cost of materials and labour necessary for the provision and maintenance of accommodation, the cost there is pretty well doubled.
Then, because of the difficulties that have arisen since the war, we have had to provide other divisions for the purpose of trying to accelerate the speed with which the work can be done. It is necessary to have a division to follow up scarce materials and to take delivery of materials at the spots where they are required. It is also necessary to set up a transport division. At the present time it is costing a good deal, but as conditions improve I hope it will be done away with. A number of the activities which this Ministry is now carrying out are gradually disappearing, and I hope will soon cease altogether. As a result of the war, we have a large amount of goods and a large number of sites of which to dispose, and that work, of course, involves staff and time. There is a good deal of work involved in the settlement of compensation, and in the sale of chattels. There is a great number of buildings under requisition for office purposes — something like 14 million square feet—which we are doing our best to derequisition as quickly as we can. The removal of defence works falls to my Ministry. This has been very nearly completed, particularly in certain of the central areas, although there is still more to be done in the more remote areas.
There has also been the work involved in the settlement of salvage claims, a job which at present is costing a good deal of extra staff; we are trying to complete the work arising out of the salvage of the railings and things of that sort. A good deal of staff has been employed by my Ministry on temporary housing. The temporary housing programme is coming to an end, and therefore the staff and expenses in connection with it will eventually be saved.
I was challenged about the development of the regional organisation of the Ministry of Works, and I ought to say a word or two about that. In the old Office of Works there was a small provincial organisation but it was felt that, because of the growing and increasingly detailed activities of the Ministry, closer personal contacts ought to be made through a regional organisation more closely connected with the industry for which we are responsible, as well as with the local authorities concerned, and that the development of the regional organisation would add to the efficiency and the expedition with which the work was done. As one who has had a good deal of experience in regional organisation, I am certain that that development has been to the benefit of the work, and has meant more effective and speedier clearance of the work by us.
I think it has to be accepted, as one of the important developments to be continued in the years ahead in connection with the many social services for which we are responsible, that there must be an increase in regional organisation, not only in the Ministry for which I am speaking but in a good number of the other Ministries. So much, then, for the developments which have taken place in the normal functions of the Ministry, which have meant a great increase' in the necessary administrative staff and the cost of the work.
I have been asked to deal with one or two specific questions arising from the various Votes. The first was about the Department for Research in the Ministry of Works. It was said that we were duplicating the work of the Department of Scientific and Industrial Research. That is not true. The Department of Scientific and Industrial Research deals more particularly with what I might call the detailed scientific side of investigation, whilst ours at the Ministry of Works is more concerned with the practical application of the theoretical investigations that have been made; and also to us is left the sociological and economic research, none of which is carried out by the Department of Scientific and Industrial Research.
For instance, we are doing a good deal of work, which is adding to the efficiency of the building industry, on the testing and development of new forms of building plant such as materials-handling machinery, excavators, scaffolds, jigs, and things of that sort. It would be a good thing, and I would use every effort possible to provide the facilities, for Members interested in this subject to visit the Thatched Barn, to which reference has been made, and to see there the very valuable work which has been carried out. One of the things for which I think great credit should be given in connection with the Thatched Barn is the investigation recently made into pre-stressed concrete. In the investigations which are being carried on there, we are going along lines which will mean a great saving in timber and steel on such things as electricity transmission pylons. The work that is being done at the Thatched Barn is, I am certain, of enormous importance to the development of building in this country.
As one who has had Ministerial responsibility for that Department, may I ask the right hon. Gentleman to explain to me why this work has not been done by an extension of the already existing Department? Why has he created this entirely new Department? Is he aware that some of the most important scientific and economic secrets now in use were discovered by that Department before the war?
It was as a result of investigations made by the Department of Scientific and Industrial Research by a Committee under the chairmanship of Sir Henry Tizard, who is an important personality there, that it was decided which functions should be left with the Department and which functions should go to the Ministry of Works. It was because of this investigation, and because it was felt that the type of work we are doing would be more effectively and efficiently carried out by the Department of the Government most intimately connected and associated with the building industry, particularly on the sociological and economic research side, that this was done.
I have also been asked about the sum of money under Subhead A of Vote 10 with regard to experimental research services. One or two of these have been of great interest and importance in the housing development of the country. Because of the scarcity of certain essential materials and of the necessary trained building labour, it was felt that it would be a good thing to develop what is commonly called the prefabricated house. In this Vote, there is included a considerable sum of money for development groups of permanent prefabricated houses which are being built for the Ministry of Works in a good number of areas in the country.
It was decided that some 5o houses of each selected type of prefabrication should be built in given local authority areas for the purpose of seeing what economies could be made in the methods of their construction. Some 18 development schemes of this kind have been carried out, in practically all cases with very good results, such good results, indeed, that the local authorities have been only too glad to purchase the houses. There is also under this item another scheme, which we are proposing to carry forward, for some 150 experimental houses to be constructed in groups of 10 in various parts of the country for the purpose of finding out what equipment and design of the general services will secure the best building conditions in low-cost houses for the general benefit of the working people of the country.
Can my right hon. Friend say whether any of these houses have been erected in Scotland?
Our determination is to provide a certain number of these houses in Scotland. Three or four of the schemes are to be carried out in Scottish areas. What we want to do is to get them in areas of varying geographical conditions, so as to learn from the experiments the kind of adaptations in the houses that can be made for the benefit of the people. That type of scientific research seems to me to be of especial value if we are to improve the general standard of housing for the ordinary people of the country. I hope that we shall go on with this type of experiment, because my experience has been that through the work that has been done we have learned a good deal. We have the greatest reason to be proud of the housing work that is being done at the present time because it is of a higher standard for the ordinary type of person than ever before in the history of the working class of this country.
Are these figures set out independently? Can one arrive at these particular items, or are they involved in lump sums in different parts of the Estimates?
Generally, they are lump sums. I have tried to give the details. I am now dealing with Vote 10, and the hon. Gentleman will find there the lump sums concerned, but not the details of the experiment which I have been giving.
The next Vote referred to was that relating to Houses of Parliament buildings. The specific case raised was that of the Abingdon Street site which, in accordance with the approval given by the House last year to the Estimates that were presented by my Department, has been purchased with the object of providing the necessary increased accommodation for Members of this House, as well as for the Members of another place. There was a report from the Joint Select Committee on accommodation in the Palace of Westminster, and a recommendation, pending a decision being arrived at as to how increased accommodation could be found, that premises in Abingdon Street and Bridge Street should be acquired so that Parliament should be in a position to make use of them as might be desired. That was a Select Committee recommendation, and, as a result, we felt that it would be a good thing to obtain possession of the Abingdon Street site, particularly as approval had been given by Parliament for the development of the Abingdon Street site for a commercial building. We felt that it was necessary to acquire it in order to make it possible to provide for Members of this House such additional accommodation as they might require.
As the right hon. and gallant Gentleman the Member for Gainsborough said, there is nothing in the Estimates with regard to that matter. Before anything is done in the way of drawing up plans, it is my intention first to have an ad hoc advisory committee, consisting of Members of another place as well as of this House, to give me whatever advice they think desirable; and then, before anything can be done in the way of building, it would be absolutely necessary to place the proposals before the Committee. I feel that I want to get the advice of hon. Members on the additional accommodation required. I am sure the majority of hon. Members will say that there is a great need for additional accommodation, certainly more accommodation even than can be provided when the new House is fully constructed.
The right hon. Gentleman will know that I have some background of experience in regard to the new House, and he will be aware that the Select Committee recommended that secretarial accommodation for hon. Members should be provided on a scale never hitherto contemplated. In the course of the Debate that took place on the Select Committee recommendations, more than one hon. Member drew attention to this particular recommendation, and said that it was a very useful one. No doubt the right hon. Gentleman will take that point into consideration, and when the time comes for him to present the proposals to the Committee will bear in mind that in the new House there will be accommodation of a kind which has never previously been provided, and will consider whether it is necessary to provide additional accommodation in this building across the road. Perhaps he will also allow me to put this further point, which is not in any way a party point. He will remember that there was a universal protest in the country, and from hon. Members interested in artistic considerations, against the proposal that, I think it is, No. 5, Abingdon Street should be pulled down. I hope that the committee which deals with this matter will consider the need for avoiding, if possible, external and internal structural alterations which will affect a very fine piece of British architecture.
It was decided by this Committee that No. 5, Abingdon Street, should be pulled down, because its site was to be part and parcel of the site for the statue. Nos. 6 and 7, Abingdon Street, will remain, and in no proposal which we put forward will they be considered for destruction. As to the proposal to build in Abingdon Street, certainly due consideration will be given to the additional accommodation provided in the new House. We have no set ideas about building in Abingdon Street until the new House is completed and the facilities there provided have been examined. We bought this site because we thought it would be essential to have it for use when the need for it was demonstrated.
I have been asked about the increase in the cost of the Royal Parks in comparison with the pre-war cost, and the decrease in the income as shown in the Estimate. First, the labour costs in the maintenance of the Royal Parks are a very high proportion of the whole, and have increased considerably. I am very glad that is so; I think it is only right that the standard of wages of park labourers should have increased consider, ably, because in the old days, of all the labourers I knew in London, those engaged in public parks were probably the worst paid. There has been an increase of about 75 per cent. in park labourers wages, and 100 per cent. increase in park-keepers' wages, for a 44-hour week as against a 48-hour week prewar. That seems to me a very good thing to have done; and if it means an addition to the Estimate for my Department, I am rather proud that that addition should be there.
During the war a great deal was done in the parks which led to damage, and repair work has had to be carried out. Not only were camps and shelters erected, and trenches dug, but a good deal of damage was done by enemy bombs. Also, owing to the removal of railings round the Royal Parks, I am afraid that the cost of administration has been increased, because they are much more frequented at night than they used to be and a lot of extra labour is required to tidy them up in the morning and for the removal of litter. Unfortunately, as I said in answer to a Question a short time ago, a good deal of wanton damage is being done; seats have to be retrieved from the water, and things of that sort, which lead to additional costs. We are endeavouring to minimise the cost as much as we can by planting hedges and providing railings to the greatest possible extent that scarcity of materials will permit. We hope by that means to reduce the expenditure involved.
As to income, there are very great difficulties in getting the necessary materials for the services to be provided. As was pointed out, there is a great reduction in, for instance, the income from golf courses, particularly in Richmond Park. At the present time, one of those golf courses is under cultivation and cannot possibly be used for its original purpose, resulting in a 5o per cent. or more reduction in income. Again, some tennis courts and putting greens are still being used as allotments, and have not come back to their intended use.
That is the best use for them.
At the present time, there are only half the public chairs that there were before, although there is a possibility of increasing the supply. The same is true of the income from boats in the Regent's Park lake, because we have not been able to replace them. I think that is an adequate explanation of the position so far as the Royal Parks are concerned.
Reference was made to the increased cost of public buildings; but it must be remembered that a great deal of this cost is on new types of buildings, with which comparison with previous Estimates cannot be made. The school meals buildings, which are included in this Estimate, cover £2,300,000. Surely it is right and proper, particularly in rural areas, if we are to have a higher school-leaving age and the development of secondary education for all—which means that in many cases children have to go considerable distances to schools of an appropriate type—to develop the school meals facilities in this country for those who are to benefit from the better educational system. In my humble opinion, £2,300,000 so spent is well spent. Also, £3,700,000 is to be spent in providing the necessary extra accommodation for school classes because of the raising of the school-leaving age. In the provision of accommodation for Poles and other European Voluntary Workers and their dependants in this country who are serving in agriculture and mining, £2,500,000 is to be spent. Hostel development has still to continue because of the efforts being made to bring European workers into the textile industries in order to assist in the development of those industries.
All these developments are essential, and so far as the provision of emergency accommodation is concerned they are carried out by building camps and temporary buildings: first, because those can be provided much more rapidly—and speed is required here if the services are to be the benefit that they should be—and secondly, because the provision of hostels and camps is the cheaper method. It costs something like £30 per head to provide accommodation in hostels and camps for agricultural and other workers. If we tried to provide the accommodation in permanent buildings the cost would be much greater and the work would take very much longer.
One of the other details about which I was asked was control of building materials. It was well recognised during the war that controls would be absolutely essential if we were to get a distribution of resources that would lead to the construction of buildings, whether houses or other accommodation, in order of necessity; this was because of difficulties in particular areas or the urgency of particular services. None of us wants to maintain controls just for the sake of having them. They are only something that is desired in order to increase efficiency. I can assure the Committee that we shall endeavour to remove controls as soon as removal becomes a possibility in the general interests of the community.
One of the things we have done recently concerns what was known as the W.B.A. scheme, which was developed to facilitate the distribution of building materials. Included in its schedule were some 90 items of control. In September, 1947, I reduced that number to 23, and on 15th May last I cut out a further six. I hope to get rid of the whole scheme as the supply of materials improves.
I was also asked to give details of the pre-stressed concrete railway sleeper scheme. These were being used owing to the shortage of timber, and my Ministry was asked to arrange for their production. We carried out that work on the full understanding—
Asked by whom?
By the Ministry of Transport, in order to serve the railways. That scheme is being carried out on the understanding that the full cost will be recovered from the railways. In starting any new service we cannot expect to recover the full cost of the first year's operation in the first year's business. We can obtain completion only when the job has been fully carried out, when the income will have come in. I can assure the right hon. and gallant Gentleman that the full cost of the pre-stressed concrete scheme for sleepers will come in from the railways.
The apprentice training scheme is another achievement of which we have every reason to be proud. There was a great gap between the number of places available with employers for apprentices and the number of boys who wanted to enter the industry. We felt it would be very sad if the building industry, lacking as it did a great number of skilled artisans, were to suffer from the fact that these boys would drift away from the industry because apprenticeship was not available to them. It was decided, therefore, to start what was known as the Apprentice Master Scheme, under which boys would get their necessary training on the actual construction of houses and other buildings, mainly on houses. This was done in co-operation with the housing authority in the area concerned and on the understanding that, because it was a training scheme, the extra cost involved in each house would be borne by my Ministry, the average cost of the house being borne by the local authority. At present, 3,000 boys are employed on these projects. If it is costing £300,000 in the Estimates for doing that, I think that £100 per annum spent upon the adequate and proper training of an artisan in the building industry is a profitable expenditure for this country. Already more than 2,500 boys have passed through the scheme and have gone into full apprenticeship or into work. We try, as far as we can, to see that they pass on to full apprenticeship and complete their necessary training.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say how many local authorities are actually operating this scheme?
The number of schemes is something like 120 for the country as a whole. In some cases local authority officials are acting as apprentice masters; in other cases firms are used for the job. I have had the great pleasure on a number of occasions of opening houses that have been completed under this mastership scheme. I have been very much impressed by the standard of the work which the boys have carried out.
One other matter to which I think I should refer is the question of cement. The right hon. and gallant Gentleman said some very strange things about the relationship between my Ministry and the cement industry. I can assure him that there is no poking about in the cement industry as far as we are concerned, and no interference with them. As a matter of fact, the cement industry is a very close sort of industry, and much of the work being carried out is done voluntarily on their part and after due consultations between my representatives and those of the industry concerned. It must be remembered that the urgency of such works as generating stations, hydroelectric schemes and buildings of that sort, makes a great demand for cement. There is the problem first of securing as far as we can the distribution of cement to the most vital jobs, and then as fair an allocation as possible to ordinary day-to-day maintenance and other work. What the industry are doing, after consultation, is to try to see that the cement goes to the different parts of the country as fairly as possible, and is likely to meet the demands of particular areas. The work carried out in this direction has greatly improved the scheme of distribution. I know that complaints have been made, but on investigation a good number of them have proved not to be well founded.
One of the present difficulties is the development, or likely development, of what I might call panic buying, by which people try to get control of stocks ahead of their immediate needs, which means a shortage for other people. During periods of temporary shortage it is impossible for all users to get their full forward supplies. Special efforts have been made to deal with areas where there has been the greatest difficulty. Those areas were particularly Scotland and the North-East Coast. Distribution has been increased within the last fortnight by 30 per cent. to Scotland and by something like 25 per cent. to the North-East Coast.
I would urge all people concerned in this matter to avoid as far as possible placing orders in excessive quantities or for excessive periods in advance. I wish to appeal to them very strongly in the matter since tactics like that tend to defeat their own object and to make it virtually impossible to ensure that supplies are fairly distributed. The cement industry is doing its best to get full and fair distribution of the available resources, which can be assured with the co-operation of the consumers.
I want to make it plain that any shortages are not due to excessive exports. Cement could be a very valuable export indeed, but in the main the exports which are taking place are for essential developments contributing to our own economy. They are for colonial developments and oil development schemes such as are really essential in order to reduce our dependence upon dollar sources of supply. I hope, therefore, that what I have said will reassure not only the Committee but also the public outside that we are not pursuing a policy of starving work at home for the sake of exports.
A fact to be remembered is that the production of cement has been increased to what I regard as a remarkable level. In 1939, the production of cement in this country was about 8,250,000 tons. It fell in 1945 to just over 4 million tons. This year the rate of production is 8,500,000 tons. We have therefore gone beyond the production rate of 1939. Our problem is the greater demand than we had in 1939. I think the way to solve it is that consumers should do their best to co-operate in order that the fullest use may be made of the resources.
I have been able to cover only a fraction of the services for which my Ministry are responsible, and not all the matters with which the right hon. and gallant Gentleman asked me to deal. Some of the services and activities for which we are responsible will come to an end in due course. I can assure the Committee that we shall not maintain any service unnecessarily, but shall get rid of it as soon as we are assured that conditions make it advisable to do so. Other services will be modified as normal conditions return.
There can be no doubt whatever that in the great work of material reconstruction that faces us there is a growing demand for the services of the Ministry of Works. I am certain that the staff will be tested to the full in the work with which they will be faced. Of this, too, I am sure, that with the continued co-operation of the various interests and industries concerned, co-operation which has been readily given in the past and for which we have been highly grateful, we shall continue to function to the great satisfaction of the people, whom it is our purpose to serve.
5.6 p.m.
I am sure that the Committee have heard with great interest the speech of the Minister. I would like to ask him one question in regard to cement production. Will he use his influence to ensure that the quota for export differentiates between British Colonies and foreign countries? Owing to the shortage of steel today there is a growing demand for concrete in the Colonies. It is impossible to carry out schemes of development approved by the House unless this matter is attended to. In addition to that, vessels are going out to certain ports in the Colonies in ballast because they have to bring back produce which we require in this country. There are some cases, not many, of vessels leaving port unable to get their full quota of cement. The consequence is that development schemes in some Colonies are being seriously held back. I hope that the right hon. Gentleman will be so good as to give his attention to that matter. It will be of great benefit to the development schemes in the Colonies.
The right hon. Gentleman mentioned Abingdon Street. I hope the Committee will forgive me if I ask the Minister that in any changes that may be made in that street he will retain the name "Abingdon." I am the Member for Abingdon. I do not know whether the Committee realises that the Abbey of Abingdon was the mother church of Westminster. The only connection now left between the Abbey of Abingdon and its daughter church Westminster Abbey, is that one little street "Abingdon Street." In any changes which are made, I trust that the word "Abingdon" may remain. This association is historical. I also wonder whether the right hon. Gentleman has considered how often hon. Members look at the Victoria Tower and wonder why we cannot make greater use of it. If it had a lift and a few more conveniences it might be very useful. I have been up Victoria Tower on several occasions. One gets extremely dirty. A large number of pigeons inhabit it. It might be made use of by hon. Members of both Houses, and possibly might save the taxpayer a little money in new building costs.
There is one section of this Vote to which I do not think my right hon. and gallant Friend alluded. It concerns the very great importance of providing British Missions abroad with adequate accommodation. There is a long list in the Estimate of what is being done. Many changes have taken place in foreign countries and new accommodation has to be provided or old places adapted both for offices and living accommodation. I know that the right hon. Gentleman realises that if we have to accommodate a consul-general or a consul in very poor accommodation in a foreign country, that does not help British trade. There are too many consuls operating under very bad conditions indeed. A little care ought to be taken to provide amenities such as lighting and waiting rooms. I know one consulate which is on the fifth floor, without a lift. The result is that a great many people think twice before they visit that British consul because they do not like climbing up all those stairs. It is necessary to consider more suitable conditions than are now provided.
A very interesting item in the Estimate is in regard to Kensington Palace. Kensington Palace is one of the most historic monuments in London. I do not know what its future use is to be, but I see that a figure of no less than £47,000 is referred to in the Estimates. I am quite sure that this money will be very well spent because of the historic importance of this Palace as the birthplace of Queen Victoria, and the fact that it is a very notable building. I hope the Parliamentary Secretary will be able to give us some information as to the future use of that building.
There is another curious item to which the right hon. Gentleman made no reference. I have often wondered why, when these Estimates come before us, we cannot get some explanation of it. On page 85 the Estimates refer to Brompton Cemetery, which has cost the taxpayers £14,230 this year. If we look further on, we find that there is an appropriation in aid. Does that come from burial fees? The Minister of Works should consider whether it is right to continue in 1948 burying people in the middle of a large population. We ought to consider whether many of these places would not be far better as open spaces. I dislike this system of continuing the burial of people in the midst of a large population. I think it is primitive and wrong. The Minister should consider as an alternative starting places where people can be cremated. When one flies over this country it is amazing to find the amount of land which is now being devoted to cemeteries. It is very uneconomic and the Minister might consider whether Brompton Cemetery does not give an opportunity for us to review the whole matter and take a new point of view.
Another point I wish to raise is this curious agency position of the right hon. Gentleman. I happen to be a member of the Estimates Committee, and we have to consider the Estimates presented to Parliament. A new feature is that the Ministry of Works act as an agent for a great many other Departments, notably the Ministry of Supply. If one puts down a Question to the Ministry of Supply on these matters, it is very doubtful whether they will give an answer. They will say that it is not their responsibility, whereas if one puts down the Question to the Ministry of Works they will say it is a matter for tile Ministry of Supply. This agency position of the Ministry of Works is a very important question which needs looking into.
There is a great deal of work being done by the Ministry of Works in my constituency, and on a previous occasion I criticised the way this work was being done. I should now like to say that the whole thing has recently been tightened up. This work is of very great importance. It is the Atomic Energy Research Station at Harwell, which does not appear directly in these Estimates, although the right hen. Gentleman mentioned it in his speech. It involves very large sums of money. I think that there ought to be some opportunity for this matter to be gone into, as this will cost the country ultimately over £2 million. That is, surely, a sum of sufficient importance to justify some attention. It is very difficult to assess the amount of work that has been done at Harwell, because what is required is being added to day by day.
There is rather indifferent control over the labour employed by the contractors, and I can assure the right hon. Gentleman that a very serious situation is being created by the misbehaviour of certain imported labour. Some of these men are causing a considerable amount of damage to the property of my constituents and are frequently appearing in the local courts. I suggest to the right hon. Gentleman that when any person imported from another country has been convicted before a court, it is not enough to allow him to continue to work, but that lie should be sent back to the place from whence he came. That would be some inducement to these individuals to behave better and would allow my constituents to lead a more peaceful life.
I think we ought to pay tribute to the work being done by the Minister's officials in the Royal Parks. He mentioned that they are being paid higher wages, and I believe the head gardeners, the bailiffs and the staff have done a great work in bringing these parks back into public use. It has been an extremely difficult task. The right hon. Gentleman mentioned the considerable damage being done in parks by youths and stupid people, which is very much against the public interest. Is it not possible for the right hon. Gentleman to get the Minister of Education to do something through the schools? If the school-children could be made responsible for taking an active interest in parts of the parks, I believe we should completely reverse what is now happening. The school-children should be taught that this is public property and that one day they will inherit its benefits. Why not bring the school-children into the parks with their teachers and let them go round with the officials who could point out what damage had been done, to make them have a sense of public decency? I do not blame the children, because they are not taught these things. The children could then be allowed, besides sailing their boats on the ponds or flying their kites, to do some work under supervision.
I hope that the right hon. Gentleman will seriously consider a matter to which I have drawn his attention quite recently, and that is the future of the London squares. The character of London is changing. There are a lot of squares which come under various Acts of Parliament, and people who used to live in some of these residential squares have now gone, with the result that some of these places are becoming untidy and are not properly used. The right hon. Gentleman should take the initiative, through the usual channels, in finding time for a Bill to repeal some of these old Acts governing these squares.
I am afraid I cannot allow the hon. Member to develop that point. He is now referring to matters that require legislation.
I know. I was endeavouring to draw the attention of the right hon. Gentleman to the importance of this matter.
I hope that the hon. Member, having succeeded in his object, will not continue to develop that point.
I will conclude by asking the right hon. Gentleman to take this and other matters into consideration.
5.20 p.m.
I should like for a few minutes to direct the Minister's attention to a question which to me is of very considerable importance. I refer to the National Library for Scotland. This Library as a National Library has not had a very long existence. It is only 23 years since it was established as such, but in another form it has existed for well over 250 years. It was previously known as the Advocates' Library.
Will the hon. Gentleman kindly tell me under which Vote this comes?
It is in the Civil Estimates and is Vote 2.
We are not discussing Vote 2.
5.21 p.m.
