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Commons Chamber

Volume 451: debated on Monday 31 May 1948

House of Commons

Monday, May 31, 1948

The House met at Half past Two o'Clock

Prayers

[Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair ]

Private Business

Shoreham Harbour Bill

Lords Amendments considered, and agreed to.

Darwen Corporation Bill

Read the Third time, and passed.

BEVERLEY CORPORATION BILL [Lords]

BIRMINGHAM CORPORATION BILL [Lords]

COVENTRY CORPORATION BILL [Lords]

Read a Second time, and committed.

Ministry of Health Provisional Order (Bradford) Bill

Ministry of Health Provisional Order (Bristol) Bill

Ministry of Health Provisional Order (Exeter) Bill

Ministry of Health Provisional Order (Gloucester) Bill

Ministry of Health Provisional Order (Huddersfield) Bill

Ministry of Health Provisional Order (Macclesfield) Bill

Ministry of Health Provisional Order (Northampton) Bill

Ministry of Health Provisional Order (Shrewsbury) Bill

Ministry of Health Provisional Order (Stockton-On-Tees) Bill

Read a Second time, and committed.

Oral Answers to Questions

Questions

Indo-China (Incidents)

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if he will make a statement on the incident of 8th March, at Khoi Nghia, in the Kienan Province of French Indo-China, which led to the death, after arrest, of 22 Vietnamese civilians and on the incident of 17th March, at Chocan, in the Quangtri Province of Central Viet-Nam, which led to much destruction of life and property; and if, in view of the joint responsibility of His Majesty's Government for the restoration of French rule in Indo-China, he will make representations to the French Government, with a view to preventing further incidents of this kind and securing peace.

No, Sir. I have no information on this subject.

Would my hon. Friend be good enough to answer the second part of my Question.

Would it not be a good thing to give the French Government some good advice, reminding them of the excellent attitude adopted by His Majesty's Government towards Burma and other nations in South East Asia—which has been so much more sensible than theirs?

Korea (Elections)

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he will make a statement concerning the recent elections in Southern Korea.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if he will make a statement about the elections recently held in Korea; the source and object of the opposition to holding the same; and as to the strength of the Korean Communist forces in Korea.

Elections were held in South Korea on 10th May under the auspices of the American occupation authorities. The United Nations Temporary Commission in Korea, after satisfying itself that the elections would be held under reasonably free conditions, formally decided to observe them.

All men and women aged 21 or over, and having normal residential and other qualifications, had a right to give their secret vote; and despite the fact that the Communists themselves boycotted the elections, and tried to induce others to follow suit, it is reported that about go per cent. of the potential electorate registered, and about go per cent. of the registered electorate went to the polls. These results show that a great majority of the people of South Korea desire a genuinely democratic government on Western lines.

In the newly-elected National Assembly, which is to be convened on 31st May, the supporters of Dr. Syngman Rhee, the Nationalist leader, have won nearly half of the 200 seats. The next step will be for the Assembly to draft and adopt a constitution, and thereafter a Government will be formed. The United Nations Commission, which, in accordance with its terms of reference, is not directly concerned with the formation of the National Government, has gone to Shanghai to prepare its report on the elections. When the Government has been formed, the Commission is empowered to advise it about the establishment of national security forces, the transfer of power from the occupying authorities, and the withdrawal of the occupying forces.

As to the strength of the Korean Communist forces, my right hon. Friend regrets that he can give no precise information. The Soviet authorities have not been communicative about the Korean army which they are known to have trained and equipped in their zone of occupation; but there is no doubt that the numbers involved are substantial.

Will any effort now be made to see whether the same kind of election can be held in Northern Korea?

I do not think the prospects of doing so are at all good, certainly not under United Nations auspices.

China (Damaged British Property, Canton)

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether the Chinese Government have yet agreed to the compensation figure suggested by His Majesty's Government for the damage done in Canton.

Can the hon. Gentleman give us any idea when we shall start putting pressure on the Chinese Government for some reply?

This matter was mentioned to the Chinese Government only a few days ago and they assured us of their anxiety to reach a satisfactory settlement.

Foreign Policy 1919–1939 (Documents)

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he will cause a White Paper to be published concerning the efforts made by the Governments of the United States of America, Great Britain, France and the Soviet Union in the years 1936, 1938 and 1939 to avoid war with Nazi Germany and to prevent the advance of Nazism across Europe, such White Paper to cover the unpublished offer of President Roosevelt, early in 1938, to Mr. Neville Chamberlain and the circumstances in which the Soviet Union, later in 1938, indicated its willingness to fight with France and Britain for the defence of Czechoslovakia.

No, Sir. For a record of these events, His Majesty's Government prefer to await the publication of the "Documents on British Foreign Policy, 1919–1939."

Is my hon. Friend aware that in the compilation of the history of this very important period the Government have already been beaten to it in time by a private individual writing in his spare time, namely, the Leader of the Opposition?

Does not my hon. Friend think that it is very important to get these facts out at the earliest possible opportunity because of their relevance to the present situation?

Yes, Sir. We appreciate that, and it is for that reason that we have made arrangements to publish first the latest documents of this period.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the articles of the Leader of the Opposition are having the best possible effect in America in helping this country and America to understand each other, and will he refrain from making such damaging and ridiculous statements?

Japan

British Interests

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he is satisfied that the British point of view and British interests are receiving full consideration, in shaping the future of Japan; and what plans for minimising the effect of cheap Japanese production on British industry, particularly on Lancashire textile production, have now been agreed.

The answer to the first part of the Question is "Yes, Sir." Policy for Japan during the occupation period is formulated by the Car Eastern Commission in Washington in whose deliberations the United Kingdom representative plays a full part. But final decision regarding Japan's future must await a peace settlement and that is one of the reasons why my right hon. Friend is anxious to see a Peace Conference convened as soon as possible. With regard to the second part of the Question, I would call the hon. Member's attention to a Car Eastern Commission policy decision approved on 8th May, 1947, which provides that during the occupation period Japanese exports shall be sold at established world prices.

Was the Minister aware of the large-scale textile contract made between Japan and the Netherlands East Indies which will definitely have the effect of excluding our textiles from that country for a long time? Is such a contract in harmony with the Geneva Agreement?

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that although British interests may be looked after by our representative on the Commission, until quite recently at any rate we had no access even to the Japanese Prime Minister or Cabinet? Can he assure the House that the Ambassador at the present moment has contact with the present Japanese Prime Minister?

I am sure that the proper solution is to get the Peace Conference assembled so that we can play our full part in the long-term decisions about Japan.

Mercantile Marine (Limitation)

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs what consultations have taken place between this country and the U.S.A. regarding the future size of the Japanese Mercantile Marine; what conclusions were arrived at; and if he will make a statement.

Policy regarding the size of the Japanese Mercantile Marine during the occupation period is at present under discussion in the Car Eastern Commission and the views of His Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom have been made known to the United States Government there. No conclusions have yet been reached. As an island nation Japan must have a reasonable amount of merchant shipping. The policy which we are advocating is that restrictions on her Mercantile Marine should be confined to those required for security. On security grounds, we consider that some limitation of shipping tonnage and speed, and of shipbuilding capacity, is desirable. The problem before the Commission is to reach agreement on the actual figures.

May I ask the hon. Gentleman whether he will press upon his representative that it is impossible for Marshall Aid plans to succeed if any of the expansions of exports, direct or indirect, are to be cut away by a policy such as is outlined in the United States; and will he further answer whether it is in conformity with the ideas of this country that the Japanese shipbuilding industry should once again be reconstituted somewhere near its pre-war importance?

On the first point, I will certainly consider that. On the second point, I have nothing to add to my statement that the sole criterion should be the security interests involved.

While I note the hon. Gentleman's statement that the plans of the United Kingdom are before the United States, can he also say whether the Indian Government have been consulted in this matter, because they are very interested, too, and whether their case has been put?

Of course, we keep in close touch with the Commonwealth countries, but on this issue I should require notice.

German Industries (Nationalisation)

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he will make a statement as to progress in the nationalising of industry in the British zone of Germany.

At the last Conference of Foreign Ministers it was agreed that the German people should decide on the form that future ownership of these industries should take. Until a properly representative German body has been constituted this decision cannot be taken. Meanwhile, the heavy industries in the British zone of Germany are vested in the Military Governor.

Does that reply mean that there has been a reversal of policy on the part of the Government, because a short time ago the Foreign Secretary said that it would be the intention to proceed in this way?

We have always held that it is the decision of the German people which shall be decisive. At the moment our policy is in accordance with the Four-power Agreement.

As all the established German political parties have so far come out in favour of nationalisation, will that be taken into account in regard to this most important matter?

We do not think that the final decision can be taken except by a properly representative German body.

Transjordan

Financial Assistance

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs what financial assistance has been given by His Majesty's Government to Transjordan during the past two years under Article 8 of the Annex to the Treaty of Alliance of March, 1946; and what further sums it is proposed to give during the current year.

Since 7th June, 1946, when the Anglo-Transjordan Treaty of Alliance came into force until the end of the financial year 1946–48, the sum of £3,790,000 has been paid by His Majesty's Government to the Transjordan Government. As will be seen from the Foreign Office Estimates, provision has been made for financial assistance to the Transjordan Government during the financial year 1948–49 at the rate of £2,000,000 for maintenance and £500,000 as a special grant for equipment. Of this £840,000 has been paid. As His Majesty's Government have already made it clear, the question of paying the balance will be decided in the light of circumstances prevailing when payment becomes due.

Since these payments under the Treaty of 1946 have to be specifically linked with the defence of Transjordan, is my hon. Friend quite satisfied that these amounts of money have been used exactly for that purpose?

Yes, Sir. We are satisfied of that. As to the future, however, our decision has not yet been taken, as I have indicated in my reply.

Is there any truth in the report that Glubb Pasha and Bevin Pasha are shortly to exchange jobs?

In view of my hon. Friend's statement that he is satisfied that the moneys were expended in defence, against whom was Transjordan defending herself or against whom is she defending herself at this moment?

Treaty of Alliance

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he is aware that the third paragraph, Article 1, of the Treaty of Alliance, 1948, between His Majesty's Government and the Amir of Transjordan, has been violated by the refusal of the latter to cease hostilities in Palestine in response to the demand by the United Nations and what action he proposes to take.

The answer to the first part of the Question is in the negative; the second part, therefore, does not arise.

Can my hon. Friend say whether Palestine is a foreign country within the meaning of Article 1 of this Treaty, and if not, what is it?

I should say that on that point Palestine does not constitute a foreign country within the meaning of paragraph 3 of Article 1 of the Treaty.

Will my hon. Friend answer the second part of that supplementary question: if it is not a foreign country, what is it?

In that case does my hon. Friend mean that it is part of the State of Transjordan?

I cannot accept that Palestine is a foreign country in the sense that under paragraph 3 of Article 1 of the Treaty that Treaty is then applicable.

Palestine

War Material

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs what evidence he has received regarding the diversion to Palestine of military material supplied by this country to Egypt, Iraq and Transjordan.

Up to the termination of the Mandate there was no direct evidence of British war material supplied to Egypt, Iraq and Transjordan being diverted to Palestine. Since 14th May, the Arab forces operating in Palestine are, no doubt, making use of equipment supplied to them during several years past from this country. The question of export of war material to the Middle East is now covered in the resolution adopted by the Security Council on 30th May.

In view of the fact that on 24th March the Foreign Secretary specifically said that he would review the supplies if there was any evidence of their being used in Palestine, can my hon. Friend say that he has received no information from military intelligence, Middle East, that there has been such use?

I have already covered the period up to the relinquishment of the Mandate. The period since then and the present period are covered by the resolution of the Security Council yesterday.

Does my hon. Friend mean that up to the termination of the Mandate there was no evidence of any kind from those countries of material being diverted to Palestine?

Is my hon. Friend aware that specific pledges were given to the House that by the time the Mandate was terminated the Arab Legion would be withdrawn from Palestine?

Whether it is another question or not, is it not relevant to this Question, and does not my hon. Friend know perfectly well that the Foreign Secretary publicly stated more than once that the Arab Legion would be withdrawn from Palestine before the Mandate ended?

This Question refers to the diversion to Palestine of military material, and I have answered it quite fully.

Is the Minister aware of the almost universal condemnation in the United States Press of our attitude in this matter, and will he bear this in mind?

In view of these numerous questions on Palestine, and as we do no want to put supplementary questions to the various items, it might be simpler to ask, are we to have a statement or Palestine?

I think I am right it saying that my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister will say something about that at the end of Questions.

Government Policy

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he will give an assurance that there has been no change in the policy hitherto followed by His Majesty's Government on the Palestine issue that they are not prepared to take part in enforcing a solution which is unacceptable to either party.

Can my hon. Friend give an assurance that the parallel declaration that His Majesty's Government accepted the decision of the United Nations regarding the partition of Palestine, and would do nothing to obstruct the implementation of that decision, is also still the policy of His Majesty's Government?

I do not think my right hon. Friend goes back on any of the things he said at that time.

British Subjects, Jerusalem (Protection)

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs what steps have been taken to safeguards, so far as possible, the lives and the food supplies of those British subjects, such as the Anglican Bishop in Jerusalem and his staff, who have conceived it to be their duty to remain in Jerusalem, despite official warnings to leave, and whose presence and influence there may assist the process of reconciliation between Jews and Arabs.

British subjects were advised to gather at the Anglican Cathedral of St. George and warnings have been conveyed to both Arabs and Jews to avoid involving the Cathedral in the fighting. Archdeacon MacInnes was wounded in the leg on 16th May while walking outside the Cathedral compound but was conveyed to the French hospital where he is progressing well. Though shells fired by Arabs struck the compound on 17th May and the Cathedral itself on 19th May, there have been no other casualties there. Representations were made by His Majesty's Representatives in Jerusalem and Amman and no further incidents have been reported. As regards food supplies, provisions were stored in advance in consultation with the authorities of the Government of Palestine, and there is no reason to believe that the British community is short of necessities.

Is it then perfectly clear from what my hon. Friend is telling the House that the shells which burst on the Cathedral were British shells supplied by Great Britain to the Arab Legion and by the Arab Legion fired at Jerusalem?

At the end of Questions

Situation (Statement)

May I ask the Prime Minister, in view of what the Leader of the House told us on Thursday, whether the Foreign Secretary intends to make a statement on Palestine today.

My right hon. Friend the Lord President of the Council stated last Thursday that the Foreign Secretary hoped to be in a position to make a statement at an early date and he indicated that possibly it would be on Monday—

On Friday or Monday. The House will be aware of the position at the present time in the Security Council and the endeavour that is being made to arrange a cease fire. Those matters are now under consideration by the various parties and it would be inconvenient for a statement to be made or questions to be put which might in any way jeopardise the possibility of acceptance. In those circumstances, I hope that the House will give their indulgence to the Foreign Secretary not to make a statement today.

Will the Prime Minister do his very best to heal the rift which has appeared between Washington and London and use every means in his power to close the breach and make our policy quite plain in Washington?

While everyone hopes that there will be a truce in the fighting and that discussions will take place, I want to ask—and I think that the House has a right to know this—whether the Government in any discussions that take place will take no action, or give no support of any kind to any action, that would prejudice the new Jewish State of Israel? Can I have an answer?

Before any answer is given, may I ask whether there has yet been any recognition by His Majesty's Government of any such entity as that referred to?

I do not want to press at all about these matters, but are we clear that the position now is that His Majesty's Government are using their best endeavours with both parties in respect of the resolution agreed upon by the United Nations?

"Germany Under Control" Exhibition

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he intends to close the "Germany Under Control" Exhibition this Summer.

Yes, Sir. An abridged version of the Exhibition which has been visiting Army units in this country will end its tour on 30th June.

Does not my hon. Friend consider that this exhibition has a unique educational value, and is it not important that it should be continued?

That is so. At the same time we are necessarily cutting down the activities of the Control Commission, and we are particularly trying to economise in manpower at the present time. We feel that after 30th June it might be wise to wind this up.

Is there any prospect of the Britain under control exhibition coming to an end?

Poland (British Claims)

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs what is the probable amount of compensation which will be payable to British nationals in sterling on Zloty securities under the terms of the agreement reached between the British and Polish Government on compensation for British interests affected by Polish Nationalisation Laws.

The Polish Government have not yet published the Compensation Decree which is to lay down the principles for assessment of claims. No estimate of the amount payable can, therefore, be made.

Food Supplies

Retail Licence, Reading

asked the Minister of Food why, in the matter of a retail licence for premises at 8, Lavender Street, Reading, he reversed the decisions of the Reading Food Committee and the Divisional Food Officer; and why, without consulting the Committee, he directed that this licence should be granted to Mr. O. Grey instead of to Mr. A. J. Kent, who in the first instance applied to the Committee.

Mr. Grey appealed to Headquarters against the refusal of the Food Control Committee and, later, of the Divisional Food Officer to allow him a retail licence. During the consideration of the appeal it was decided that the regulation, on which the refusal was based, was unduly restrictive and a direction was therefore issued that the licence should be granted and the regulation amended. At the time of the decision the Headquarters of the Ministry was unaware of an earlier unsuccessful application for a licence by Mr. Kent, who had not appealed against the ruling of the Food Control Committee.

Is the Parliamentary Secretary aware that the members of the Reading Food Committee are disgusted with the way in which the Minister has handled this case, and can she say whether there were any special circumstances, particularly the intervention of a Cabinet colleague, which influenced the Minister in deciding to give this licence to Mr. Grey?

The special circumstances were that Mr. Grey felt he had a grievance because the period of grace which we give people who have a business transferred to them was as short as 10 days; we felt this grievance was legitimate and, therefore, we decided to amend the regulations.

Can the hon. Lady answer the question put by my hon. Friend whether there was or was not intervention with her right hon. Friend by Ministerial colleagues?

As far as I know this case has only just reached Ministerial level. The amendment was made by the Department. My right hon. Friend is away now and, therefore, it is quite impossible for me to discuss the details, but I understand that the only intervention so far as he was concerned was when he acknowledged a letter from his right hon. Friend the Minister of National Insurance.

Does it not appear that this regulation had to be made restrospective in order to cover Mr. Grey's case? What special circumstance was there to justify the making of restrospective legislation for the purpose of favouring Mr. Grey?

When an appeal is pending, and when an amendment is officially made, it is obviously restrospective.

Can the hon. Lady explain why, in the circumstances, towards the end of last year the Minister of Food refused to receive a deputation from the Reading Food Committee on this point?

My right hon. Friend cannot possibly receive all those people who would like to see him. We are asked to receive hundreds of deputations which we have to refuse.

Extra Rations (Farm Workers)

asked the Minister of Food if he will now announce the changes in the method of distributing extra rations to farm workers.

My right hon. Friend has arranged that where a farmer fails to apply for seasonal allowances, one of the workers or some responsible person acting on their behalf may do so. Farmers are however still required to sign the form of application.

Will the farm worker or his wife be allowed now to draw these rations direct?

No, I am afraid we cannot alter the decision which we made some months ago and which I have conveyed to the hon. Gentleman on many occasions.

Yes, but can the hon. Lady give any reason for not altering the decision?

Yes, because there are many people who would be shopping with the farm worker's wife who would feel aggrieved if she had extra rations.

Will the Minister consider the possibility of making it compulsory upon a farmer to apply for rations for his own men?

Is the Minister aware that this is causing a great deal of hardship to the farmer's wife, and is condemned by the National Union of Agricultural Workers? Does she not think it is about time this method was stopped?

There would be no hardship to the farm worker's wife if every farmer played the game.

Potatoes

asked the Minister of Food of how many tons of ware potatoes the Ministry stands possessed; and how many tons are coming forward from Holland, Northern Ireland and Denmark.

We hold about 68,000 tons, that is, less than a week's supply. No more potatoes are coming from Holland but another 650 tons are due to come from Denmark and 2,000 from Northern Ireland.

May I ask the Parliamentary Secretary how long it will be before the Ministry of Food realises that panic buying and interference with the laws of supply and demand of swedes, potatoes and turnips create shortages and chaos and involve big loss to the taxpayer?

And the fact that we have a week's reserve proves the success of our policy.

Exported Horses, Eire

asked the Minister of Food whether he is aware of the present substantial traffic in aged horses which are shipped alive from Eire to Antwerp for slaughter and consumption on the Continent; and if he will purchase such horses so that they can be humanely slaughtered in Eire and the carcases shipped here.

The export of horses from Eire to the Continent is, of course, a matter for the Eire Government, but I am not aware that these horses are particularly aged as the Eireann regulations prohibit the export of any horse which is not certified as fit for work at the time. The Eireann regulations also prohibit the export of horseflesh, and, apart from this, there is no adequate reason at present for the extension of Government buying of horseflesh.

Butcher's Licence, Smallfield

asked the Minister of Food whether he is aware of the considerable hardship inflicted on the inhabitants of Smallfield, Surrey, by the revocation of the licence of the only butcher's shop in the village; and why permission was refused to this butcher to transfer this business.

I regret that a number of inhabitants of Smallfield have been inconvenienced by the revocation of Mr. Marett's butchery licence. He has not, however, been refused permission to transfer his business. This has not taken place because, despite four extensions of time he has failed to arrange a bona fide purchaser.

Does the hon. Lady appreciate that this butcher has already been punished by the courts once and now she is punishing the whole village?

My Ministry is not punishing the village at the moment, but Mr. Marrett is. Mr. Marrett in the first place produced his manager as the buyer of the business and in the second place a man Halliday, who withdrew because Mr. Marrett was not prepared to undertake not to practice in the district. But if he can produce a bona fide buyer we are quite prepared that he should take over.

Barley Products (Control)

asked the Minister of Food what form of control he proposes to create to ensure that none of the barley products taken off points are fed to livestock.

No further control; it is already an offence to feed pot and pearl barley to livestock, and barley meal and flakes may only be bought for this purpose against feeding-stuffs rationing documents.

Does not the hon. Lady think that it would be better, instead of making empty threats as she did in this case, to rely on the public to carry out this Order, as in the past they have carried out such orders really well, and that empty threats only minimise what remaining respect there is for her Ministry?

Co-operative Dairy (Milk Gifts)

asked the Minister of Food if he is aware that on a number of occasions the Manchester and Salford Co-operative Society offered gifts of milk to passengers on their charabanc trips to the Co-operative Dairy at Northenden; and what steps have been taken against the people concerned.

I understand that on one occasion in April a party of Co-operative members were invited to look over Northenden Dairy and that while there the children were given milk to drink. It is not certain whether any offence was committed but I am looking further into the circumstance and will write to the hon. Member.

Canned Fruit Allocations, Blackpool

asked the Minister of Food on what basis canned fruit is now allocated to hotel and boarding house keepers and other caterers in Blackpool.

We do not control the distribution of home-canned fruit. Imported canned fruit will be distributed to all catering establishments, on points, according to the number of main and subsidiary meals served.

Is the hon. Lady aware that the local food officer has insisted that the allocation should be based on the number of main meals served last September which is out of the main season and would it not be better for all concerned, including visitors, if the allocation were based on the number of main meals during the last year in the height of the season?

I think the hon. Member is misinformed. It is based on the number of main meals served in the eight weeks up to 8th November, but where it is favourable to the catering establishment we are prepared to base it on the 16 weeks before 8th November and we think that surely covers the holiday season in Blackpool.

Imported Fruit and Vegetables

asked the Minister of Food what steps will be taken to ensure that adequate consultations take place with representatives of the horticultural industry before concluding commercial agreements between His Majesty's Government and foreign countries for the import of fruit and vegetables.

It is our rule to consult my right hon. Friend the Minister of Agriculture and Fisheries in connection with negotiations with foreign countries and I understand that he consults representatives of the horticultural industry as and when necessary.

Will the hon. Lady agree that in the recent Anglo-Dutch Agreement her Department consulted the Minister of Agriculture and he agreed that it was necessary to import 4,000 tons of frozen fruit and vegetables into this country, starting from September?

When the Minister of Agriculture consults "as and when necessary," does he bear in mind the possibility of the industry considering it to be necessary?

Will the hon. Lady look into the question of imports from Holland, because I understand that £15 million worth of horticultural produce was imported into this country this year and it threatens our own industry with destruction?

The hon. Member must realise the needs of his constituents and that the consumption of fruit is greater than the home-produced supply.

Tinned Crab

asked the Minister of Food how many hundredweight of tinned crab he has bought or has contracted to buy from the U.S.S.R. since 25th December, 1947.

No purchases, or contracts to purchase, have been made since 25th December, 1947.

Pre-packed Foods (Labelling)

asked the Minister of Food whether he will consider modification of the policy outlined in paragraph 8 of the White Paper on the Labelling and Advertising of Foods, Command Paper No. 6482, to the extent of requiring disclosure of ingredients in the case of pre-packed foods for which a standard is prescribed under the Defence (Sale of Food) Regulations, 1943.

I agree that in the case of some foods for which a standard is prescribed it would be in the public interest to require the disclosure of ingredients on the label. We have therefore decided to modify the White Paper policy, and in future the Committee which has been set up to advise on food standards will be free to recommend that the ingredients of these foods should be disclosed on the label when this is considered advisable.

Shipping

Wild Animals (Safety Measures)

asked the Minister of Transport whether he is aware of the recent incident on board of Union Castle liner "Good Hope Castle," in which wild animals being transported from Mombasa, East Africa, to the London Zoo, broke out of their quarters and roamed the decks of the ship; and whether he will take steps to prevent a recurrence of this threat to the safety and security of passengers and crew travelling on the high seas.

I have read the report by the Master of the "Good Hope Castle" on the incident to which my hon. Friend refers. This ship is registered in the Union of South Africa. Even in respect of ships registered in this country, I have no powers to regulate the carriage of wild animals and I have no record of any previous incident of this kind in a British ship, although the carriage of wild animals is a frequent occurrence. I do not think it necessary to consider seeking such powers. I am advised that, in respect of ships registered in this country, both civil and criminal liability may be incurred, in certain circumstances, by owners, masters and others concerned with the transport of wild animals.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that chaos reigned on board this ship in the middle of the night and a great many people had to seek refuge on the bridge while a laughing hyena jumped overboard after releasing two leopards? Will he make representations to the shipping company concerned to prevent the recurrence of such an alarming incident?

I think perhaps that the hyena jumping overboard showed it was more terrified than the passengers.

Can the Minister say which touring Member of the Government these wild animals were in search of?

Since quite a large number of animals jumped overboard, showing they were more terrified of the human beings than the human beings were of the animals, would it not be better to leave them where they belong instead of putting them into captivity in this country?

Pedigree Cattle (Shipment)

asked the Minister of Transport if he is aware of the delay which takes place in the shipment of pedigree cattle from the United Kingdom to the Union of South Africa, Southern Rhodesia and British Colonial territories in Africa; that his Department recently commandeered the Houlder Line steamship "Ocean Valley" four days before it was due to sail for South America with cattle and sent it out under ballast; and what steps are being taken to facilitate this important dollar-earning export.

No, Sir; I am informed that delays in the clearance of pedigree cattle actually ready for shipment to South and East Africa are negligible. The "Ocean Valley" has not been commandeered or sent out in ballast. She was freely chartered by her owners for a voyage to the West Indies. I am fully aware of the importance of our cattle exports and am satisfied that they are being adequately catered for.

Will the Minister make further inquiries, because the information I get from all quarters is that there is considerable delay in getting these cattle and other livestock to the Colonies, and also to foreign countries, and it causes a great deal of expense to the owners of the cattle?

I have already made inquiries which prove that the information the hon. Member had in the first place in regard to this vessel is incorrect, and, secondly within the last 18 months the time for quarantine and preparation has been reduced from one year to three months.

War Medals and Decorations (Issue)

asked the Prime Minister what progress is being made with regard to the issue of the Campaign Stars, the Defence Medal and the War Medal.

These awards are now ready for issue. A copy of the instructions for claiming them will be included in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

May I thank the Prime Minister for speeding up this matter, and ask him if his proposals include putting the individual's name on the medal? If not, in view of the very great importance attached to that, could he consider the suggestion made by the British Legion and the Royal Artillery Association that the medal might be inscribed locally and paid for, on the form which goes with the medal being given into a post office?

Perhaps the hon. Member will remember that there have been a number of questions and I have explained the difficulty which putting the names on the medals would cause. I am willing to look into any practicable proposal, but I do not think this would be practicable.

Could some simple system be evolved whereby the men to whom these medals are due could make application for them, rather than that they should be distributed wholesale when in many cases they will not be wanted?

If my hon. Friend will look at the instructions for claiming the medal, which will be published in the OFFICIAL REPORT, he will find his point answered.

Following are the instructions:

Campaign Stars and Clasps, the Defence Medal and the War Medal 1939–45

The issue of Campaign Stars and Clasps, the Defence Medal and the War Medal awarded for service in the war of 1939–45 will begin shortly.

Ex-Members of the Regular Army, the Royal Air Force, and the Army and Air Force Women's Services, the Merchant Navy and Home Guard. Members and ex-Members of the Supplementary Reserve and of the Territorial Army.

Issues will be made to ex-members of the Regular Army, Royal Air Force, Army and Air Force Women's Services, Merchant Navy and Home Guard and to members and ex-members of the Supplementary Reserve and of the Territorial Army only on notification of the address, etc., on the appropriate card. Similarly legatees or, in the absence of legatees, the next of kin, of deceased members of these Services should use these cards. The chief reason for this is that up-to-date addresses would not otherwise be available.

The address should be notified only by means of one of the official post cards specially printed for the purpose. These will be obtainable, from any post office in the United Kingdom, including Northern Ireland.

The post card for use in respect of service in the Regular Army, Army Women's Services and Home Guard, the Supplementary Reserve and the Territorial Army is printed in black, that for the R. A. F. and Air Force Women's Services is printed in light blue and for the Merchant Navy in green. Those eligible are asked to complete the appropriate card and post it as soon as possible.

Exception to this arrangement is made for the legatee, or in the absence of a legatee, the next of kin, of a deceased member of the Merchant Navy. These should fill in a special form which may be obtained from any Mercantile Marine Office. If application cannot be made in person at a Mercantile Marine Office a request for the form should be sent by post to the Registrar-General of Shipping and Seamen, Llantrisant Road, Llandaff, Cardiff, Wales.

Serving personnel of the Regular and Army Women's Services.

It is not necessary for serving personnel of the Regular Army and Army Women's Services to send in post cards. The Stars, etc., will be issued through Units.

Serving personnel of the Royal Air Force and Air Force Women's Services.

Those serving in the R. A. F. and Air Force Women's Services who have qualified for the Stars, etc., should complete and send in the official post card printed in light blue. Special arrangements have been made for those serving overseas.

Serving personnel of the Merchant Navy and Fishing Fleet.

Those serving in the Merchant Navy and Fishing Fleet who have qualified for the Stars, etc., should complete and send in the official post card printed in green.

Officers and Warrant Officers who belonged to the Indian Army or the Royal Indian Navy before August, 1947 (including Special List ex-Indian Service).

Officers (Naval or Military) and next of kin, etc., of deceased Officers, even though already registered, should make use of the special Army postcards mentioned above, and address them to the War Office, Whitehall, London, S.W.1. The letters "I. A." in large print should in all cases be inserted on the card after the name of "Last Regiment or Corps." Any other correspondence on the subject, however, should be addressed to the Commonwealth Relations Office, Medal Section, 4, Central Buildings, Westminster, S. W. 1.

Civil Defence.

The issue of the Defence Medal to persons who qualified for the Medal by service in Civil Defence in the United Kingdom, is being undertaken by the Home Office. Issues will be made to individuals who have been notified of entitlement on form D.M.7. Recipients of this form should now complete Part B. of the form and post it to the Home Office.

Special Categories.

Persons who qualified for Campaign Stars and War Medals by service in the Civil Defence and National Fire Service Overseas Columns, will receive these awards from the Home Office, and no application need be made.

Individuals in the few other special civilian categories which qualify for Campaign Stars or the Defence Medal by service with the Army in qualifying areas overseas should apply by letter to the H. Q. of their respective organisations; entitled civilians who were not members of a specified civilian organisation should apply by letter direct to the War Office (A.G.4 Medals) Droitwich, Worcestershire. Entitled civilians whose service was with the R. A. F. should apply on the card appropriate to the Force.

Residents overseas who are ex-Members of United Kingdom Forces.

Those eligible should apply by letter, stating full service particulars, to the H. Q. of their respective Services.

Note.

It is regretted that it has not been found possible to stamp the awards with the names of the recipients. No objection will be raised to this being done privately.

Owing to the large numbers of awards made they will not be sent by registered post. Several months must elapse before many of the issues can be completed. Changes of address in the interval should be notified

Royal Navy.

The Admiralty will be unable to begin the issue of Campaign Stars and Clasps, and of the Defence and War Medals, until later. This postponement is unavoidable because the Admiralty have also to determine entitlement to Prize Money, and although the rules governing entitlement to Prize Money will not be the same as those applicable to the various Stars and Medals, the same details of service will be required and it is the intention to invite applications for Campaign Stars, Medals and Prize Money on a single form.

Legal Aid (Income Limit)

asked the Attorney-General, in view of the fact that legal aid is denied to many deserving persons because their incomes are above the prescribed limit and, having regard to the change in the value of money, if he is yet in a position to take steps to raise the prescribed limit and also to implement the other recommendations of the Rushcliffe Report.

I would refer my hon. and learned Friend to the reply given by my right hon. and learned Friend the Attorney-General to my hon. Friend the Member for Wimbledon (Mr. Palmer) on 26th January this year.

While thanking my hon. and learned Friend for that reply, and agreeing that the major recommendations will require a major Bill, may I ask him whether he does not agree that this particular change could be effected by a very simple Bill which would obviate a continuing injustice to a very large class of people?

The question of some interim measure, probably by way of regulation, was taken into consideration, but it was found that there would be great practical difficulties in the way of implementing it.

Is it not possible for the limit prescribed to be raised without any legislation but merely by rule of court?

I have just said that it was hoped that it might be possible by regulation, but there were difficulties in the way which could not be surmounted.

Official Secrets Act (Prosecution)

asked the Attorney-General under which Section of the Official Secrets Act of 1911, 1920, or 1939, Mr. J. W. Atkinson, a journalist, has been prosecuted for receiving information from a telephone operator concerning a supposed murderous attack on a woman, such information having been invented and sent by telephone by the police in order to entrap one or both of these men into committing this offence; and if he is satisfied that this prosecution was in accordance with the original intention of the Acts, as reaffirmed by successive Governments.

Mark Appleyard, a telephone operator, was charged under Section 2 of the Official Secrets Act, 1911, with giving information, and J. C. Atkinson, a journalist, with receiving it, knowing, or having reasonable ground to believe, that the information was communicated to him in contravention of the Act. There were two separate charges against each defendant, one relating to the giving and receiving of information concerning a genuine case into which the police were inquiring, and the other relating to a fictitious case. It is important that the police should not be hampered in their criminal investigations by disclosure of information, and I am satisfied that this prosecution, which received the prior consent of my right hon. and learned Friend the Attorney-General, was in accordance with the original intention of the Act.

Has it not been stated repeatedly in this House that the Official Secrets Acts were only intended to be used in cases of espionage or on issues of major national security and that kind of thing?

Statements have been made about the Acts, but they were primarily in relation to Section 6 of the 1936 Act, which concerned the interrogation of persons who were thought to be able to give information about offences that had been committed.

Would the Solicitor-General tell us whether there was a conviction on the count dealing with the real information as well as on the one dealing with the fictitious information?

Appleyard was found guilty and was fined £10 on each of two charges of giving information. Atkinson was found guilty on two charges of receiving information and was fined £5 in each case.

In view of the unsatisfactory nature of the reply, I am afraid that I shall have to try to raise this matter on the Adjournment.

Agriculture

Surplus Service Vehicles

asked the Minister of Agriculture on what basis wheeled or tracked vehicles which are no longer required by the Service Departments are transferred to his Department and to the Forestry Commission; and where such transactions are shown in the annual accounts.

The Ministry of Agriculture is the disposal Department for agricultural machinery, which includes wheeled tractors but not tracklaying tractors nor other wheeled vehicles, for which the Ministry of Supply is the disposal department. Wheeled tractors surplus to Service requirements are taken for disposal by my Department direct from the Service Departments without cash adjustment. Other surplus wheeled or track vehicles are purchased by my Department or the Forestry Commission for cash either from the Ministry of Supply direct or from the trade as reconditioned vehicles. All receipts from the disposal of surplus stores, whether by my Department or by the Ministry of Supply, are brought to account as Exchequer Extra Receipts. So far as my Department is concerned, purchases are charged to Subhead A of its Vote for Food Production Services (Class VI., 9) but both this subhead and the statement of extra receipts payable to His Majesty's Exchequer include other items. In the Forestry Commission's annual accounts the purchases are included under the headings of "Stores "and" Plant and Machinery."

Would the right hon. Gentleman simplify that by saying approximately what is the value of the machinery on charter to his Department?