I listened with great interest to what the Minister said, first of all, on the subject of research. I cannot help feeling that, though he made what we might call a surface case for carrying on building research under his own authority rather than encouraging the development of a branch of building research under auspices of the Department of Scientific and Industrial Research, there is at the moment overlapping in the planning of research in this field, which is one of the most important affecting the domestic and social life of this country. I do not think that a case can be made for maintaining under the Ministry of Works research on building, on the processes of building, and on the testing of the effects of the weather on building, nor can it be detached from experiments being carried out elsewhere.
We have had the same sort of trouble in considering research in branches of industry. The cotton trade is a glaring example of where there has been a great deal of overlapping and, sorry though I am to say it, I believe that in that overlapping there has been a great deal of waste of the mental powers of some brilliant men. Thus we have not got the amount of work as a result of our research efforts which we could have got. I am very much afraid that the same sort of thing is tending to happen in this building research. I cannot exaggerate the value of research in building but we are a long way behind others in development not through any national fault but through national troubles in the past. In that respect I do not blame anyone. We have a long way to go, and it is essential to concentrate the best brains in the country on research. We do not want to waste effort and time. I would ask the Minister to think about this matter again. Admirable work has been done in the past, and I am not criticising it in any way but the planning and the responsibility for it should be completely re-examined.
I want to refer to the question of the mobile labour force which has already been mentioned this afternoon. I am amazed at the picture given in these Estimates. I cannot understand any Minister coming before this Committee with so little explanation as to what is taking place. On page 18 we have the beginning of the picture, though heaven knows what it all means. In rough figures we can see that it probably means that 8 per cent. of all those in the mobile labour force are engaged on administration. That in itself is rather a surprising picture. It should be noticed, too, that that figure does not include the lower grades of the administrative side such as the typists and the secretarial staff. No business in the world could possibly be run on those lines. Let us assume that complications in running a Government Department are greater than any in business. Heaven knows why that should be the case, but none the less it is. Even allowing for that, 8 per cent. of all those engaged in this activity being locked up in administration is quite fantastic.
When we translate that into costs, without the secretarial, typing and lower grade staffs being included, it is amazing, and without the lower grade staffs being added it makes a minimum figure of 10 per cent. That is a preposterous figure. I wonder if the Parliamentary Secretary would ask some of those engaged in large enterprises employing considerable numbers what, under good management, their average would be for administration and the percentage of their costs for administration. When he is told, perhaps he will come back to the Committee and tell us how those figures compare with those for this mobile labour force. It is a most appalling figure.
When the figures are examined more closely there are some significant things to be found. Increases are taking place in some expensive grades. There are, for instance, the area engineers. An area engineer is quite an important chap, but the increase there is from 20 to 24, though the actual numbers in the mobile labour force have not increased but rather decreased. It is curious, though not so expensive I am glad to say, that there is an increase in the number of temporary camp wardens, although the overall numbers are decreasing. It looks rather silly to see that sort of thing on paper when there is a decreasing labour force. There is an additional deputy director, who is paid £1,420 a year. Why was it found necessary to add an additional director in a force of this kind? I do not want to be silly, pin-pricking or tiresome on this Estimate, but it is such a striking misuse of labour that it appals me. These are experienced men. Surely they could be better employed than in being added to the administration staff, already over-swollen, for 7,000 men in the mobile labour force.
There is one other question I want to ask in passing, and that is on the question of scrap recovery. I cannot understand why it is that on page 85 we are told that scrap recovery is going to cost us in 1948–49 £200,000 whereas last year it cost £50,000. Here is what it says on page 85:
I now turn to the item—these things are awfully difficult to understand, but perhaps the Minister will be able to explain—of the 17 technical officers for furniture.That seems rather a large number, especially when it comes under the heading of permanent buildings. Possibly there is an explanation for that. It may take some time to look up, but perhaps at a later stage that can be covered by question and answer.
On page 27 we find the transport division. It seems a most extraordinary anachronism. Why is it necessary for the Ministry to have this transport division today, and, if it is necessary to have it, why must they have it on this scale? It may not seem a very large amount—the rates of the people engaged are not very high—but why is it necessary to have a transport division at all? The ordinary means of collection and delivery are perfectly simple to work out. What is the real meaning of this transport? Is there some significance of butting into something and opening a special branch to look after it when it could be just as well handled by people who have to make their livelihood out of this sort of thing?
I believe I heard the Minister say that he has 25,00o buildings under care and maintenance charge. That is a colossal number. He said afterwards that he wanted to cut the number down as quickly as possible. I am sure he wants to do that, but is it necessary to base his staff—his maintenance, examining and inspecting personnel—on that number of buildings? Has the possibility ever been examined—possibly it is a most indecent suggestion—of letting out the responsibility for inspecting and maintenance to people other than those who belong to his Ministry? I am not putting a plea for private enterprise to make vast profits in this direction, but I have a sneaking feeling that men and women who have to live by doing a good job of work, generally do a good job of work whereas men and women in a Government Department—though I know it sometimes happens—are not as likely to do quite such a good job. I would like to see the jobs of work made the responsibility of those who have to live by really efficient work. Does the Minister want to keep direct contact through the servants of his Department with every one of those 25,000 buildings? Could he not let some of them out to people who live by doing a good job of work?
On page 26 we have controls. We were all very glad to hear the Minister say that he wants to reduce as many controls as possible as quickly as possible, and wants to see more material coming forward so that he can do that. He said he had done as much as he could already and proposed to continue on those lines. We were very glad to hear him taking pride in removing controls, but I wish he had taken the other step and done a little more to reduce the staff dealing with controls. We have extraordinary increases in some sections. I know that the total here is slightly down—from £417,000 to £386,000, which is not very much. However, we get curious increases such as that in a number of higher clerical officers. We have nine more of them, which has practically doubled last year's number, to cover a situation of diminishing controls.
We get other curious additions. There is a new grade altogether. We have the senior technical assistant, the higher clerical officer and the camp liaison officer. I do not know what a camp liaison officer can do with controls. Is he so busy that he has to camp out in order to keep touch? It is a curious title under the heading of controls. Or is he a sort of sanitary inspector to Butlin's camp? Let us have some definition of what these people are. Why has he to be added in 1948–49? The poor man—it might be a woman—did not exist at all in 1947–48. I congratulate the Minister on having brought forth this new rank of a camp liaison officer under the controls department of his Ministry.
A great deal of the judgment of the work of the Minister's Department must depend on the question of what he can do and what he does not do to facilitate the supply of material for our housing programme. That is the test which our electors have sent us here apply to the Minister. He has an extremely difficult problem. If he works along the lines of removing controls, issuing freer licences and so on, he will give great encouragement, but please let the Minister act quickly in this direction. Quite honestly, his Ministry is coming into disrepute on the question of rigid limitation as to what can and what cannot be spent. The Ministry is coming into disrepute when we get heartbreaking stories about the difficulty of obtaining licences and permission from his Department as to what can be rebuilt and what cannot be rebuilt and when we get families still living under difficult conditions, at great expense to themselves, who are not allowed to rebuild the tiny little house in which they lived happily before they were bombed out. Those things deserve latitude and the human and kindly approach which I am sure the Minister could give. Let him give it quickly. People will not wait very much longer and feel kind about an issue which arises not once a week, once a month or once a year but is their worry day in day out all the year round and has been since 1943–44. Please let him recognise that there is grave urgency in this matter and get on with it as quickly as he can. Then he will deserve the gratitude of the country.
5.39 p.m.
I want to deal with two points which are related to the reference made to the research department of the Ministry. When I first heard the Minister referring to this, I was a little apprehensive as to the possibility of duplication of research machinery, but having listened to him, I am pleased to find that it has some association with the Committee for Industrial and Scientific Research, to the deliberations of which many hon. Members have had the honour of listening. I also felt there was the possibility that we should be hearing of the results of the research concerning building through the Ministry of Works and that there would be a possibility of applying some of the conclusions reached. That is specially related to what I have heard about the tremendous waste in steel as a result of adhering to the old conceptions of stresses and strains. If the research department at the Ministry scrutinised the steel structures and what is deemed to be necessary in the erection of buildings, they might by the application of it in their own buildings give a little courage to architects and others to come to a close approximation of what is needed as a result of the new forms of steel produced in this country today.
My second point, and the main cause of my rising, is the fact that tubular steel and all tubular metals are capable of standing greater strains than were the ordinary forms when riveting was deemed to be the only way of connecting metal. The high state of efficiency which can be applied now through processes of welding opens up the possibilities of tubular metal in a manner which could not apply previously. Therefore, I would like to see something done by the Department in examining the possibility of tubular metal in the erection of buildings. Size could be determined by those more competent than I am to do so, but I think that the amount of steel that could be saved would be tremendous.
With regard to the new House of Commons, it is some time now since I read the details of the amenities that will be provided for us in the new House, but I remember that I paid a little attention to the question of ventilation. I am prepared to accept the fact that the firm responsible are highly skilled, but I also remember that it was decided to have air movement in the Chamber itself, and for this purpose pressure would come alternately from both sides of the House in order that Members would have part of the air movement to keep them in a fresher condition than has been possible previously. If that is so, those alternative waves will have to meet the heads of persons on both sides of the House. What will happen to the backs of the heads of hon. Members when air is being blown into the faces of hon. Members opposite them? I have discussed the matter with other people who are knowledgable, and I think that the research side of the Ministry might review this matter to see if it could not be done by a more simple form of air pressure which has been adopted already in many establishments in Great Britain. If we could get such a form of pressure substituted for what is proposed at present, the fears that I and others have would be eliminated. Perhaps those two points may be borne in mind by those in charge of the research department at the Ministry.
6.44 p.m.
I am only too pleased, Mr. Touche, in catching your eye, to accept the invitation of the hon. Member to add to what I think he called the air pressure in this Committee by making a few observations. We listened with pleasure and attention to the urbane and comprehensive speech of the Minister which, so far as I was concerned, contained a good deal of new information. Although I wish to make some criticisms and suggestions, I have no criticism to make of the Minister as such; indeed, I sometimes think there would be no works at all if it were not for the Minister.
We have heard of many aspects of building which are superintended by the Ministry of Works—the supply of bricks, the supply of cement, research in regard to building. I would tell the Minister that all these matters are overshadowed for him by one difficulty which I have seen clearly in experience gained during the war in various official capacities. It is that his Department, I think unfortunately, is not responsible for housing. Here we have a catalogue of matters absolutely essential to housing which can only be considered in consonance with the Ministry of Health. I am devoted to the Ministry of Health, I know it well, but it has plenty to do, and I urge the Minister to put an end to what I have seen going on for years, namely, a tug of war between the Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Works as to which should run housing. I have no doubt whatever as to what should be the answer.
Having said that by way of preface, I would like to come to some of the specific matters raised in this Debate. The Minister knows that on several occasions I have by telegram, by conversation, by letter and by Question in the House referred to cement, with which he has dealt today. By one of those coincidences which happen in life, only this morning I received a letter from the Town Clerk of the Borough of Penzance. He had no idea that this Debate was to to take place and, until I caught your eye, Mr. Touche, I did not know that I would have the privilege of speaking. This letter is dated 26th May. After all these months of supplication, in which I must say the Minister from time to time was able here and there to assist us, he writes: cement can be obtained. I give that as an instance, and I beg the Minister to see that cement is forthcoming for this most urgent purpose.
With regard to bricks, I am glad to know that the W.B.A. system of control has come to an end, but I was not quite clear from the Minister's speech whether all control of bricks has come to an end. Here we are in the same situation as with certain forms of clothing such as shoes; there are plenty of bricks. Therefore, I would like it to be made plain, yes or no, have we now come to an end of all these applications for bricks since the bricks exist? Will the bricks be freely used to let the houses go up?
I spoke at the outset about the tug-of-war between the Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Works, which overshadows the whole operation of the Minister's work, but there are other smaller tugs-of-war, which go on constantly between Departments every time a licence is asked for. I make no complaint of the Minister's representatives in my part of the world; in fact, the gentleman who works for him in the South-West works extremely well. But when one has to ask for a licence, one finds that even a Member of Parliament, who perhaps has a little experience in such matters, does not know to which Department he should go.
Reference has been made to hostels, and I am glad to say that we have a hostel for miners who may be silicotic cases. I would like to see that work put on a permanent basis, particularly as the present circumstances impose great hardship on the present owner, a widow. But, one never knows to whom one should apply, the Ministry of Agriculture, the Ministry of National Insurance, or the Ministry of Labour. I may also instance an attempt which has been made to extend a small workshop making agricultural implements. Negotiations have been going on month after month and now we have come to the absurd position in which apparently a licence has been refused because the type of hut has been purchased which the people were told to purchase originally; and a new phase of controversy has arisen because it is said that the work done in this workshop has not a sufficient percentage of agricultural work because the Ministry of Transport claims that lorries used for agricultural conveyance come under the purview of their Ministry and cannot be counted as agricultural work.
I ask the Minister to cut down these licences to a minimum as these various forces come into play every time one seeks a licence. A wrestling match takes place between two Ministries, or in this case three, and sometimes four. Time is spent, paper wasted and people's energies are expended in a futile way on discussions which should be and could be settled in five minutes. When it is a matter of some small extension or building which is obviously desirable, the Minister should cut out the processes of licences altogether. If he can do that, he will find that that ceremony we witnessed yesterday, when we saw the laying of the foundation stone of the home of democracy, for which he is partly responsible, will have a replica in homes for the people, which I am afraid are seriously lacking at the moment.
5.54 p.m.
I suppose that all of us, Members of Parliament and the general public, are naturally inclined to be critical of any Government Department, particularly at the present time, when we see Government Departments growing in number. It is right that we should be critical. That is our job in a democracy. It is our duty to take up that attitude. I do not think any hon. Member either on the opposite side of the Committee or on this side, need apologise, for drawing attention to these facts. But, in listening to this Debate, having heard the very clever and entertaining speech of the right hon. and gallant Member for Gainsborough (Captain Crook-shank), who made every point he could, but pretended there were many things that other hon. Members of the Opposition would deal with, I have noticed that no other points have cropped up in the discussion. It is evident that the matter was combed out, and every point picked up.
We are bound to come to the conclusion, if reasonably minded, that the Minister made a very good case in reply. That has been agreed by Members of the Opposition, including the hon. and learned Member for St. Ives (Mr. Beechman), who paid the Minister a graceful compliment. It is not surprising that this Ministry is growing in numbers because, for the first time in the history of this country, we are getting a planned and organised building industry. This Ministry is likely to continue to grow, or at any rate to hold its present numbers. I do not think they are fully efficient in every respect; it would not be natural that they should be so. We are starting a new job, and it is our duty as Members of Parliament, and the duty of the general public, to draw attention to deficiencies in the working of the Ministry. It is obvious from what we have been told and what we are learning that, as the Ministry develops its activities, notice is being taken of criticisms made against the working of this Department.
Certain remarks have been made on the cost of building. It seems evident that this Ministry will have to continue to take great interest in building affairs and the organisation of the industry. Recently we have had a report on the question of the distribution of building materials and components. The Commission under Lord Simon sat a long time examining the question of the costs of building. They took very careful evidence and this is part of the considered opinion to which they came:
I was interested to hear the Minister refer once again to prefabrication. On this occasion he dealt with the question of permanent prefabricated houses. We recently had a discussion in the House on temporary prefabrication. Many expressed the belief that the cost of the temporary prefabs had been unduly high. I do not think that the Minister altogether agreed, but we got an assurance that, so far as permanent prefabrication was concerned, a careful check would be kept on costs and that a costing system would be imposed. When the Parliamentary Secretary replies I should be glad, as I am sure we all would, to have some information as to what the cost of permanent prefabrication as against normal building is likely to be. Unless permanent prefabrication can be justified from the point of view of expenditure of labour and material, it is not worth all the effort that has to be put into it.
I believe that it can be justified, but the experience we have had of temporary prefabrication certainly does not give us that justification. I believe that there were reasons for that. In spite of what the Minister has told us, I still believe that temporary prefabs cost far too much, and I hope that the Ministry will justify its position and its existence by keeping a careful check right from the start. The check must be made while this particular method of manufacture is growing up. If we neglect it, we shall have lost the chance for all time. Now is the time for a check on the cost on this particular kind of work.
The Abingdon House site has been mentioned. One hon. Member made a plea for the retention of No. 5, Abingdon Street. If that is the building which is used by Members of Parliament for secretarial purposes, then in my opinion the sooner it is pulled down the better, because architecturally it is a thoroughly bad piece of work. The side elevation facing the King George Memorial Statue would be a disgrace to a London suburb. It has never been properly considered, and I can see no justification for attempting to keep that building up.
The Minister seemed to suggest that the Abingdon House site is to be used for additional accommodation for Members of Parliament. I have not had very long experience on this House, many Members here have had much more; but the experience I have had demonstrates to me that the accommodation for the ordinary Member of Parliament, who is getting an increasingly important job of work to do, is thoroughly inadequate. That is, apparently, recognised, and is the reason the Abingdon House site has been acquired; but I hope Members of Parliament are not to be pushed over to the other side of the road for their accommodation. If this Palace of Westminster were properly used for Members of Parliament, who have their business to do here, and have to be close to this Chamber, and who may be called upon at any moment for Divisions, and other purposes, there is, in my view, adequate accommodation in the Palace. It should be properly used and properly planned to give every Member of Parliament a room to himself in which he can carry on his clerical and other duties. If we are to be pushed over to the other side of the road, a great waste of time will take place.
Members will be surprised to learn that something over 25 per cent. of the floor space in this building is used for living accommodation. I agree that Mr. Speaker must have accommodation, but I believe that most other people could find their living accommodation elsewhere. I wish to emphasise, in relation to the rebuilding of Abingdon House, that it should be used for the accommodation of people who need not necessarily be on the job in this particular building. This building should be used first and foremost for the convenience and business purposes of Members of Parliament, and I hope that that will be kept in mind in considering the future of the Abingdon House site.
I was glad to hear the Minister's speech, because as an architect I am at times somewhat critical with regard to delays. Here, again, I must say quite frankly that this matter of dealing with Ministries with regard to licences and permits is a two-way operation, and the applicant has to give the matter some thought and attention. I have found from personal experience that if I learn to use application forms properly, if I study them a little, not only does it save my time but it also saves the time of Government officials and it means that matters are dealt with expeditiously. That being the case I think that with the improvement in the forms which are continually being effected we shall in future be able to get over the difficulties of this sort which we are facing.
6.8 p.m.
I thought that the hon. Member for Mitcham (Mr. Braddock) had a rather poor opinion of the power of his fellow Members to get about the Palace of Westminster. I cannot see that there is much more objection to coming from No. 5 across the road than to coming from the Speaker's Library at the far end of the passage. They are both about the same distance away. Unless we are to degenerate into a Chamber of old men I cannot see any objection such as the hon. Member voiced, nor can I understand why he should say that there is so much loss of time.
I do not wish to discuss the convenience of the House of Commons but to come more directly to some criticisms of the Minister of Works and his activities. I am always glad when I hear a Government Department say that it wishes to disgorge more of the buildings and property which it has under requisition, and it was pleasing to hear that the Minister of Works is determined to get rid of as much of his requisitioned property as he can. I must confess that I feel that he is being somewhat slow in doing the job. I hope that he will take himself seriously and undertake to disgorge this property at a much quicker rate than he is doing at the present time.
I wish to mention one point in connection with the Minister's job as Government broker. I know that the Minister has some sympathy with my views on this matter, which I mention in order to obtain more support and perhaps a little quicker action. The Minister of Works, in his capacity as Government broker, has requests from all Government Departments who wish to give up property, and he has to decide what is to be done with that property. It frequently happens that either the owners of the property have plans for its future, or that some other Government Department has plans, but there has been, up to date, very inefficient co-ordination between the various interests in the ownership.
I would ask the Minister of Works to pursue with increasing speed the investigation, which I know is going on, to see that when a property is given up by one Government Department, the owner, or owners, should be informed that a transfer is about to take place in order that they may make the necessary representations to the Minister of Works as to the future of that property. I have had cases which I have put to the Minister of Works where much public harm has been done—no, that is an exaggeration—where some public harm has been done, because of property being handed over from one Government Department to another without the owner being informed.
The second point I wish to raise is more detailed and concerns Class VII, 6, of the Vote dealing with new works, alterations, additions and purchases of public offices. I have had some experience of the National Institute of Agricultural Engineering. I see that the Parliamentary Secretary is present and he will be able to back me up. Of late we have had the Institute near my home, as a temporary measure. There can be no doubt that, owing to limited accommodation and staff, the development of agricultural engineering has been seriously curtailed. Now, for the convenience, not only of the members of the Institute, but of the engineering and the agricultural industries, that institute has been moved to Bedford.
I am rather surprised to see in the Estimates this year that so small an amount of money is to be put to the use of that Institute. I would like to know whether the Ministry has been advised by the Ministry of Agriculture that this expenditure is sufficient for the purpose. We know that agricultural development is one of the biggest and most urgent priorities of the time, and it would be wrong if this urgent priority were held up because the building materials and the equipment were not coming forward and being used in sufficient time to make use of the knowledge gained. In all research work there is a very long time lag, and more particularly is this the case in agricultural development.
My right hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Gainsborough (Captain Crook-shank) criticised the possible duplication. I am not quite clear from the answer of the Minister whether that duplication does exist, or whether it does not, but my right hon. and gallant Friend criticised it. I have had some small experience of putting ideas to a Government research organisation for their help. In my case the result has been nil. I got an answer, a very polite answer, that they would look into the matter, but I got no further help from them. Subsequently, I went to a private firm and asked them to look into the matter and they have been able to produce an answer in a very short space of time. I am, therefore, a little doubtful whether all this expenditure on Government research departments is entirely justified by results.
My next point concerns cement, and here I may say that I am myself a small user of cement. For some time now it has been practically impossible even to get the small amounts that one requires for ordinary agricultural use. I would explain to the Minister of Works—because he obviously would not know it—that the agricultural industry uses cement as an off-time job. We have a great deal of mud on our farms, and it certainly makes for a reduction in efficiency if we have to pull loads or take livestock through deep and sticky mud. Therefore, over many years we have been adding to the concrete surfaces of our farms and the approaches to our farms. But of late, to get a bag of cement, one has either to beg or borrow and, though I disclaim any activity in that direction myself, even to steal. It has been unprocurable. It really is very difficult, at a time when the farming community has been told that it must increase efficiency in production, that we are unable to use those few moments when the weather is inclement for other work to improve the approaches to and the yards of our farms.
The trouble about this business of cement is that, first of all, we get a shortage, and then a little easing in the situation, and then another shortage. There is no consistent increase in the amount available in the country. I can only believe that that is due to inefficient control of the cement industry. We are told that it is a voluntary control, but voluntary or involuntary—I will not argue that now—it is most inefficient. I hope the Minister of Works will find out whether, in fact, the exporting of cement is making this hold-up worse, and, if so, whether he will not reconsider the export programme.
We seem to be spending a considerable amount of money on the pro vision of hostels and cottages for agricultural training, etc. On page 49 under subhead 6, it is a little difficult to make out exactly how this money is being spent, but I am very doubtful whether this money is justified, after my experiences in my constituency. We happen to have a camp which was erected partly before the war and partly during the war. After having been informed that that camp was to be used for agricultural purposes, for housing displaced persons, I am now told that it is not required for that purpose. For a considerable number of months I have been trying to obtain the use of that camp for temporary housing. If we are proposing to spend something in the neighbourhood of £158,000 on the provision of new hostels and cottages for trainees, it does seem to be strange that the accommodation in my constituency of Ripon is empty at the present time. I can only hope that the Minister of Works will help me in my efforts to get it released for the purpose of housing.
I wish to raise one small point on the mobile labour force. I have watched the activities of this force with some perturbation. I must confess that, to my knowledge, it has not penetrated into the West Riding. However, I am surprised when I see that force working in various parts of London. It seems strange that the Minister maintains that he only uses it where he thinks labour is not available.
I did not say that I only used it where labour is not available.
If I misunderstood, I apologise. It seems strange to find a mobile labour force working in the middle of London. I should have thought that there are plenty of contractors there who were able and willing to do the work. I agree that the Minister could make a case for such a force being available in certain country districts and remote rural areas. In reference to the Minister's intervention, what I had in mind when I made my remark was that in answer to a Question on 10th May the Minister said:
"I want to make it clear that the mobile labour force is used in isolated areas where we find it difficult or impossible to get private industry to take on the job."—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 10th May, 1948; Vol. 450, C. 1719.]
I do not think that I was misrepresenting the Minister: in fact, I was right although I did not use his exact words.
That does not say that they are only used in isolated areas. It says they are used in isolated areas but it does not say that that is the only place where the mobile labour force is used.
The Minister seems to be trying to have it both ways. Either the force is to help out where there is no labour available or the Minister can use it wherever he wishes. I am not sure what is the purpose of the force. That is why I raised the matter. I can see justification for its existence for use in isolated cases, but I can see no justification for it being used in Westminster.
The Minister has made it plain that in his opinion research appears to be possible only under some Government institution or Department and that, therefore, he must increase the amount of money spent on these research institutions because that is the only way to obtain rapid progress. If I am wrong I hope that the Parliamentary Secretary will correct me. My experience is that the vast amount of research which has been done in the building industry has been done very largely by private firms. I would mention certain firms in the North which have done a lot of useful research work which has resulted in a good deal of building. I hope that the Ministry will not be entirely swayed by their wish to centralise all their research into the Ministry of Works or other Government Departments. We want as much research in building, as in other work, as we can get from all sources. I hope that the vast amount that is being spent in these Votes will be justified by the results achieved
6.25 p.m.