Pedigree Stock (Export)

asked the Minister of Agriculture if he will appoint an expert committee to advise him on the development of the export trade in pedigree stock, particularly to the Dominions and Colonies.

The maintenance and development of the export trade is best left to the interests primarily concerned, with such advice and encouragement as can be given by the Agricultural Departments, the Royal Agricultural Society of England, the Highland and Agricultural Society of Scotland, the Livestock Export Group, and the individual Breed Societies. I do not see any need for the special Committee suggested by the hon. Member, but my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Scotland and I are in touch with the organisations I have mentioned on the subject of developing exports of pedigree stock and maintaining their quality.

Will the right hon. Gentleman say whether his Department has received any complaints from exporters with regard to the delay in getting shipments of cattle sent abroad? If he has not done so will he get into touch with the Export Livestock Group and find out the truth?

I have received complaints of certain cattle that have been exported and the quality thereof, but not on the other side of the Question which has been put by the hon. Member.

Badgers, Dorsetshire (Trapping)

asked the Minister of Agriculture whether he is aware that trappers in Dorsetshire are being paid 30s. each for badgers sold for food; and whether as these animals are of great value to agriculture he will take steps to discourage this practice.

Inquiries have failed to produce any information to support this allegation, but if my hon. Friend can furnish me with evidence I will do what I can by appropriate publicity measures to discourage the destruction of this useful animal.

While thanking my right hon. Friend for that tribute to a most interesting and valuable wild animal in this country, may I ask him if he will pursue investigations further, particularly in regard to foreign workers employed in agriculture, who I have reason to think are the culprits in this part of the country?

Marketing (Legislation)

asked the Minister of Agriculture what action he is now taking, or proposes to take, as a result of the recommendations of the Lucas Committee on Agricultural Marketing.

The Government have decided that the main recommendations of the Lucas Committee with regard to Commodity Commissions raise issues of such far-reaching importance that they must be further examined in relation to wider problems of procurement, marketing and distribution. While this further examination is being undertaken it will not be possible for the Government to reach decisions on the Committee's main recommendations. In the meantime the Government have decided to prepare legislation to effect a number of necessary and desirable Amendments to the Agricultural Marketing Acts and will take into account the recommendations in Chapter 7 of the Lucas Report. The Agricultural Departments will shortly consult the agricultural and other organisations concerned about the Amendments proposed. These Amendments will not prejudice decisions on the main recommendations in the Report.

In view of the importance of this matter and the Minister's reply, will he make representations to the Leader of the House to give the House an opportunity of debating this subject?

I think it would be far better to wait until the matter has been further explored and the Government are on the point of reaching a decision.

I understood the right hon. Gentleman to say that further examination of the matter was being undertaken. Does that mean further examination by the Government or by some other body?

Are we to understand that fresh legislation will be needed to bring about the amendment of the Agricultural Marketing Acts, and will that be in the next Session?

I am afraid that that question will have to be put down to the Leader of the House. Certainly such legislation will be prepared and made available for when the time arrives for such a Measure to be introduced.

Can my right hon. Friend say how long these further investigations are likely to take?

European Voluntary Worker (Transfer)

asked the Minister of Agriculture what steps have been taken to transfer Heinz Morgenstern, of E. V. W. Hostel, Burrelton, Perthshire, to the employment of Mr. Winnington, of Renton Hail Farm, Stafford, in accordance with the decision recently notified to the hon. Member for Stafford; and why there is delay in dealing with his case.

This man entered Mr. Winnington's employ on 27th May. Some delay occurred because it was found that the vacancy had not been notified to the Ministry of Labour, and inquiries had then to be made to ensure that no British, Polish or E. V. W. labour was available.

New Cereal Prices

asked the Minister of Agriculture whether, in view of the likelihood of an early harvest, he will arrange for the new cereal prices, scheduled to start on 1st August, to be made operative from 14th July.

No, Sir. Even in the most favourable conditions the volume of grain that could be harvested before the end of July would not be large enough to justify the change suggested.

Would the Minister be prepared to make it clear that any corn harvested this season should get the extra price? If that was made clear I feel there would not be the alarm which exists at the moment amongst farmers.

Since this corn could be sold at the price implied by the hon. Member on 31st July, it does not seem to be worth while transferring the date from the end of July to the 15th.

Galvanised Piping, Herefordshire

asked the Minister of Agriculture whether he is aware of the shortage of galvanised water piping in Herefordshire, which is holding up the provision of a clean water supply to dairy farmers; and what steps he proposes to take to relieve this shortage.

I am aware that there has been delay in securing delivery of galvanised piping for farm water supply schemes. As a result of increased allocations of steel, coupled with improved arrangements made by my Department with the main suppliers, arrears of deliveries are being steadily overtaken.

Does not the Minister think that it would have been better if the steel which was recently sent to Holland to enable dehydrated vegetables to be sent to this country in return had been kept in this country?

Roads

Level Crossings (Accidents)

65 and 66.

asked the Minister of Transport (1) whether he has considered the finding of the Inquiry held on 4th May, 1948, into the accidents at the dangerous level crossing at Conington, Hunts.; and what steps it is proposed to take as a result of that inquiry in order to prevent accidents at that level crossing in future;

(2) how many agricultural accommodation level crossings there are across the British Railways system, across which the public may pass only at their own risk; how many accidents have taken place at such crossings since 1st January, 1948; and what steps it is proposed to take to prevent accidents at such crossings in future.

There are some 22,60o occupation level crossings, nearly all of which are for agricultural purposes. Up to 15th May, 21 accidents, in which 12 persons were killed and 11 injured, had occurred this year. The report of the inquiry into the recent one at Conington is not yet complete. The problem of safety at such crossings was under consideration before the war, and I propose to follow up the matter afresh in conjunction with the British Transports Commission.

Will the Minister, in considering this matter further, bear in mind that the public have, in the past, gone over these crossings at their own risk, and that circumstances have since changed, and clearly the risk should now be borne by the British Railways?

As I have undertaken to go further into this matter, I would rather not anticipate any future decision.

Accidents, Newport—Chepstow Road

asked the Minister of Transport whether he is aware that a fatal accident occurred on the Newport-Chepstow Road recently, when a girl of eight was killed by a passing furniture van near the Royal Oak, and that there have been several previous accidents at this point where there is no footpath; what action was taken as a result of the previous inquiry; and what steps he now proposes to take in the matter.

Yes, Sir. A bus layby, and a pedestrian crossing to the East of the cross-roads were provided in 1945. I am now considering the possibility of acquiring land to provide a footpath on both sides of the road between the Post Office and the public house, of extending the speed limit to the West, and of providing a new pedestrian crossing.

May I ask whether, in the meantime, the Minister will give instructions for a very dangerous hedge which is a menace at this point to be removed immediately?

Filton By-pass (Alternative Route)

asked the Minister of Transport if he will inform the Gloucester-shire County Council of his approval of an alternative route to the Filton by-pass which was closed on 29th January, 1946; and if he will indicate its position and give his consent to the acquisition of the necessary land for its construction.

The permanent closure of the Filton by-pass will require an Order under Section 28 of the Civil Aviation Act, 1946. The Order, which will also determine the alternative route, will be subject to special Parliamentary procedure, and until it has been made the alternative route cannot be regarded as settled.

In view of the fact that this by-pass used to carry a large amount of traffic which now cannot be diverted from the main road, and which creates a great deal of congestion and very great danger when thousands of men are leaving the factories at Patchway and Filton, may I ask whether the Minister will treat this matter as one of great urgency and high priority?

I have already told my hon. Friend that this is a matter for the special Parliamentary procedure. Agreement has now been reached with the authorities concerned and no steps can be taken until this process is completed.

Ministry of Supply

Steel Allocations

asked the Minister of Supply how far, he is satisfied with the efficiency and fairness by which the allocation of steel control is functioning; and why some firms are receiving from their allocations in some cases 2,000 and 3,000 tons more than their actual needs, whereas other firms are receiving 2,000 and 3,000 tons less than their allocation.

I am satisfied that the system of allocating steel is fair and efficient, but, with the limited amount of steel available, there are, inevitably, a number of cases in which supply falls short of demand. I have no evidence that some firms are receiving substantially more than they need, but if my hon. Friend knows of a particular case and will let me have details I will look into it.

Does the Minister realise that one firm, whose name is known to him, is short of as much as some 1,500 tons on one period of allocation of steel which it should have; and does not he think that this indicates that the controls are not working efficiently? Is he further aware that if this same firm had only as much as 35 tons of a special type of steel, it would prevent us from having to import agricultural coulters from Belgium now urgently needed and bought at three times the price for which they could be obtained here?

I know the particular firm. I know a number of firms have less steel than they can deal with. I have no reason to believe that this particular firm is receiving an unfair allocation of steel compared with other firms.

Replacement Vehicles (Allocation)

asked the Minister of Supply whether he will undertake a revision of the recent drastic reduction in the number of replacement vehicles allocated to the home market.

Does the right hon. Gentleman realise the amount of extra cost being inflicted on the trade by the present unsatisfactory condition of these vehicles, and, secondly, the effect on the export trade?

Steel Industry (Nationalisation)

asked the Minister of Supply whether he will now state when he is likely to introduce legislation to nationalise steel.

I have nothing to add to previous Government statements on this subject.

Is the Minister aware that, while it may be said that he has nothing to add, the papers have been saying quite a lot in recent weeks, and will he help the House by saying whether it is his intention to introduce legislation either in this Session or early in the next Session?

I am not responsible for what the papers say. The position of the Government was made abundantly clear by the Prime Minister at the opening of this Session.

London Metal Exchange

asked the Minister of Supply when it is now proposed to reopen the London Metal Exchange.

I would refer the hon. Member to the reply which I gave to the hon. Member for Sutton Coldfield (Sir J. Mellor) on 3rd May.

In view of the vital necessity for invisible exports, how much longer are the Government to continue the folly of closing the Liverpool Cotton Exchange and the London Metal Exchange?

I gave the reasons, in reply to a Question the other day, why it is exceedingly difficult at the moment to consider opening the London Metal Exchange.

Is not the Minister aware that if he opened that exchange he would get the steel?

Commercial Vehicles (Farmers)

asked the Minister of Supply whether he will reintroduce priority for farmers in the supply of commercial vehicles for agricultural use.

No, Sir. The motor industry is giving preferential attention to the requirements of all essential industries.

If the right hon. Gentleman could be persuaded that food production is definitely being retarded by the inability of farmers to get these commercial vehicles, would he reconsider his view?

We do not give special priorities to any one of the many essential industries, but agriculture is definitely classed amongst those essential industries to which the motor industry is giving priority.

Rubber-covered Cable

asked the Minister of Supply how many tons of rubber-covered cable, the property of the Ministry of Supply, have been burnt at a site known as Blueberry Wood between the Polhill Road and Shoreham, Kent; what is the value; why is the material not being used in industry; and will he make a statement.

This cable, which was either worn out or unsuitable for commercial purposes, was purchased from the Ministry of Supply with an undertaking that it should be stripped to recover the metal.

Is the Minister aware that I am informed on good authority that tons upon tons of rubber, which ought to be put to commercial use, are being wasted?

This was worn out rubber, and it was a condition of the sale of the cable that the rubber should be taken away from the cable.

Tudor II Aircraft (Report)

asked the Minister of Supply when the Courtney report dealing with the Tudor II will be available.

I expect to receive the report of the Courtney Committee on the Tudor II in about a fortnight's time.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the delay of nearly eight months is causing acute embarrassment to B.O.A.C. and A. V. Roe? Is he further aware that on 20th May the B.B.C. broadcast that it was now unlikely that this aircraft would be used on the Corporation's passenger-carrying service, but would probably be used for emigration to Australia, and would he say if that information was given to the B. B. C. by his Department?

Certainly not by my Department. The Question asked when I expected to receive the Courtney report? The answer is, in about a fortnight.

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman, how long it will be after the report has been received before the Government make a decision on that type of aircraft?

I expect we shall do so with the same promptness as that with which we made decisions when the report on the Tudor I was submitted.

Steel Consumption

asked the Minister of Supply if, in view of the increasing production of steel and the claims being made upon it, he will produce an analysis of its forms of consumption.

An analysis of the forms in which finished steel is produced for consumption is published in the "Monthly Digest of Statistics."

Hampton Court Green

asked the Minister of Works what annual revenue he receives from Hampton Court Green; and how much is spent on its maintenance.

The annual revenue received from Hampton Court Green is approximately £2,000, and the annual maintenance expenditure approximately £300.

Is the Minister aware that visitors to this Green from London leave so many empty and broken bottles about that it is dangerous for the children of my constituents to play there; and will he increase the sum spent on clearing up the litter, in view of the large revenue received?

Socialised Industries (Questions to Ministers)

I rise on a point of Order, Mr. Speaker, in connection with three Questions which I sought to address to the Minister of Transport and which were refused by the Clerks at the Table. As you know, Sir, those Questions were in connection with the closing as from tomorrow of a railway station in my constituency, namely, the Purfleet Rifle Range Station. I hope that you will permit me to make some submissions to you so that you might possibly reconsider your decision as to the admissibility of these Questions.

First, Sir, I respectfully submit that the closing of a railway station is not a small matter of day to day management, to use an expression used by the Leader of the House. I would respectfully submit that the measure of the smallness or otherwise of this matter or—putting it again in the words of the Leader of the House—the problem of where to draw the line, is indicated in this case by the fact that today I have received a petition containing over 800 signatures asking me to make representations to the Minister of Transport in connection with the closing down of this station. I would urge upon you, Mr. Speaker, with great respect, that this is not a small matter or a relatively small matter. It is not a routine matter and, therefore, the Questions ought to have been admitted.

My second submission is based on the provisions of Section 4 (I) of the Transport Act. It is that the Minister, by that provision, is directly responsible to this House for the manner in which he exercises his discretion in giving general directions to the Transport Commission. I submit that Questions which are intended to ascertain the manner in which that discretion has been employed, or whether the discretion has not been employed at all, are admissible directly by virtue of this provision. As you know, Sir, this railway station was closed without prior consultation with the public or with the local authorities. I submit that the democratic way in which this procedure should have taken place is a matter of national interest and that, therefore, it is directly within the duties of the Minister as defined by Section 4 (1) of the Act. I would urge upon you that the question of shutting a railway station, however small, without any democratic appeal to local public opinion is something which ought to be ventilated by means of a Question in this House. In those circumstances, I ask you if you would reconsider your decision.

While the Question was refused at the Table, the hon. Member gave the gist of it in public. After all, if a Question is refused one ought not to say what it is. However, it is clear that it is concerned with the closing of a railway station in the hon. Member's constituency. That is purely a matter of local administration in the day-to-day affairs of the Transport Board. It is, I should have thought, the sort of Question which, by general agreement in this House, ought not to be put down on the Order Paper.

In view of the embarrassment which must be caused to you, Sir, and to the Clerks at the Table, by the conflict which constantly arises on the question of what is and what is not in Order—a conflict which I think you will find has never occurred before—might I ask if you would consider whether there ought not to be some form of advisory committee who, perhaps in conjunction with you and the Clerks, could go into the matter? Otherwise, I foresee a very awkward and embarrassing situation arising in which, if I may put it very respectfully, you and the Table will be brought into controversy with the House.

I am obliged to the noble Lord. Perhaps the House does not know that I have been in consultation with the Lord President of the Council. I have drafted a memorandum which I hope he will consider, and then we shall have another discussion. I hope to make an announcement to the House. I would not like to say what the suggestions are, but I have the matter under active consideration.

I am much obliged, Sir. I know that you will not misunderstand if I say that, of course, there are points of view held by hon. Members in this House other than those of the Lord President of the Council.

The right hon. Gentleman may rest assured that the proposals are mine and that I shall safeguard all the rights of the Chair.

I agree with the noble Lord that these questions are putting you, Sir, and the Clerks at the Table in an embarrassing position. The Government which I support initiated a Debate a few months ago on the general question of the responsibility of Ministers to this House. I was wondering whether you could perhaps suggest that your memorandum might, in some way or other, be debated by this House and a decision given upon it. I say frankly that in my opinion this is a House of Commons matter and not really a matter for the Government themselves.

If there is any memorandum which is considered between me and the Lord President of the Council, presumably he or I will make a statement to the House. Naturally, after the statement I imagine that, if anybody chose to debate it, the matter contained therein would be debatable.

With regard to the second submission made by my hon. Friend the Member for Thurrock (Mr. Solley), with which, with great respect, Mr. Speaker, I think that you did not deal in your Ruling in reply to him, might I ask whether it would not be competent for the Minister to issue a general direction that something in the nature of a local inquiry should be held, or local opinion consulted in some way, before any station is closed down? If so, would it not be in Order to ask the Minister a Question directed to that end?

I confess that there are two views of what a general direction is. That is a matter which might be discussed later on.

Is not the difficulty before the House and yourself, Mr. Speaker, due to the fact that there is no other public means whereby these matters can be ventilated, and that, if there was some public tribunal in which these questions could be aired in public, it would relieve this House of unnecessary detail, while providing at the same time the necessary safeguards?

It is not for me to decide that, however useful it might be, but it is a subject for an Adjournment Debate or a Debate on a Supply Day.

Is not the real difficulty the fact that, when the subject-matter was debated by the House, the Lord President and the Government declined to do anything about it?

Orders of the Day

Supply

[16TH ALLOTTED DAY]

Civil Estimates, 1948–49

Considered in Committee.

[Major MILNER in the Chair]

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a further sum, not exceeding £30, be granted to His Majesty towards defraying the charges for the following services relating to Civil Aviation in Scotland for the year ending on the 31st March, 1949, namely:

£

Class VI., Vote 16, Ministry of Civil Aviation

10

Class X., Vote I, Ministry of Supply

10

Class I., Vote 24, Scottish Home Department

10

Total

£30"

Mr. Glenvil Hall. ]

Civil Aviation (Scotland)

3.42 p.m.

Some time ago, we made proposals which were accepted by the Government, with the result that there is now more time in this House and in Committee for discussions of Scottish affairs. That makes it possible, for the first time I think, or at any rate for a very long period, for this House to discuss the activities in Scotland of United Kingdom Departments. It is most necessary that we should have discussions of that character, because what has been giving us the most concern recently in Government administration in Scotland is the effect of remote control on our nationalised industries. We have chosen civil aviation as the first topic for discussion in this regard, not because it is either the largest or the most important of the nationalised industries. It is large and important, but there are others, perhaps larger. We have chosen it because it was one of the earliest of our industries to be nationalised, and it is one in which the prejudice to Scottish industries, consequent upon the creation of an absentee monopolist, has begun even more speedily and acutely than we had feared.

I realise that we cannot in this Debate discuss any matter which involves legislation, but, without legislation, under the existing Act, the Minister has very great power. Under Section 4, he can, after discussion with the Corporation concerned, give general directions to a Corporation on any matter which appears to him to affect the national interest. Therefore, if the interests of Scotland as a whole are being prejudiced by anything done by this Corporation—the British European Airways Corporation, to which I shall refer as B.E.A.—the Minister has power to intervene, and it is to the purpose of getting him to intervene that I propose to address most of my remarks.

We failed in our endeavour to get a separate Scottish executive body on Civil Aviation, but we did get two promises—the promise of a Scottish Division, and the promise of a Scottish Advisory Council. If these two bodies were preperly worked, they would afford, it may be, a tolerable substitute for full executive devolution, and it is for the Minister to see that these two bodies are made into realities. That duty was recognised by the Minister, by the former Chairman of B.E.A. and by the hon. Gentleman himself in statements made in 1947 and 1947. I do not think it would be taking up time unnecessarily if I were to remind the Committee of what these statements were, in view of the fact that the Minister is now seeking to disclaim responsibility in a sphere into which he then entered without being asked to do so, and which, therefore, he must have thought was within his competence. The Minister, Lord Nathan, on 28th November, 1947, said: who had made Scotland the most air-minded nation, and he referred in particular to three gentlemen who have since been dismissed by B.E.A. If these statements did not amount to an undertaking that the Minister had power to see that there would be continuity and that he would do so, I fail to understand their purport.

From the very beginning, although the Scottish Division was set up and had a certain amount of autonomy, there was too much interference from the South, but there was still a chance to develop until last autumn, when B.E.A. took fright following on the economic crisis, and made some thoroughly misjudged decisions, as they have since admitted. I quote from the Press:

To appreciate the damage which B.E.A. has done and the national interest involved, which justifies a direction by the Minister, I shall have to go back very briefly to the earlier period. For 15 years the pioneers of aviation in Scotland, starting from nothing, built up extremely valuable services. They did that by qualities of initiative, hard work and a desire to serve the public which, I regret to say, are not evident today, and they built up services which were at once safe, regular and convenient to the public, which were economical and capable of continued development. Control of Scottish aviation was acquired before the war by another body than B.E.A. Substantial control was acquired by the railway companies, but the railway companies acted wisely; they left the management of the airlines to practical men on the spot. The railway companies were interested in making a profit and, therefore, interested in serving the public and getting the public to co-operate.

There has been some controversy about whether there was or was not a profit earned overall at that time. I do not intend to go into figures; I shall content myself at this stage with making two statements which I do not think the Minister can controvert, because I have chapter and verse for them. The first statement is that most lines did yield a profit, and the second is that where there were lines which did not yield a profit the losses which they suffered were moderate. That system could have been continued and developed, because the organisation came through the war with great credit. In their first report B.E.A. drew attention to the fact that it had been necessary for them virtually to start from scratch. That may well have been so in other departments of their work. It was emphatically not so in Scotland, but they chose to make it so because they chose to turn things upside down when there was absolutely no need for them to do so. They chose to turn services which were practically self-supporting into services which incurred crippling losses, with the result, of course, that the Minister had to interfere. He could interfere then; cannot he interfere now?

The Minister went to Glasgow on 9th April of this year and made a pronouncement of policy. He said that commercial services were found not to be justified by the demand for them and that they might be withdrawn. Then he laid down the policy:

Apparently B.E.A. are now so alarmed at the prospect that they are proposing to let in private enterprise on certain routes on terms which are not very apparent. I only go by certain announcements which have been made in the Press, but that appears to be their purport. If B.E.A. had had the sense to do that before they had upset things, that would have been very much better. But if they now think that there is a chance for private enterprise to succeed unsubsidised where they cannot succeed with their subsidy, I hope that that will be proved to be true. If it is true, it will throw a very lurid light on the methods of B.E.A.

I want to know from the Minister whether the policy laid down by Lord Nathan in Glasgow in April is the universal policy of B.E.A. Has every service which is not a social service to be cut off if it is not paying its way? I see from the B.E.A. report that for the last period for which figures are available—August, 1946, to March, 1947—B.E.A. lost over £1¾ million on their Continental services. For those services the fare-paying passengers paid only 40 per cent. of the cost, and the taxpayer paid the other 60 per cent. What is the position today? Have those services either been made self-supporting or have they been cut off?

The right hon. and learned Gentleman seems to me to be going rather wide of the subject under discussion. He appears to be dealing with European services generally, whereas the Motion relates only to civil aviation in Scotland.

I want to know whether Scotland is getting a fair deal. I want to know whether the same rule is being applied for Scotland as that which is applied for other places. We have been told that the rule for Scotland is that we are to have no service which is not self-supporting, apart from the social service ones.

indicated dissent.

I see the Minister shakes his head. Let me refer him to these words:

I want to know what is being done with this £2 million of subsidy. Is any of it coming to Scotland, apart from that part which will be appropriated to the social service Island services? If it is not—if it is going on other services which are run on an uneconomic basis—one will want to know if there is any difference in treatment between the two parts of the United Kingdom. No doubt, the Minister will explain that. I said a few moments ago that in Scotland crippling losses had replaced what was formerly a service which more or less paid its way. At one period, the figures for which I think were the last which the Minister gave, the losses were running at the rate of about 50,000 a month. I do not know what they are now, but I believe those losses are caused by two things—

I take it the right hon. and learned Gentleman is referring to Scotland only?

The figure relates to Scotland. For aught I know, the same applies in other departments of B.E.A., but I do not profess to have knowledge of other departments.

The right hon. and learned Gentleman surely knows that in the previous 12 months they were running at a loss of £35,000 a month.

I am simply going on the figures given by the Minister. The figures dealt only with internal services up to 31st March, 1947.

The hon. Member will realise that it is not very recent. I want the recent figures. I want to know what is the present policy. I believe these losses are caused substantially by two things—first, by there being a rigid, cumbersome, over-centralised and over-expensive organisation. Secondly, I believe they are caused by a wrong approach to the travelling public. If a private firm were concerned it would nurse these services. It would try to meet the convenience of the customers it already had and to attract newcomers, but B.E.A. appear to take a much more lordly attitude. I refer to something said recently by Sir Patrick Dollan, who has made himself very busy on their behalf, explaining their policy in Scotland. This is how he talked in Edinburgh:

The Committee knows, of course, that Sir Patrick Dollan is Chairman of the Scottish Advisory Council, and we were told that that Council would be very valuable. I regret to say it has proved to be of little use, because Sir Patrick Dollan has devoted most of his attention to very active propaganda on behalf of B.E.A. and the Ministry. When B.E.A. were expanding and optimistic, they were outdone in optimistic promises by Sir Patrick. When B.E.A. began to draw in its horns and to be gloomy, again they were outdone in gloom by Sir Patrick. Indeed, his main object always seems to be to defend B.E.A. and the Ministry rather than to put up a separate Scottish point of view—so much so that many people think that he has exchanged the position of Chairman of the Advisory Council for the position of departmental publicity officer.

Scotland was alarmed and disturbed by developments, and then suddenly came them announcement that the men who had created aviation in Scotland had been summarily dismissed. Then Scotland got really angry, and the Minister may know that there were protest meetings—large protest meetings—held in many places; there were resolutions passed by all manner of local authorities, chambers of commerce, and the like. Indeed, in one local authority in Stornoway two Socialist members of the council went so far to propose that Captain Fresson should receive the freedom of the burgh, and one of them said that the way Captain Fresson had been treated was no great credit to the present Government. That was a Socialist bailie in Stornoway. Perhaps they were far enough away, so that the whip may not have reached up there. Not only that, but we had speeches and pronouncements by prominent men of all parties and of none. We had the whole Press, local and national, up in arms and nobody had a good word to say for the Ministry. I think I may quote, as an example of Scottish feeling at that time, a passage from "The Scotsman":

If the Minister would accept responsibility I should, of course, confine my criticism to him. The old and good rule should hold that, where a Minister is responsible, his subordinates or others ought not to be criticised, but as the Minister disclaims the responsibility, it is necessary for me to direct my criticism at the actual wrong-doer. The Chairman and most powerful influence in B.E.A. is Mr. D'Erlanger. Whereas Sir Harold Hartley appears to have reasonable views, whereas the Minister when he saw fit to make pronouncements, had more or less reasonable views, this gentleman has anything but reasonable views. I will not expatiate upon the facts of Captain Fresson's case. He had given 15 years of devoted service to the Highlands with universal satisfaction. He had received resolutions long before this matter cropped up. He was decorated during the war for his services, and what has since happened shows the prestige which he has acquired in the Highlands area. Suddenly, he received a call to London. Again, I take the Press—.I do not think that Sir Patrick Dollan has contradicted this:

I think the right hon. and learned Gentleman might have explained that the compensation was a little more than a year's salary. There was more in it that that.

Would the right hon. and learned Gentleman say on what terms this gentleman had been employed by the Corporation prior to the termination of the contract?

Yes. He was given a most complete assurance—as were others when the undertaking was taken over—that he would receive secure employment.

By "secure employment" does the right hon. and learned Gentleman mean a three months' contract? If he was prepared to work under a three months' contract why should a year's salary be called "derisory"?

He was given no option. Certainly he understood—and I think anyone reading the correspondence would understand—that there was, at least, a gentleman's agreement that he would receive security of tenure. This is a matter of supreme importance in the taking over of industries by the nation. If this sort of technical attitude is to be taken up to everybody who has put his life's work into a business, and if he is to be given nothing but the bare legal three months' contract, plus a little more when he is dismissed, it is going to make the taking over of other industries extremely difficult, and it is going to make people think twice before they accept service under a national board.

Would the right hon. and learned Gentleman allow me to interrupt him again? Would he give me the name of any private company who, when they take on a person under a three months' contract, undertake by a gentleman's agreement that they will give over a year's salary in the event of the termination of that contract?

If any private firm treated anybody in the position of Captain Cresson in the way B.E.A. have treated him, I should say that they were a disreputable concern. B.E.A. are within the law but not within the conduct of which gentlemanly people approve. I do say that this kind of thing does irreparable harm to nationalised industry, because if one board behaves like this, so may another. It is for the Minister to see that proper consideration for employees is given by national employers. It has been said in the past frequently from the other side that the State is a good employer. Will the Minister not step in to see that that is made good in this case?

The right hon. and learned Gentleman must be fair. He is still working on the assumption that only a year's salary has been offered. In point of fact considerably more than that has been offered to Captain Cresson.

If we are to have the conditions which have been offered as stated by one private individual, then I think that in all fairness they should all be stated frankly.

If the Minister denies the accuracy of my figure, no doubt he will give the right one. I am giving the figure which I understand has been offered. If it is wrong, let it be corrected.

No doubt it does; but the hon. Gentleman knows perfectly well that damages always are tax free. None but the most foolish firm would have dispensed with Captain Fresson's services at all; but if a private firm had done this, I feel sure they would have done it in a better way. Why do these people behave in this way? It is appalling. Here we have a man who was able to run these services to the satisfaction of the public of Scotland. If the services had been run on, the cost to the State would have been very small.

Why does it happen? I think there is only one possible reason. If we have men who seek for economy and seek to serve the public, they may cause a certain amount of difficulty to their superiors. It is much easier to run an organisation by "yes men" who are paper-minded than by real men who are air-minded. I think that has a good deal to do with the changeover that has occurred. Of course, to employ a pioneer in an outfit of this kind is quite intolerable to many other people. Of course, in this body there is not the same need to achieve economy nor to serve the public as there is in a private firm. Therefore, there is not the same need to tolerate people who may cause trouble. This Corporation is in the happy position that it can sail along: if it does not get money from the public as travellers, it gets it from them as taxpayers. If that is so, of course the deterioration of standards is easy to understand.

In conclusion, may I say that we in Scotland hate waste and we hate injustice. Both have been committed. I appeal to the Minister, while there is yet time, to step in to save the good name of his Ministry and his subordinate Corporation, and to see that aviation in Scotland is put back on to lines on which it can survive.

4.16 p.m.

This is the first Debate of this type in which it has been my privilege to take part. I must say that I am rather disappointed by the opening statement of the right hon. and learned Gentleman. I have learned both by experience of negotiations outside this Chamber and latterly since I have been a Member of the House of Commons, that if one has a bad case the best way to promote it is by being abusive to the other fellow. The major portion of the right hon. and learned Gentleman's remarks, instead of being directed to what I understood was to be the subject of this Debate—the administration of civil aviation in Scotland—has been abuse, and mainly devoted to the personal case of an individual. This very abuse marks out, in my opinion, the poorness of the case. First of all let me deal with the statements on this personal issue.

This case is entirely a question of management. If there is a matter which is undeniably one of management, surely it is that of the relationship of the employee to his employer, or, if the right hon. and learned Gentleman would like it better, of the employer to the employee. There are recognised methods of dealing with these problems in industry. For all that the right hon. and learned Gentleman said, I should like to feel that in private enterprise every person was treated as generously as was the individual in this case. It has been my lot on behalf of private enterprise to tell hundreds of men, "At five o'clock collect your cards." I repeat, I am not going into the details of this case because it is one of management, but I will go so far as to say this: that, in view of the public statements made, and because the right hon. and learned Gentleman and other Members of the Committee wrote to me, I did take the precaution of ascertaining from the Corporation what were the terms of compensation payable, and what were the terms of employment prior to the Corporation dispensing with this gentleman's services; and for my part I am satisfied that the conditions which were offered were not only fair and reasonable but extremely generous. I repeat, I should like to feel that every employee, anywhere and everywhere, received treatment equally favourable.

This Debate is on the administration of civil aviation in Scotland. Therefore, I think that it would be wise to compared the prewar conditions with the conditions now; and the prewar cost with the cost now. The real issue in a Debate such as this surely should be: Are the people who live in Scotland better served now than they were under private enterprise? I am going to prove—I think beyond doubt—that Scotland has never been better served than at the present time.

Let us take first the question of airfields. In Scotland, before the war, there were only three municipal airfields—Renfrew, Scone for Perth, and Longman's for Inverness. All the others were, I think, privately owned by individuals or by companies. All were only grass fields. Navigational aids, radio and radar were absolutely or almost non-existent. It is true that because of the strategic position of Scotland during the war airfields in Scotland were developed to an extent which gave Scotland at its end some of the finest airfields in the British Isles. I also pay tribute to the pioneers in Scotland who worked under such very difficult conditions, without radio, direction-finding, crash-tender crews or any of the facilities that are now available.

The airfields to be found in Scotland at the end of the war could not have been provided by any municipality, private company or private individual. Further, no municipality, no private individual and no private company could maintain these airfields. Scotland now, as the result of the war, has 14 first-class airfields receiving scheduled services, whereas England, Wales and Northern Ireland have only eight. It is true that the airfields in Scotland have not been developed since the war to the extent that some people in Scotland, and certainly that the Ministry, would have liked. There has been difficulty with regard to labour and materials, but let us look at what has been done. Since the war, £604,000 has been spent on aerodromes in Scotland.

Now let us consider the airfields in the rest of the United Kingdom. I am sure that the right hon. and learned Gentleman will agree that in this connection it is fair to exclude the London Airport, which is the major airport for the whole of the country. Against the £604,000 spent on aerodromes in Scotland, only £300,000 has been spent on aerodromes in the rest of the United Kingdom. The provision of radio, navigational aids and briefing services has made the aerodromes in Scotland of a very high operational standard.

Would the hon. Gentleman say how much of that £600,000 applies to Prestwick?

Of the £600,000, there is £300,000 for the development or strengthening of the runways at Prestwick making it the only other airport in the United Kingdom able to take Strato-Cruisers.

Would it not be fair to take Prestwick out entirely and to compare like with like?

Is the hon. and gallant Gentleman claiming that the position of Prestwick in regard to Scotland is the same as London in regard to the British Empire?

I do not think that the hon. Gentleman has grasped the point. He said that £600,000 had been spent on airfields in Scotland as against £300,000 on airfields in England. He said that he would eliminate Heathrow, but Prestwick is also an international airport and has had £300,000 spent on it; therefore, the true comparison is £300,000 with £300,000.

Is it not the case that £300,000 spent for the purpose of strengthening the runways at Prestwick is not an expenditure comparable with anything which has taken place at the London airport?

That is obviously a fact, and that is why I excluded it. So far as Prestwick is concerned, an undertaking was given by my predecessor and the previous Minister that Prestwick would be developed to the status of an international transatlantic airport. That promise has been kept. With regard to staffing to provide the navigational aids which make for safety and regularity of services, the staff on 1st March, 1946, when the Ministry took over from the Air Ministry, was 173. Now, in order to provide those services the technical staff employed is 820. The right hon. and learned Gentleman, when he was making his statement did not refer to the regularity of the services now as compared with the regularity of the services in the early days. One of the tests of the efficiency of a service is that the public should know that a particular means of transport will operate with regularity and with safety.

Is the hon. Gentleman attacking either the regularity or the safety of the prewar services, because people used to set their clocks by that regularity.

All I can say is that the right, hon. and learned Gentleman is not as well briefed today as he usually is in other places when he puts his cases forward. I am not suggesting that there was any degree of failure on the part of the pioneers: they simply did not have the facilities. Brave men though they were, they were not risking their own necks or the necks of their passengers unnecessarily. Very often the services did not run because the conditions were such that it would have been unsafe to fly.

In the Highlands and Islands the services were more regular and frequent before the war than they are now. I am talking from experience.

Statements can be made from one side of the Committee and the other, but so far as schedules, times and records are concerned, I think my information can be proved.

I now come to the devolution of responsibility to Scotland. Undertakings were given, and those undertakings have been honoured. The right hon. and learned Gentleman seemed to transfer his attack from me to a fellow Scot. Sir Patrick Dollar speaks in Scotland on behalf of the Scottish Advisory Council. Surely that is an obvious indication that the undertaking in regard to devolution for Scotland has been met; and Sir Patrick Dollar and the Scottish Advisory Council take their full place in the development of aviation in Scotland. What the right hon. and learned Gentleman was really saying was that the Minister appointed to the Advisory Council a Scot whose politics the right hon. and learned Gentleman does not like; and because this gentleman knows something about the subject to be considered by the Advisory Council, of which he is chairman, and uses his knowledge to enable Scotland to have the truth rather than what other people would like them to have, the right hon. and learned Gentleman says that it is not devolution for Scotland.