In the few minutes at my disposal I want to raise only one question, that of cement supplies to Scotland. Undoubtedly in the past few weeks great hardship has been caused. One effect has been to make municipal corporations incur an expenditure which, I think, ought to have been borne by a Government Department. I have put a number of Questions to the Minister dealing with the shortage of supplies in Scotland. In my last Question I pointed out that so serious had the position become that 140 workers employed by one firm in Edinburgh had had to be laid off work.
I was interested to hear the Minister say this afternoon that the allocation of cement to Scotland had been increased by 30 per cent. in the past few weeks. That may be all right as an allocation, but I would like more specific information as to what the supplies have been. This week the Corporation of Edinburgh secured another 5,000 tons of cement, but they had to pay an increased charge of £3 per ton for the transport of that cement by road to Edinburgh. That additional expenditure is bound to be reflected in the prices of houses. Ultimately it must be carried either by the corporation or by the tenant. I would like the Parliamentary Secretary to tell us exactly what the increased supply has been, regardless of the increased allocation.
I would also like to know if any special consideration has been given to the supply of cement to the hydro-electric schemes as distinct from all other work. There is a feeling in Scotland that while we are grateful for the work which has taken place in the development of hydroelectricity, cement is being used up for that work to the detriment of work on housing and factories. would like to know if full use is being made of sea transport for cement. Undoubtedly that is much cheaper than road transport. I am sure that the Minister will not like corporations or councils in Scotland to have to pay exorbitant charges for transport which ultimately must be borne by ratepayers. I hope that I have said sufficient to make the Parliamentary Secretary realise that the position is indeed serious and that anything which he can do to alleviate the difficulty will be appreciated not only by the councils but by the people of Scotland.
6.29 p.m.
First there are a number of detailed points to which I wish to reply. I will refer in a moment to the main charge of undue increases in staff and diminishing efficiency made by the right hon. and gallant Gentleman the Member for Gainsborough (Captain Crookshank).
In regard to the other questions which he raised, I should like to say something about research. I am unable to understand why it should be thought that an expenditure on research for the whole of the building industry amounting to little over £500,000 a year can be considered excessive. It is a common proposition that a progressive and efficient industry spends about 1 per cent. of its turnover upon research. The turnover or output of the building industry amounts to between £700 and £800 million a year, so that a reasonable expenditure on research would mean something like £7 or £8 million a year. It is perfectly well-known that the expenditure on research by the industry itself is on a very small scale. I have heard a figure of less than £250,000 a year as that spent upon research. Even if that figure were reached, it would still mean that only £750,000 a year is being spent on research in an industry whose output was between £700 and £800 million per annum.
I should like to assure the right hon. and gallant Gentleman and the hon. Member for Weston-super-Mare (Mr. Orr-Ewing), who also raised the matter, that there is really no overlap whatever under the new arrangements between the Department of Scientific and Industrial Research and its building research station, on the one hand, and our own research organisation and establishments on the other. Putting it very simply, the distinction is between fundamental physical research, which is carried on by physicists, chemists and engineers in the D.S.I.R., and research into development and application of the results of such research and the economic and social problems of the industry, for which the Minister of Works is responsible, on the other. This problem was referred to Sir Henry Tizard's Committee, and the new arrangements and new division of duties were the result of the report that we received from that committee. Consequently, every step that could reasonably be taken to prevent duplication or waste of money has been carried out in the organisation of this field of work.
The right hon. and gallant Gentleman also asked where we stood in the application of different principles of letting contracts in our work, and I should like to assure him at once that there has been no large or wholesale departure from the ordinary contract procedure. In the case of the provision of hostel accommodation, and within very narrow limits, in order to speed the work, for reasons which I shall explain later, a limited amount of work has been put out upon a cost plus fixed fee basis, but that was only through the pressure of the hostels programme and is strictly limited and controlled. In 99 per cent. of the cases, the ordinary procedure for contract letting has been fully maintained.
The right hon. and gallant Gentleman also asked about the work of the Mobile Labour Force, which has also been referred to by other hon. Gentlemen on the other side of the Committee. The purposes for which the Mobile Labour Force is used are quite clear. It is used, first of all, to supplement the building forces in overloaded areas, particularly blitzed cities. Secondly, it is used for work on such remote sites or of such a particular form that contractors will not, in fact, contract for it. Finally, it is used—and this is part of the explanation why some of this work is going on in London—where the urgency of the work makes the procedure of letting contracts too lengthy to be gone through.
On the matter of the size of the non-manual part of the force, there is, of course, a complete misunderstanding. It is a mobile labour force which has to be moved rapidly from one part of the country to another. When these men reach the part of the country in which they are required to work, they have to be accommodated, and many of the 460 persons referred to in the Estimates, who were contrasted with the 7,000 or 8,000 on productive work, are, in fact, engaged in domestic labour. If these 8,000 men were married, there would be 8,000 wives who would be looking after the canteens and the domestic arrangements upon which they depend. When we subtract the men and women employed for this purpose, we arrive at a much more reasonable proportion between the administration and the number of productive workers.
I do not wish to interrupt the hon. Gentleman, but may I ask him, in connection with the details on page 19, who are these people he is talking about? Are they what are called temporary domestic assistants or temporary foremen? There are only 55 camp wardens, while the foremen and technical assistants are very much bigger numbers.
There are temporary assistant welfare and catering officers, and the duties of the purchasing officers would include purchasing domestic as well as other supplies. These numbers include the canteen managers and some of the temporary camp wardens, and, of course, the foremen, who are a normal part of the set-up of the concern. I think the right hon. and gallant Gentleman will find that the proportions are not unduly large, given that it is a mobile force for whom domestic arrangements must be made.
The hon. Member for Abingdon (Sir R. Glyn) asked what arrangements are made to see that the requirements of the Colonial Empire in the export of cement are given due priority. We have entered into a voluntary arrangement with the Cement Marketing Federation, and, after consultation with the interested Departments, we are able to exert an influence upon distribution and exports so as to see that our first Imperial needs, both military and economic, are met. My right hon. Friend has noted what the hon. Member for Abingdon had to say about the behaviour of the contractor's labour in his constituency, and we will see what can be done to effect an improvement.
The hon. Member for Weston-super-Mare was under a complete misapprehension as to the expenses of this scrap recovery scheme. It is not the case that we are taking down the railings and gathering in scrap, nor that expense arises from that stage of scrap collection. The whole of the expense now arises from settling claims for compensation. A final date of 1st June this year for making claims was given by the Minister and that has brought in a large number of claims which it will take some considerable time to cope with. Concerning the point raised by the same hon. Member about increases of staff in controls, the facts are quite other than he seemed to think. The total reduction of staff in the period under consideration in the Ministry was 938, of which 467, or nearly half, are in the Control Section of the Ministry. In reply to the question from my hon. Friend the Member for Mitcham (Mr. Braddock), I am assured that the report which I promised him on the exhaustive capital costs inquiry which we have continuously conducted into prefabrication, is now in the hands of the printers, and, I hope, will satisfy him.
In reply to the hon. and learned Member for St. Ives (Mr. Beechman) and my hon. Friend the Member for Leith (Mr. Hoy) about the distribution of cement, I can only repeat, re-affirm and emphasise what my right hon. Friend said. By a voluntary arrangement the distribution of cement is now based upon a formula which falls into two parts. First, all priority demands—which, of course, would include the hydro-electric schemes to which my hon. Friend the Member for Leith referred—receive 100 per cent. of their requirements. This would also include all housing and essential work. In addition, the second part of the allocation is based upon the total employment in the building and civil engineering industry in the region, and from that we arrive at a figure for the allocation for each region. As to recent developments in the areas to which my hon. Friend referred, it is the case that a 3o per cent. increase in the supply of cement left for Scotland the week before last and also last week; presumably sometime, by the mysterious guidance of Providence, those supplies will arrive, and I hope that then the worries of hon. Members on that score will finally be resolved.
How were the supplies sent? Were they sent by road, rail or sea?
The greater part of them were sent by sea.
Before I leave the subject of the distribution of cement, I wish to repeat what my right hon. Friend said. Cement production is running at a high level. Exports are not now at such a level which can impede larger deliveries of cement being made than were being supplied to industry in this country a year ago. In fact, we have asked that the rate of export should be reduced. We hope to achieve our export target over the year as a whole, but we have requested the cement distributing authorities to reduce the export of cement during the peak of the building season. We are convinced that we are in the early stages of panic buying. If only the users of cement would be willing to wait a little, not for their necessary supplies but only for a continuation of the normal flow of their requirements, almost all of the problem of distribution would be solved.
That is not the case in Scotland. Cement has been in short supply there, so that argument would not apply to Scotland.
Surely my hon. Friend does not maintain that panic buying takes place when cement costs £3 a ton more?
Panic ordering certainly does take place. That is apparent from our experience of last year. The amount of cement that is now programmed for delivery in Scotland will, during the remainder of the quarter amount to the whole of Scotland's allocation for the quarter and will remedy any deficiency in the deliveries to that country in the first part of the period. It is in the highest degree unlikely that there will be any permanent shortage of cement in the remainder of the building season.
What about the North?
In the North-East the corresponding figure is 25 per cent., and the calculation of the allocation is based upon exactly the same principles—the first two fundamental principles which I have described, plus the proposition that in the second half of this current quarter the deficiencies in the allocation for the first half of the quarter will be made up. That is to say, there is a 25 per cent. increase in the programmed deliveries in what is known as Region I.
I would now like to refer to the main charge which was made by the right hon. and gallant Member for Gainsborough, namely, that the amount of the Estimates and the corresponding numbers recorded suggest that the Ministry is over-loaded and that its level of efficiency has declined. It is impossible to proceed upon any set of absolute figures. The only factors which can be related are the staff and the work that has to be done. Ten domestic servants looking after one old lady in a large country house would be an excessive domestic staff, but 100 domestic servants dealing with a L000-bed hospital might very easily be an inadequate staff for the purpose. If we are to make any comparison over a period of 10 years, we must look at the burden of work in relation to the staff or the expenditure upon staff, and not at the staff or the absolute expenditure alone.
For that reason I should like to call attention to a number of figures that throw light on what has happened over a 10 year period. In 1938, the Estimates for maintenance and small works were £1 million, and the relevant administrative and technical staff numbered 700 persons. In 1948, the similar Estimates were £24 million and the number of staff was 3,500. When we make an allowance of roughly double in the costs of building, this leads to the conclusion that the work has been multiplied by 12 while the staff has been multi- plied by five. This is not only evidence that the Department at whose head my right hon. Friend stands is greatly overburdened with work at the moment, but also of increased efficiency.
Exactly the same story is to be found if we compare the average number of buildings for which an assistant surveyor in the maintenance side of the Ministry is responsible. In 1938 he was responsible for 68 buildings; now he is responsible for 155. The burden of work on him has more than doubled. As a common service Ministry, we are not here concerned with the question whether this number of buildings is right or wrong. We have to supply what we are asked to supply, and a figure of that kind proves beyond dispute that the burden of work on our officers has increased rather than diminished in the 10 years that separate 1948 from 1938.
I turn to the Directorate of Lands and Accommodation. In 1938 that part of the Ministry concerned with securing buildings by lease or purchase or by any other way, and with releasing buildings, cleared 3,460 cases. In 1948 the number was 27,300. That is to say, it had increased by eight times. Over the same period, the staff had increased only six times. The amount of work completed had increased by a larger multiple than had the staff, which is unquestionable evidence of increasing rather than diminishing efficiency.
Turning to the other side of the Ministry —the building and control side—when the number of licences outstanding are compared with the rate of clearances in the various regions of the country, one finds that in the best region the licences for which we are responsible—not the local authority licences—are issued in less than two weeks. The average for all regions is between three and four weeks. I do not want to mislead the Committee; of course, this covers a wide range. Some of the problems presented in the licences are very large and very complex. There is an immense amount of technical investigation to be completed, possibly including sponsorship by other Departments, and, of course, in such cases the period would be longer than that I have mentioned. Being for licences both directly issued and sponsored this record is, I think, very creditable. If we take licences for which we were solely respon- sible, without requiring sponsorship of another Department, the average would be reduced even below this comparatively small period. This is, on balance, a record of increasing rather than decreasing efficiency.
I would not like to conclude without saying something about the positive achievements of the Ministry of Works in the period under review. I would like to mention, first, the record standing to our credit in the provision of the necessary offices for the Ministry of National Insurance. The provision of a wide-spread scheme of social insurance is not a matter of dispute between the parties. It has, however, to be based upon a large number of offices scattered up and down the country. These offices have to be found at an extremely difficult time, when the centres of most of our towns are overcrowded and great pressure exists for accommodation. In August, 1946, the Ministry of Works was asked to attempt the tremendous task of finding 1,086 offices throughout the country—nearly as great a number as the number of Ministry of Labour Exchanges. By 5th July, 1948—that is to say, less than two years later—we shall have supplied—not all of them in a perfect condition and a number of them emergency arrangements which could be tolerated only for a time—practical answers in 1,076 cases. When it is remembered that it took something like 40 years to build up the Employment Exchanges, it is a very remarkable achievement to supply so high a percentage of the offices in so short a period of time.
I turn to the question of hostels. We are faced by the immense demand for supplementary labour in various undermanned industries. Here is a great contribution that this Department can make towards closing the gap of the balance of payments. We were asked to supply, at the beginning of this programme, no less than 150,000 places. We have already supplied 70,000 of those places, and since the renewed drive of the hostel programme began we have raised the monthly rate of provision from 4,200 places a month to 9,100 a month—more than 100 per cent. increase in the monthly rate of provision in a matter of four months. These hostels have to be placed in most remote parts of the country. The agricultural hostel programme proceeds upon hundreds of sites, many of them isolated and in most cases contractors would not willingly accept contracts. There is no other conceivable machinery by which this immense task of construction could have been performed. In the case of agriculture we hope by the end of July to achieve 80 per cent. of the very high target which we were set. This is a performance which no other building organisation could possibly have completed.
When we turn to the other side of the Ministry, some of the stories in the achievement of production records are outstanding. One of them was mentioned by my right hon. Friend when he was referring to cement. The monthly output in 1947 was 580,000 tons. Up-to-date, this year, the average for the first four months is 692,000 tons, which is not only 110,000 tons, or nearly 20 per cent. above the 1947 level, but is also considerably above-50,000 tons above—the 1938 level, despite all the difficulties of shortage of plant with which the industry has had to deal. The purpose of the side of the Ministry dealing with the control of material is not merely to continue the superintending and aiding of distribution —and here it is to be noted that we are more frequently pressed to increase our activities in the control of distribution, from both sides of the Committee, than we are pressed to diminish them—but its purpose is also to increase the output of all those basic commodities for the national building programme.
That is the story as I see it. The Ministry of Works is one of the largest building organisations in the world. Most of the figures show that it is heavily overloaded, but they also show that it is in no respect less efficient than it was ten years ago, but that it is more efficient and that it is playing an important part in meeting many of the needs of the country and making its contribution towards closing the gap in the balance of payments. All hon. Members of the Committee can be proud of its positive achievements
6.58 p.m.
While I would like to congratulate the Parliamentary Secretary on the very spirited and fluent way in which he wound up the Debate, I would not like him or anyone else to think that we are satisfied with what he said. There was a certain complacency in his observations. They indicated no prospect of reducing the expenditure, which was the purpose of this Debate. Unfortunately, so far as I could gather from him and from the Minister, there is no likelihood of an early reduction in any of the controls or licences, which I had hoped the Minister might have been able to announce.
Motion made, and Question put, "That item Class VII, Vote 1, Ministry of Works, be reduced, by £5."—[ Captain Crookshank. ]
The Committee divided: Ayes, 105; Noes, 227.
Division No. 157. ]] AYES. [6.58 p.m. Amory, D. Heathcoat Fleming, Sqn.-Ldr. E. L. Macdonald, Sir P. (I. of Wight) Astor, Hon. M. Fox, Sir G. Mackeson, Brig. H. R. Baxter, A. B. Fraser, Sir I. (Lansdale) Macmillan, Rt. Hon. Harold (Bromley) Beamish, Maj. T- V. H. Gage, C. Macpherson, N- (Dumfries) Beechman, N. A. Gammans, L. D. Maitland, Comdr. J. W. Bennett, Sir P. Gates, Maj. E. E Manningham-Buller, R. E Bossom, A. C. Granvllle, E. (Eye) Marlowe, A. A. H. Bower, N. Gridley, Sir A. Marshall, D. (Bodmin) Boyd-Carpenter, J. A. Grimston, R. V. Medlicott, Brigadier F. Braithwaite, Lt.-Comdr. J. G Haughton, S. G. Molson, A. H. E. Buchan-Hepburn, P. G. T. Hinchingbrooke, Viscount Morris, Hopkin (Carmarthen) Butler, Rt. Hon. R. A. (S'ffr'n Wid'n) Hollis, M. C. Morris-Jones, Sir H. Byers, Frank Hope, Lord J. Morrison, Maj. J. G. (Salisbury) Carson, E. Howard, Hon. A. Morrison, Rt. Hon. W. S. (Cirencester) Challen, C. Hulbert Wing-Cdr. N. J. Mott-Radciyffe, C. E. Clarke, Col. R. S. Jeffreys, General Sir G Neill, W. F. (Belfast, N.) Clifton-Brown, Lt.-Col. G. Lambert, Hon. G. Nield, B. (Chester) Crookshank, Capt. Rt. Hon. H. F. C Lancaster, Col. C. G. Odey, G. W. Crowder, Capt. John E Langford-Holt, J. O'Neill, Rt. Hon- Sir H Cuthbert, W. N. Law, Rt. Hon. R. K. Orr-Ewing, I. L. Davidson, Viscountess Legge-Bourke, Maj. E. A. H Peto, Brig. C. H. M Digby, S. W. Lennox-Boyd, A. T. Ponsonby, Col. C. E Dodds-Parker, A. D. Linstead, H. N. Raikes, H. V. Dugdale, Maj. Sir T. (Richmond) Low, A. R. W. Ramsay, Maj. S Duncan, Rt. Hn. Sir A. (City of Lond.) Lucas, Major Sir J. Rayner, Brig. R Eccles, D. M. Lucas-Tooth, Sir H. Reed, Sir S. (Aylesbury) Eden, Rt- Hon. A McCorquodale, Rt. Hon. M S Roberts, H. (Handsworth) Robertson, Sir D. (Streatham) Stoddart-Scott, Col. M Wheatley, Colonel M J (Dorset, E.) Robinson, Roland Strauss, H. G. (English Universities) White, Sir D. (Fareham) Ropner, Col. L. Studholme, H. G. White, J. B. (Canterbury) Ross, Sir R. D. (Londonderry) Sutcliffe., H. Williams, C. (Torquay) Scott, Lord W. Teeling, William Willoughby de Eresby, Lord Shepherd, W. S. (Bucklow) Thomas, J. P. L. (Hereford) York, C Smith, E. P. (Ashford) Thorneycroft, G. E. P. (Monmouth) Smithers, Sir W. Touche, G. C. TELLERS FOR THE AYES: Stanley, Rt. Hon. O Wadsworth, G Commander Agnew and Major Conant
NOES. Acland, Sir Richard Evans, Albert (Islington, W.) Nally, W. Adams, Richard (Balham) Evans, E. (Lowestoft) Naylor, T. E Adams, W. T. (Hammersmith, South) Evans, S. N. (Wednesbury) Nichol, Mrs. M. E. (Bradford, N.) Allen, A. C. (Bosworth) Fairhurst, F. Noel-Buxton, Lady Allen, Scholefield (Crewe) Farthing, W. J. Oliver, G. H Anderson, F. (Whitehaven) Fernyhough, E. Palmer, A. M. F Attewell, H. C. Fletcher, E. G M (Islington, E.) Pargiter, G. A Austin, H. Lewis Foot, M. M. Parkin, B. T. Awbery, S. S. Forman, J. C. Paton, Mrs. F. (Rushcliffe) Ayles, W. H. Ganley, Mrs. C. S Paton, J. (Norwich) Ayrton Gould, Mrs B Gibson, C. W. Pearson, A. Bacon, Miss A. Gilzean, A. Pearl, T. F Balfour, A. Glanville, J. E. (Consett) Perrins, W. Barnes, Rt. Hon. A. J Goodrich, H. E. Platts-Mills, J. F F Barstow, P. G Griffiths, D. (Rother Valley) Poole, Cecil (Lichfield) Barton, C. Griffiths, Rt. Hon. J. (Llanelly) Popplewell, E. Battley, J. R Griffiths, W. D. (Moss Side) Porter, E. (Warrington) Bechervaise, A E Guest, Dr. L. Haden Proctor, W T. Beswick, F. Hale, Leslie Pryde, D. J. Bevan, Rt. Hon. A (Ebbw Vale) Hall, Rt. Hon. Glenvil Randall, H. E Binns, J. Hamilton, Lieut.-Col. R. Rees-Williams, D R Blackburn, A. R Hastings, Dr. Somerville Reeves, J. Blenkinsop, A. Henderson, Rt Hon A. (Kingswinford) Reid, T. (Swindon) Blyton, W R. Hewitson, Capt. M. Richards, R. Bottomley, A G. Hicks, G. Roberts, Goronwy (Caernarvonshire) Bowden, Fig. Offr. H. W. Hobson, C. R. Ross, William (Kilmarnock) Braddock, Mrs. E. M. (L'pl, Exch'ge) Holman, P. Royle, C. Braddock, T. (Mitcham) Holmes, H. E (Hemsworth, Sharp, Granville Bramall, E. A. House, G. Shawcross, Rt. Hn. Sir H (St Helens) Brook, D. (Halifax) Hoy, J. Shinwell, Rt. Hon. E. Brooks, T. J. (Rothwell) Hudson, J. H. (Ealing, W.) Shurmer, P. Brown, George (Belper) Hughes, Emrys (S. Ayr) Silverman, J. (Erdington) Brown, T. J. (Ince) Hughes, Hector (Aberdeen, N.) Silverman, S. S (Nelson) Bruce, Maj. D. W. T. Hutchinson, H. L. (Rusholme) Simmons, C. J Buchanan, Rt. Hon. G Hynd, H. (Hackney, C.) Skinnard, F. W. Burden, T. W. Irving, W. J. (Tottenham, N.) Smith, H. N. (Nottingham, S.) Burke, W. A. Isaacs, Rt. Hon. G. A. Snow, J. W. Butler, H. W. (Hackney, S.) Jeger, G. (Winchester) Solley, L. J. Callaghan, James Jeger, Dr. S. W. (St. Pancras, S.E.) Sorensen, R W Castle, Mrs. B. A. Jones, D. T. (Hartlepool) Sparks, J. A. Champion, A. J. Jones, P. Asterley (Hitchin) Stamford, W. Chetwynd, G. R Kenyon, C. Stewart, Michael (Fulham, E.) Cluss, W. S. Key, Rt. Hon. C. W. Stross, Dr. B Cobb, F. A. Lawson, Rt. Hon J. J Stubbs, A. E Cocks, F. S. Lee, F. (Hulme) Swingler, S. Collindridge, F. Lee, Miss J. (Cannock) Sylvester, G. O Collins, V. J. Leonard, W. Symonds, A. L. Colman, Miss G. M. Leslie, J. R. Taylor, R. J. (Morpeth) Comyns, Dr. L. Levy, B. W. Taylor, Dr. S. (Barnet) Cook, T. F. Lipton, Lt.-Col. M Thomas, D. E. (Aberdare) Cooper, Wing-Comdr. G. Lynn, A. W. Thomas, I. O. (Wrekin) Corbet, Mrs. F. K. (Camb'well, N.W.) McAdam, W. Thomas, John R. (Dover) Corlett, Dr. J McAllister, G. Thorneycroft, Harry (Clayton) Cove, W. G. McGhee, H. G. Thurtle, Ernest Daines, P. McGovern, J. Titterington, M. F. Davies, Edward (Burslem) McKinlay, A. S. Turner-Samuels, M. Davies, Ernest (Enfield) McLeavy, F. Ungoed-Thomas, L. Davies, Haydn (St. Pancras, S.W.) Mallalieu, E. L. (Brigg) Viant, S. P Davies, S. O. (Merthyr) Mallalieu, J. P. W. (Huddersfield) Walker, G. H. Deer, G. Mann, Mrs. J. Wallace, G. D. (Chislehurst) de Freitas, Geoffrey Manning, C. (Camberwell, N.) Wallace, H. W. (Walthamstow, E) Delargy, H. J. Manning, Mrs. L. (Epping) Watson, W M. Diamond, J. Marshall, F. (Brightside) Weitzman, D. Dobbie, W. Messer, F. Wells, P L. (Faversham) Donovan, T. Middleton, Mrs. L. Wells, W. T (Walsall) Driberg, T. E. N. Mitchison, G. R West, D. G. Dugdale, J. (W. Bromwich) Moody, A. S. Westwood, Rt. Hon. J Dumpleton, C. W. Morgan, Dr. H. B. Wheatley, Rt. Hn. J. (Edinburgh, E.) Durbin, E. F. M Morris, Lt.-Col. H. (Sheffield, C.) Whiteley, Rt. Hon. W. Dye, S. Morris, P. (Swansea, W.) Wilcock, Group-Capt. C A. B Ede, Rt. Hon. J. C. Morrison, Rt. Hon H. (Lewisham, E) Wilkes, L Edwards, W. J. (Whitechapel) Moyle, A Wilkins, W. A Willey, F. T. (Sunderland) Williams, W. R. (Heston) Zilliacus, K Willey, O. G. (Cleveland) Willis, E. Williams, D. J. (Neath) Wills, Mrs E. A. TELLERS FOR THE NOES: Williams, R. W. (Wigan) Wilson, Rt. Hon. J. H Mr. Joseph Henderson and Williams, Rt Hon. T. (Don Valley) Younger, Hon. Kenneth Mr. Hannan.