The Scottish Advisory Council is there to advise the Corporations—not only B.E.A. but all the Corporations—with direct access for its Chairman to the Minister. B.E.A. has a Scottish Division, which operates locally with full authority, subject to the limitation which any other national company must have; namely, an overall policy control from the centre of the organisation. B.E.A. is a transport undertaking. After all, prior to the British Railways there was such a thing as the London, Midland and Scottish Railway, whose Scottish Division had to work in general agreement with the policy of the company as a whole. So it is with the Scottish Division of B.E.A. Again, the Ministry has a Scottish Division whose divisional controller has full executive authority to act within the overall policy of the Ministry.

During the Second Reading of the Civil Aviation Act, and in subsequent Debates, we were promised that the Scottish Division would be given executive responsibility, but that executive responsibility was never defined. What exactly is the executive responsibility of the Scottish Division? At the present time can the Scottish Division of its own decision engage charter companies to run services?

I should like to refer that to B.E.A. Frankly, I could not give an answer to which I should like to be held. My own impression is that they would be able to do so, but I really could not give an authoritative answer.

Could the Parliamentary Secretary say whether any single application has ever been made by any charter company in Scotland to run services?

Yes, away from Scotland. We have had applications from charter companies to fly services from Prestwick to Belfast, from Prestwick to Copenhagen, from Prestwick to Northolt, from Prestwick to Blackpool, and from Prestwick to Arran.

In relation to the Scottish Advisory Committee, I recently asked a Question about Errol, in view of the statement made by the Chairman of the Scottish Advisory Council, which was subsequently revoked by the national body itself. When I put that Question to the Parliamentary Secretary he said that the function of the Scottish Advisory Council was to give advice, but that their advice was not always accepted.

That is perfectly true. The advice of an advisory body is not always accepted. Such a body is there to consider the position and to give advice and, in relation to the wider problems, that advice is accepted or rejected, acted upon or not acted upon.

Finally, there is the Scottish Aerodromes Board, on which Scottish interests are represented; it is an executive body and considers the general handling of Scottish aerodromes. Furthermore, for the development of each aerodrome in Scotland there is or will be a consultative committee, appointed in conjunction with the Lord Provost or the county conveners. Committees for Prestwick, Turnhouse and Renfrew have already been appointed, and others will be appointed later on.

If we may now consider in general the air services provided for Scotland, it is true that because of the changed aircraft position, and of other factors, there has been a re-arrangement of these services; but overall the services provided for Scotland and the Highlands and Islands are far better today than they have ever been. The present Scottish route mileage is 2,083; and the route mileage of internal services for the rest of the United Kingdom is only 1,704. The weekly frequency of services in Scotland is 184; the weekly frequency for the rest of the United Kingdom, including the seasonal services to holiday resorts such as the Channel Islands, is only 366.

Let us look a little more closely at the development of services for Scotland since before the war. The services provided between 1st January and 31st August, 1939, carried 10,865 passengers, and the capacity ton-miles were 354,791. During the war, as the right hon. and learned Gentleman will know, the various smaller companies were amalgamated under the Associated Airways Joint Committee, and the first services provided by private enterprise after the war, from April, 1947, to 31st January, 1947, carried 29,134 passengers with a capacity ton mileage of 531,500. For the year 1947–48, on B.E.A. services from 1st April, 1947, to 31st March, 1948, passengers carried were 114,826, and the capacity ton-miles were 3,573,300.

What proportion of those figures represents Glasgow-London, Refrew-London, and Renfrew to the rest of Scotland?

I could not give an analysis of those figures at the moment, but is the hon. and gallant Member now saying that we should discontinue the service from London to Glasgow? One of the claims has been that the London to Glasgow service was a pre-war service. So it was, stopping at Manchester, Liverpool, the Isle of Man and Belfast, and then on to Glasgow. We now take it direct from London to Glasgow, which is an improvement.

Now let us examine another favourite ground of criticism, the cost to the taxpayer. The right hon. and learned Gentleman, either conveniently or for some other reason, did not seem to know that air services in Scotland have long been subsidised at the taxpayers' expense. Let me tell the Committee what the Tory Government did. I will go no further back than 1938 when the Tory Government, in order to develop civil air transport, decided that the subsidy limit should be raised. True, they raised the limit only to L3 million; but of that £3 million £100,000 was for the internal services in the United Kingdom, Scotland taking its fair share. In December, 1938, the Tory Government announced to whom they would give subsidies in Scotland.

They decided to give them to Allied Airways (Gandar Dower), Western Isles Airways, Ltd., and Scottish Airways. For the first eight months that these companies were operating, from 1st January to 31st August, 1939, the actual subsidies paid were: Allied Airways, £3,006; Scottish Airways, £4,094; Western Isles Airways, Ltd., £2,756. Then came the war period during which the A.A.J.C. was formed and, if payments were not actually made, certainly there were other services and facilities afforded to those companies. I do not have details; in fact, the counter-charges were such that it is impossible accurately to analyse the figures, in much the same way as waivers and counter-charges make it impossible to analyse the subsidies paid to Imperial Airways and B.O.A.C. during the war.

In the first eight months after the war when the A.A.J.C. was operating, its loss, or deficit, was £359,868. It is true that sum did not all go to Scotland; some of it went to services operated in England but the breakdown figures for Scotland are: Scottish Airways, £53,205; Railway Air Services, £36,000. No figures for Allied Airways (Gandar Dower), Ltd., are yet available because they have not yet been determined, and we are awaiting the audited accounts in order to determine them. Over and above these figures there were unappropriated charges to the A.A.J.C. of £266,000, the major portion of which was devoted to Scottish services.

In conclusion, I refer to the statement of the right hon. and learned Gentleman regarding policy. We look upon the services which are provided for Scotland as being in two categories: services to the Highlands and Islands are social services for persons geographically isolated, to whom alternative means of transport are difficult, arduous or inadequate. Provision of such facilities is indeed a great social service, and there is no question of providing them on an economic basis. As a result, we operate to some of these Islands a single service each day, which involves a poor utilisation of aircraft, large numbers of staff and other similar expensive factors.

As far as other services are concerned, surely it is not unreasonable to require that services in areas with good means of surface transport—the Perth and Dundee, Glasgow and Edinburgh services have been mentioned—should pay for themselves. Put bluntly, it is the view of the Government that it is more justifiable and far more urgent to spend public money on connecting the Islands with the mainland than it is for connecting Perth with Glasgow or with Edinburgh.

Continental services, of course, are subsidised for the development of the trade, commerce and industry of the United Kingdom as a whole, and this nation's connections with the Continent surely cannot be fairly compared with a service between Perth and Glasgow. I was asked to give some idea of the cost of the subsidy this year. Preliminary indications are that for the current year the subsidy to the general Scottish services will be in the region of £750,000.

Is the hon. Gentleman saying that linking England to Scotland is less important than linking England to Portugal?

No, Sir; we do provide services between England and Scotland. The Scottish people have never had such services as now exist between the capital cities of England and Scotland. Perhaps the hon. and learned Gentleman has forgotten that before the war the capital city of Scotland did not have even an aerodrome. It was served by Grangemouth, 30 miles away. We are now providing main trunk services between London and Edinburgh, Glasgow, and Aberdeen. All those services are linked together as never before.

I am naturally very interested to hear of the excellent services which are provided to these large cities in Scotland, but I am still more interested in the fact that Perth and that area has no service at all. We do not want merely to go to Glasgow and Edinburgh. We want to go to London and other places and to have a link with the big international airways, to which we are entitled.

It is no more difficult to get from Perth to Glasgow or to Edinburgh than it is from Birmingham to London in order to pick up a service. I have today explained the general situation in respect of Scottish air services. The Government are very conscious of Scotland's special needs and I think that the figures I have given show that, within the limits of available resources, everything possible has been done to meet them.

For the remainder of this Debate I will listen and gather from it any further reasonable representations which may be made; such, and indeed all and any reasonable representations, will always be considered, for we are genuinely anxious to improve still further the services available to Scotland. Whilst rightly claiming that we have given Scotland excellent services—services of which not only the Government but the people of Scotland have a right to be proud—I can assure the Committee that we are doing everything we can to improve and develop.

May I remind the hon. Gentleman that before the war the return fare from Aberdeen to London was ten guineas; I think that the fare today is nearly double that figure.

The hon. Member has reminded me of something which I had not intended to mention. We should indeed have endeared ourselves to the hearts of many Scots; for we have reduced fares for those who can least afford them. The fares from the Hebrides to the mainland have been reduced. It is true that the fare from London to Scotland has been increased, but general costs of transport have risen by nearly 250 per cent., whereas fares have gone up by only about 27 per cent. over 1939 levels. I repeat that, an increase of only 27 per cent. in relation to a 250 per cent. increase in general costs. And on the Hebridean services the fares today are only 18 per cent. higher, which is a reduction of 12 per cent. from the A.A. J.C. fare in 1946.

4.48 p.m.

The hon. Gentleman the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Civil Aviation has made a very placatory speech and has certainly made the best of a thoroughly bad case. It was pathetic to hear the welcoming applause given by his supporters behind, and how they were eagerly awaiting any justification whatever for saying "Hear, hear" or "Well done." I suppose their consciences have been sadly afflicting them in view of the many promises made before the General Election which they have so poorly carried out. No Debate on civil aviation in Scotland—or anywhere else—would be complete without a word or two on the question of Prestwick. In order to get the background, I will quote what was said by Lord Nathan on 28th November, 1946. Speaking of Prestwick, he said:

"We intend to keep it going as an international airport, and you may rest assured beyond peradventure that it is our deliberate policy that it should be used as fully as possible. Indeed, it is not only in the interests of Scotland that it should be used extensively; it is in the interests of the United Kingdom as a whole."

I propose to show how that promise has been carried out. You will have appreciated by now, Major Milner, that the Government have developed a certain technique in dealing with our Scottish affairs—a soporific form of technique.

On a point of Order. It would appear that the hon. and gallant Member is involving you, Major Milner, in the allegations he is making against the Government. He said that "You will have appreciated by now." Is that in Order?

I do not think that I become involved by that—at any rate, I am not involved.

The hon. Member must learn a little more about our procedure. He should know that I am entirely justified in referring to you, Major Milner, as Chairman of our Committee. I repeat that you will have appreciated by now, Major Milner, that the Government have this soporific technique in dealing with Scottish affairs. You have presided over our Scottish Committees and will have appreciated fully this process: that whenever they want to throw a sop to Scotland, or whenever they are in a difficulty or find themselves in a jam and just do not know what to do, they set up an advisory council. That is a preliminary, and it keeps people quiet for a while; but at a later stage, when nothing has, of course, been done and the patience of the critics has become exhausted, they then take the next step, which is to hold a conference. I presume that the last stage will be decided just before the General Election, when rationing and all the controls will be taken off as well.

This procedure has been faithfully followed in regard to Prestwick Airport. During the discussions which took place on the Civil Aviation Measure over two years ago, it will be remembered that a bitter attack was made on the Government for their failure to recognise the claims of Scotland and the part that Scotland should play in the future of civil aviation. To meet these criticisms, the Government set up the Scottish Advisory Council, the assumption being that this Council, consisting as it did of Scotsmen with knowledge of Scottish affairs, Scottish sentiment and Scottish requirements—

I thought that the hon. and gallant Member was making a point in regard to Prestwick. I should like him to clear it up. The hon. and gallant Member referred to what Lord Nathan said about the development of Prestwick, but he then passed on from that, leaving the inference that nothing has been done about Prestwick. How does he account for the fact that £300,000 is being spent on Prestwick, if he maintains that nothing is being done?

I should be obliged if the hon. Member would allow me to make my own speech. I will certainly deal with that point when I come to it later on. The hon. Member should not be so impatient. As I was saying, it was presumed, with the setting up of this Advisory Council and with the many qualifications of its members, that its advice would be accepted, but that was a very foolish idea as things have turned out. We have only one record of the Council being consulted, and that was in regard to the removal of radar equipment from Prestwick, when the recommendations of the Advisory Council were not accepted. The Council has obviously ceased to play any permanent part in the affairs of Scottish aviation. Very strong pressure developed after that, and the two great journals, the "Scotsman" and the "Glasgow Herald," not to mention the "Daily Record," all got busy in exerting pressure on the Government.

They were all saying that the patience of Scotland had finally become exhausted, with the result that a conference was summoned, right on the spot—at Prestwick. It was obvious that the Government psychiatrists or psychologises had been on the job. Everything was done to ensure that this was, indeed, something worth while. All the local authorities around were invited. It was a great conference. We had the Secretary of State for Scotland there, the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Civil Aviation, the Admiralty were represented, as well as the National Coal Board, them Scottish Department of Health and the Ministry of Transport. In fact, everyone was there except the lavatory attendants at Prestwick. All were taken into consultation with the unique exception of Scottish Aviation, Limited, who had made Prestwick.

The hon. and gallant Member has made a statement that Scottish Aviation, Limited, made Prestwick. Will he kindly inform us how they made Prestwick, and with whose money?

I certainly will. Scottish Aviation, Limited, consisted of two or three young men of great enthusiasm, initiative and ingenuity who selected the one fog-free belt in the British Isles to establish their flying-field at Prestwick. They were responsible, at the request of the Government, for training there a great number of Battle of Britain pilots. Subsequently, also at the request of the Government, they expanded their airport into a vast airfield for the reception of the American aircraft sent to us in 1940 and 1941.

Perhaps I may be allowed to give the correct facts. Scottish Aviation, Limited, had a grass airfield totalling 300 acres. That is all that was provided by Scottish Aviation, Limited. As for the rest, well over £3½ million of public money has been spent on Prestwick; that is, money provided by the British and Scottish taxpayers.

Money can be given to provide anything, but in the first instance there must be the brains, the capacity and the ingenuity at the head of the organisation, and that is how Prestwick came into being.

The airfield which was available at Prestwick was taken over by the Government in 1939, and its development was by the Government, not by individuals or by Scottish Aviation, Limited.

The hon. Member should really know his facts better. He should know that the Government of the day—he was not in the House then—placed in charge of the development of Prestwick the managing director of Scottish Aviation, Limited.

The gentleman in question joined the Services and became a group-captain; half-way through the war he went out again.

What has that got to do with it? I am standing by the statement I made, that the people who should have been brought into these consultations, were the people who made Prestwick what it is, with the co-operation of the Government and Government funds. [HON. MEMBERS: "Ah."]

Everything was fine at that conference. The Secretary of State confirmed that Prestwick was to be the No. 1 first-class international airport—loud applause. The Parliamentary Secretary confirmed that the chief preoccupation of his Ministry was to ensure the prosperity and dominating position of Prestwick in the wide field of civil aviation—further loud applause. All the problems were discussed. All the difficulties were explained. It was decided where the runways would be placed, their length; their breadth, their depth and their strength, and as the Lord President would say, a good time was had by all. That was in February last, but it is now almost June. After that highly successful conference, all the representatives of the Government Departments concerned packed up their briefcases, folded their maps and slipped into their high-powered, shiny black cars. That was the end of the conference, except that, as far as we can see, nothing has been done, if, indeed, anything was intended to be done.

I hope the Parliamentary Secretary will not contradict me when I say that the whole of this discussion which took place at Prestwick was quite unnecessary because that information which was required, and for which presumably this conference was held, was handed by Scottish Aviation, Ltd., over four years ago, to Mr. Tom Johnston, the then Secretary of State for Scotland. The whole thing gives the impression of being simply a cynical pretence, and I do not see how the hon. Gentleman can justify it. It is all very sad and very odd.

During the war and after the war, until the tragic business of the General Election took place, Prestwick airfield was a hive of movement and production. Dakotas were built up at the rate of 10 a week and the fighters were reconditioned constantly for the Battle of Britain and for other kinds of service during the war. Incidentally, the airfield was always crowded with aircraft from every part of the world. Then we had the General Election and nationalisation. With what result? I will tell the Committee in case the Parliamentary Secretary seeks to evade it. Instead of building Dakotas at Prestwick, they are now building bus bodies. No doubt they are good bus bodies, just as everything that Scottish aviation does is good. However, the airfield is derelict of aircraft.

There is one bright feature in all this tragic and unhappy tale, and it is that a good man cannot be kept down even by this wretched Government, and so it is with this courageous, virile and independent organisation. Scottish Aviation, Ltd., which, as I have said, made Prestwick, have gone further afield, as Scotsmen usually do, for Scottish grit and guts will usually win in the end. They have bought 40 per cent, of the shares of a Greek airline and are engaged in running a weekly service from Greece.

I am saying that Scottish Aviation, Ltd., are running that service, because even this Government cannot keep down a virile organisation

It would be of interest to the Committee and to me to know where that service is run from and to.

I am going on with my speech. It would be of interest to those in the Committee who are interested in Scottish aviation to know that on 19th May, when British European Airways announced that private operators could apply for associate membership so as to run certain services at the request of B.E.A., Scottish Aviation applied for six routes. They have been granted none in Scotland and only one outside. Is there any reason for that? Is there any reason why this virile organisation should continue to be kept down?

Could the hon. and gallant Gentleman say whether these services were from points in Scotland to points in Scotland or from points in Scotland to points outside Scotland?

Both in and out. This Committee must be concerned as to what is the future for our independent services as well as, indeed, for British industry generally. Are British skill, science, talent and craftsmanship to work under foreign organisations, and in their name. If so, I can only say it is a sorrowful measure of our industrial degradation.

5.5 p.m.

I do not intend to follow the ramblings of the hon. and gallant Member for Ayr Burghs (Sir T. Moore). Indeed, it would be almost impossible to follow him in his flights of fancy. I should, however, like to deal with this question of civil aviation in Scotland as I had hoped the Opposition would deal with it, seeing that they asked for the Debate. I gathered from the right hon. and learned Member for Hillhead (Mr. J. S. C. Reid) that all that he was interested in was the dismissal of Captain Cresson. There is a much bigger problem for Scotland, and I want to put one or two questions to the Parliamentary Secretary. I was interested to note that the right hon. and learned Member for Hill-head said, first, that the losses were caused by the rigid, over-centralised, over-cumbersome machine which had been created, and secondly, that B.E.A. should nurse the public and the services with a view to popularising them.

It is within the recollection of the Committee that there was a great public outcry against the £10 million deficit shown by B.E.A. The right hon. and learned Gentleman cannot have it both ways. He cannot begin to build up services with heavy capital expenditure and at the same time show an immediate profit. Our policy in regard to the Ministry of Civil Aviation is all wrong, and we ought to abolish that Ministry as such and include the air services in the general transport organisation of this country, because by that method we could apply some of the measures which are adopted by private enterprise. There are such things in a private enterprise organisation as purely service departments, departments which can never hope to show a profit and in many cases show a substantial loss, but they are covered up by the profits in other services and in other departments.