Original Question again proposed.
Motion made, and Question, "That the Chairman do report Progress and ask leave to sit again."—[ Mr. Simmons. ] Put, and agreed to.
Committee report Progress; to sit again Tomorrow.
Italian Elections (Members' Telegram)
7.10 p.m.
I beg to move,
There have been always in this whole incident two wholly separate questions. The right hon. Gentleman the Leader of the House, in pretending always to misunderstand that point, has deceived no one who knows the natural astuteness of his brain. He has always dismissed the whole thing under the claim that this is a purely domestic matter into which he and his alone are entitled to inquire. But there are, as I say, two wholly distinct questions. The first question, and the one to which naturally the greater public interest has been attached, is that of the propriety of certain Members of the party opposite taking a line in public and with a foreign country which appears to be in direct opposition to that taken by the Government and by the Foreign Secretary. So far as I am concerned, I admit, and always have admitted, that that is purely a domestic matter. So far as I am concerned, that falls in the same sort of category as if a similar number of hon. Members had gone into the wrong Lobby, bravely ignoring the dictates of the Party Whips. It is not a matter in which I or my friends would presume for one minute to interfere. We should not think ourselves competent to do it. [Interruption.] Quite rightly. Who are we to judge between good Socialists and bad Socialists, when we start from the premise that all Socialists must in fact be bad?
That first question—that domestic matter—is now settled. The trial, in which the Secretary of State for War occupied the unaccustomed position of judge, has been held, and its findings have been published. Some of the accused asserted that they always had been and always would be prepared to sign on the dotted line, but they complain that on this occasion someone had changed the dots without telling them. Others, while denying that they had ever done it, promised faithfully not to do it again; at least, not in the same way. As the result of this very satisfactory admission, little Bo-Peep has found his flock united again, although slightly diminished. Once again the sheep and goats are together, undivided—[ Interruption. ]—the Ernie sheep and Nenni goats, although not indistinguishable. Once again they are permitted to express their joy and confidence in their leaders by well-regulated bounds and nicely controlled bleats.
Only the hon. Member for Finsbury (Mr. Platts-Mills) has been excluded from this pastoral reunion, but even he can take some comfort. The road he is treading now may be a long one but it is not a new one. Others have blazed the trail before him. He has only to look below him to see where it leads. Truly the party opposite might rightly translate the motto Per Ardua ad Astra as "Through the Wilderness to the Front Bench." All of us now can agree that things are restored to normal. "Sacktheboys" Hall is itself again After a short period on brimstone it has returned to its normal diet of treacle.
While this domestic question was being settled, we on this side deliberately refrained from raising the second question. We did it, first of all, because we did not want the two issues confused, and, secondly, because we thought it possible and, indeed, at one stage the Lord President of the Council so indicated, that in the investigation of the first question, the second question of the authorisation of the signatures might be covered. In fact, the first inquiry has left the second question not only unsettled but in an even more difficult position than before. As a result, the issue has become even more clear, and the complete conflict of evidence is more certain. The findings of this tribunal as published, while condemning certain Members to do penance, said that 15 either had not signed or had signed under some misapprehension or had since retracted the signatures which they had given.
Those 15 were not split up into categories, and I cannot tell, therefore, exactly how many deny ever having signed or given authority for the signing of this telegram at all; but certain hon. Members have given to the Press their account of what has happened. The hon. Member for East Wolverhampton (Mr. Baird) said that he had neither signed nor even seen the telegram. The hon. Member for Central Newcastle (Mr. Wilkes) said that he had never signed. The hon. Member for Stroud (Mr. Parkin), it appeared, was in Nigeria, and had been there for a fortnight before the telegram was issued, and yet his name appeared among the signatures. The hon. Member for Barrow-in-Furness (Mr. Monslow) said that he had not signed any document or telegram to the Nenni Party. The hon. Member for Peterborough (Mr. Tiffany) said—and this is a very relevant quotation— Now, presumably the statements of at least these six hon. Members were accepted by the tribunal as being correct. That is only one consideration, because the hon. Member for Finsbury in a statement published in the "Daily Herald" directly after the publication of the findings of the tribunal said:
Would the right hon. Gentleman give the full terms of the statement I then made? If he bothered to do that, he would find I said that so far as I knew, so far as I was concerned, and to the best of my knowledge so far as anyone else was concerned, no such names were added. If the right hon. Gentleman cared to look at the text from which he is quoting he will find those words therein.
This was a statement the hon. Member issued, and the only words I have are these:
"No signatures were added to the Nenni telegram without authorisation or in any way improperly, and this is not the basis of complaint against me."
I certainly accept the fact that the hon. Member added to that "to my knowledge." I should not like him to think I had deliberately left out any of the quotation I had in front of me.
I was not trying to impute any motive to the right hon. Gentleman, but only trying to get the facts.
I naturally accept what the hon. Member says, that to his knowledge no signatures were added improperly; in other words, that he had nothing to do with the addition of these signatures.
I am sure the right hon. Gentleman does not mean to misrepresent me in this. I did not suggest any such words as he has just added. I did not admit for a moment the kind of things he has suggested.
Then what did the hon. Member say?
I think the hon. Member is misunderstanding me. He says he stated that none of these signatures was added without authorisation, to his knowledge, and I say that means he denies that he had anything to do with the improper additions to this list. I do not think there is anything unfair in that.
If the right hon. Gentleman insists on asserting, and not merely suggesting as he has done up to now, that there were improper additions, that is, of course, opening up a quite different story.
I have quoted statements from six hon. Members which, at any rate, raise a prima facie case that those six signatures were improperly added, and I call particular attention to that of the hon. Member for Peterborough, which I have already emphasised, that he had refused to sign this document, yet still found his signature appended to it.
It is just that point which is the reason we move this Motion tonight. After all, this sort of combined action between hon. Members of this House, whether it is to put something on the Order Paper, or whether it is to publish something in the Press, is a traditional form of Parliamentary activity. It is one much valued by hon. Members who, sometimes from different parties, on particular subjects, act together in something in which they are interested. It has considerable weight with the public because, quite clearly, an opinion to which a number of signatures are added carries more weight than something which appears merely to represent the individual idiosyncrasy of one hon. Member. That practice has gone on for a long time; it is valued, and all of us want it to continue; but its continuance depends upon there being confidence—confidence between the Members whose names are taken for such Motions, and confidence by the public that when names appear as holding some particular opinion they can, in fact, believe that those names are properly used.
It is quite clear, too, that great harm can be done to individuals if their names are, in fact, improperly used in communications of this kind Of course, it is always open to them to issue denials afterwards; but all of us know that the denial never quite catches up with the original assertion; it never reaches quite the same circle of people who have seen the original statement; and in any case there is always some time-lag in which the individual may suffer considerable harm. It is only fair to say that in the years I have been in this House—now a quite long time, though not so long as other hon. and right hon. Members whom I see here—I do not remember any occasion upon which a confidence of this kind has ever been abused, although, of course, there have been individual cases where Members have found their names wrongly inserted in a list, through some misunderstanding or some clerical error. But they have been single, isolated cases where the denial by the Member concerned has always been accepted immediately by the person organising the demonstration.
This case, however, is quite different from any other. It differs from former cases on these three grounds- First, there are at least six, and possibly more, Members who say that their signatures have been wrongly appended; and a number as great as that obviously precludes the possibility of it arising through some slip or clerical error. Secondly, the terms of the denials which I have read out—and particularly that of the hon. Member for Peterborough—preclude the possibility of there being any misunderstanding. The hon. Member for Peterborough says definitely that he was asked to sign but refused to sign. That is a statement so definite in its character that no room is left for the idea that some misunderstanding had occurred. Thirdly, for the first time the denials of Members that they had given authority for their signatures has been met with an assertion by the hon. Member for Finsbury that to his knowledge, as far as he knew, that authority had been properly given.
Although it is not for us to judge—because we do not know the facts—the fact that party displeasure has fallen on the hon. Member for Finsbury alone must show that, at any rate in the eyes of the tribunal concerned, he it was who was chiefly responsible for the organising of this particular document, and the obtaining of these particular signatures. In this complete conflict of evidence the House is left with two very distasteful alternatives. There are the statements of those who deny giving authority and the assertion of the hon. Member for Finsbury that it was given, and it depends on which the House is prepared to accept.
If these denials are accepted as being correct—and accepted in the terms in which they were made public—no one can deny that they contain a direct implication on the hon. Member for Finsbury of improperly adding the signatures to this telegram. I cannot imagine any graver charge being made against the honour of an hon. Member of this House, or any graver reflection upon the honour of the House as a whole, than that of adding names to a telegram in cases where not only had no authority been given, but where, in one case, it is asserted that authority had been categorically refused.
The imputation is that the hon. Member has done something which, if he had done it with the property of those other hon. Members, would have been a legal crime. If he has done it only with the reputation of those hon. Members, it still would, and must remain a moral effect. That is the inevitable imputation which arises if we accept the statement of the six hon. Members that their authority never was given. I see that the hon. Member for Luton (Mr. Warbey), in a statement made at the time, said that if, in fact, these allegations were true—if authority had been improperly used—then it was disreputable political tactics. Most of us would consider that a mild way of putting it.
When this question was first raised you, Mr. Speaker, ruled that it was not a question of Privilege; but your Ruling was dictated, as I understood it, by the circumstances of the case. No one could deny that, as far as the gravity of the charge is concerned, it is a charge just as grave as has been made against other hon. Members and which has resulted immediately in automatic inquiry by the Committee of Privileges. We may, and do, differ strongly and violently from the hon. Member for Finsbury in his politics, but I do not think anyone in this House would be prepared to leave him under this stigma, which is bound to remain without an opportunity for a judicial ascertainment of the actual facts and, therefore, an apportionment of the real blame. That is the alternative if we accept the statement of the six hon. Members.
The other alternative is to accept the denial of the hon. Member for Finsbury, to accept his statement—I am quoting his words, and we must regard him as the chief agent—that, as far as he knows, authority was given by all hon. Members, including those six, for the addition of their signatures. If that is true, if he is right, and authority was given, the subsequent denials are nothing more than acts of cowardice, nothing more than people, frightened by what they have done, trying to deny the consequences of their act. Surely, no one could have anything to say for people who, in an effort to make their own escape from a difficult situation, would be quite indifferent to the inevitable blame that it casts upon somebody else, and would be prepared to allow another hon. Member to bear in public a dishonourable responsibility which they knew would be quite unjustified. No one could pretend, if that was true, that that would be conduct to which this House would be indifferent. No one could pretend that a charge of that kind would not impugn the honour of the individual concerned and damage the reputation of the House as a whole.
Those are the two alternatives. We are left, without any evidence or real knowledge of the facts, to choose between two conflicting statements. In choosing, we have to condemn on serious charges the side we do not believe. That is wholly unsatisfactory. We are entitled to know—the House should know and, indeed, the whole country should know —the facts as they are, so that on the ascertained facts blame, if blame there is, can be properly apportioned. That is all this Motion seeks to do. We have chosen as the appropriate medium for ascertaining the facts a Select Committee of the House. We believe that is the right medium because it is a matter which concerns Members of this House and their methods of carrying on business. Incidentally, it is the medium of inquiry which independently was chosen by certain hon. Members on the other side who, at an early stage, put their names to a Motion in almost exactly the same terms on the Order Paper.
A Select Committee is composed of Members of different parties; its membership is apportioned roughly according to the divisions betwen parties in the House; yet in matters of this kind it is expected to act—and, as far as my experience has gone, always does act—in a judicial capacity. The terms of reference to it would be nothing but the ascertainment of the facts. It is a tribunal which, I believe, we could safely entrust with that task. That is what we on this side now demand in our Motion; that the facts be ascertained, that guilt—and, what is more important, innocence—may be publicly established.
7.37 P.m.
As one of those who adhered to the telegram sent not on 10th April, as the right hon. Member for West Bristol (Mr. Stanley) suggested, but on 16th April, to Signor Nenni and, through him, to the official Italian Socialist Party—the telegram referred to in the Motion before the House —I am grateful for the opportunity of joining in the Debate. I am grateful for the opportunity of joining in as one of those adherents; not, as I understood the words of the right hon. Gentleman, as one on whom some stigma had fallen. The right hon. Gentleman would have noticed, if he had bothered to read the statement issued in connection with my expulsion from the Labour Party, that the matter of the Nenni telegram—the substance of the telegram, the politics behind it, and the question of the signatures—played no part in that expulsion. All who have followed the matter at all are fully aware of that.
I am always anxious to give the utmost assistance to the House, and I think the greatest assistance I can give this evening, in addition to making a statement on the facts as I know them, is to express the view that I know is widely held that the whole of these proceedings will be proved to be quite fruitless. With respect to the right hon. Gentleman, it seemed that the total levity with which he presented part of his case, and the total abandon with which his supporters received it, showed that they themselves really have no faith or belief in the necessity for his action. Dealing with the other limb of his case, we all enjoy the earnestness and sincerity with which he read the brief presented to him by the Tory Central Office.
Is the hon. Member's a Moscow brief?
We are all used to hearing from the supporters of the right hon. Gentleman the sort of clap-trap cry of "Moscow" with which they are so glib, which leads many of us to believe they have no other thoughts in their heads. Since the Debate is being held, may I express my gratitude to those whose courtesy in arranging an adjournment made it possible for me to be here.
May I turn to the telegram? The right hon. Gentleman says that the only circumstances with which he is concerned are the nearer and more immediate circumstances of the telegram, and not the remoter ones. I propose to address myself for a moment to both, but first to those with which he is so closely concerned, the more immediate ones- How were the signatures collected, and by whom? This is the matter that has been made the subject of a number of suggestions and innuendoes but not, until the right hon. Gentleman read his brief, direct charges. As you, Sir, discouraged me that very day when this matter was first raised from making a statement, perhaps the House will forgive me if I go into the matter in some little detail. It will be noticed that the innuendoes, now the charges, have come solely from those who have had no knowledge whatever of the facts.
I was not the first to begin the collection of the signatures, and it would be wrong for me to claim the exclusive responsibility, indeed the honour, where a number of others are entitled to it. I can only speak of my own knowledge and my own acts. I took over the running of this combined endeavour at a stage where a number of signatures had already been collected. Coming in at that point I discussed the matter with a number of people, and approached a number of people. Some of them assented and some declined. In so simple a gesture as a friendly greeting to a brother Socialist Party and good wishes for the election, we did not even draft the precise terms of the message until quite a late stage.
The message, however, as finally drafted, was in the terms of a simple greeting and good wishes for the election. Nobody has ever suggested that in the event the message differed from that which was originally contemplated. About 30 Members dissented. All are available in the House and every one of them would, I am sure, say that, having declined, they did not see their names on the telegram. The refusals that I speak of were in terms that varied from slight uncertainty to a clear and definite refusal, and not one of those names appeared on the telegram. Of those who assented, some did so with conditions and some did unconditionally. Each one who assented to my approach I recorded in my own hand in writing at the time, and the conditions, if there were any. The nature of the conditions was, as is probably well-known, that there should be a certain number of supporters before the name of the particular Member should be attached to the message.
Throughout the time that I was canvassing the message, there were a number of others, outriders, themselves soliciting support and bringing in support, so that we were all concerned. Then, having reached a certain stage in the numbers, I, with two or three others, drafted the precise terms. I wrote them on a sheet of notepaper and in my own hand added to them the names of all those from whom I had obtained a positive assent. At that stage some quite new personalities came into action. They took over the going and obtained a further number of adherents. Under their sponsorship, the numbers increased rapidly until all the conditions were fulfilled. The names that they caused to be added were given to me, I am perfectly satisfied, in good faith, and I, for my part, received them in good faith.
So the telegram went off. If the right hon. Gentleman were to say that this was a haphazard, casual proceeding, I should agree with him at once. As he himself has pointed out, which one of us at some time or another has not given his oral assent to a motion, resolution or letter, and indeed I daresay, even on occasion, to a telegram? Which one of us will not do it again? What could be more normal among comrades? [ Laughter. ] I certainly mean comrades on both sides of the House, or I did until I realised that there is no such thing as comradeship on the other side. It is worth while remembering that, except this evening from the right hon. Gentleman, at no time, and above all between those who were directly concerned with the telegram, has any charge of bad faith ever been made. Least of all is that the case against myself. I draw attention to the fact that while the right hon. Gentleman is at pains, following, of course, his brief, to single me out for his polite attentions, when he read the statement from the newspaper not one of the hon. Gentlemen he referred to mentioned any name at all of any person who had approached them or had had dealings with them.
It has been suggested that some did not know the identity of the party or person to whom the message was being sent. I can only speak for myself. I understood, and every person whose adherence I gained understood, too. I will add this, since the right hon. Gentleman attaches such importance to it—I have said it before and not as he has, in the privileged shelter of the House of Commons—that so far as any signatures secured by me were concerned, no one was misinformed as to the contents of the message; no one was under a mistake as to the recipient of the message and no signatures, so far as I was concerned, and to the best of my knowledge so far as anyone else was concerned, were added improperly.
I turn now to the remoter circumstances. Why was the telegram sent? It may be that some will think, with the right hon. Gentleman, that this is not relevant to the Motion that has been put forward. I think it is. It would indeed be quite extraordinary if Signor Nenni were not to come into the picture at all. It is impossible to understand the circumstances in which the signatures were collected unless we remember that events were passing in Italy at the time. There was in progress a free election after the Western pattern. It was marked, as all such elections are, by the most vigorous and lavish propaganda from the Right. Unlike the ordinary elections to which we are accustomed, there was being added to it a foreign intervention of a character, unknown in modern times except for what we have recently seen in Greece. The Italian people were bribed, threatened, blackmailed, deceived and corrupted.
Dollars and damnation.
From these matters, hon. Gentlemen opposite are anxious to distract attention. The bribery was the offer of Trieste in defiance of treaty obligations. Hon. Members will have noted with interest that since what was, to them, the satisfactory outcome of the election, we have heard no more of that. The threat was that Mr. Marshall would stop the food if the people did not vote as he wished- The blackmail came from the Princes of the Church, who threatened to excommunicate humble peasants who, for the first time in their history, were raising themselves from their knees and shaking off the chains of their poverty.
The deceit, the bitterness of which we in Britain have not yet realised, was the false promise that Marshall Aid would solve all their problems. I have not mentioned battleships, aeroplanes, the armoured and armed police. The Italian Conservatives were making certain, with those to whom they were selling their country, that delivery would take place on the stipulated date. For the Socialists who understood these facts there was only one course possible, and that was to show by some gesture that Mr. Marshall and the Foreign Office did not speak for the whole of the British people. That was why the telegram was sent. I do not think there is any further help I can offer to the House; if there were I would gladly give it. I do not think there is any excuse for my detaining the House any longer. You may think, Mr. Speaker, as you have already ruled, that the sending of the telegram to Signor Nenni in no way impaired the dignity of the House, and if I may venture a humble opinion, the only thing that could now impair the dignity of this House would be the acceptance of the Motion put forward by Members opposite.
7.52 p.m.
I do not think any Member on this side of the House has ever maintained that Members have not the right to send a telegram to whom they please. That is not the issue at stake, neither is it the question of the expulsion of the hon. Member for Finsbury (Mr. Platts-Mills) from the Labour Party; nor are the Italian elections, the split in the Socialist Party in Italy, the victory of the Christian Democrats, or Trieste really relevant to the rather narrow Motion we are now discussing. The hon. Member for Finsbury must have depressed the Leader of the House a little by saying that he was sure his comrades would do it again. I cannot help thinking the right hon. Gentleman believed that he had stamped out this revolt. However, we will let that pass. The hon. Member also said that my right hon. Friend the Member for West Bristol (Mr. Stanley) was reading out a Tory Central Office brief. All I can say is that he is overpraising the Tory Central Office—
The hon. Member said that my right hon. Friend had made charges against certain Members on the other side of the House. But he did not make the charges. Surely the whole point is that the charges are implicit in the statements of the six Members which he read out, and what appears to be a direct conflict of evidence between what the hon. Member has said and what the other Members have said. The hon. Member for the Erdington Division of Birmingham (Mr. J. Silverman) who is one of those named in the telegram, said that this was a small matter. I would say that it is a matter of very considerable importance. There is not only the question of the honour of the Members concerned. This is not like putting down someone's name to an Amendment to take the Purchase Tax off electric stoves, which is one of the things that causes a lot of trouble, but is not of desperate importance. It is the difference between stealing a 2½d. stamp and forging a cheque for £2,000. Let us think what is happening in the country. Suppose that a civil servant had signed the equivalent to a Nenni telegram. He might very well come under the purge. Therefore, if someone's name is put down illegitimately to this telegram something is being done which may damage that man in his career for a long time to come, if not perpetually. It is not only a question of honour in putting down someone's name without his consent, but it is doing something which may be extremely dangerous to that man.
The origin of this telegram becomes increasingly obscure. The hon. and learned Member for North Hammersmith (Mr. Pritt) who is above or perhaps I should say below party, said that no one in particular suggested the sending of the telegram to Signor Nenni, but that it was a spontaneous move by those who thought and felt alike on this matter. Where we are left in the air by the hon. Member for Finsbury is that he has not said whether he took the names of the six Members in question, or whether one of the other people connected with him did so. If he says that he took them himself, then we have a direct conflict of testimony. If, on the other hand, he said that someone else took them, then I very much hope that the Member responsible will get up [ Laughter ]—hon. Members must realise the consequences of these things not being cleared up. The consequences are that someone is convicted of a breach of faith and honour—Members opposite may not attach much importance to that. The question is whether these signatures were put in illegimately by one of the organisers of the telegram, or whether the six Members simply lost their nerve when they saw what the consequences were going to be. Clearly, they saw there was safety in numbers and remembered that it is the banana that leaves the bunch that gets skinned. What we want to know is whether these Members, when they saw the thing was going against them, or that it was going to be damaging to them, denied something that was true, namely, that they gave their consent to this telegram. I do not think we can place much faith in those who say they thought they were supporting Signor Saragat. If the hon. Member for Finsbury approached an hon. Member there was not much doubt on which side he happened to be. So we cannot attach much importance to that.
There is clearly a conflict of testimony, and my right hon. Friend made a most cogent and clear plea for this to be properly cleared up by the machinery which has always been employed by this House in questions which affect its domestic honour. It is matter of great importance, and it should not go out from this House that it is possible, in a document of international importance, for people's names to be added illegimately, or that six Members have acceded to a certain course of action and then run away when it looked dangerous. Neither of these two things should go out without the full truth being known. After the speech of the hon. Member for Finsbury there is still a conflict of testimony, and therefore I very much hope that this House will decide upon a Select Committee
8.0 p.m.
The House is indebted to the hon. Member for Finsbury (Mr. Platts-Mills) for the speech he has just delivered. It was perfectly clear, and I would be the last person in the world to charge him with putting his signature to the telegram and then running away from it. His statement has left the position of the other Members concerned quite obscure. The hon. Member for Peterborough (Mr. Tiffany) is left in a very difficult position after that statement, because the statement of the hon. Member for Finsbury was to the effect, "I collected some of the signatures and I know that for them I have full authority. Other people collected some other signatures, but my authority does not cover those signatures." The hon. Member for Peterborough expressly repudiates the fact that he authorised his signature at all, and that places him in a difficult position.
The hon. Member for Finsbury will not be found in that position and would not tolerate this for himself. I certainly would not take part in any charge against the hon. Member for Finsbury in regard to that position, because it is not a role he will accept for himself. I cannot imagine either the hon. Member for Peterborough or any other of the hon. Members concerned accepting that position. This is a matter which concerns every Member of the House of Commons. Because of that, without any charge being laid at all against the hon. Member for Finsbury, and because it concerns the honour of those six Members, a Select Committee should be appointed to inquire into the facts, to express their opinion upon the facts and give those six Members a full opportunity of making their position clear both to the House and to the country.
8.2 p.m.
I feel that in this very important Debate the House should not turn itself into a Select Committee. We are not concerned in this Debate to try to ascertain the facts in this matter. The only proper consideration for us tonight is a point of principle, which I personally hold to be of immense importance and of far greater importance than has been indicated by any hon. Member tonight.
I should like to say at the outset that I am unable now to agree with the proposal that there should be a Select Committee, and I will give my reason for that. It is that I believe a Select Committee would necessarily carry with it a certain amount of party bias. It is perfectly obvious that Members of the House are deeply moved by the issues which divide the extreme Left and the Left from the Right and the extreme Right, and it is placing too great an onus on a Member of this House to ask him to be impartial on a Select Committee which is to ascertain facts, of such importance from a party political standpoint.