What is our policy with regard to the whole question? The Parliamentary Secretary said that he did not want to run a service from Errol—that is, Perth—to Edinburgh and Glasgow, but Errol never asked for a service to Glasgow or Edinburgh. Errol wanted a service direct to London, and the answer we got from the Ministry of Civil Aviation was that an uneconomic service could not be run. To some extent I agree with that, but what is the standard of judgment? If no service is provided, how can it be tested to show whether it is economic or uneconomic? Some soundings of Scottish opinion in that area have got to be taken. In dealing with the services between Dundee, Glasgow and Edinburgh, the Parliamentary Secretary never sought to find whether those services were adequate for the growing population of the Dundee-Angus-Perth area, in which approximately one million people reside. If we are not to get a direct air service from that area to London, then other departments will have to provide much better facilities than are being given at present.

We have to face the fact that in many cases, internal airways will not and cannot be run at a profit. We have to reorganise and reorientate our ideas. If only for strategic reasons, we should keep the airfields alive and in good condition. I regret to have to say it, but it is an established fact, that many of these aerodromes are looked after for strategic purposes and they ought to be brought into use. I suggest that small aircraft be used from the major centres to feed into Prestwick, by that method linking up the whole area of Scotland to one major area. If we start building a second Prestwick at Renfrew, and attempt to build a third Prestwick somewhere in the region of Turnhouse, the economic and financial burden will be impossible. By developing services based upon Prestwick and dealing with the whole flow of international traffic in and out of Scotland, and establishing at the same time a service between Prestwick and London, the running will be much more practical. To run 21-seater Dakotas, or large Vikings, is just mad. We ought to re-examine the matter with a view to using much smaller aircraft for this purpose.

I hope that the Ministry will look at the matter in this light. I accept the fact that the Scottish Advisory Board can only advise, but I appeal to the Ministry to accept its advice on most occasions. We should not have the chairman making statements of policy which have to be contradicted within two or three days. Not only does that put the chairman in a bad position, but it puts the Ministry in a much worse position. All the talk that comes from the Opposition about lack of powers of certain sections of Scottish advisory bodies is so much eyewash. In this day and age I am not prepared to accept it.

I would like to pay a tribute to the Ministry for the treatment they have given to Scotland—leaving aside the fact that I might have a tremendous amount of criticism to offer on other grounds. The Ministry have given a service to Scotland such as we might not have had if the matter had been left to Scottish Airways, so loudly lauded by the hon. and gallant Member for Ayr Burghs. If the Opposition wish to criticise the Ministry, they should not do it on grounds associated with Captain Fresson's dismissal, but in relation to the service given within Scotland itself.

5.12 p.m.

Like the hon. Member for Dundee (Mr. Cook), I entirely agree that there is a very great field for development of the internal air services in Scotland, particularly as regards feeder air services. I would like to examine the subject from the point of view of the public, the people who have the fortune or the misfortune to use the air services under the Ministry of Civil Aviation. I have had considerable opportunity of travelling on the air lines in Scotland and elsewhere. The first impression that one gets in Scotland is completely different from that which one receives when travelling on certain Continental airlines, such as K.L.M.

One gets the impression that the service in Scotland is not run for the benefit of the consumer and that the consumer has jolly well got to conform to the almighty B.E.A. Like my right hon. and learned Friend the Member for Hillhead (Mr. J. S. C. Reid) I believe that the Ministry have entirely the wrong approach to the consumer and to the public as a whole. I disagreed very much with the Parliamentary Secretary when he tried to explain to the Committee that the air services in 1948 are very much better than they have been before. It is rather unfair to compare the prewar air services, in the days when they were undergoing their pioneering trials and had not undergone the immense development which took place during the war, with the position today.

Furthermore, it is not true to say that during the last 18 months the services have improved. I understand that the Minister of Civil Aviation made a speech in another place in 1946, and said that there were routes in Scotland extending over 5,740 miles. I believe that those routes extend only 2,363 miles today, which is a very great reduction. I have, on one or two occasions only recently, tried to press for the restoration of a small service between Aberdeen and Dundee, to link two main trunk routes. The replies given by the Parliamentary Secretary to my questions have epitomised the whole attitude of B.E.A. to the public. Those replies were of the utmost brevity possible in the English language, consisting of one word "no." "Will the service be restored? "—" No." No explanation; nothing. After pressing him further I must confess that the Parliamentary Secretary did go so far as to explain that the services were withdrawn and that there was no intention of having them restored because they did not pay. No wonder, when we consider that the cost to the average travelling passenger is 5½d. per mile. That cost is very high indeed.

I am not now talking on behalf of those myriads of Government officials who are able to travel here and there at the expense of the taxpayer, but on behalf of small businessmen who have to use internal airlines in connection with their work. I am speaking for the business men, the people who must use the air services regularly and frequently, and who therefore rely not only on reasonable cost but upon efficiency. By efficiency I do not mean that we want glamorous air hostesses or bags of buns. I mean that we expect the service to be run to time. How often have I hung about in Northolt, pottered about in Turnhouse, and shivered in some of the most primitive forms of waiting room at Dyce, near Aberdeen? I suggest that it is not possible to run these services economically unless we attract the public through efficiency. We cannot do that unless the aircraft run to time.

The Parliamentary Secretary will remember that the other day I asked him whether he would consider restoring a feeder service between Aberdeen and Edinburgh to link up with the main trunk routes. He replied that it was not possible to do so because it would be uneconomic. I agree that if we are to run Dakotas with 21 passengers and a crew of four it would be really expensive. I understand, according to the B.E.A. charter rates, that the cost would be 10s. per mile. The suggestion I made to the Parliamentary Secretary was that it might be possible to use smaller aircraft, such as the D.H.89, seating six or seven passengers and having a crew of two. According to the B.E.A. charter rates, the cost is only 2s. 6d. a mile. At least the Parliamentary Secretary might have the courage and the pioneering spirit to see whether this service could be restored, at any rate during the summer months.

One realises that small internal airways are uneconomic, run as a whole. Surely they will not be increased in efficiency if the general organisation is too large and unwieldy. For that reason there are several suggestions which I would like to make to the Parliamentary Secretary. For instance, under the present administration, the system of integration, or rather disintegration, is far too large. If we have Northolt as our main base it means that we destroy the whole structure of the Scottish air service. I understand of course that the Ministry want to get as many flying hours as possible out of their aircraft, but having too wide a circuit means that if a plane is late in England it is late also in the very North of Scotland. Might it not be possible to run main trunk lines between London and Edinburgh and London and Prestwick, and to let the Scottish Division run their own internal air lines? I think that was the point made by the hon. Member for Dundee.

We understand—in fact all our hopes were very much raised the other day when we heard it—that it is proposed to try to decentralise some of the central administration. We understand that as far as Scotland is concerned this decentralisation will hardly affect her at all. After a great deal of inquiry I learn that so far in relation to the following, two private firms have become associates of B.E.A. The routes: Weston-super-Mare to Cardiff, 15 minutes' flying time, Southampton to the Isle of Wight, five minutes' flying time, and Carlisle to the Isle of Man. I suggest that Scotland is in no way better served by this system of decentralisation, and I therefore ask the Minister if he will consider offering to private firms to act as associates under the general administration of the Ministry such routes as Aberdeen to Erroll, Erroll to Renfrew and Erroll to Edinburgh and try to let Scotland have a far greater say in her own internal air routes, and thus linking up with the main trunk air routes. One is otherwise under the impression that the Scottish Division is for some reason in everybody's bad books. I do not propose to say anything about Captain Cresson, but it was people like Captain Cresson and the pioneers of Scottish aviation who laid down routes which the Ministry of Civil Aviation have now in many cases withdrawn.

On many occasions there seem to be insufficient aircraft to act as spares when breakdowns take place. After all, sometimes breakdowns do take place—we cannot help it—and there should surely be sufficient aircraft available to act as spares so that the schedules may be kept up to time? I should also like to know if the Parliamentary Secretary will either allay or confirm a rumour which is going about regarding the maintenance of aircraft. Often when we are sitting in the London office waiting for the plane to Scotland we hear that the service is delayed for an hour or two, not only because of the weather but because of a technical breakdown. One would like to know the nature of that technical breakdown because the rumour is that there is trouble among the maintenance staff over the servicing of aircraft. It is said that an aircraft comes in at night and the servicing is not finished that night. The aircraft remains in a hangar all night and in the morning it has to be serviced again, with the result that it does not start on time. If that is so, could something be something be done in the re-arrangement of the shifts so that the maintenance men may work through the night in order to have the aircraft ready in the morning?

Lastly—it may be a minor point—there is the question of accommodation. As I said before, we in Scotland do not wish to have tremendous arrangements made for our accommodation such as we find on the Continent or at Prestwick, but nevertheless the Minister will realise that the accommodation at places like Turn-house and Dyce is positively primitive. If we are really trying to make a service pay, quite apart from business people who will use it regularly, we must try to attract the average members of the public. We are not likely to do that if the public find very inadequate accommodation. Even the amenities of Northolt, one of our main ports, compare most unfavourably with those of Prestwick. There seems to me, as an average passenger, to be a tremendous amount of unnecessary hanging about before we get on our way.

We all realise that as these internal air services are uneconomical they have to be subsidised, and they have to be subsidised through the profits made on the Continental air routes. Even the Parliamentary Secretary is keen on profits, and on occasions he can display quite a pioneering spirit when he wants to run a service to Persia.

No, to Persia. The internal air routes will have to be subsidised out of the long services. That does not mean, surely, that the correct thing to do is to unify all the services. That gives first of all too rigid a control, and, secondly, it destroys the unit. Too rigid a control means that we do not have the flexibility of sufficient different types of aircraft available. In many districts in the North of Scotland we need far smaller manoeuvrable aircraft, and we need smaller aircraft for the feeder services to make them economic. Too large a system of integration means loss of flexibility. The unit will also be destroyed. In other words, there will be the creation of a vast number of officials who are not in fact connected with the actual running and maintenance of the services but are engaged in filling up a great many unnecessary forms. In May, 1947, we had 4,950 officials in Scotland, and according to the Estimates, we now have 8,588, which is a very great increase.

Nevertheless, as always when speaking of officials, I would like to pay a tribute to those who have really tried to run the services in extremely difficult conditions, made unnecessarily difficult by the unwieldy bureaucracy and the lack of imagination of the Parliamentary Secretary. I ask the Parliamentary Secretary to examine these questions with realism and without prejudice, and to examine them not conscious of the fact that he has the power of the taxpayers' money behind him but from the point of view of trying to run a service for the small man of enterprise with very limited means. Whatever may he said of the merits or demerits of private enterprise, it had one policy which might well be taken as the motto for all State industries, "The customer is always right."

5.28 p.m.

I agree with the hon. Member for South Aberdeen (Lady Grant) about the necessity of giving as much control as possible over the internal civil aviation services of Scotland to the Scottish division. I would remind the Parliamentary Secretary that on the Second Reading of the Civil Aviation Bill the Lord President gave this pledge:

The problem of civil aviation in Scotland is the same as the problem of civil aviation in any other country, that is, a financial problem. At the present time the costs of inaugurating, running and maintaining services is enormous, and in few cases can they be run without a subsidy. During the last few days we have had a report from Sweden where the services have had to be subsidised by half a million, the trans-Canadian services are subsidised by half a million, 17 companies in the United States of America, have £5 million subsidy, and so on.

The hon. Member said "And so on." Is he aware that Sabena in Belgium and K.L.M. in Holland do not get a subsidy?

That is not quite true. It is, in general, true that the main air companies of the world have to be subsidised in some form or other.

I am sure the hon. Gentleman does not want to mislead the Committee. There are direct and indirect subsidies. Many air lines are given an indirect subsidy by exorbitant mail rates.

The point I want to make is that it is a financial problem. We have been told this afternoon that the Scottish Division cost some £750,000 this past year. I think that is the figure that my hon. Friend gave but, in any case, it was similar to the one given in January to me concerning the losses for the first two months of operations covered by B.E.A. in Scotland. In that case we should devote ourselves to trying to discuss how we can reduce that loss, by putting services in a position where they can more nearly balance their accounts and so reduce the necessity for a subsidy.

In that connection I must admit that the activities of B.E.A. have appeared to me to be rather bewildering. When B.E.A. took over the services in Scotland last February they commenced to expand and inaugurated a number of new services, some of which they stopped when the crisis came. Whether it was because of the necessity for saving dollars on petrol, or whether for the reason of trying to reduce the deficit at which B.E.A was running, I do not know, but the first service stopped was from Prestwick to London. At the time I asked the Parliamentary Secretary a Question as to the average number of passengers, and I was given this answer: One or two considerations arise from that answer. Why was it necessary to stop a service on which the pay load was actually increasing? It seems to me to be a false form of economy that, having undertaken considerable expenditure in inaugurating a service, it should be stopped at precisely the moment it commences to pay. I asked a similar question as to the number of passengers when the Aberdeen-Edinburgh service was stopped, and was told that the average number of passengers over a period of eight or nine months had been 7.4 and 7.6 and, therefore, it did not pay. It might not have paid to run a Dakota on that service; obviously it would not; but it would have paid to have run that service with a D.H. 89 because, with its small seating capacity, that is an almost 100 per cent. pay load.

My second point arises from a question asked by the hon. and gallant Member for Argyll (Major McCallum) concerning the number of men employed at one of the aerodromes in the Western Isles. He was told that the number was 17 but that in prewar days one person had been employed. I think we must accept the fact that B.E.A. must set a high standard of safety—

I was told that 17 personnel were employed by M.C.A.; I was not allowed to know how many were employed by B.E.A.

May I interrupt again? It is not the point, the hon. Member has it wrong. The number on the airfield is more than 17. The M.C.A. and the B.E.A. personnel amount together to nearly 25.

I do not wish to enter into a controversy with the hon. and gallant Member as to the exact number. As I have said, we must accept the fact that B.E.A. must set a high standard of safety. There is also the fact that much more equipment is now necessary on an airfield to make it safe. However, even making all these allowances, the number of personnel seems to be exceedingly high, and I would suggest that there is room for this to be looked at with a view to some reduction, otherwise it will never be possible to reduce charges in connection with the airfields.

This brings me to my next point. According to the report on Civil Aviation of the Select Committee on Estimates, one of the charges which called for comment was that in respect of airfields. According to the Select Committee, on the Continent the charges at airfields accounted for only 1½ per cent. of the cost of a service while in this country it amounts in many cases to almost 40 per cent., and the report points out that in Scotland it is very high. There seems to be an urgent necessity, therefore, for some reduction in airport fees. How can that be achieved? By the provision of more adequate amenities at the airports themselves. In America 40 per cent. of the cost of the airports is met by the provision of amenities at the airport. Why at Turnhouse or at Renfrew should not the amenities be expanded to such an extent that a family can take the bus from Edinburgh to Turnhouse, spend a pleasant afternoon and evening there watching the aircraft come in, get a meal, and perhaps also a joy ride? I do not see why these things cannot be done to increase the income of the airports. In this connection, may I ask when it is proposed to take over the Orangefield Hotel at Prestwick, which is still privately owned. The last time I had the pleasure of being in that hotel with my hon. Friend the Member for Kilmarnock (Mr. Ross), it was very busy. I would like to see such amenities at all airport terminals in order to produce revenue, and so reduce the cost of landing charges.

There must be a greater flexibility concerning fares and services. The B.E.A. must be prepared to give special terms at holiday periods to encourage people to use the air. They must also show more flexibility in the addition of services at particular periods. The number of people who go from Scotland to Ireland during the summer is enormous and would appear to warrant a great increase in the air services between the two countries. When Edinburgh has a holiday week why should not the B.E.A. run special services to London at reduced fares? Other transport services have found that pays.

Is my hon. Friend really satisfied that the biggest possible revenue is obtained by the carriage of freight and mails? I put a Question in September to the Postmaster-General on the extent to which air services were being used to carry mails between London and Scotland and I was disappointed at the answer. I believe they carried them on one service from London to Glasgow at that time. The Postmaster-General went on to say that he was considering expanding the service, but I should think that nine months after taking over the services, B.E.A. would have had a much better record. This is another source of revenue which should be considered.

I ask my hon. Friend to consider all these points with a view to trying to produce more revenue, so that the amount by which these services have to be subsidised may be reduced. Undoubtedly in Scotland we have a terrain suitable for air traffic, but it must be admitted that it is doubtful whether there is the necessary population wishing to travel between various points to warrant full and big services. If my hon. Friend could give more attention to the business side of the matter and to the proposals to allow smaller companies to run feeder lines, I believe Scotland could be provided with a much better service than she has at present.

5.43 p.m.

Will the Parliamentary Secretary give some idea of the way in which the Advisory Council is working? The other day his Department sent me a copy of the paper on Civil Aviation in Scotland in which the functions of the Advisory Council are stated: recorded on page 124 of the report of the Select Committee on Estimates when I asked Air-Commodore Murray about the Aerodromes Board. I was asking whether they went into matters like telecommunications and discussed airport sizes, grades and so forth. Then my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Central Glasgow (Colonel Hutchison) asked:

I entirely agree with the hon. Member for North Edinburgh (Mr. Willis) that we must do something to economise on landing charges and on the cost of ground services in Scotland. Can the hon. Gentleman tell us the total receipts for services within Scotland for the last year and also the total landing charges in respect of those receipts? I feel certain that if those two figures are given the Committee will see that the proportion of landing charges to total receipts is very large.

The question of a journey from place to place is governed by the communications which can be provided between those two places. Telecommunication and ground facilities at an aerodrome are the same as comparable facilities on a railway. Are not telecommunications the same as signalling on a railway, and should they not be part of the air charge?

Yes, I agree, and I will return to this matter later. Everyone seems to agree that there should be some form of subsidy and it depends where that subsidy falls whether we can have a correct picture of the economics of the operation or not. It is essential to get landing charges into relation with the amount which is charged for the fare. I do not think that is the case at present.

In regard to the maintenance of landing fields and airports in Scotland, I think the hon. Gentleman said the subsidy for British European Airways in the coming year as regards Scottish services was £750,000

In addition to that, we have the cost of the airfields in Scotland and that is an entirely separate matter. I hope that in order to put it into perspective the hon. Gentleman will also tell us the full cost of maintenance of landing fields in Scotland at present. We must direct our efforts to bringing down these costs, even if it means that where on a bigger airport there are three men doing separate jobs each with separate functions one is trained to do all three functions on the smaller landing grounds. There must be exceedingly highly trained men for the purpose on the smaller airports. I hope that the hon. Gentleman will, in his reply, also say something about the relationship between the types of ground strips and landing facilities that are being provided and the types of aircraft which he has in mind. It seems to me that it is quite useless at the present time to embark upon a vast expansion in the cost of landing services if within a measurable period of time we are to use helicopters. I hope that the hen. Gentleman will say what the position is in that regard.