When I suggested on the first occasion that the best method of dealing with the matter would be to have an impartial tribunal, I meant it would be a tribunal so appointed that the facts could be independently established. I am going to deal with that principle in a moment. The first point I wish to make is that this telegram was a telegram of quite extraordinary importance. The Prime Minister himself has said that those who signed it were sabotaging the foreign policy of the Government. If I may give an illustration, it is not conduct like that of some Members who protested against the direction of labour, which in the result never took place. It is not as if we came to the House and said we objected. The parallel between the Nenni telegram and those who opposed direction of labour would occur only if we had incited people to disobey the direction of labour. There is all the difference in the world between legitimate objection to policy raised on the Floor of the House of Commons or in a party conference and actually intervening for the purpose of frustrating the object of the policy and, in the Prime Minister's words, sabotaging the policy.
rose —
I have a little yet to say—
Will the hon. Member give way on this point?
I will give way a little later on, but I want to get my main points out first.
The second point, which has not been alluded to at all, is the impossibility of any Member, whose name had been taken in vain, signifying that fact to the people upon whom the telegram was intended to operate. This telegram was sent on a Friday evening, and the names were not published until Saturday. Voting started on Saturday and it was utterly impossible for any of the hon. Members concerned to indicate to the Italian electorate that their names had been put to that telegram without their permission. That is a matter of exceedingly great importance because, in effect, this telegram was an attempt to influence a country of great importance in Europe in the Communist direction. It was an invitation to the people of Italy to join the Communist bloc. There is no possible way of denying that, and I cannot imagine anything more serious. I am not saying that there are not Members who are perfectly convinced that Europe ought to be Communist. What I am saying is that it is a serious matter to affix to a telegram inviting the Italians to join the Communist bloc, the signatures of Members of Parliament who never desired anything of the kind.
The hon. Member says that there is a difference between the Nenni telegram and legitimate criticism of Government policy. Is he aware that the hon. Member for Finsbury (Mr. Platts-Mills) was not expelled from the party for the Nenni telegram, but for what was considered legitimate criticism of Government policy.
I am well aware of the fact that the statement of the National Executive stated that the expulsion had nothing to do with the Nenni telegram. What I am trying to raise here is above any personal issue, and is not in any way an attempt to ascertain what we think the hon. Member for Finsbury did or did not do. It is wrong for us to consider that or to try to set ourselves up as a Select Committee. We are a House of Commons debating whether there should be a Committee.
I want at this stage to say one thing about a particular Member. I am not going to give evidence before the House and I would only give evidence to a Select Committee or to an impartial tribunal. Nevertheless it is wrong for the House to get a haphazard impression of one aspect of the matter. On the ground of his previous political record it is fantastic to suggest that the hon. Member for Central Newcastle (Mr. Wilkes) could possibly have signed this telegram. I say that on the ground of his political record. There was the test case, in. the Foreign Secretary's own words, in Europe, of Nicolai Petkov. At the time of that test case the hon. Member for Central Newcastle wrote a letter to "The Times" in which he not only tried to save the life of Nicola Petkov but also wrote words similar to these, "Those of us who belong to the Socialist movement rightly denounce Facism and any infringement of freedom from the Right, but if it occurs from the so-called Left we should be equally faithful to our traditions and our belief in freedom as well as in Socialism." It is inconceivable that an hon. Member who signed a letter like that, could sign a telegram inviting the Italians to set up in Italy the kind of regime which was responsible for the judicial murder of Nicolai Petkow.
indicated assent.
I am glad to see that the hon. Member for Central Newcastle assents by nodding his head. I am not expressing an opinion one way or another, but this matter has been left in this vague situation that the hon. Member for Finsbury has said—and he is entitled to say it—that so far as he was concerned he did not affix to the telegram the name of anybody who had not authorised him to use his signature. He also said that other people collected signatures. That only means that the charge is passed on to other heads assuming that the statement of the hon. Member is accepted.
I am going to try now to state shortly the main principles in which I believe. It is that it is high time in this country that the facts were known about international affairs. What happened up to 1939? As we now know, in 1938 an offer was made by President Roosevelt to Neville Chamberlain which led to the resignation of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Warwick and Leamington (Mr. Eden). Those facts were never told to the British people. Are the Labour Party going to behave like the Tories in 1938? One or two of them seem to want to conceal the facts. The working man is entitled to know the facts and have the facts independently ascertained. This is the important principle. It is a fraud on the electors to take action against an hon. Member and to say that we take this action upon grounds which are known only to 14 people. If we are to take action against an hon. Member, the facts ought to be established so that his own constituents know what they are. I dislike expulsion of any kind intensely.
If the hon. Member is suggesting that the electors of Finsbury do not fully understand the situation, I can assure him that he is quite mistaken.
May I say to the hon. Member for Finsbury that I have not tried to raise an issue about him personally in this matter. He has every right to go to his constituency and tell his constituents the facts, as he has done. I have no quarrel with him on the matter, but the principle which ought to be accepted by the House in general is that there should be an impartial investigation into all the facts which an hon. Member's constituents ought to know, and, above all—this is a matter of the greatest importance—into any facts which will enable those constituents to make up their minds as to the way in which the world is going today and as to the deadly menace of totalitarianism which exists even in this country and in too many countries. The hon. Member for Finsbury says that this matter of the Nenni telegram has nothing to do with it, but we are dealing with the telegram which was sent to the Italians asking them to join the Communist bloc. I have made my point and I will finish on this matter. My plea is—I am not going to vote—
Why not?
So long as I remain in this House, I will do everything I can to unearth all relevant facts whether they tend to be against the Tories or the Labour Party or any party, because I believe the people of this country are entitled to know the facts and are at least entitled to have honest men in this House who will stand above party—
Join the Tory Party.
—to find out the facts and let the public know those facts utterly regardless of any party advantage which may be obtained thereby.
8.15 p.m.
rose—
Here's another of them.
It is interesting to note that I am greeted with cries of "Here's another of them." The statement happens to be true, for, like the hon. Member for King's Norton (Mr. Blackburn), I am one of the Members for the City of Birmingham. This Debate has been very much interrupted by catcalls and interruptions from the benches opposite, which is perhaps the most informative part of it. Hon. Members opposite very rightly reprehended the strange and revolutionary doctrine emanating from King's Norton, that the electors should know the facts and should know where they are being led. In a democracy such as this certainly no such liberty ought to be allowed to them. They should be content to leave themselves in the hands of the Government and their authorities. I heard with very great interest the speech of the hon. Member for Finsbury (Mr. Platts-Mills) who said very straightforwardly, "I did it; it was a little irregular "—I use the word in no offensive sense—"I would do it again and so would every other hon. Member in this House from time to time."
The matter of a Select Committee with regard to this is not an issue put forward tonight. It was agitated for during the month of April and the Leader of the House waved it aside, pointing out that nothing of the kind was necessary because it was a matter of domestic discipline inside the Labour Party and the naughty people who had done this thing were going to be dealt with in a summary manner. That, I suppose, might be said to be some kind of a reason, if true, for not having investigation by the House. Let us see how far it has been carried out. The hon. Member for Finsbury was carefully selected as the scapegoat. He happened to represent a division which will expire shortly. There is therefore no danger whatever of his seeking the confidence of the electorate at the General Election and inflicting a blow on the party caucus.
It is perfectly safe to take him aside and assassinate him, particularly if at the same time we manage to befog the issue by quietly liquidating any attempt to express alarm in another direction. We have had it on the authority of the hon. Member, who should know, that he was not expelled from the party for this but for something entirely different. The power of party discipline promised by the Leader of the House comes down to this, that an hon. Member who is defenceless and cannot retaliate through the ballot box is expelled, not for this but for something else; and to make the weight even, another hon. Member is expelled for something quite different and various other naughty people who signed the telegram are all asked to write letters of recantation. They wrote them, with what I should call varying degrees of insubordination and recalcitrance, and, of course, their apologies were accepted.
Cheer up.
I can assure hon. Gentlemen opposite who are so anxious about my doleful spirits that I am very cheerful because I like to see people running true to form and confirming estimates I have formed of them. I expected that the Leader of the House would attempt to deal with the matter in this way and I am delighted to find that my estimate has been fulfilled and that he has done it.
8.19 p.m.
I had not intended to intervene in this Debate, but I was one of nine or ten hon. Members on this side of the House who on 19th April put their names to a Motion asking for a Select Committee on this matter. At that time, my views, and those of my hon. Friends, were that the allegations contained in the newspapers were of such a nature as to warrant the appointment of a Select Committee inquiry. In the days which followed I was persuaded that it was in fact a matter for internal action in the party, but, after hearing the speech of the hon. Member for Finsbury (Mr. Platts-Mills) I have changed my view completely. This House is now left in a wholly intolerable position. I was hoping—possibly in order to save myself the difficulty of walking into the Lobby with hon. Members opposite—that we should be satisfied by the speech made by the hon. Member for Finsbury that there had been, at the most, gross carelessness in this matter, but apparently there is something more important than that.
The hon- Member for Finsbury said that as far as he is aware—and I naturally accept it, and am glad to be able to accept it—no name was put on that telegram without the authority of the hon. Member concerned. But we still have before us the denials of at least six hon. Members of this House whose names were added to the telegram, according to their statements, without their consent. In those circumstances, I find myself in the position of being forced, in the absence of any further explanation which may come before the end of this Debate, to agree that a Select Committee is the most appropriate means of finding out just what is the truth.
The Question is—
8.22 p.m.
I am very sorry, I thought the Debate was going merrily on for some time to come and I thought it wise therefore to wait until the speeches had wholly or nearly exhausted themselves.
This is really quite a simple matter which the House has to decide. It is not whether certain hon. Members of Parliament have been misrepresented as to whether they did or did not sign a certain telegram, or consent to their names being appended. The real question is whether or not a matter of Parliamentary conduct is involved. Hon. Members may in another capacity do all sorts of things with which the House in its corporate capacity has no concern at all. As a matter of fact, the difficulties which have arisen within the Labour Party about the telegram might well have arisen if the signatories had not been Members of Parliament at all. Therefore, I say that the assumption in the Motion that the telegram was a House of Commons matter, is in my judgment wrong.
This was action outside the House of Commons, even if the telegram went from inside the Parliamentary precincts. It was not in pursuance of Parliamentary proceedings, it had nothing to do with the Parliamentary institution. It was an expression of opinion on the part of a certain number of persons in relation to an election which was proceeding in another country and as to which they expressed their own opinion as individuals. Whether they were wise in doing so or not, I am not going to Debate on this Motion tonight. But, they took that action as individuals, and did not pretend to express the view of the House of Commons. It was not action in pursuance of Parliamentary proceedings. It was individual action on the part of certain British citizens, as it might well have been, action on the part of other individual British citizens who were not Members of Par- liament. Therefore I start off by expressly denying that this is a matter for Parliamentary attention or a proper matter for investigation by a Select Committee. It is not. It is not action in pursuance of any proceedings of Parliament. As a matter of fact, this is implicit in the Ruling which was given by Mr. Speaker on 19th April when he very clearly said: prima facie arise, that surely confirms my view that this is not a Parliamentary matter, not a matter which concerns the corporate existence of the House of Commons, but was the individual action, taken collectively, of a certain number of British citizens in relation to an election which was proceeding overseas.
Is the right hon. Gentleman really asking the world to believe that these gentlemen did not hold themselves out to the Italian public as Members of Parliament?
They signed their names and happened to be Members of Parliament, but, with great respect to the hon. Member, that is utterly irrelevant to the point in dispute, because it is not a question of whether in fact they were Members of Parliament or not. The question is whether this action was taken in pursuance of proceedings in Parliament; I say it was not, and that therefore this is not a Parliamentary matter.
Why has it to be left to the Opposition to see that justice is done, as between the hon. Member for Finsbury (Mr. Platts-Mills), on the one hand, and other hon. Members, on the other, so that it may be shown whether the hon. Member for Finsbury is wrong and they are right in the dispute as to whether they authorised their signatures to be appended? Why does the right hon. Member for West Bristol (Mr. Stanley) want to come in as the champion of these parties to a perfectly quiet and gentle discussion, which has been proceeding for some weeks past? If anyone has a grievance; if hon. Members who assert that they had nothing to do with the telegram, wish to pursue the complaint that their names have been used, I could understand it, but it is the case that none of these six hon. Members who have been so frequently referred to has made any complaint at all. They have not come to the House and said, 'Please protect us and vindicate our names as against this claim of the hon. Member for Finsbury that we have appended our names to the telegram." They have not come weeping around but have taken it like men—
Like what?
—and women. The Opposition must not come crying round and say what a dreadful thing it is that they have to protect these hon. Members against the hon. Member for Finsbury, who is alleged to have used their names in vain or, if vindicated of such suspicion or charge, then the hon. Members concerned must be alleged to have said something which is not true. But they have not complained. They are the people with a grievance, and with great respect to the right hon. Member for West Bristol, and other hon. Members of the Conservative Party opposite, when hon. Friends of mine are experiencing difficulty and want help from the Tory Party they will ask for it. So far as I know, they have not asked for it. I certainly have not asked for it, and on behalf of all of us I say that I resent this intrusion into a matter which is no business of the Tory Party. It is a waste of energy on their part. They would do far better to devote their time to trying to get a policy—
If I am not troubling the Leader of the House too much to bring him back to the subject in hand and away from the atmosphere of Scarborough, I would like to ask him a question. Is he really trying to convince us that if five or six Members of this House whose names have been used wrongly—and that is widely accepted by the House—do not complain to the Chief Whip and the Leader of their party and thus maintain their honour, then the question of their honour is not the concern of the whole House?
I say with respect to the hon. Gentleman, whose interest in these matters both as a Member of Parliament and as a journalist is well known, that I should have thought that if anybody wants to make a complaint, if anybody wants to plead for the protection of the House, it is the Members concerned, and they have not done so. As I was about to say, I think that the Conservative Party, the official Opposition, are wasting their energies and that they would be far better occupied in seeking to find a policy in the true interests of the country on wider issues than this.
On a point of Order. May I ask for your guidance and ruling, Sir, as to whether the alleged lack of a general policy on the part of the Tory Party is relevant or material to this discussion?
A good many things which were not altogether relevant may have been said from both sides of the House.
I assure you, Sir, that I did not intend to say another word on the subject. In fact, I do not think that there is anything more to be said on that. Therefore, I cannot see that there is any relevance in this matter at all to the corporate honour or to the existence of the House of Commons. With respect, I think that the attitude of hon. Members opposite is all wrong. There is one other point. The Opposition are getting into a habit, when anything slightly unusual blows up, of wanting to move that a Select Committee be appointed. We have had a lot of Select Committees. We have had a lot of cases sent to the Committee of Privileges. We have had an interesting time in this Parliament on these matters. [ Interruption. ) I am not blaming the Tory Party—
The right hon. Gentleman just said that the Opposition moved these things. We did not move for a Committee of Privilege.
I think that there has been a tendency on these matters to get Select Committees appointed, and the Government have agreed. It is becoming a little bit of a habit. It does not follow that upon every issue upon which the facts may be in doubt, or even upon issues in which the reputation of hon. Members in their personal capacity is involved, we should appoint a Select Committee. In this connection, I will quote some words which the Leader of the Opposition, who is always useful on all conceivable occasions, uttered when the noble Lord the Member for Horsham (Earl Winterton) was asking for the appointment of a Select Committee on certain matters related to administration in the Air Ministry. Whilst the case is not strictly relevant to the one now before the House, nevertheless, it does rebut the idea that when there is a bit of excitement about and when there may be issues between hon. Members on certain matters of fact, we should have Select Committees. This was a matter concerning administration in the Air Ministry, and the Leader of the Opposition, then Prime Minister, was rejecting the idea that every sort of Parliamentary complaint must be resolved by the appointment of a Select Committee. This is what the right hon. Gentleman said in the House on 7th March 1945:
"How do the hon. Members say, 'No, no'? If we are challenged, if we advise against a Select Committee and we are challenged, the reason is because our solemn statement, given in all honesty and good faith, is challenged and doubted by the House. I am not blaming the noble Lord; I should not hesitate to express my view contrary to the Government if I were free to do so, but to pretend that there have been deployed any sufficient grounds or any sufficient evidence or to pretend that there is at the present time any great body of Parliamentary opinion in favour of a Select Committee is, in my view, quite incorrect."
If I may say so, I think that these are the circumstances with which we are faced tonight. Indeed, the speech of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Bristol, as to at least half of it, was not a serious speech at all. He was having a little fun. He was having a night out. We all thoroughly enjoyed it, and so did he. But to take that as a serious demand for a Select Committee is wrong. The right hon. Gentleman the then Prime Minister added this:
"I have only two more minutes to speak, and I will devote them to my noble Friend, the Father of the House. There are two aspects of his conduct in this matter which surprise me. The first I have already touched upon—the foolishness of the rule which he seeks to establish, of the automatic reference of any charge to a Select Committee. Such a lack of Parliamentary comprehension is lamentable.…"
Doubtless the right hon. Gentleman will remember that my most valuable colleague on that occasion was the Minister of Health.
I had forgotten, but I can imagine that it is just conceivable. If it had not been the Minister of Health, it might conceivably have been the Secretary of State for War. Those of us who were Members of the wartime Parliament remember what a good time was had by many who occupied the Benches opposite. The right hon. Gentleman went on:
"Such a lack of Parliamentary comprehension is lamentable in one who possesses unique claims to be our guide and mentor. The second is the levity which has allowed my noble Friend to lend his weight to a demand for a Select Committee on the outpourings of the hon. Member for Mossley.…"
At that time that was Mr. Hopkinson—
"… without ever having taken the slightest trouble to find out for himself whether any substance lies behind them. On both those grounds, his action is to be deplored. He is a comparatively young Father of the House; he has many years of life before him. We still hope they may be years of useful life in this House, but unless in the future his sagacity and knowledge of the House are found to be markedly superior to what he has exhibited today, I must warn him that he will run a very grave risk of falling into senility before he is overtaken by old age."—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 7th March, 1945; Vol. 408, c. 2192–4.]
I confess that I do not claim that every word in that extract is strictly relevant, but I think the spirit of it is relevant, because the spirit of that argument is that the House must not get into the habit of setting up Select Committees and must put up with these little misunderstandings, such as this which has arisen in this matter. I submit to the House with great earnestness that this is not a proper matter for a Select Committee. It was not action taken in connection with any proceeding in Parliament. It was a matter properly dealt with domestically by one of the great political parties in the State. It was dealt with by that political party's Executive, and reported to its own annual conference, and it was all settled with a speed and in an atmosphere of sweetness and light that was a positive example to Parliament itself. Therefore, while I think it is all right to have this sort of Oxford Union night now and again, even though it is a little bit belated and out of date, I suggest that this Motion should not be taken seriously. There is room to believe that it was not moved seriously and that it is not intended to be taken seriously. But, if the Opposition wish to have a Division, it is perfectly competent for them to do so, though, in that case, I should advise the House to reject the Motion as unworthy of Parliamentary consideration.
8.41 p.m.
I rise if only to disabuse the right hon. Gentleman of the idea that this Motion is not proposed seriously from these benches. It is proposed seriously, and I think I must say at the outset, at any rate for myself, and I sincerely believe for all my hon. and right hon. Friends, that the right hon. Gentleman is entirely mistaken in thinking that in bringing this matter to the attention of this House of Commons, which, after all, still contains a considerable majority of the Labour Party in it, we are in any way animated by a desire to score party points at the expense of their internal difficulties.
With the exception of the first few minutes, I have listened carefully to the whole of this Debate. I should have said that its most marked characteristic on both sides—and from the point of view of the hon. Member for Finsbury (Mr. Platts-Mills), who must have felt very deeply when speaking and for whom many of us feel very deeply, although we may differ from him—that its marked characteristic has been the almost total absence on either side of party points, except from the Leader of the House, who, at the conclusion of his speech, pursued a policy of mixed irrelevance, buffoonery and partisanship which has, in fact, marred his whole leadership of this House.
I do beg the House to believe that I, at any rate, and I make no doubt all those who have spoken, with that one exception, have been inspired, in moving or resisting this Motion, by nothing so much as the desire to see the honour of this House maintained, and, in view of the attitude of the right hon. Gentleman, whose long series of speeches in concluding Debates in this Parliament has, I am afraid, driven me to the conclusion that the honour of the House of Commons is something for which he cares very little indeed, I must remind him that, at any rate, in my opinion, one of the most telling speeches in favour of this Motion was that by his own hon. Friend the Member for Hitchin (Mr. Asterley Jones). It is not only the fact that, of the speeches which were in substance in favour of the Motion and actually in favour of the Motion, his was perhaps one of the most remarkable, but the hon. Member for King's Norton (Mr. Blackburn), also who only announced his intention of not supporting the Motion on the somewhat narrow ground that the tribunal selected by the Motion was not the proper one, said a great number of things which I thought could be, and which the hon. Member must have appreciated could be, legitimately used in favour of an inquiry of the kind now proposed, or, at any rate, some impartial tribunal.
Of all the unconvincing answers to Debates of which the right hon. Gentleman has given us so many notable exemplars in the last three years, this was one of the most unconvincing to which we have ever been condemned to listen, and perhaps the most unconvincing point of all was the suggestion—which, if he will forgive me for borrowing a weapon from his armoury, I find it difficult to believe he wants the House to take seriously—that it was for the six hon. Members concerned to make their complaint in this matter and move for a Select Committee.
In one thing, I absolutely agree with every word which the right hon. Gentleman has said- The most remarkable feature of this Debate, in my opinion, has been the failure of any one of these six hon. Gentlemen, as I suppose I must call them, to come to this House and make a statement. What the Leader of the House did not wholly appreciate about this Motion is that it is not introduced by anybody to protect these six hon. Gentlemen against the hon. Member for Finsbury. On the contrary, I say here and now that, if and in so far as there is any conflict of evidence between the hon. Member for Finsbury, whom I have known for many years in various capacities, and any one of those six hon. Members, I unhesitatingly accept the evidence of the hon. Member for Finsbury, just as I unhesitatingly reject as unworthy the denials made out of doors but not repeated here by those six hon. Members who have not ventured to speak tonight.
The case for this Select Committee rests in the fact that the conduct of these six hon. Members is very much open to public question. It is because we want to know the truth which underlies their denial that we urge the House to accept the Motion for a Select Committee, and it is because we believe that not only the workers, as the hon. Member for King's Norton suggested, but the whole of the people of this country and this House are entitled to know what manner of men represent them in the House of Commons, how they have behaved in this matter and how they have acted after their conduct came in question from their own party. Because we believe that, we think this Motion is one that should be accepted.
How does this matter rest now? The situation is that we have heard what seemed to me, from his own point of view, to be a manly and forthright speech from the hon. Member for Finsbury, who categorically denied that any signature he obtained was obtained in any manner to which any hon. Member might have attached the least censure whatever. May I say that, as far as I am concerned, I accept that denial from him, but unfortunately, that does not conclude the matter, because the hon. Member for Finsbury, doubtless for reasons of delicacy, with which I can sympathise but with which I do not agree in this particular connection, did not tell us whether the signatures which he obtained, and he admitted that he had obtained some, included any of the six hon. Members who have denied that their signatures were being given. I should willingly give way if he would be prepared now to give the House that information.
I can understand and respect the reasons—although I do not agree with them—which may be responsible for the hon. Member's silence. The fact is that the House has not been allowed to know whether those six Members' signatures were obtained by the hon. Member for Finsbury or by some other of those associated with him who promoted this telegram. I believe that the House ought to insist upon the right to know, and that the proper machinery for doing so—
Is it not quite obvious that if hon. Members opposite were at all serious in wanting a Select Committee, they could not possibly now be asking to have in detail the type of evidence which they would want given before the Select Committee? That factor, coupled with the respect that we would all have for the Select Committee if it were to be set up, must impose a certain reticence about the details and the personalities at this stage.
The hon. Gentleman will forgive my saying that he has completely missed the point. We are entitled to know now the facts upon which we are to accept or reject the proposal for a Select Committee. Of course, if the hon. Gentleman is going to tell us now that the six signatures were obtained by him, and if he is going to retract the denial that he gave that they were obtained without the consent of the six hon. Members, there will be nothing more to decide, because he will have admitted his guilt. However, I do not for a moment suppose that that is his purpose. I am prepared to assume in his favour, because whatever he may say about us personally here, I shall always have a great respect for him personally, and the last thing I should like to do would be to say anything which would wound or injure somebody who has already suffered in rather high measure for the sins of others.
The only point I am desiring to make on this aspect of the matter is this: he has denied that any of the signatures which he obtained were obtained without the consent and full understanding of those who gave them. Six hon. Members whose names appeared upon that most important document have denied that they gave their consent. I should have thought the House was entitled to a statement from the hon. Member for Finsbury, who must know the answer, as to whether the signatures which he obtained did include those of the six Members or not, in order that we may understand the exact extent of this conflict of evidence which exists. However, as the hon. Member will not tell us, surely we are entitled to find out for ourselves by the machinery provided in cases of this sort. If he will not tell us, surely the position is this: we have got to the stage where six hon. Members have asserted that their signatures were obtained in an improper manner, and we cannot find out which amongst us has done that dishonourable thing of attaching the signatures of Members of the House of Commons to an important political document without their consent.
If the hon. Gentleman will look at the quotations that were made by the right hon. Member for West Bristol (Mr. Stanley), he will find that they do not for one moment support the assertions that the hon. Gentleman is now making. The terms of the denials were quite explicit. They do not in any way support the burden of the hon. Gentleman's argument.