I come to the remark which I was about to make when I was interrupted I think that the House agreed with the hon. Gentleman when he divided the services in Scotland into three types. In the first place there are obviously what he called the social services. I do not regard these entirely as social services. It is always to be hoped that they will become economic services in the Highlands because it is felt that without them the Highlands will never be developed at all. I do not mean to say that the services should necessarily be profit making, but they should become economic services, not merely social services.

Secondly, there are the "convenience" services, in other words, those services that link two parts of the Kingdom which are not readily linked by motor bus or railway. Thirdly, there are the luxury services. I regard services between capitals as luxury services, and if one intends to use luxury services one should be asked to pay more than one does for the alternative services. Such services should pay for themselves and no loss should be tolerated on services between capitals. One way of making certain that there shall be no loss is to make certain that such services really meet requirements. If services are being run between two big centres of population they must be so arranged that a passenger can leave in the morning from his home and get back to his home that evening. Unless those services are run on that basis, unless they are to provide a real saving in time and a real gain in convenience, they will not readily be made to pay. I believe that not sufficient attention has been paid to this particularly in the Aberdeen services.

In dealing with the "convenience" services, I would like to refer to my own constituency. There is a perfectly good airfield at Dumfries which is not in use for air services at present. I was in communication the other day with the Ministry of Fuel and Power about petrol, and I was informed that there was an excellent rail service between Falkirk and Dumfries. That is the sort of answer one might excusably get from the Ministry of Transport. As a matter of fact, the service is abysmal. Unless one wants to travel the main Glasgow—Carlisle line, one takes a very long time indeed. That is the sort of air service that can be developed, as my hon. Friend the Member for South Aberdeen (Lady Grant) has already said this afternoon. I am sure that what we have to do is to get small planes into operation on these cross-country links. If the Ministry of Civil Aviation and British European Airways cannot themselves provide these, then let them hand the job over to charter services and private airlines and see what they can do with them. Let them not be hidebound in any way.

If air travel is to be popularised people must be made air-minded. One of the best ways of doing that is to take them up in the air. I suggest that there should be cut price services at certain times of the year just to get people into the air. I can give an example. The Minister of Fuel and Power at the present time is refusing permission right and left for petrol to take farmers to the Highland Show. Why should not these farmers be made air-minded by being offered plane services to take them for example from Dumfries to Inverness for the Highland Show at the same price as the rail service? Rail services are exceedingly inconvenient. Why should not that suggestion be carried out? It is in this way and in no other that we shall eventually make aviation pay in this country.

5.56 p.m.

I am sure that the hon. Member for Dumfries (Mr. N Macpherson) will forgive me if I do not follow the observations he has made because I want to make my own points. I wish to say a word about what my hon. Friend the Member for North Edinburgh (Mr. Willis) had to say about cheap fares. He suggested that we should try to apply cheap fares in the holiday period. From the experience of those of us who are using the services we know that there is an ample supply of passengers in the holiday periods. The trouble during holiday periods, even without cheap fares, is to get a seat in an aircraft flying from Glasgow to almost any part of the country. If cheap fares are to be suggested they should be offered outside the holiday period, when very few people are travelling, so that in that way we might induce more people to travel during the times when pressure on space is not so great.

My hon. Friend raised a valuable point, because we require to look at the question of the fare in relation to the number of passengers who are carried. While I agree with the hon. Member for Dumfries that so far as possible services between capitals ought not to be subsidised, or should be subsidised to the minimum, we must remember that we cannot run the social services wholly on a subsidy, and we should try to recoup some of the money for the social services from these services between the main cities in our country.

I was not for a moment suggesting that profits should not be made. All I said was that there should not be a loss.

I will not pursue that point. The question of the fare must be examined, because to fly a Viking between Glasgow and London costs £60 per hour. I understand that to be the figure which is accepted. That means that the cost of the two hours' flight is £120. The single flight fare is £7 15s., which means that when a Viking is carrying its full complement it is bringing in revenue of about £186 compared with a cost of £120. Assuming that the plane can be filled, as it is at £7 15s., it would seem to be possible, by reducing the fare, while not creating a loss on the basis of the figures as they have been given to me, to bring about a larger accretion of passengers for that service at a cheaper rate.

I wish to look briefly at three aspects of civil aviation which seem to me to be major points which we must face. I say, with a great deal of sorrow, that no case has been made today by the Opposition. I always listen to the right hon. and learned Member for Hillhead (Mr. J. S. C. Reid) with interest and appreciation, but today he was most unhappy, because he had no case at all to put against the administration of this ser vice. Anything of consequence that has been said has, as usual, come from this side of the House.

The hon. and gallant Member for Central Glasgow (Colonel Hutchison) said that Sabena, which was admittedly making a profit, was not subsidised. For 1946 the Sabena airlines were subsidised by the Belgian Government to the extent of 140 million Belgian francs for the provision of airfields and so on. If one is subsidised to that extent and relieved of that expenditure in the provision of aircraft, spares and so on, it would be a pitiful situation if one could not show a profit. For the year in which we now are the Belgian Government proposes to subsidise Sabena to the extent of 74 million Belgian francs; so the subsidy is there. It may not be in the way we pay it, but nevertheless every air service in the world today is being subsidised. It has to be subsidised: otherwise, it would not be running.

I should have liked to deal with a good many of the points which were raised, but I know that there are several hon. Members who have points to raise, and I do not want to occupy too much time. Complaint was made, time and again—in the Debate today, I think it was made with regard to my hon. Friend the Parliamentary Secretary—that we contrasted this year with prewar years. Even supposing that we contrast this year with last year and not with the prewar years, in comparing B.E.A. with what has been done by Scottish Aviation and private enterprise in Scotland we find that, in 1946, as compared with 1946, the service miles flown since the Government took over the services were 2,341,406 as compared with 1,050,000 by Scottish Airways in the year before; that the passengers carried by B.E.A. in Scotland were 103,603 as compared with 31,000 in the year before they were taken over, and when they were in the hands of Scottish Airways, and that the mails and freight, as compared with the year before, were 1,200,000 lb. as against 700,000 lb. In that comparison there is nothing to be ashamed of. The prospects are infinitely better than could ever have been afforded had private enterprise still been in charge of the services.

Now let me examine the three aspects which I have already mentioned. From time to time in this House I have dealt with certain important aspects of civil aviation that I shall not encroach upon today. If there is a weakness in the machine, it lies in one of three quarters. Is there any weakness? I want to put this to hon. Members opposite. Do they allege that there is any weakness in the operational side of civil aviation today? I think they will agree with me when I say that our pilots, navigators, air crews, and our engineers are the finest in the world. There is no doubt about it that, on the operational side, no criticism can be alleged against the service. When we come to the administrative side, which is the second point I want to look at, there are one or two things I wish to put to my hon. Friend and a suggestion which I wish to make.

I have already raised in the House the question of the Glasgow terminal at Saint Enoch Station. We have to remember that that is the terminal not merely for the internal services but for all services, trans-oceanic and trans-Atlantic. It is not a fitting place as an airport terminal. Before I raised the matter in the House sometime ago—and I am glad that my hon. Friend responded immediately— the terminal for this magnificent service was little better than a stable. Horses in Glasgow were housed in better stables than the place that was the terminal for the airport services for the country and outside. That as improved a little, but the improvement is not sufficient, and I would urge my hon. Friend to keep that point before him.

A fortnight ago when I raised the question of safety factors in civil aviation in the House, my hon. Friend made an admission. He said, as I understood him, that the ma a runway at Renfrew was no longer safe for a fully loaded Viking. The runway was a foot or so short of the necessary safety yardage. That is a serious statement to make. It is far better, in fact it is imperative, that a runway should be too long rather than it should be even one or two feet short of the necessary safety margin. When I raised in the House the question of the flying boat base for Scotland—I am giving my hon. Friend a chance to revise the answer which he gave me then—he said that, after all, most people who come to this country want to go to London and the South of England. I think that is a terrible thing to say.

Here we are setting up agencies in Scotland, the Scottish Tourist Board and so on, to encourage people to come to Scotland, and my hon. Friend in the House says, as it were, "Who wants to go to Scotland? Everybody wants to come to London or the South of England." I know he did not mean that, and I want him to revise his answer and to tell us that in Scotland we will get our fair share of flying-boat traffic. Once again I say to him that near the Cumbraes in the Firth of Clyde there is an excellent site for a flying-boat base at Balmalloch with easy connection with the land. I hope that my hon. Friend will keep that point before him in dealing with the question of a flying-boat base. I raise that because I am afraid that nothing has been done. The No. 1 flying-boat base, it would appear, is to be at Southampton, and there are serious difficulties there for the manœuvrability of flying-boat craft.

We have been told that Prestwick is to be a first-class international airport. Is the same factor of safety to be employed in classifying Prestwick as is being employed in classifying London Airport? Will the strengthening of the second runway at Prestwick affect the development of the third runway? There is a further point affecting the classification of Prestwick Airport. Round about there are certain buildings, in particular Prestwick High School, which may act as obstacles to aircraft taking off and landing. The result of that may be a lowering of the classification of the airport. Bearing in mind what I have said about Renfrew and Prestwick, and considering what was said by the hon. Member for South Aberdeen (Lady Grant) and the hon. Member for North Edinburgh, I suggest that the time has come when we should visualise for Scotland a great central all-purposes airport placed in the centre of Scotland where there is no trouble from surrounding hills. It should be equidistant from Edinburgh and Glasgow, easy of access to Dundee, with those feeder serves pouring into it which have been advocated by hon. Members during this Debate. The time is opportune, before we go any further in spending money on Prestwick and Renfrew, to reconsider the whole position of the development of civil aviation in Scotland.

I have discussed the operational and administrative problems, and I come to my third and final point. The hon. Member for South Aberdeen suggested that we should go ahead with the construction of the feeder type of aircraft. I have advocated that before. Does the hon. Lady realise the implications? Does she realise that that question affects the manufacturing side of the civil aviation industry? It is an industry which is in the hands of private monopoly more closely than any other industry. There is often criticism from the Opposition about administration, but there is never a word of criticism from them about the manufacturing side of the industry because that is in the hands of private monopoly. The British Society of Aircraft Constructors, Hawker-Siddeleys, Vickers, De Havillands and so on, are only interested in building the big powerful aircraft which will be instruments of war. Civil aviation is a side issue. It gets what is left—

The hon. Gentleman is getting right away from the Estimates under discussion.

I am sorry. I was merely examining the position created by the suggestions already made in this Debate. That situation is implicit ii we are to face up to the creation of that type of machine. However, I shall not develop the point other than to say that while it may be necessary to inquire into administration, we should have control of the manufacturing side of the industry. If I have any criticism of the Government, it is that they did not go ahead and nationalise not only the airports but the manufacturing side of the industry.

6.15 p.m.

The hon. Member for Tradeston (Mr. Rankin) said that nothing of consequence had been brought into the Debate so far by hon. Members on this side of the House. I hope that when I have finished he will revise his opinion. I would like to follow him on the question of the manufacturing side of the industry, but I am afraid that you would not permit that, Mr. Beaumont. The hon. Member made a point about abandoning Prestwick and Renfrew for the moment and starting something more central in Scotland. I am not a technician in these things, but I have always been led to believe that the one great saving grace about Prestwick was that it was the only fog free place not only in Scotland but in Great Britain. I imagine that that has always been put forward as its greatest claim to development.

I do not want to speak about what I suppose would be considered the major parts of Scottish aviation, the B.E.A.C. trunk services between Prestwick and Renfrew and London. I wish to discuss those services mentioned by the Minister, the Highlands and Islands Services. I was very pleased to hear his assurance that the Government intend to consider them—I agree with the hon. Member for Dumfries (Mr. N. Macpherson)—not as social services or charity services, but as something which can and will be developed economically. They were developed economically before the war—

I beg the Minister's pardon, but Highland Airways had a yearly profit before the war of something like £8,000, which is more than B.E.A.C. or any other Corporation have had since they started.

The hon. and gallant Member said, "before the war." It is true that they made a profit during the war because of Government services and high payments for mails. The conditions under which they operated were entirely artificial because of the war. The service never paid in normal conditions.

I do not think that I am mistaken. I used the service before the war. I am not talking from a brief. The only brief I have is a B.E.A.C. publication. I speak from first-hand experience. I stand to be corrected, but I am almost certain that Highland Airways made a profit in their services between the Highlands and Islands. I am not speaking of the service between Glasgow, Edinburgh and London.

They received a subsidy. After all, Imperial Airways made a profit, but they received a very handsome subsidy. They paid the profit out of the subsidy.

Highlands Airways received a subsidy of 4d. a mile for nine months in 1939. From 1934 to 1938 they did not receive a penny in subsidy. Let us get the facts. We do not want inaccurate stories. That is what private enterprise did. It was a successful regular service. It gave us three services a day to Tiree. This brief from B.E.A.C. shows that the service to Tiree is now twice a day instead of three times. The other services are almost as bad. The Isle of Islay gets two services a day. Before the war there were three. This is the summer service, not the winter schedule.

The Isle of Skye had a service before the war, and there is no service now.

If the hon. and gallant Gentleman is to deal fairly with the points, as I am sure he wishes to, he must remember that a lot of difference is made by the type of aircraft used. The aircraft used then was the old D.H.84, the Dragon. We could not use the Dragon today. The standards would not allow it.

I will deal with the point of the aircraft which are used. I was merely saying that the Minister claimed that he is giving us in the Highlands and Islands a better service today than we had before the war. I say that we have not got a better service. We have a smaller service. The hon. Member for North Edinburgh (Mr. Willis) also referred to a point I wish to mention. Some time ago I asked the Minister a Question about personnel on the ground. I asked about the new big aerodrome on the island of Islay, which gets two services a day. The Minister said to me at that time, and he has repeated today in answer to what the hon. Member said, that they realised the importance of crash crews. The men who built the Scottish Airways did not have crashes. Let us be fair.

It is perfectly true, and it is to the credit of those who operated these services in those conditions, that they did not have any fatalities. They were extremely lucky, but what one can do as a private individual in relation to a contract with another private individual the State cannot do in regard to public transport services, and we could not, under present conditions, with safety allow aircraft to come into an aerodrome without a crash crew.

I agree that we must have some form of preparation for accidents, but it surely does not require 17 men of the Ministry of Civil Aviation and another eight, I think, of B.E.A.C., making 25 men in all on an island, to deal with very small machines like the D.H.89, which arrive only twice a day. Surely, we do not need all these people? When it was suggested to the crash crews that they might do something towards tidying up the aerodrome, they said it was not their job. With 25 men looking after only two small aircraft arriving per day, there is no wonder that there is a loss of £2 million a year, instead of the profit which there used to be on the Highland Airlines.

There is another example of extraordinary waste of which I have personal knowledge. When I was in the Orkneys and Shetlands recently, I went to meet the aircraft from Inverness. When I saw it arrive, I thought I was back in St. James's in London instead of at Kirkwall. There was a beautiful double-decker bus painted grey, with a uniformed driver, to bring three passengers from the aerodrome, when private enterprise found it sufficient to have a Ford utility van. No wonder there is a £2 million loss. The Minister must really give us an answer to show why these things are necessary. Again, there is the question of the machines. We know that the cost must be more, because they are operating the bigger machines, but we do not want the big machines. When a Dakota arrived from Lerwick at Inverness, two passengers stepped out. That is the sort of traffic which is going on in the Highlands and Islands and is a complete waste of money. If the Minister will give instructions to the Corporation to use smaller aircraft which could fly a regular service to these areas day after day, there would not be so considerable a loss.

There are two other points I would like to mention. First, I come back to the question of the helicopter. The development of the helicopter in the Highlands and Islands is most important, because, obviously, it is the machine of the future for the remote islands and the more difficult areas of the mainland where it is impossible to have landing grounds. The county council of my constituency was recently discussing the question of landing strips in two areas, and one of the members suggested that it would be better to go ahead with the development of the helicopter and that they should wait before making the airstrips until the helicopters were available. They were told by the officials of the Department of Health for Scotland that it would be 10 years before helicopters were available for use as ambulances.

I have seen the helicopter, and I suggest to the Minister that there is no reason why he should not get this machine into commercial use, not only for ambulance services, because it is the ideal machine for those feeder services about which we have been talking. I imagine that it is not the Minister's idea that helicopters should be used for main services. I know that there has been quite a lot of development going on in connection with their use for the postal service, and, concerning the various experimental operations with the helicopter, I suggest that there are on the West Coast of Scotland ideal places for trying out this machine, which I think would meet with very great success.

On the question of the air ambulance service, we were provided last month with a beautiful pamphlet by B.E.A.C. about what was being done with air ambulances. I recently had to bring to the notice of the Minister, and also to the notice of the Secretary of State for Scotland, the case of an ambulance being required to bring a casualty from the island of Oronsay. A very sick man had to be transported in an open boat a distance of 14 miles and then taken by car to the aerodrome on Islay so that he could get an ambulance to take him to Glasgow. If an air ambulance could have landed on that island, it would have made all the difference, and, if the proper type of machine is used, there is no risk, and they could land on these islands quite regularly.

In this new B.E.A.C. pamphlet, the various air services are shown, but they only go round the fringe of the Hebrides; and the mainland, except for Inverness, Aberdeen and Wick, is untouched. For instance, Oban is the capital of the West Highlands with a big livestock market, and is a centre of communications by sea, road and rail. It is a place of several thousand inhabitants, and also has quite a good airfield in the immediate neighbourhood. Would it not be possible to induce B.E.A.C. to develop something from Oban? Their machines call twice a day at Tiree, but there is no service running to Oban. I suggest that the development of a service in that area might help to make the air services in the Highlands and Islands more economic.

The service given by Scottish Airways before the war was such that it was the talk of everybody—crofters, farmers, old men and young men throughout the Highlands and Islands. Today the talk is in the form of ridicule of the service being given. I ask the Minister to see whether he can issue instructions to the board and to the Scottish Advisory Council, especially to the Advisory Council, to indulge less in politics and more in looking after actual flying. He will then find that he will earn the gratitude of all those people.

6.31 p.m.

It is with a certain amount of diffidence that I, as an English Member, take part in a Debate on Scottish affairs, and I would not have ventured to do so but for the fact that, as the Committee knows, I am interested in civil aviation.

As you have just taken the Chair, Mrs. Paton, may I take this opportunity of congratulating you on this unique occasion? If my speech is not now a good one it will not be through lack of inspiration from the Chair.