This is a most extraordinary intervention. If there is one thing which I should have thought was absolutely certain, it is that each one of those six Members had conveyed the meaning, had intended to convey the meaning, and had categorically stated that in fact their minds did not go with their signatures on that occasion. Having regard to what the hon. Member for Finsbury has told us this evening, that is only consistent with the view that their signatures were obtained in an improper manner. What I am saying is that we cannot allow it to go forward from this House of Commons that living in our midst and practising amongst us are Members who would knowingly attach the signatures of hon. Members to documents of this importance without obtaining their full assent to it. We must know who is telling the truth and who is not telling the truth, because all the people who have made statements of one kind and another in connection with this matter cannot have been entirely accurate in their recollections. The right hon. Gentleman the Leader of the House seeks to ride off this important matter by two wholly tawdry and hypocritical excuses. The first is that this does not matter very much after all. "We always have these little misunderstandings," he says —that happy phrase which he uses, on this occasion apparently to designate forgery—
On a point of Order, Mr. Deputy-Speaker. May I ask for your guidance? It has been suggested, although the hon. Members are not specified, that at least one of the hon. Members is guilty of forgery. In view of the fact that I remember being involved some time ago in an incident in this House when I was very sharply called to Order for making an unsubstantiated allegation of that kind, I want to ask whether it is in Order for the hon. Member for Oxford (Mr. Hogg) to use the word "forgery" in the context that he did, and if it is not in Order ought he not to withdraw if?
I did not gather that the hon. Member made any allegation of forgery. I understood that all he said was that such an allegation had been made and the House has heard the Debate, and is in a position to make up its own mind on that subject.
If I may say so with the greatest respect, Mr. Deputy-Speaker, you were entirely right, as you always are. I am only sorry that the hon- Member for Bilston (Mr. Nally) should have got a contrary impression.
Further to that point of Order, Mr. Deputy-Speaker, I thought I heard the hon. Gentleman say that the "misunderstandings" to which the Lord President of the Council referred so lightly included forgery. If that is not a charge of forgery, what in the world is it?
So far as I am aware, no allegation of forgery was made against any specific Member of this House. In my view, I am not therefore required to call the hon. Member to Order.
Are we to understand that one can charge the general assembly of Members of this House generally with forgery and get away with it?
No such allegation was made.
I am obliged to you for making the position so plain, Mr. Deputy-Speaker. We are not discussing a little misunderstanding. It is, in fact, the claim by six hon. Members that their signatures, obtained presumably by Members of this House—I think we can make that inference—went out to the Italian people as supporting a policy which was in fact, so we now understand, wholly contrary to what they do support, and without their proper consent and understanding having been obtained. The right hon. Gentleman may say that this is an unhappy little misunderstanding of the kind which happens from time to time in the Labour Party, and that it is really very rude of the Tories to inquire into the matter when they themselves are not troubled in this way. I do not quite understand his point of view. The right hon. Gentleman the Leader of the House will forgive me if I say that what we are concerned about is neither to help nor to damage the Labour Party, but to elucidate as fairly as we can, facts which affect the honour of this House.
That brings me to the last argument which the right hon. Gentleman thought right to use. There again, I must say that if anybody was not treating this House seriously it was the right hon. Gentleman when he put forward this childish, this babyish piece of hypocritical rubbish. He merely insults his hon. Friends by thinking that even they could swallow everything he tells them. I think they are more intelligent than he, supposes, and I am going to say that I am absolutely convinced that if anybody supposes that that telegram was sent for any other reason than that the signatories were Members of Parliament, were known to be Members of Parliament, and because the fact that they were known to be Members of Parliament was likely to produce an effect in Italy, he ought to be expelled from this House and relegated to a rural district council.
On a point of Order. Is it in Order for an hon. Member of this House to direct such quite obviously damaging and slanderous insults at rural district councils?
The hon. Member for Bilston (Mr. Nally) has again misunderstood me and assaults his right hon. Friend. I think the right hon. Gentleman would be quite an ornament to a rural district council. I understand that he has considerable experience of local government and when he has gone to a rural district council for his mishandling of national politics, I might even listen to some of his speeches with a little more enthusiasm than that with which I have listened to his speech tonight.
9.3 p.m.
The final part of the speech of the hon. Member for Oxford (Mr. Hogg) would have been unnecessary had he noticed that as he rose to his feet to catch the Deputy-Speaker's eye, I did so also.
One honourable man in six.
On a point of Order. An allegation has been made. The hon. Member for Oxford (Mr. Hogg) referred to six honourable Members. There were two hon. Members opposite who just now quite distinctly said, "One hon. Member in six"—the inference being that the other five Members of this House were not entitled to that description. The noble Lord the Member for Horsham (Earl Winterton) was among those who made that remark. I want to ask for your quite serious Ruling, Mr. Deputy-Speaker. It was quite obvious that that remark was made—"One honourable Member in six"—with an aspersion on the other five, whoever they may be. I want to ask whether that sort of comment was in Order.
Any imputation of any kind by one hon. Member against another is clearly undesirable and frequently unparliamentary, and if any such suggestion was made, it ought to be withdrawn.
I do not know whether the hon. Member for Bilston (Mr. Nally) was referring to anything I said, but if he was, let me say at once that I do not intend now to impute any want of honour to any particular hon. Members of the House. I was merely congratulating the hon. Member who was, in fact, speaking —the hon. Member for Newcastle-upon-Tyne (Mr. Wilkes)—on being the first of the six hon. Members to demonstrate his honour.
Mr. Wilkes.
If I may be allowed to continue where I left off, the Leader of the House stated that hon. Members whose names had been put to this telegram had made no complaint. It so happens that I have done very little but complain about this matter since I opened the "Daily Herald" one Saturday and saw my name there- Within 15 minutes I got on to the "Daily Herald" and within about 25 minutes on the Saturday morning I got on to the Labour Party Central Headquarters in London- On coming to the House the first thing I did was to see the Whips. I telephoned the local Press long before the local Press knew anything about it. Indeed, they did not know what I was talking about at that juncture on that Saturday, and all I could say then was, "You will hear a great deal about it, even though you may not know anything about it now."
I really find it extraordinary that it should go about that hon. Members have made no complaint. The hon. Member for Kings Norton (Mr. Blackburn) drew attention to a letter which I wrote to "The Times" protesting against the judicial murder of Nikolai Petkov and, of course, it is quite true that, having protested against certain executions in Greece, I felt it only right that I should protest against executions elsewhere behind the iron curtain because—I hope hon. Members will not think this irrelevant to the Debate—there is nothing more insidious in the world of politics today than to play up or play down judicial murder according to whether we sympathise, or think we do, with the politics of the judge or the victim.
Here let me say at once, and very quickly, that I have never made any imputations at all against the hon. Member for Finsbury (Mr. Platts-Mills). What I have always said took place at this particular juncture was a mistake and a misunderstanding. I said that from the very beginning- Those who know the hon. Member for Finsbury know perfectly well that, however much we may differ from him, in some aspect of politics, we know him to be a man of personal honour. I myself have taken the view throughout this that a mistake has been made, and I take that view tonight.
Shortly after being approached by the hon. Member for Finsbury to sign this message, I reported the fact to the hon. Member for Colchester (Mr. Charles Smith) on the Wednesday—this was the Wednesday before the particular Saturday—and I told him that I had withheld my consent and had refused. The hon. Member for Colchester has been good enough to say that he perfectly well recalls my saying I would not have anything to do with it, and he has authorised me to say that to the House. Later in the evening of this same Wednesday, I was in conversation with the hon. Member for Stockton-on-Tees (Mr. Chetwynd). The hon. Member asked me whether I had seen this message which was being sent round, and I said indeed I had and I had refused to have anything to do with it. The hon. Member for Stockton-on-Tees has been good enough to state that he perfectly well remembers this conversation of the Wednesday night and has kindly given me authority to mention it here tonight.
This was on the Wednesday night. At half past nine I left the House, and I was away from the House on the Thursday and Friday, unfortunately. Not until I opened the "Daily Herald" on the Saturday morning did I find my name there In a few minutes I was on to the local Press, and the Central Labour Party's Headquarters, and did all I could to put the mistake right. I want to make it perfectly clear that in this matter, in my view, a mistake has been made. I make no charges against anyone in this matter. However, I did think, in my interests, in the interests of the House, and in the interests of the hon. Member for Finsbury, that I ought to make this short statement to the House tonight.
9.11 p.m.
I also should like to make a short personal statement- I do not understand the cries of the hon. Gentlemen opposite after their attempt to taunt us to explain the position. Like my hon. Friend the Member for Central Newcastle (Mr. Wilkes), I believe that this arises chiefly as the result of a misunderstanding. So far as I am concerned, I think it was something like 10 days or a fortnight before the telegram was sent that I was standing in the Central Lobby waiting for a visitor and the hon. Member for Finsbury (Mr. Platts-Mills) came along and spoke to me. A very casual conversation started by his asking me if I would go to the pictures to see a new German film. I said, "No." He went on to discuss the situation in Europe- So far as I recollect, the suggestion was made that some gesture should be made to the Nenni Socialists. I showed certain sympathy with that point of view. I will be honest about it. I have said so in my constituency since. It is known in the House and in my constituency that in certain aspects of foreign policy I agree with the hon. Member for Finsbury. However, I categorically state here and now that I on no occasion gave the hon. Member for Finsbury any authority to use my name.
That was the last contact I had with the hon. Member—about two or three minutes' conversation—until I read that my name had been placed among the signatures on the telegram sent to the Nenni Socialists. When the canvassing was made for signatures I was in my constituency on the Thursday and Friday of that week. So far as I am concerned the position is this. When I had my conversation with the hon. Member for Finsbury some fortnight before, the attitude of the Labour Party to the Saragat and Nenni Socialists had not been defined. I still think that my party was wrong in transferring its allegiance when it did so. I conveyed to the hon. Member for Finsbury a fortnight before that I was in sympathy with his point, but if he had come along and showed me his telegram and asked me to append my signature a fortnight later I should have refused to do so, because my party had taken this attitude. The signature of an hon. Member of Parliament is an important signature, and I do not think that anyone—any Member of Parliament—should allow his name to be appended to a telegram which he has never even seen. Although I had some sympathy with sending it, I did not append my name and gave no authority for my name to be used.
Would the hon. Gentleman let me ask him one question that might assist the House? Does the hon. Gentleman remember saying to a professional colleague and to his wife, whose letter he knows of, whose letter I hold in my hand, just after he had given his adherence to the telegram, that he had just seen me, and he talked jubilantly, and informed that professional colleague and the colleague's wife that he had just given his adherence, and was himself canvassing for further support?
That charge having been made, it is only right I should reply.
The hon. Gentleman misunderstood me. I was making no charge at all. I asked him if he knew of that letter, and what he thought of it.
I have made my statement to the House, and I stand by that statement. If the House would like me to go further into it I certainly shall.
On a point of Order. May I ask whether this cross-examination of one hon. Member by another is to be allowed to go on? Is this not a case for a Select Committee of inquiry?
That is a matter for the House to decide in due course.
9.17 p.m.
I must ask the Leader of the House where we now stand. I have been a Member of this House for as long as and even longer than he has, and I have never, in my experience, listened to anything that has had any parallel to the last 25 minutes. Hon. Members have been getting up in one quarter of the House and the other and contradicting each other on this matter of direct evidence. I have felt all along, as I told the right hon. Gentleman at the very beginning, that there was, in my belief, a call for some investigation of this matter. Can anyone doubt that there is a call for it now. Does not the right hon. Gentleman think that, in view of the exchanges between hon. Members behind him, he should reconsider his decision? I can hardly think that he himself, after the speeches by the hon. Member for Hitchin (Mr. Asterley Jones) and others, can think that it is proper for the House to leave the matter in this way.
Are we not to have an answer?
I have listened to the whole of this Debate, and I must say that during part of it I was not particularly convinced that a case for a Select Committee had been entirely made out. I would make this plea to the Leader of the House—that after the last 25 minutes he should think very seriously indeed. The honour of the House now really is at stake. After the cross-examination by the hon. Member for Finsbury (Mr. Platts-Mills) of the hon. Member for East Wolverhampton (Mr. Baird) I should be very unhappy indeed, as a Member of this House, if this matter were not cleared up by a Select Committee being appointed.
I can only say a few words by the leave of the House. I say that what has taken place within the last 20 minutes or so does not affect my judgment in the slightest degree. It is not a question as to whether one hon. Member says one thing and another hon. Member says another thing. It is not a matter of whether they contradict each other as to the facts which are under consideration. It is a question whether this is a matter which arises out of proceedings in Parliament. I say that it does not. Therefore, it is my case that it would be wrong and inappropriate for a Select Committee to be appointed, and what has happened within the last 20 minutes has nothing whatever to do with it.
rose —
Sit down.
I will not sit down. Members of this House take the view that we should not have a Select Committee of Inquiry because the action of these signatories or alleged signatories did not arise out of their position on the Floor of this House. Is it not the case that the signatures on the telegram had one value and one value only, and that was that they were the signatures of Members of Parliament?
If I may say so, that is irrelevant as well.
May I ask why?
Like the right hon. Gentleman, I can only speak again with the leave of the House. I do not want to say more than two or three sentences. I really do ask the right hon. Gentleman to reconsider what he has just said. He must have understood, as I have understood—I am in the recollection of the House like he is—that the cross-examination by the hon. Member for Finsbury (Mr. Platts-Mills) of the statement of the hon. Member for East Wolverhampton (Mr. Baird) does put us in an entirely different position. I cannot fail to say that anyone of experience of this House should not be content to go home now and leave thematter like this. I say frankly that I did not like that cross-examination, or anything about it; it seemed to me reminiscent of some of the things about which I had heard else- where. I did not like it, and all my sympathies are with the hon. Member for East Wolverhampton.
Surely, we cannot just leave the matter in that way. If the Leader of the House wants time to consider it, so be it. I think it would be perfectly fair for the Leader of the House to say, "This is a new consideration, and I must have time to consider it." I beg him not to slam down this appeal, because I am sure that if he does he will do a disservice to the House, for whose traditions I know he cares and whose servant he is as Leader of the House.
Might I add something, to make my position plain?
No.
This is a tree House.
The hon. Member is only entitled to speak again if he has the leave of the House.
With the leave of the House, might I make my position quite clear?
No.
I think it is clear that the hon. Member has not the leave of the House.
Yes.
rose —
Sit down.
Hon. Members may wish to shout me down, but is there any person in this House who will not allow an hon. Member to make a personal statement in the House?
I can call on the hon. Member, but I must in duty bound inform the House that if there is a dissentient voice, then the hon. Member is not entitled to speak again. That, of course, applies in all cases. Mr. Baird.
No.
Shame.
On a point of Order. Would it not be in the interests of the House if the hon. Member who had the indecency to say "No" declared himself.
I want to declare that I said "No."[HON. MEMBERS: "Shame."] I did so on the ground that my hon. Friend the Member for Finsbury (Mr. Platts-Mills) was not allowed to say what he wanted to say at the Scarborough Conference.
rose —
On a point of Order. Is it still your Ruling, Mr. Deputy-Speaker, that the hon. Member for East Wolverhampton (Mr. Baird) cannot make a personal statement?
That is not merely my Ruling, but is the invariable practice of the House.
May I ask you, Major Milner, if there is nothing in the Rules of Order of this House which will allow the hon. Member for East Wolverhampton (Mr. Baird)—who is undoubtedly now standing under a very grave charge—to make a reply and a personal statement?
Further to that point of Order. Is it not the case that an hon. Member may not speak a second time in Debate under the rule that a single dissentient voice can prevent it; but is it not always within the authority of the Chair, with or without the consent of any hon. Member, to allow a personal explanation of any kind?
The hon. and learned Member is in error. The occupant of the Chair is the servant of the House, and the rule is that in the event of there being a dissentient voice it is not permissible for an hon. Member to make a second speech. On this occasion there was a dissentient voice, and I am afraid it is not, therefore, open to the hon. Member for East Wolverhampton (Mr. Baird) to make a second speech- He may, of course, seek other opportunities of making it or he may ask the leave of the House tomorrow, or on any other day, to make a personal statement.
I cannot help feeling, even at this late hour, that a further plea should be made to the Government to reconsider their position. Here we are, in a situation where the Rules of the House which you, Major Milner, have interpreted—an interpretation which I do not question—prevent valuable evidence being given and a personal statement being made. I must say that I should be only too willing to give way to the hon. Member for East Wolverhampton (Mr. Baird) if he wished to make a statement.
That decision is not for the hon. Member for Lonsdale (Sir I. Fraser).
9.25 p.m.
May I make my position quite clear? When, some 10 days or a fortnight before the telegram was sent, I was approached by the hon. Member for Finsbury we had a general conversation, lasting two or three minutes, about the position in Italy, and he suggested making some gesture to the Nenni Socialists. I, at that time, on the spur of the moment, showed a certain amount of agreement with him, but in no way pledged myself to sign any telegram; nor was m1y signature asked for to any telegram. Immediately afterwards my guests arrived—a professional friend, who is a member of the Communist Party, and his wife—and I pointed out that the hon. Member for Finsbury and I had been speaking about the Italian situation and that he had suggested making some gesture to the Italian Socialists. As far as I was concerned the matter finished there, and I heard no more about it; I had no further contact with the hon. Member for Finsbury or any of his friends.
The next thing I knew was when my name was published in the Press as having signed a telegram to the Nenni Socialists. I neither saw the telegram nor signed it. Furthermore, the position was completely changed, as far as my party loyalty was concerned during that fortnight. When I expressed sympathy with the Nenni Socialists—and I still express sympathy with that point of view—as far as I knew my party was pledged to support the Nenni Socialists. During that fortnight my party changed its point of view and if I had been asked to sign the telegram when it was sent I would certainly not have signed it.
rose —
I think the hon. Member has spoken—
With all respect, I was in the middle of a speech. In view of this conflicting evidence, which seems to get worse as every minute passes, the right hon. Gentleman the Leader of the House ought to reconsider this matter.
I want to make only one observation in which I should like the attention of the Leader of the House. By his conduct of affairs in the last half hour he has done deep discredit to the House of Commons and to his own party.
Question put,
"That a Select Committee be appointed to inquire into, and to report upon, the circumstances in which the names of Members of this House are alleged to have been added without their consent to a telegram sent on the 16th April to Signor Nenni."
The House divided: Ayes, 106; Noes, 221.
Division No. 158.] AYES. 9.28 p.m. Agnew, Cmdr. P. G. Grimston, R. V. Orr-Ewing, I. L Amory, D. Heathcoat Haughton, S. G Paget, R. T. Astor, Hon. M. Hogg, Hon. Q. Peto, Brig. C. H. M Baxter, A B. Hollis, M. C. Poole, 0. B. S. (0swestry) Bennett, Sir P. Hope, Lord J. Raikes, H. V. Birch, Nigel Howard, Hon. A. Ramsay, Maj. S Bossom, A. C Hulbert, Wing-Cdr. N. J. Rayner, Brig. R Bower, N. Jeffreys, General Sir G. Reed, Sir S. (Aylesbury) Boyd-Carpenter, J. A. Jones, P. Asterley (Hitchin) Roberts, Emrys (Merioneth) Braithwaite, Lt.-Comdr. J. G Joynson-Hicks, Hon. L W Roberts, H. (Handsworth) Bromley-Davenport, Lt. Col. W Keeling, E. H. Robinson, Roland Buchan-Hepburn, P. G. T. Lancaster, cat C. G. Ropner, Col. L. Byers, Frank Langford-Holt, J Ross, Sir R. D. (Londonderry) Carson, E. Law, Rt. Hon. R. K. Shepherd, W. S. (Bucklow) Challen, C. Legge-Bourke, Maj. E. A. H Smith, E. P. (Ashford) Clarke, Col. R. S. Lennox-Boyd, A. T. Smithers, Sir W. Clifton-Brown, Lt.-Col G. Lindsay, M. (Solihull) Stanley, Rt. Hon. 0. Crookshank, Capt. Rt. Hon. H. F. C. Lucas, Major Sir J. Stoddart-Scott, Col. M Crowder, Capt. John E Lucas-Tooth, Sir H. Sutcliffe, H. Cuthbert, W. N. Macdonald, Sir P. (I. of Wight) Teeling, William Davidson, Viscountess McGovern, J. Touche, G. C Delargy, H. J. Maclean, F. H. R. (Lancaster) Viant, S. P Digby, S. W. Macmillan, Rt. Hon. Harold (Bromley) Wadsworth, G. Dugdale, Maj. Sir T. (Richmond) Macpherson, N (Dumfries) Walker-Smith, D. Eccles D. M. Maitland, Comdr. J. W. Ward, Hon. G. R. Eden, Rt. Hon. A. Manningham-Buller, R. E Wheatley, Colonel M. J. (Dorset, E.) Fleming Sqn.-Ldr. E. L Marlowe, A. A. H. White, Sir D. (Fareham) Fox, Sir G. Marshall, D. (Bodmin) White, J. B. (Canterbury) Fraser, H. C. P. (Stone) Medlicott, Brigadier F. Williams, C. (Torquay) Fraser, Sir I. (Lonsdale) Morris, Hopkin (Carmarthen) Williams, Gerald (Tonbridge) Fyfe, Rt. Hon. Sir D. P. M Morrison, Maj. J. G. (Salisbury) Willoughby de Eresby, Lord Gage, C. Morrison, Rt. Hon. W. S. (Cirencester) Winterton, Rt. Hon. Earl Gates, Maj E. E Mott-Radclyffe, C. E. York, C. George, Maj. Rt. Hn. G. Lloyd (P'ke) Mullan, Lt. C. H. George, Lady M. Lloyd (Anglesey) Nield, B. (Chester) TELLERS FOR THE AYES Graham-Little, Sir E Odey, G. W. Major Conant and O'Neill, Rt. Hon. Sir H Brigadier Mackeson
NOES. Acland, Sir Richard Brook, D. (Halifax) Deer, G. Adams, Richard (Balkam) Brooks, T. J. (Rothwell) Debbie, W. Adams, W. T. (Hammersmith, South) Brown, George (Beiper) Driberg, T. E. N. Allen, A. C. (Bosworth) Brown, T. J. (Ince) Dugdale, J. (W. Bromwich) Allen, Scholefield (Crewe) Bruce, Maj. D. W. T. Dumpleton, C. W. Alpass, J. H. Buchanan, Rt. Hon. G Ede, Rt. Hon. J. C Anderson, F. (Whitehaven) Burden, T W. Edwards, W. J. (Whitechapel) Attewell, H. C. Burke, W. A. Evans, Albert (Islington, W.) Austin, H. Lewis Butler, H. W. (Hackney, S.) Evans, E. (Lowestoft) Awbery, S. S. Callaghan, James Evans, S. N. (Wednesbury) Ayles, W. H. Castle, Mrs. B. A. Fairhurst, F. Ayrton Gould, Mrs. B Champion, A. J. Farthing, W. J. Bacon, Miss A. Chetwynd, G. R Fernyhough, E. Baird, J. Cruse, W. S. Field, Capt. W. J. Balfour, A. Cobb, F. A. Fletcher, E. G. M. (Islington, E) Barnes, Rt. Hon. A. J Collindridge, F Foot, M. M. Barstow, P. G Collins, V. J. Forman, J. C. Barton, C. Colman, Miss G. M Freeman, J. (Watford) Battley, J. R. Comyns, Dr. L. Gaitskell, Rt. Hon. H. T. N Bechervaise, A. E. Cook, T. F. Gallacher, W. Bevan, Rt. Hon. A. (Ebbw Vale) Corbel, Mrs. F. K. (Camb'well, N.W.) Ganley, Mrs. C. S Blyton, W. R. Corlett, Dr. J. Gibson, C. W. Bottomley, A. G. Cove, W. G. Gilzean, A. Bowles, F. G. (Nuneaton) Daines, P. Glanville, J. E. (Consett) Braddock, Mrs. E. M. (L'pl, Exch'ge) Davies, Edward (Burslem) Goodrich, H. E. Braddock, T. (Mitcham) Davies, Haydn (St. Pancras, S.W.) Granville, E. (Eye) Bramall, E. A. Davies, S. O. (Merthyr) Grey, C. F Griffiths, D. (Rother Valley) Mann, Mrs J. Silverman, S. S (Nelson) Griffiths, Rt. Hon. J. (Lianelly) Marquand, H. A. Simmons, C. J Griffiths, W. D. (Moss Side) Marshall, F. (Brightside) Skinnard, F. W Gunter, R. J Middleton, Mrs. L. Smith, H. N. (Nottingham, S.) Guy, W. H Mitchison, G. R Solley, L. J. Hale, Leslie Monslow, W Sorensen, R. W Hall, Rt. Hon. Glenvil Moody, A S. Sparks, J. A. Hamilton, Lieut.-Col. R Morgan, Dr. H. B Stamford, W. Hannan, W. (Maryhill) Morris, Lt.-Col. H. (Sheffield, C.) Stewart, Michael (Fulham, E.) Hastings, Dr. Somerville Morris, P. (Swansea, W.) Stubbs, A. E. Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (Kingswinford) Morrison, Rt. Hon. H. (Lewisham, E) Swingler, S. Henderson, Joseph (Ardwick) Moyle, A. Sylvester, G. O Hewitson, Capt. M Murray, J D Symonds, A. L Hicks, G. Nally, W Taylor, R. J. (Morpeth) Holmes, H. E. (Hemswoth) Naylor, T. E. Taylor, Dr S. (Barnet) House, G. Nichol, Mrs. M. E. (Bradford, N.) Thomas, D. E. (Aberdare) Hoy, J. Noel-Buxton, Lady Thomas, I. O. (Wrekin) Hudson, J. H. (Ealing, W.) Oliver, G. H. Thomas, John R. (Dover) Hughes, Emrys (S. Ayr) Paling, Rt. Hon. Wilfred (Wentworth) Therneycroft, Harry (Clayton) Hughes, Hector (Aberdeen, N.) Palmer, A. M. F Thurtle, Ernest Hutchinson, H. L. (Rusholme) Pargiter, G. A Titterington, M. F. Hynd, H. (Hackney, C.) Parker, J. Turner-Samuels, M. Irving, W. J. (Tottenham, N.) Parkin, B. T. Ungoed-Thomas, L. Isaacs, Rt. Hon. G. A. Paton, Mrs. F. (Rushcliffe) Walker, G. H Jay, D. P. T. Paton, J. (Norwich) Wallace, H. W. (Walthamstow, E) Jeger, G. (Winchester) Pearson, A. Weitzman, D. Jeger, Dr. S. W. (St. Pancras. S.E) Peart, T. F. Wells, P. L. (Faversham) Jones, D. T. (Harthepool) Perrins, W. Wells, W. T (Walsall) Jones, Elwyn (Plaistow) Platts-Mills, J. F F West, D. G. Kenyon, C. Popplewell, E. Wheatley, Rt. Hn. J. (Edinburgh, E Key, Rt. Hon. C. W Porter, E. (Warrington) Whiteley, Rt. Hon. W. King, E M. Proctor, W. T. Wigg, George Lawson, Rt Hon J J Pryde, D. J. Wilcock, Group-Capt. C. A B Lee, F (Hulme) Pursey, Cmdr. H Wilkins, W. A. Lee, Miss J. (Cannock) Randall, H. E. Willey, O. G. (Cleveland) Leonard, W. Rees-Williams, D R Williams, D. J. (Neath) Leslie, J. R Reeves, J Williams, R. W. (Wigan) Levy, B. W. Reid, T. (Swindon) Williams, Rt Hon. T (Don Valley) Lewis, J. (Bolton) Richards, R. Williams, W R. (Heston) Lipton, Lt.-Col. M Robens, A. Willis, E. Lyne, A. W. Roberts, Goronwy (Caernarvonshire) Wills, Mrs. E A. McAdam, W. Ross, William (Kilmarnock) Wilson, Rt. Hon. J. H McAllister, G. Royle, C. Younger, Hon. Kenneth McGhee, H. G Sargood, R. Zilliacus, K. McKinley, A. S Sharp, Granville McLeavy, F. Shawcross, Rt. Hn. Sir H. (St Helens) TELLERS FOR THE NOES: Mallalieu, E. L. (Brigg) Shurmer, P. Mr. Snow and Mallalieu, J. P. W. (Huddersfield) Silverman, J. (Erdington) Mr. George Wallace.
Motor Spirit (Regulation) Bill
Lords Amendments considered.
CLAUSE I.—(Offences by retailers of motor spirit.)
Lords Amendment: In page 1, line 26, to leave out from "connivance" to "and" in line I on page 2 and to insert:
"or without his knowing that it was commercial petrol."
9.35 p.m.
I beg to move, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
I do not know whether it would be for the convenience of the House to consider these Amendments page by page. The Order Paper presents a very formidable appearance, but I venture to think that it is formidable in appearance rather than in reality. The Amendments which were embodied in this Bill in another place were in the main introduced in order to implement undertakings which were given in the course of our discussions in this House, and, indeed, for the most part they relate to matters which, had time permitted, would have been dealt with on the Report stage here. For the rest they are with one notable exception drafting Amendments.
The Amendment which has been called and the two Amendments in page 2, line 2, which follow on the Order Paper clarify the defences which are open to a garage proprietor who is detected with commercial petrol in a pump which was not properly marked, and they cover the case where a garage proprietor has just discovered that without his knowledge the wrong petrol was put into his tank. They give him the opportunity of raising that defence.
It might be for the convenience of the House if we adopted the course suggested by the right hon. and learned Gentleman. I have studied the proposed Amendments, and, so far as I can see, in the main they meet the points of substance which were raised from this side of the House during the Committee stage, and I have no complaint to make about the way in which the right hon. and learned Gentleman has honoured the undertakings which he then gave. Taking the Amendments page by page will, of course, enable one to ask one or two questions for clarification but it will mean that the attention of the public may not be drawn to the extent to which this Bill has been changed—it is a complicated Bill and difficult for a casual reader to understand—since it was first introduced. While I agree to the course proposed, I hope that the Minister of Fuel and Power will try to put out some simple non-technical legal document which will clearly explain what the offences are, how they can be committed —when I say "how they can be committed" I mean by putting the petrol into the wrong tank—so that the public will know what becomes an offence after the passage of this Bill.
If it is agreed that the Amendments are to be taken page by page, the Clerk-Assistant will read out the pages and I will call the Amendments line by line in the event of an hon. Member desiring to raise a point on any line.
Question put, and agreed to.
CLAUSE 4.—(Disqualification of retail dealers for twelve months after conviction.)
Lords Amendment: In page 4, line 19, at the end to insert:
"(7) Where any person would, by reason of the disability imposed by any of the first three subsections of this Section, be prohibited from carrying on the business of acquiring and selling motor spirit, or acquiring and selling commercial petrol, as the case may be, at any premises, and the court by which that person was convicted is satisfied, on his application, that it is expedient in the public interest, by reason that other facilities for acquiring motor spirit or, as the case may be, commercial petrol are not available within a reasonable distance, not being less than five miles by road, of those premises, that he should be permitted to carry on the said business at those premises, the court may direct that the said disability shall not have effect or, in the case of a disability imposed under Subsection (3), shall not have effect as respects those premises, and in that case the said person shall, without prejudice to the imposition of any penalty under the following provisions of this Act, forfeit the following sums:
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
9.45 p.m.
This Amendment appears to introduce something which has not been the subject of consideration in this House before. It is a new Subsection which merits some consideration. The House will remember that under Clause 4 the disqualification of retail dealers for 12 months will follow after conviction for offences specified in earlier Clauses of the Bill—I am sure the right hon. and learned Gentleman will correct me if I am wrong in these observations—and that disqualification is automatic. This new Amendment is to provide an alternative, and a somewhat curious alternative.
While it is obviously to the advantage of the public that the sole proprietor of a petrol pump in a rural area shall not have to close down compulsorily for a period of one year, at the same time the reasoning behind this new Amendment appears in certain respects to call for some degree of explanation, because where the convicted person proves the public interest it is provided for in the Amendment that the alternative automatic penalty will follow—an alternative automatic penalty in addition to the liability to a fine of, it may be, £500 or £1,000.
I am a little puzzled about the basis for the assessment of this automatic penalty. The automatic penalty will not depend primarily on the nature of the offence committed. The extent of the penalty will depend on how many petrol pumps the man happens to have in use at the time when the offence is committed, so that it it a rural district an offence which would bring the petrol pump owner within the purview of this new Amendment is committed by a man with one pump, all that man will suffer by way of automatic punishment will be, under paragraph ( a ) £250, and under paragraph ( b ), £125. But if that proprietor of a filling station in the country has two pumps—and after all I should think every possible encouragement should be given to the country filling station to have two pumps, one commercial and one private—although the offence may in fact be no greater in degree, the penalty is automatically doubled.
While I welcome the intention behind this Amendment to find some way whereby, although punishing the sinning owner of a petrol pump, the public interest can be satisfied, I think the system of imposing an automatic penalty, varying according to the number of petrol pumps in use, is quite wrong, and something which should not pass without some explanation. It is a little curious because if one looks at a further proposed Amendment, the new Clause "B" on page six, one finds that after six months the garage proprietor can apply to the court to remove the disqualification. Presumably he may apply on the ground that it was in the public interest that that disqualification should be removed. If that be so, it appears that not much use is likely to be made by any garage proprietor of the provisions of this Clause under discussion. If he applies under this Clause, even should he succeed, the penalty, which is automatic, will solely depend not on the degree of criminality, but on the number of petrol pumps in use. If he waits six months he may get back into business without any such automatic penalty. I hope that I have said enough to indicate the point which is troubling me. I appreciate the intention behind the Amendment, but I deplore the imposition of yet another automatic penalty. I hope that the fact that we on this side do not propose to divide against the Amendment will not encourage the Attorney-General to treat this imposition of an automatic penalty as a further precedent.
The effect of this Amendment is that the disqualification of a garage proprietor from supplying petrol can, on the application of that garage proprietor himself, be ordered by the court not to apply where the court is satisfied that it is expedient in the public interest that the garage ought not to be closed on the ground that there is no other source of supply for the public within a reasonable distance from that garage. In substitution for that automatic penalty, of which the garage proprietor is to be relieved not because of hardship to himself so much as because of hardship to the general public, it was necessary to provide some alternative penalty which would be not manifestly less serious than the one of which the garage proprietor was being relieved.
1 will confess immediately that it was not very easy to find any suitable alternative penalty which would fall with the same degree of severity upon the garage proprietor as the one of which he was being relieved. To some extent, the actual figures which have been included in the Bill by way of substituted penalty are inevitably arbitrary figures, but we thought that the amount of the monetary penalty imposed by way of substitution for the business disqualification ought to have some relation to the size of the business. We thought it right to measure the size of the business by the number of pumps which were in use. Hon. Members will appreciate that the severity of the penalty by way of disqualification of the business would in itself depend upon the size of that business. So far as one attempted to translate it into terms of money, the penalty would be a more severe penalty in the case of a garage with half a dozen pumps, all of which were required to be closed down, than it would be in the case of a garage with one pump where, consequently, there was only one pump which could he closed down.
It was for that reason that we provided in the Amendment for this difference calculated on the basis of the number of pumps involved. I agree that it may be open to some perhaps rather theoretical criticism, but we thought on the whole, dealing as we were dealing with this matter at the express request of the Opposition, that this was the best way of treating the situation. We think it will result in a pretty fair approximation, so far as the garage proprietor is concerned, to the automatic penalty of disqualification from business which otherwise would have been imposed upon him. On the other hand, we think it will meet the public inconvenience which might occur otherwise if there was no garage in the neighbourhood.
May I put this point to the right hon. and learned Gentleman in case he should give further consideration to the matter? There may be a proprietor of a pump—not a garage proprietor—in a village. If he is disqualified for a year the greatest possible inconvenience will be caused to people in the locality. At the same time, an automatic fine of £500 for that small man, who probably runs a shop as well, would mean that he would not seek to take advantage of this provision. Therefore, the public interest would not be met. Is there any way by which, in circumstances like that, the penalty can be reduced?
I am afraid there is no machinery provided for in this Amendment which would secure that result, and we found it impossible to provide any machinery of that sort. All that we have been able to do is to try and arrive at an approximation in pounds, shillings and pence of the loss which the garage proprietor would otherwise have sustained by having one or two pumps, as the case may be, put out of action for a year- I admit that the arrangement is one which might be open to some theoretical criticism, but we have tried to do at least rough justice to the garage proprietor while meeting the strong case put forward about the public convenience.
This Amendment certainly embodies a most ingenious expedient and it is an ingenuity to get out of what the learned Attorney-General agreed was a real difficulty; but the difficulty itself arises from the way in which the Government throughout this Bill has plunged for the automatic penalty, and I do not think it will wholly relieve that difficulty. The Attorney-General pointed out the public inconvenience which might arise if the only pump in an isolated district is closed down, and he says that the Amendment will resolve that difficulty. I do not think it necessarily will.
Under the Amendment this question of public convenience only arises if the convicted man himself applies for the commutation of an otherwise automatic penalty of closing down, and there is no machinery for the public interest and the public convenience being considered if the man himself decides not to make the application. Therefore, I feel that, although it is undoubtedly a genuine and ingenious attempt to meet the difficulty, it will not satisfactorily meet it, because it places the convenience of the public solely on the basis of the application by the convicted person, and that is not good enough.
There is one other small point. I notice that it is provided that the penalty shall be £250 per pump where the conviction is under either of Subsections (1) or (3), and £125 per pump where the conviction is under Subsection (2). There is obviously some reason for putting in the one case half the rate of the other, but I have not had time to sort it out and would be grateful if the Attorney-General can say how those figures are arrived at. Finally, I would put to him the plea that, instead of indulging in all these ingenious expedients, he should simply provide that, where the court decides not to close the pump, it shall have authority to impose such penalty as it thinks fit up to a certain maximum, which is the really workmanlike way of handling the matter. This is a particularly good example of the tangle into which we might get once we attempt to go in for these elaborate automatic penalties. The whole difficulty is overcome if, instead of that, the learned Attorney-General could be persuaded to trust the courts in this country to impose the proper penalties.
10.0 p.m.
The argument which we have heard from the Attorney-General was absolutely logical as far as it went, but, when I first raised the question of this new Subsection, two points occurred to me which do not seem to be covered- First the minimum filling station which we hope to see throughout the country in every rural area is one of two pumps, one private and one commercial. Therefore, I am surprised that the figure was one instead of two. Why does not the number of pumps start with two instead of one, in order to encourage every small filling station proprietor who at the present moment has only one pump to have a second pump? Obviously there will be temptation if there is only one pump. I would also like to know if a small rural filling station proprietor falls from grace, whether there is any way in which his business can be taken over and run by any member of that local rural community or is it permanently shut down if that proprietor does not take advantage of this proposed new Subsection?
Might 1, with the leave of the House, deal first with the last points which were missed by the hon. and gallant Member for Middleton and Prestwich (Major Gates)? I do not think that we can do anything by way of imposing criminal punishments or altering the scale of the criminal punishments which are imposed, in order to encourage people to have more than one pump or two pumps as the case may be. At the moment, as I am instructed, these pumps are, as the phrase is, in very short supply, and it might be extremely difficult for a garage proprietor, even if he were encouraged by a difference in the possible penalties that might be imposed upon him, to obtain another pump. It would be manifestly unfair that he should be affected in his criminal liability by considerations of that kind. If he did find himself disqualified from conducting his business under the provisions of this Bill, it would be open to him to effect a complete transfer of it. He must not carry it on himself, directly or indirectly, but he can get rid of it altogether if he so desires.
I come next to the point that was raised by the hon. Member for Kingston-upon-Thames (Mr. Boyd-Carpenter). I do not think the hon. Member can really have felt that it would be possible to relieve a man of his liability to be punished under the criminal law if, firstly, he did not himself want to be relieved of it, and, secondly, if the only ground for relieving him of it was some question of public convenience. It may often be very inconvenient to the public that penalties should be imposed in particular cases. That is very unfortunate, but one cannot allow the administration of the criminal law and the infliction of proper punishments on persons who commit criminal offences to be affected by the consideration that, unhappily, it may cause misfortune or inconvenience to other people.
The other point that the hon. Member raised was that in one case the penalty is £125 and in the other case £250. That is because the two classes of case vary in the nature of the disqualification which was already imposed upon them under the Bill as it existed before the new Subsection was inserted, and consequently we had to relate the new financial penalty to the degree of disqualification for carrying on a business, which existed under the provisions as they stood.
Question put, and agreed to.
CLAUSE 5. — (Disqualifications and special penalties in respect of offences by private motorists. 10 & 11 Geo. 5. c. 18.)
Lords Amendment In page 6, line 40, at end insert:
(9) Subsections (1) and (3) of this section shall not apply in relation to the conviction of any person for any offence unless either—
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
I hope the Attorney-General will not think me ungrateful for asking a question about an Amendment which is really intended to meet a point raised by this side of the House, and I think raised by me, in the course of the Debate in the Committee stage. I suggested, bearing in mind that the interval between the taking of analyses and the service of the summons might be as long as six months, notice should be given before that time to the person suspected of using the wrong petrol. The right hon. Gentleman has met me to a very considerable extent by paragraph ( a ) of this Amendment which provides that: b ), or: b ), because if it is in the Bill I doubt whether paragraph ( a ) will very often be used. All I am concerned with is that the person who is to be prosecuted, after analyses have been made, shall have notice of the fact at a fairly early opportunity. It seems to me rather unfortunate that these alternatives exist, because if action is taken under paragraph ( b ) three months may elapse before the individual has any warning that a prosecution is to be launched against him.
It may be that there is some very good reason which I have not detected for putting in these two provisions, but I should have thought that the Bill would have been much better if it had been left simply with paragraph ( a ) and not with paragraph ( b ). I am not dealing with any point affecting Scotland, because, in spite of what the hon. Member for Rutherglen (Mr. McAllister) said last night, I do not feel competent to express any opinion on the application of the law in Scotland. So far as England is concerned, it seems to me that these alternatives are undesirable. All that is necessary is to retain the provision under 9 ( a ), which I think I am right in saying gives a longer period for notice of intended prosecution than the period stipulated under the Road Traffic Act.
I do not understand why there should be three months' notice for the service of the summons, bearing in mind that in a later Amendment there is a provision whereby notice that a sample has been taken shall be given to the owner of the car at the earliest possible opportunity if the owner of the car was not there at the time it was taken. If he was there at the time he would be given it straight away. I do not understand why this provision as to the service of the summons within three months should be made an alternative to the giving of notice within 28 days of the intended prosecution. Perhaps the right hon. Gentleman will be able to explain that to my satisfaction.
As the House may remember, I had considerable sympathy with the view which was expressed by the hon. and learned Member for Daventry (Mr. Manningham-Buller) when we were discussing this matter in the Committee stage. I indicated then that in general we thought it right that a motorist who was found with red petrol in his tank should not be left for too long in doubt as to whether he could safely sell his car without the fear that he might have to forfeit half its value, or whether he was likely to suffer disqualification. When, however, we came to consider all the implications of the Bill we felt that if we were to tie ourselves rigidly to the period of 28 days specified in paragraph (9) ( a ) we might not be able to complete all the inquiries, investigations, analyses and so on which would be necessary to perfect the case for prosecution.
We hoped that in the vast majority of cases it would be possible to give an effective warning within the 28 days. However, we felt that if we were to tie ourselves down without any escape at all, we should have to rely upon the provisions of subsection (9) ( b ) alone, which shorten the normal period within which a prosecution can be brought from the six months under the Summary Jurisdiction Act to three months. That was the course we might have taken here, but I thought it would be helpful to introduce Subsection (9) ( a ) in the hope that the normal procedure, in all but the exceptional cases, would be the one provided by that Subsection, under which a warning should be given within the period of not more than 28 days.
It is perfectly true that that will not provide the motorist who has been stopped and who has been found with red petrol in his tank with an absolute guarantee he is not going to be prosecuted; but, after all, the mere fact that he has been stopped and has been found with red petrol in his tank, will give him, at least, some warning that he is in danger of prosecution. If the 28 days go by and no formal warning has been received he will, at least, know his chances are good. I wish we could give him a guarantee that at the end of that period he would be completely safe, but we found, on considering the administrative difficulties involved, that that would be impossible. We have, however, sought to go as far as we possibly could to meet the point very properly raised by the hon. and learned Gentleman, by providing that, in any event, three months should be the limit within which the condition of uncertainty should be allowed to continue.
With the leave of the House, I should like to say one further word. Subsection (9, a ) does not, as I understand it, contemplate that notice of intended prosecution should be withheld until the case for the prosecution is completed. It is to be a warning of the possibility of prosecution. Therefore, as I understand it, that warning should certainly be given in the wide majority of cases, even though, perhaps, in all those cases the warning were not followed up by prosecution. One does not wish to delay the passage of this Measure at this time, and so all I can ask for now, in view of these circumstances—and I do ask it—is that, if possible, an instruction should be given by the Minister to those under his control and by the Home Secretary to the police forces of the country to the effect that, in all cases where it is possible, action should be taken under Subsection (9, a ). If that can be done it will go a long way to meet the difficulties which may arise; because a motorist who is stopped on the highway, suspected of having red petrol, may conceivably not realise there is red petrol in his tank at that particular time, and it is that case one wants to guard against. That is why I hope that notice will be within 28 days, and that the right hon. Gentleman will be able to give an assurance that some instruction of that sort will be sent out.
With the leave of the House, I certainly will give that undertaking. But the hon. and learned Gentleman will appreciate that we are on the horns of a little dilemma here. One does not want to make the giving of notice under Subsection (9) ( a ) a formality, something which is done whether there is an intention to prosecute or not. It is most undesirable that notice should be given 'unless there is a substantial probability that prosecution will follow. However, we hope that in the vast majority of cases it will be possible to deal with the matter in that way—by Subsection (9) ( a ).
Question put, and agreed to.
Lords Amendment: In line 40, at the end insert:
NEW CLAUSE A.—(Provision as to appeals.)
.—(1) Where any person gives notice of appeal against his conviction for an offence under Section two of this Act, or of aiding, abetting, counselling or procuring the commission of such an offence, the court by which he was convicted or any court of summary jurisdiction for the same petty sessional division or place as that court or the court to which the appeal is to be made may, if it thinks fit, by order provide for suspending the operation (so far as applicable) of paragraph ( a ) of Subsection (1), Subsection (3) and Subsection (4) of the last preceding Section in relation to that conviction and for requiring the return to that person of any licence delivered by him to the court by which he was convicted and for cancelling any thing done or deemed to have been done under any of the said provisions.
(2) Where an order is made under the last preceding Subsection and the appeal is finally dismissed or is abandoned, a court of summary jurisdiction for the same petty sessional division or place as the court by which the said person was convicted, or any justice of the peace acting for that petty sessional division or place, shall, on the application of the prosecutor, issue a summons or, in default of appearance, a warrant requiring or compelling that person to appear before a court of summary jurisdiction for that petty sessional division or place, and thereupon—
( a ) if the order suspended the operation of paragraph ( a ) of Subsection (1) of the last preceding Section, that Subsection and Subsection (3) of that Section shall have effect as if the said person had just been convicted by the court before which he appears; and
( b ) Subsection (4) and Subsection (6) of the last preceding Section shall in any case have effect as if he had just been convicted by the court aforesaid:
Provided that the period of any disqualification imposed by the said paragraph ( a ) or the said Subsection (4) shall be reduced by the period (if any) between the date of the conviction and the date of the order made under the last preceding Subsection.
(3) For the purposes of this Section, the bringing of proceedings before the High Court to quash a conviction by order of certiorari shall be deemed to be an appeal.
(4) Any person who forfeits a sum under paragraph ( b ) of Subsection (1) of the last preceding Section may appeal against the determination of the amount to be forfeited in like manner as against the conviction.
Motion made, and Question proposed. "That this House does agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
10.15 p.m.
There is one point which I wish to raise upon Subsection (2). Why is it that after an appeal is dismissed the unsuccessful appellant has to be brought back before the court of summary jurisdiction on a summons just to be told that the suspension and disqualifications operate. It strikes me as a cumbersome and unnecessary procedure involving waste of time on the part of the police in serving the summons and on the part of the convicted motorist in going before the court. I should have thought that it would have been perfectly possible to have provided, on the appeal being dismissed, that these suspensions would have operated from the moment of the dismissal, as often happens in appellant courts, without the matter having to go back to the court of summary jurisdiction. That is the only point, and I should be glad if the right hon. and learned Gentleman could clear it up, because it is hard to understand why this is done in that way.
It may, of course, be that the position with regard to the ownership of the motor vehicle had changed in the interval pending the conviction in the court of summary jurisdiction and the appeal- There was the further difficulty that once an appeal had been entered with the result that the disqualification became suspended, it might subsequently be abandoned. There was the further administrative difficulty, which manifested itself in the course of our consideration of the position, that it was not practicable for the motor vehicle licence and the registration book to be retained by the court pending an appeal, and because of all those considerations we came to the conclusion that where there was an appeal, the motorist, either after the appeal had been dismissed or abandoned, ought to go back, on the application of the prosecution, to the original court of summary jurisdiction in order that they might deal with the question of disqualification or forfeiture on the facts existing at the time.
Question put, and agreed to.
CLAUSE 6.—(Penalties.)
Lords Amendment: In page
"In this Subsection, the expression ' director,' in relation to any body corporate established by or under any enactment for the purpose of carrying on under national ownership any industry or part of an industry or undertaking, being a body corporate whose affairs are managed by the members thereof, means a member of that body."
Motion made, and Question proposed "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
It would be certainly ungrateful if hon. Members on this side of the House did not recognise that this Amendment was a very substantial one made by the Government to redeem an undertaking which the Attorney-General gave on the Committee stage. That undertaking was to look into the drafting of the Bill to see whether those responsible for the administration of nationalised undertakings were placed in the same position with respect to criminal penalties as were directors. As I understand it, the result of that consideration was that it was necessary to introduce an Amendment in order to impose the same liability upon those persons as upon the directors of private companies- There are two points of some interest which arise on this. In the first case I am not quite certain whether—I would be grateful for an explanation—in fact the same persons in comparable positions are covered both in the nationalised industries and in private industries.
As the Amendment stands, the members of the body corporate created by the nationalising statute are made liable- Now, as the House is well aware, in many of the nationalised industries there are, as it were, two tiers. In the case of the coal industry there is the National Coal Board and there are the divisional coal boards. As I apprehend it, members of the divisional coal boards are not caught by this provision, although one would have thought they were in very much the same position as the local directors of large companies. There would seem to be a certain analogous position between, let us say, a local director of Barclay's Bank and a member of a divisional coal board; and it seems to me, subject to any explanation the learned Attorney-General may give, that only the members of the central bodies of the nationalised industries are caught. That is the drafting point, which the learned Attorney-General may be able to clear up.
The major point of great interest seems to be that the Clause in the Bill, as it stood originally, was, I think the learned Attorney-General will agree, in common form with that of many recent statutes; and from the fact that it has been found necessary, in implementation of the Attorney-General's undertaking, to amend the Clause in this way, it would appear that similar Clauses in other Bills which have passed and are passing through this House, imposing liability upon directors of companies, do not impose the same liability upon members of boards of nationalised industries. Now, if that reasoning is correct—and it seems a little difficult to avoid it—then I feel that it is up to the Government to reconsider the drafting of this and other Clauses. I apprehend, Mr. Deputy-Speaker, that you would not permit me to carry that matter further. However, I think it right to invite the attention of the learned Attorney-General and, very fortunately in this connection, of the Minister of Fuel and Power who is now present, to that omission so that this House may on subsequent occasions be saved the necessity of Debate upon the Motion, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
I think that we have, as far as possible, reproduced, so far as the nationalised industries are concerned, exactly the same measure of liability as that which is reposed, under the Clause as it stood before, upon the directors of ordinary companies. I am far from saying it was necessary to introduce this Amendment in order to produce that result; but I appreciated that there might be two views about that matter, and for the sake of abundant caution we decided to put down this Amendment in order that there should be no doubt whatever that the members of the nationalised industries boards were, in fact, under exactly the same liability as was imposed, by the Clause as it stood, upon the directors of ordinary companies.
The position so far as area or divisional boards is concerned, as I understand it, is that in the case of the proposed organisation of the gas industry and the existing organisation of the electricity industry, the area boards are themselves corporate bodies, and in those cases, therefore, the members of those area boards will be members within the meaning of this Clause, and liable to criminal penalties which are imposed on them. In the case of the coal industry, the divisional boards are not corporate bodies; their existence is really a matter of internal arrangement for the National Coal Board itself, and the members of those divisional boards are, therefore, not under any criminal liability.
That position, I think, very closely corresponds with the position that one knows exists in the cases of some large companies—for instance, insurance companies—who have local boards of directors, who are not really directors of the company at all, but are, as a matter of internal arrangement, performing local functions; they have no power of directing the affairs and the policy of the company, and for that reason no liability exists on them under this Clause, and no liability is imposed by this Amendment on persons in a similar position in the divisional boards of the coal industry. I think the net result is that those concerned with the control and direction of a nationalised industry, in the way that directors of a company are concerned with its control and direction, will find themselves, without question, under exactly the same kind of criminal liability under this Measure.
Would the Attorney-General explain the position of the British Transport Commission? That body has both a railway executive and a road transport executive. What is the position, for instance, of the members of the railway executive?
That is a matter I should have mentioned. I had not succeeded in making an exhaustive explanation of all the industries we have so far taken into public control. They are corporate bodies and their position corresponds to the position I indicated in the case of the gas industry.
Can the Attorney-General say whether the Amendment is wide enough to cover the case of the incorporated management bodies for hospitals under the Health Act? They will obviously be liable to commit crimes in certain circumstances.
I should have thought that they were a particularly law abiding section and I should hestitate to anticipate their breaking the provisions of this Bill at any rate. It depends on whether or not they are themselves a corporate body of the kind referred to.
Question put, and agreed to.
CLAUSE 7.—(Institution of proceedings.)
Lords Amendment: In page 7, line 4o, at the end, insert:
"and proceedings for an offence under the said subsection (4) shall not be instituted except by or with the consent of the Minister of Fuel and Power or the Director of Public Prosecutions."
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
This Amendment is new in type and in character. I suspect that it has been introduced in consequence of the Amendment to line 36, bringing into the scope of Clause 6 (4) the members of corporate nationalised bodies. Whether or not that is so, this Amendment is unusual in dealing with provisions like Subsection (4). I do not recollect having seen that the consent to a prosecution against a director under Subsection (4) could be instituted only with the consent of a Minister—in this case the Minister of Fuel and Power—or of the Director of Public Prosecutions. I think I am right in saying that that is new and that other Measures which contain similar Sections casting liability upon directors do not contain that provision. It is a very good provision and I hope that the right hon. and learned Gentleman, now that this provision has been inserted into the Measure, will take steps to make it of general application to similar Sections. It is obviously desirable that a similar code should apply; it is very desirable, where the heavy burden will be cast upon directors of proving their innocence in certain circumstances, that there the prosecution should be launched not by a constable, but only with the consent of the Minister or the Director of Public Prosecutions.
10.30 p.m.
I should not care to give any general undertaking of that kind. One must look at the nature of the offence which is created under particular statutes and at the purpose and effect of the statutes, but we shall of course bear in mind the fact that this provision has been introduced in this Bill. It was introduced under very strong pressure from Members of the hon. and learned Gentleman's own party in order to avoid the risk, to quote the words used, "that the local constable might go and hale off all the boards of directors of reputable companies to the police courts all over the country." We do not think that a very grave danger, but we introduced the Amendment to meet the views put forward.
Question put, and agreed to.
CLAUSE 8.—(Power of entry and taking of samples.)
Lords Amendment: In page 8, line 10, at end, insert:
"(3) Where a sample is taken by any person in the exercise of powers under this Section, then—
(4) Where it is not practicable to comply with the requirements of paragraph ( a ) or paragraph ( b ) of the last preceding subsection in taking a sample, notice shall be served in the prescribed manner on the owner or person in charge of the vehicle or, as the case may be, the occupier of the premises or the person for the time being in charge thereof informing him that the sample has been taken and that one part thereof is available for delivery to him, if he requires it, at such time and place as may be specified in the notice.
(5) Where the result of an analysis of a sample taken under this Section is given in evidence in any proceedings in respect of an offence under this Act, the part of the sample retained for future comparison shall be produced at the hearing.
(6) The result of an analysis of a sample taken under this Section shall not be admissible as evidence unless the requirements of the three last preceding subsections have been complied with in relation thereto."
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."
This is the last Amendment on which I wish to make any observations of any character. I do not want to say anything on the Amendment relating to Scotland and on the Scottish clauses. I would like to thank the right hon. and learned Gentleman for the way that he has met the suggestion I put forward with regard to the taking of samples; and I should like to take this opportunity of thanking him for the way be has met us generally in the points we have raised in this Bill and met us satisfactorily, with the result that I think this Bill is a far better Bill than it was in its original form, with far less risk of heavy automatic penalties falling on innocent traders. I have only one question with regard to this Amendment. Under Subsection (4) of the Amendment it will be seen that notice of sampling will be served on the owner or person in charge of a vehicle or the occupier of premises in cases where a sample is not actually taken in the presence of such persons. Nothing is said about a time limit in this Subsection. Presumably the regulations may prescribe a time limit within which the notice will be served.
I would suggest that if provision was made for the service of that notice within, say, seven days, a great deal of difficulty, which I think might still arise with regard to giving notice of possible prosecution, which we were discussing recently, would disappear. I hope that the right hon. and learned Gentleman will give an assurance that when the regulations come to prescribe the manner and form in which this notice will be given, they will also specify and limit the time within which the notice must be given after the taking of the sample. I am sure that would be again an improvement of this Measure and I suggest a time of seven days for the dispatch of the notice is all that really would be necessary.
We appreciate the point put forward by the right hon. and learned Gentleman and we shall seek to provide in the regulations that will be made in regard to this matter that the notice shall be given without any delay. I would prefer at the moment not to tie myself down to any exact period of time, but I have very much in mind the points which the right hon. and learned Gentleman made and I hope to deal with the matter in a way which will not excite his criticism.
May I say in conclusion I very much appreciate the kind things that have been said about this matter by the right hon. and learned Gentleman. This was not an easy Bill. It was intended to deal with exceptional circumstances during a period of emergency. I should like for my part to say how much I appreciate the help which hon. Members opposite have given in the discussion of its details. We have sought as far as we possibly could to meet any reasonable points put forward by hon. Members opposite in so far as it was possible to do so within the intended scope and purpose of the Bill.
Question put, and agreed to.
Remaining Lords Amendments agreed to.
Gas (Special Orders)
Resolved:
"That the Draft of the Special Order proposed to be made by the Minister of Fuel and Power under the Gas Undertakings Acts, 1920 to 1934, on the application of the Dudley Brierley Hill and District Gas Company, which was presented on 21st April and published, be approved."
Resolved:
"That the Draft of the Special Order proposed to be made by the Minister of Fuel and Power under the Gas Undertakings Acts, 192o to '934, on the application of the Mayor Aldermen and Burgesses of the Borough of Tiverton, which was presented on 21st April and published, be approved."
Resolved:
"That the Draft of the Special Order proposed to be made by the Minister of Fuel and Power under the Gas Undertakings Acts, 1920 to 1934, on the application of the Mayor Aldermen and Burgesses of the Borough of Bangor, which was presented on 21st April and published, be approved."—[ Mr. Robens. ]
Government Departments (Correspondence Delays)
Motion made, and Question proposed; "That this House do now adjourn."—[ Mr. Joseph Henderson. ]
10.36 p.m.
I make no apology, even at this late hour, for raising the matter of Ministers' replies to hon. Members' letters, because it is a subject which is absolutely vital to our constituents, and to every hon- Member of the House and, I suggest, to Ministers themselves. After all, they are judged to a large extent, and perhaps more than they realise, by the replies they send to hon. Members, and which they in turn transmit to their constituents. It is to some extent a test of good government. It should be remembered, I think, that people write to their Member of Parliament when they have tried everything else. It is something in the nature of a final appeal, and it is only right and proper that these appeals should receive the most earnest and careful consideration.
I think that the question of Ministers' replies to hon. Members comes properly under three headings. First, there is the subject matter of the letter which the Minister sends; secondly, there is the time which the Minister takes to reply to letters; and thirdly, and I think quite an important point, there is the signature that is put to the letter from the Department in question. I have very little criticism, if any, about the subject matter of the letters which hon. Members receive from Ministers in reply to complaints from constituents.
Some Ministries are better than others. I said, when I raised this matter two years ago, that I thought the Air Ministry came first. I think it still has pride of place; I do not say in the matter of speed, but certainly in regard to the carefulness with which it looks into matters which are raised, and the good English in which the replies are written- I think the Air Ministry certainly occupies the top place. I would like to congratulate the Under-Secretary of State, who I am sorry to say is not here, for the care which he takes in dealing with queries, and for the prompt and courteous way he answers. I would say that the Ministry of Pensions comes next in regard to the care it takes in dealing with matters brought to its attention. I regret to say that the War Office comes definitely last in regard to the letters it writes.
It is a help, and it is far better, to send a letter which expresses exactly what a Minister means to express, which is not always done—a letter written in good English and not in "officialese." In this connection, I think the War Office falls far behind. At the same time, although we admit that there are differences of opinion about Government policy, within the broad lines of that policy I do not think hon. Members have much complaint to make of the subject matter of letters. I rather wish that Government Departments took the same care in writing direct to members of the public, and would try to explain things to members of the public. It is because that does not happen that hon. Members receive such an enormous amount of mail, and are so overburdened at present. In consequence, they overburden the Ministries. Many people find that the only way to get a reasonable reply from a Government Department, and one which satisfies them, is to write to their Member. If only Ministries would explain to people a little more clearly the reasons why decisions are taken in certain personal cases, I think hon. Members would have fewer letters to deal with and there would be less of a bottleneck higher up in the Ministerial offices.
On the question of time, I am afraid I cannot be so complimentary. The time taken is still too long. When I say that I mean that there is too long an average for a reply to be received except from the Post Office, which replies with great despatch, possibly because it has not so much to do. The average time taken is about three to four weeks for any particular person's case. It may, of course, be longer if inquiries have to be made, but three to four weeks is the general time taken. It is not too long in some cases, but it is too long in ordinary cases, and the curious thing is that no matter to whom a letter is addressed it is nearly always from three to four weeks. May I give two examples of cases where I think it was not really necessary that the time should be so long?
All of us know the views of the Minister of Health on the subject of private enterprise house building and on granting licences to people who want to build houses of their own. I had the case of a woman a little while ago, who had, I thought, something more than the ordinary claim to be granted a licence. I took it up with the Minister, and I received a perfectly normal reply about which I make no complaint. It was signed by his private secretary, for the Minister was away at the time at a Labour Party conference- The letter was only a statement of Government policy. It stated three things. In the first place, it stated that the Minister was absent; secondly, that the right hon. Gentleman was obliged last year to make a strict rule about the issue of licences for private building; and, thirdly, that he hoped to make a statement on the housing situation in respect of that particular matter at some time in June. I make no complaint about the subject matter of that letter. I wrote on 27th April and I received a reply on l0th May. That is about the average time. I did not gather from that letter that any inquiries were made about that woman's particular right to have a building licence. It may well be that because of the Government's policy it was not necessary to make those inquiries, but if it was not necessary to make inquiries I do not see why it should take so long to give a reply, which, as I have said, was nothing more than a statement of Government policy. That could have been given in a week at least.
Another point concerns the right hon. Gentleman the Financial Secretary to the Treasury. I had to write to him about a certain individual who was in arrears with his Income Tax- He was asked to pay off his arrears at a certain rate and he wished to pay them off at a lower rate. The Income Tax authorities would not agree and I wrote to the right hon. Gentleman. He wrote me a very courteous letter, in which he agreed that the person could pay off the arrears at the lower rate. I make no complaint about the subject matter of that letter, but the point is that that letter took about the same time as did the letter from his right hon. Friend the Minister of Health. The Financial Secretary presumably had to make some inquiries and had to contact one of the Inland Revenue officers and obtain a reply from him. Therefore, there is a possible reason for that length of time, though it is too long. Why does it take so long when there are no inquiries to be made, or where only a "Yes" or "No" has to be given. I should like to know where is the bottleneck and what is the reason for the delay? Is it an extreme shortage of typists, a shortage of those who dictate the letters, or a shortage of Ministers? The reason is to be found in one of those three categories and I should be grateful if the right hon. Gentleman would tell us.
The last question is that of signing. It is very important that a letter to a Member of Parliament should be signed either by the Minister himself or by the Parliamentary Secretary. I do not think that letters from Members should be shoved off on to a Parliamentary Private Secretary, who has no executive responsibility. There are some Ministers who have a rooted aversion to replying personally to any letters they receive. The Secretary of State for War and the Minister of Health are two cases in point. It is a red letter day in my life when I get a signed letter from either of them, and I have to write to them frequently. I cannot see that they are able to claim that they are more overworked than other Ministers; there are Ministers who mast receive just as many letters as they—I am certain the Minister of Pensions must re- ceive as many, but he signs, as also does the Minister of Fuel and Power. It should be remembered that, after all, the constituent feels, as this is the final appeal, that if the letter comes from the Minister himself, then everything which possibly could be done has been done. I do emphasise this point, because the constituent does appreciate having some statement from a Minister on a matter which may be of great concern to him.
Linked up with this is the question: To whom should one write on a given subject? Nobody wants to burden a Minister unnecessarily; it is appreciated that their burdens are many today, and I think that it is an excellent idea to write to the regional offices, such as the regional office of the Ministry of Fuel and Power, if one has a simple, straightforward case to put forward. For my own part, I have had excellent service from my regional petroleum officer, and I can get a reply from him in probably three days. Furthermore, it is almost the same reply as that which I should get from the Minister in a month. I put this to the House because it is something which helps overworked Departments of the Government. When I raised this matter about two years ago I made certain suggestions, and I would like to repeat them. It is difficult for a Member of Parliament who has an urgent case to get a reply quickly unless he can catch the Minister and pour the whole matter into his ear, emphasising the urgency. But an hon. Member does not like doing that, and, if it was done by every hon. Member, the whole system would break down.
What is wanted is some method by which an hon. Member can get a reply to a really urgent matter and a Member of Parliament who puts "priority" on his letter, as I suggested two years ago, should get priority treatment. Again, if every hon. Member put "priority" on his correspondence, the system would break down, but I think there is no doubt that Departments would quickly come to know hon. Members who overworked the business and abused the system in order to get priority. Hon. Members themselves would come to appreciate that if that were done, the system would lose its worth. But it is a good thing to write to one's regional officers if one has a case which can fairly clearly be dealt with by them. I have heard that some people claim that it is a negation of liberty that such a method should be followed, and that only a Minister should reply to a Member of Parliament. But I cannot see that there is anything wrong if the Minister does not object, and the regional officer concerned does not object, and it is something which is advantageous because it hurries things along.
I would like to ask the Financial Secretary what causes the difficulty. What are the bottlenecks? How can things be speeded up? Does the right hon. Gentleman think that hon. Members write on too trivial matters, and that they burden Ministers unnecessarily? If matters are too trivial, I agree it is a bad thing, for that imposes a time lag on letters, both important and unimportant. This is a most important matter; may I ask the right hon. Gentleman to tell the House what are the difficulties, because this is something of real importance to our constituents and, I suggest, to the Government as well.
10.49 p.m.
I do not want to detain the House for any length of time at this late hour. I agree with the hon. Member that this is a very important topic, but I think that he has made a thoroughly unpersuasive speech. He has given no dates, or concrete instances of the delays which he claims are caused by Ministers. I wondered, listening to his argument, what his standard of comparison was; what business experience had the hon. Member before he entered this House? Does he compare correspondence between business firms with correspondence between Ministers and hon. Members of this House?
I invite this House to look at the other side of the picture, because I disagree entirely with the very general propositions which the hon. Member, who has just sat down, has put forward. Before I entered this House I had very many years' business experience, and, in my view, the expedition with which correspondence takes place between Ministers and Members of this House compares very favourably with the expedition, or lack of it, which takes place between business firms outside this House. I suggest that the features of good correspondents should be that the recipient of a letter should read it carefully, should address his mind to the subject matter of it, and should attempt to reply to it and address his reply clearly and succinctly. His reply should be prompt. This is not always done in the business world. Since I entered this House I have written and received more letters than ever before.
My experience has been that the officials in Government Departments do address their minds to the problems that are presented. They do reply expeditiously, and express those replies in good English. The hon. Member for the Isle of Thanet (Mr. Carson) has talked about "officialese," but I have not had a single letter in that language. Every letter I have got has been clearly expressed in good English, and addressed to the point on which I have sought assistance and it has been of the utmost importance to the constituent to whom I wanted to send it. I think the hon. Member opposite has just seized an opportunity to try to find defects where they do not exist. I think he is entirely on the wrong track.
10.53 p.m.
I would like to express my thanks to my hon. and learned Friend the Member for North Aberdeen (Mr. Hector Hughes) for the praise he has given to the Departments. From the tenor of his speech it is obvious that the Civil Service is not as bad as it is painted, and he has lightened my task considerably this evening. As I understood him, the hon. Member for the Isle of Thanet (Mr. Carson) made four points. He spoke of the quality of the replies made by Departments he dealt with the time taken by them to answer letters he thought Ministers should always sign the letters which went out from their Departments, and, reverting to a suggestion he made on a former occasion, he thought priority should be given to urgent cases.
May I say, first of all, that I entirely agree with him that everything should be done to see that the replies sent out should be in simple, sympathetic, direct language which the ordinary person can understand. If and when he receives a copy from his Member it should not make him feel that he has been dealt with unsympathetically. As I said on a previous occasion, Departmental replies should be looked upon as part of the shop window of democracy. The efficiency of Parliament is displayed to the ordinary man in the back streets by the letters he gets from his M.P. The hon. Gentleman is pushing at an open door when he asks that we should do all we can to see that letters are simple, sympathetic and straightforward. Only this morning, I visited one of the courses held by the Treasury for members of the Civil Service from various Departments. Among the topics dealt with was the desirability of seeing that letters which go to hon. Members should be as I have indicated.
As to the time taken, quite obviously this must vary from Department to Department and even, within a Department, from case to case. The number of letters still dealt with is pretty big. I took the opportunity of inviting the Departments to let me have some figures in view of this Debate this evening and I gather that the average number of letters from Members which come to them even now—two or three years after the War—is something like 4,000 a week. Just after the War, the Service Departments—particularly the War Office—got an enormous number of letters. The emphasis has shifted, and the Ministry of Fuel and Power, the Ministry of National Insurance and the Ministry of Food get a larger share of letters than previously.
Could the right hon. Gentleman say how many letters on an average the Departments receive?
I have the figures but I did not want to burden the House with them at this late hour. If the hon. Member would like me to give some of them, I will. In the first part of 1946, the Air Ministry was dealing with about a thousand letters from Members a week. It is now dealing with 150. The War Office, which dealt with 700 a week four years ago, dealt with 1,700 at the end of 1945, and now only deals with about 350. On the other side, the Ministry of Fuel and Power's score has risen from 65 in 1944 to 390; the Ministry of Agriculture's from 30 a week a year or two ago to 175 now. Therefore, the House will see that as a Department projects legislation or comes into the picture in one way or another, the correspondence it receives increases.
Would the Minister give us the figures for the Board of Trade, as a matter of interest, because the figures for that Department given last year by the President mentioned something like a million letters from the public at least inside a year? It would be interesting to know how the figures stand now.
I have got them all here, but knowing that we had only a limited time I am afraid that I did not propose to give them all. In 1948, the total for the Board of Trade averages out at about 265 a week. In 1946, it was 280 a week. In other words, the average from Members is roughly what it was two years ago so far as the Board of Trade is concerned.
Delay does occur for a number of reasons. A little while ago, with the Service Departments, it was because inquiries had to be made over a wide area, even sometimes in the Far East. That, of course, takes time. Today, the Commonwealth Relations Office frequently takes as much as two months to deal properly with a letter if it means communicating with India or Pakistan. It all depends on the nature of the inquiry.
Some other Departments have their offices spread about the country owing to the fact that bombing took place, or because they have grown because of the war and the controls that have had to be imposed. The Ministry of Food, for example, is not a closely compact Department and that frequently causes delay. They have an office in London, another at Oxford, another at Colwyn Bay and one at Stanmore. We have therefore got to remember that the difficulties of the moment are immense so far as some Departments are concerned. While Departments are striving to the best of their ability to speed up the replies they make, it is nevertheless true that a considerable time is taken with some letters—much longer indeed than we hope will presently be the case.
The right hon. Gentleman has given many excuses for delay with letters. Will he admit that with respect to many urgent letters where the Minister knows the answer, a fortnight is taken over the answer?
I am not giving a lot of excuses I am giving the facts, admitting at the same time that there is great room for improvement and that we are trying to speed up replies. I want now to deal with the point made by the hon. Member for the Isle of Thanet that certain letters from Members should be given priority. Members' letters are not given absolute priority. The volume of letters reaching the Departments is considerable and they are dealt with largely in the order in which they come in, although the letters from Members are given a certain priority, some of them indeed a high priority. I think there is a great deal in the suggestion that where a Member has a really urgent case, he should so mark it in order that it can be dealt with as a matter of urgency and not in the order in which it reaches the staff.
Members themselves can do a great deal, particularly now when there is a great shortage of staff, to assist Departments. It is unfortunately true that some Members—I will not say they do not read the letters that come to them—but apparently do little more than glance at them, pin a slip on them and send them to the Department to which they think they should go. As a result, letters often go to the wrong Department which in turn has to send them on to another. This wastes time. It is also true that some Members send letters to Departments when, quite obviously they must by now themselves know the answer to them, and could very well reply to them without troubling a Minister.
I answer anything up to 20 or 3o letters a week dealing with one Post-War Credits point alone. People write to their Member asking him if it is possible for them to be paid their Post-War Credits on the grounds of hardship. It is perfectly well-known to every Member of the House that by law it is quite impossible for the Chancellor of the Exchequer to pay anybody a Post-War Credit on the ground of hardship if they are under the prescribed ages. Yet week by week I get, as I say, 20 to 3o letters coming to me personally from Members on this one point alone. Members must know that by doing this they are delaying answers to other letters and are helping to clog the machine; Members can help Departments by remembering this.
Finally may I say this, that although I am now replying for the Departments as a whole, Departments do in this matter follow their own methods. It is true that some Departments are better than others. Generally speaking, however, all do try to reply to letters as quickly as possible. All do realise that they have a long way to go before it can be said that everything is satisfactory. I can, however, promise the House that this Debate, so far as it has gone, will be read by the Departments. They are fully alive to the need and do strive to do their best.
Will the right hon. Gentleman just say one word on the point raised by my hon. Friend on the extent to which Members can correspond with regional officers? The Minister of Fuel and Power has specifically told us that we can do so while the regional officers of the Ministry of Food do not answer letters.
I am sorry I did not deal with that point when I was speaking. Some departments encourage Members to write wherever possible to the regions because it not only saves two sides of the triangle and thus time. It also saves the Department in question having to pass the letter on, and from every point of view it is to be desired.
There is another point which I overlooked- Ministers do try as far as they can to sign the letters sent out. Occasionally it is not possible for that to be done.
The Question having been proposed after Ten o'Clock and the Debate having continued for half an hour, Mr. SPEAKER adjourned the House without Question put, pursuant to the Standing Order.
Adjourned at Six Minutes past Eleven o'Clock.