I was about to say that a few weeks ago I had the opportunity of flying over most of these air routes about which Members have been speaking. I therefore came to this Debate this evening hoping that I would hear, especially from the right hon. and learned Member for Hillhead (Mr. J. S. C. Reid), some constructive remarks about those air services. My own difficulty is that my experience was somewhat limited, but the right hon. and learned Member for Hillhead does not suffer from that limitation, and therefore I think we might have heard from the Opposition something far more constructive than we have.

The right hon. and learned Gentleman, who opened for the Opposition, concentrated unduly on the question of compensation for one individual who had previously worked for British European Airways Corporation. Among the remarks which I heard among flying men during my visit to Scotland was one to the effect that the gentleman to whom the right hon. and learned Gentleman referred today threatened that he would bring political pressure to bear because he considered his compensation inadequate. I do not know why the right hon. and learned Gentleman took the point of view that he did, but it seems to me that he was indeed bringing political pressure to bear in order to increase the compensation of a man who had previously been employed by a public corporation.

If the hon. Gentleman had been listening to me, I am sure he would have appreciated that my main point was that Captain Fresson should never have been dismissed. He was a most valuable man. My second point was that, having been dismissed, he might have been treated less shabbily.

I accept the right hon. and learned Gentleman's explanation. All I would say is that he spent much more time on his second point than on his first. The second point was that the compensation was shabby. I understand that this gentleman was taken on a three months' contract, and at the termination of his services he was given two months' leave with pay, a sum of £2,000 free of tax, a motor car for the sum of £105 —a price at which it is very difficult to buy a car in present onditions—and he was also given three months' free travel. I do not think it can be said that a person has been shabbily treated when he has been offered compensation of that amount.

If I had time I would mention some of the treatment received by pilots of private companies before the war. I would remind the right hon. and learned Gentleman for example of the efforts made by pilots in Imperial Airways in the prewar days to form a union. When it came to a question of redundancy—real or otherwise—it was curious that the first three pilots who went, were the chairman, secretary and treasurer of the newly-formed union, and not a penny compensation did they get. Before the right hon. and learned Gentleman complains about the way in which aircrew have been treated by nationalised corporations, he should take the trouble to find out what happened to aircrew in the days before the war when they were employed by private companies.

If the facts about prewar treatment are as the hon. Gentleman has stated, does he say that because that sort of thing happened before the war it should be continued after the war?

One cannot compare the compensation which was offered to Captain Fresson after the war with the treatment which these other three pilots received from Imperial Airways before the war. I do not think it is possible to say that the same treatment has been continued. I would like to say something about some of these services which were operating before the war. First, let me say at once that I have the greatest admiration for those people who pioneered those air routes. In the Orkneys and Shetlands and in the Western Isles I found the most extraordinary airmindedness among the ordinary men and women, and I attribute that to the pioneering work which was carried out before the war. [An HON. MEMBER: "By Captain Fresson."] Yes, by people including Captain Fresson.

The fact is that during the war an extraordinary step forward was taken in the development of aviation generally. The step forward from the old grass-field, biplane, days to the large concrete runways and the big aircraft of today has meant that either we spend a lot of public money in providing these services or else we shall not get them at all, because it is absolutely impossible for private enterprise to provide them with the standard of safety which the public have a right to demand. I remember my right hon. Friend the Member for Bishop Auckland (Mr. Dalton) referring to the "pretty poor bag of assets" which the nation received when it took over the railways. I have been speaking to some of the mechanics in a company which was operating in Scotland under private enterprise before the war and which has now been taken over by the State, and they described the assets in much more picturesque terms than "a pretty poor bag."

Does the hon. Gentleman know that members of the Royal Air Force stationed at Wick during the war expressed their surprise and astonishment that the aircraft flown by these private individuals were able to come back to Wick aerodrome at times when the Royal Air Force would not fly?

Yes, I am not denying that. All I am saying is that in the majority of cases the aircraft which were providing those services before the war are not now safe for providing public transport services.

The hon. Gentleman who wishes to interrupt might tell the Committee the number of passengers those aircraft were carrying before the war, and the number which is now laid down as the safe maximum which aircraft should carry.

Having been challenged, I would like to reply. Aircraft operate to a load laid down by the Air Ministry. They cannot operate to a greater load.

It is extraordinary that the load laid down by the Ministry is less than the number of seats which are to be found in some of the aircraft taken over from private companies by the nationalised corporations.

I must apologise for rising again. It is a matter of weight, not seats. The loading sheet has to be signed every time a machine leaves the ground.

That is quite true. I think we should find, however, if we went into cases very carefully, that often the loading sheet was not even filled up in those days. That is the whole essence of pioneering. The pilot collected the fares and gave the tickets—

The hon. Member for Uxbridge (Mr. Beswick) is really making a singularly grave charge. Can he substantiate it? If not, I suggest he has no right to make such a charge.

In certain cases—I am not saying in cases of scheduled operations—that is what happens. We should be very careful about saying that these people made a profit. If we went into some individual cases we should find they were not adhering to the safety requirements laid down today, and I am prepared to substantiate that statement.

I think that the air services of the future should show a judicious mixture of the main-line, nationally-owned, transport services, together with some of the feeder services, coming from the outlying areas, operated by private people. I believe it would be in the best interests of the whole area, would encourage flying, and provide more traffic potential if in certain cases we saw the smaller aircraft, operated by private people, bringing people into the main trunk routes which the nationalised corporation is now providing, and on which, I believe, they are providing a really first-rate service.

Finally, may I say this? We have spent, in this country, many millions of pounds on the resettlement of displaced persons of Poles and others; we are spending hundreds of millions of pounds on the development of Africa, and we now have other schemes for the development of livestock in Australia. I wish we had some similar scheme for the development of some of these areas in Northern Scotland over which I have recently flown. I think the hon. and gallant Member for Ayr Burghs (Sir T. Moore) asked a question the other day about putting some of the effluents of certain sewers back in the Scottish land, and he was told it would be too expensive. I do not think that argument has been used in the scheme for bringing over displaced persons or in the scheme for growing groundnuts in Africa. I am absolutely convinced it would pay us to spend a little more money on a long-term investment policy in Scotland.

We have the power scheme there, and we have a really first-rate network of main air services in Scotland. If they could be encouraged, and if there could be some campaign to develop other schemes in the northern parts of Scotland—the kind of thing which I believe the hon. Member for the Western Isles (Mr. M. MacMillan) has been putting forward—it would solve the problem of this uneconomic air service, because at the present time the overheads are so great that it is impossible to maintain a safe service and still cut down the minimum overheads. What is wanted is to increase the traffic potential if we are to spread the cost of these admittedly high airport charges. Valuable suggestions have been made from this side of the Committee as to how that traffic potential can be increased and I hope the Parliamentary Secretary will be able to assure us that those suggestions will be very carefully considered.

6.45 p.m.

The hon. Member for Uxbridge (Mr. Beswick) has gone into some detail on the terms of compensation offered to Capt. Fresson. I need not repeat them, therefore, but I will say I think those terms are grossly and woefully inadequate, considering the services he has given to civil aviation in Scotland. It is sometimes forgotten, not that he gave the last 14 or 15 years of his life to the service, but that he brought a lifetime of experience to bear in developing these services in the North of Scotland, and he developed them in a most admirable manner, giving us a safe, cheap and efficient service.

He had the utmost confidence of the public in the work he did. I entirely agree with my right hon. and learned Friend the Member for Hillhead (Mr. J. S. C. Reid), that if the people in charge of civil aviation in Scotland had shown a grain of commonsense they never would have sacked Capt. Fresson at all; he was the one man qualified to carry on that job and, indeed, he ought to have been promoted and given a great deal more responsibility. We should have had a very much better air service in Scotland if that had been done. Having chosen, for reasons not adequately explained—no adequate reason has ever been given—to dismiss him, the very least they could have done was to see that a man of his age was not discarded like an old boot, with an offer of a quite ridiculous sum. I hope it is not too late for the Under-Secretary and the Ministry and, indeed, the Government, to reconsider this matter, and see that justice is done in this case.

The Minister indulged in a very large number of irrelevancies and inaccuracies, a larger number than it has ever been my displeasure to hear in a Debate. Perhaps the most wholesale inaccuracy was his statement that Scotland today has a better air service than it had before. I intend to apply the knowledge gathered in my own constituency to refute that statement. He claimed, amongst other things, credit for the ancillary services in connection with the aerodromes, which were really the outcome of the war and which are not the result of anything which the Ministry of Civil Aviation has done. I am quite willing to accept, however, that from that point of view we have far better landing grounds than we ever could have hoped to have in Scotland and, in addition, we have aids for navigation. I am willing to admit that is so, but it is due to the war that we have these things. It is nonsense, if I may say so, to suggest that because we have these things we have a more regular service than we could otherwise have had. That is simply not so. If the Under-Secretary does not know why, I will tell him exactly why.

Let us take the case of the aerodrome at Sumburgh, which is a very dangerous place to come into, with great cliffs of 1,200 feet in one direction and several hundred feet in another direction. There are aids to navigation, but in spite of that fact it is more difficult to guarantee a regular air service there today than it was when Scottish Airways were running the service. The reason is that they were running the service with Rapide aircraft, which could be brought in under conditions under which it is quite impossible to bring in a large type of aeroplane. I am not complaining about the large aircraft. I think that possibly 12-seaters would be better and certainly more economical to run. Regularity will not be improved in any way at all by the use of larger aeroplanes.

In any case, does the Under-Secretary really think they are going to be able to improve the regularity with which Scottish Airways maintained the services? Before the war there was a percentage of regularity of from 97½ per cent. to 98 per cent., a standard maintained in winter, in fog, and in any kind of weather. My right hon. and learned Friend said that people set their watches by the planes of Scottish Airways, and he was not very far from the truth in saying so. If either the Under-Secretary or the Parliamentary Secretary want any confirmation of that, let them ask any of the gentlemen who filled the posts of Admiral Commanding Orkney and Shetland or the General Officer commanding the troops there or of the Air Officer commanding in Orkney and Shetland; and they will hear what these people all thought about Scottish Airways service and the regularity with which it was run. I have listened to hundreds of tributes to the Scottish Airways service and to what it did during the war. Again and again, when for days on end when Service aircraft were grounded—and rightly grounded-the planes of Scottish Airways came in daily and as regularly as clockwork, and everyone knew that they would come in and looked for them. It was a very fine record indeed.

As for the cost of the services to passengers, that has gone up. The Parliamentary Secretary said that there had been a reduction in some cases. I wish he would make some reduction in the fares in the Northern Isles, because the cost to the passengers there has reached such proportions that a great many people are being discouraged from using aeroplanes altogether.

The fares from the Shetlands to the other parts have gone up by only 9 per cent. on the 1946 figures, whereas the operating costs have risen by nearly 250 per cent. I wonder if there are any other commodities in which the charges have gone up so little on such an increased cost.

I still think that the fares are too high, and that it may be possible to fill the planes with more passengers at cheaper fares, instead of our having few passengers paying costly fares. How can the hon. Gentleman possibly try to argue that we have better services in, for instance, the county of Orkney, where was developed the first internal air service in this country and the first internal air mail service, too. Every week I receive stacks of letters from people living in the North Isles of Orkney imploring me to get back for them the inter-Isles Air Service that was run by Scottish Airways before the war and which would have been restored by now if Scottish Airways had not been axed.

A regular service was run between Kirkwall and the islands of Stronsay, Sanday, North Ronaldsay and Westray. I am not going to argue that the landing conditions were good. They were all grass strips. The conditions required pilots with a very high degree of skill and knowledge. Nevertheless, Captain Fresson and the pilots trained by him were capable of landing aircraft there; they were capable of that work; and they gave us an air service that we want back again. I do not know why we have not got it. We should have it. The strips were surveyed by the county surveyor and officials of the Ministry after the war. There is not the slightest doubt that Scottish Airways were proposing to start the service again, when there arose the threat to set up the Corporation which prevented any further work from being done.

Then there is the question of the ambulance service. We had a very good ambulance service for years in Orkney. I have never known any occasion on which Captain Fresson or one of the pilots trained by him failed to answer a call for an ambulance plane in any part of Orkney wherever it was possible to get a plane down. What happens now? Only the other day—and I was up there myself at the time—on two successive days in April calls for an ambulance were made from Westray and were not responded to by B.E.A. I want to know why they were not. I understand that the Flight Captain said that he did not think that a grass strip about 400 yards long was long enough for the landing of a Rapide. No one would expect to land a Rapide in such circumstances. What was wanted was the D.H.84 Dragon, which is quite suitable, and which was used regularly there.

I made inquiries, and I found that the Dragon which, had been kept at Inverness, had been taken away. It apparently was removed without any one's permission. There was a threat once before to remove it, and I protested very vigorously, and it was kept there. I protested because I knew it was the only plane to provide an ambulance service in the Isles. Why it was taken away I do not know. It had received a certificate of airworthiness in the Autumn and had been used only 15 flying hours since. It was not due to receive another certificate of airworthiness or, indeed for an ordinary inspection. It was an old plane, but had been entirely rebuilt in 1944, and was working perfectly, and had, in fact, been used less than a month before to take a hospital case out of Stronsay. I understand that the pilot who used the plane and brought that patient out was "ticked off" for doing so, and that it was made abundantly plain to him that he was not to make any more of those flights. It is not good enough that this sort of thing should go on. The whole service there is going backwards instead of forwards.

Scottish Airways had a very hard time during the war. I disagree with what the Parliamentary Secretary said on the question of subsidies. He challenged me about this matter before. Under the terms of the working agreement between the companies and the Air Ministry in the seven years from 1939 to 1945 the profits of Scottish Airways and Western Airways were restricted to 4 per cent. of the agreed value of the assets employed in the undertakings, and surplus profits over that were to be paid into the pool; and if the profits did not amount to 4 per cent. the difference was to be made up to that figure by drawing on the pool. During those years Scottish Airways made an average profit of £11,009, and Western Isles Airways an average loss of £3,174.

Has the hon. Gentleman reckoned the charges that were waived and that could have been levied on them by the R.A.F.? The companies received services from the R.A.F.

I cannot say what those services were, but from the balance sheets of the companies it appears that the average net annual profits of the two companies was £7,835, equal to 4½ per cent. of the capital value of assets employed in the business. Under the agreement the companies retained an average of £6,748, and paid an average of £1,087 into the pool, which was enough to reimburse the Royal Air Force for the services they rendered. I am sure that the Royal Air Force would agree that they received very valuable services from the Scottish Airways in return.

I hope very much that the Minister will use his influence to see what is looked upon by the whole population of the North of Scotland as a gross piece of injustice is put right. I have never known public opinion so stirred as it has been about this. The hon. Member for Uxbridge suggested there had been some attempt to organise this protest. So far from that being the case—and the Minister will bear me out—both my right hon. and learned Friend the Member for Hill-head and I have done our very best to try to get an equitable settlement of the matter without bringing it into politics at all. We would never have brought this matter up in Debate if it could have been settled quietly. The whole uproar in Northern Scotland sprang up spontaneously and was simply an expression of the very strong feelings that the public have about this matter, and I hope that this injustice will be put right as soon as possible.

7.0 p.m.

I would draw the Minister's attention to the opening of the Debate. The Opposition chose the subject for today, and every Scottish Member was under the impression that we were to get some kind of indictment of the administration of civil aviation in Scotland; and also of the waste and extravagance. Propaganda has been carried on throughout Scotland until the matter has reached very serious proportions. I would remind the Minister that once the House decided to nationalise the airways service, we aroused the antipathies and, in some cases, the hatred of certain sections of the people who were prepared to allow the Government to take over the obsolete means of transport and nationalise them; provided that they were prepared to pay a subsidy and to leave the new mode of transport to private enterprise.

Up to the moment, the public has not been told that we have not got civil aviation in this country, and that we are not trying to get civil aviation. The hon. Member for Tradeston (Mr. Rankin) told us of the answer given to a Question that he had asked about sending a Vicker's Viking with a full load on to the 2,000 yards runway at Renfrew. If it had a full load, the Minister could not give a guarantee of safe landing. What was meant by a full load? As a civil aircraft, it means 25 people, but as a potential war aircraft it could carry 50 people. I came down this morning from Renfrew to Northolt in an aeroplane whose reserve power could carry as much again as the full load. No one is going to fool himself into believing that that is a civil aircraft service.

We have had Member after Member speaking about the North of Scotland services, and how they can land on a 400 yards runway. Obviously, a particular type of plane can be made to land on such a runway. In 1945, when I started flying from Renfrew to London, they had not a Vicker's Viking but an old six-seater Rapide, and we used to start off from Renfrew, come down at Liverpool for refuelling and a cup of tea, and fly on to Croydon. I tell the Minister that today if I had the choice of travelling from Glasgow to London in a modern Vicker's Viking or an old six-seater Rapide, I would select the six-seater every time. It takes two hours longer, so why would I select it? The modern aircraft—the war potential aircraft—is used for civil purposes today. If anything happens to it, the pilot has to look for a suitable aerodrome somewhere en route. The old Rapide could land in a decent sized field, and one was safe. The skill of the pilot was beyond question with regard to landing, lifting and carrying one to one's destination. It was a pleasure trip.

Let me tell the Committee about the average trip. We had 11 routes in Renfrew. We were seated beside the pilot and the wireless operator. Six people were all sitting together and were told about the route. Route 11 was the favourite. It took one over Southport and over the coast of Blackpool. One could see the Isle of Man and Ireland. It was a very pleasant trip. I guarantee that that kind of trip would appeal to more people than pushing them through the air in two hours to London. I was amazed that the hon. Member for Uxbridge (Mr. Beswick) had the temerity to pay a flying visit to Scotland and then to make more charges than all the Members for Scotland could make against the previous administration of airways in Scotland. Thank God, that it was only a flying visit. If he ever goes for a fortnight, he will come back with reports that will last for two years.

I congratulate the Parliamentary Secretary on the statement which he made in reply to the right hon. and learned Member for Hillhead (Mr. J. S. C. Reid). It was astonishing to listen to the right hon. and learned Gentleman basing the whole of his case, as a justification for bringing about this Debate, on the dismissal of one man.

The right hon. and learned Gentleman shakes his head. I am sorry, but that is the impression I got. Strange as it may seem to the Minister, I intended to raise the same question, not about this man, but of the complete change of personnel at Renfrew aerodrome. I have watched this process with considerable dismay. Knowing that it is a managerial function to put the best people in jobs and to remove people who are not suitable, it is an astonishing thing to find that pilot after pilot has been removed from that aerodrome. Mr. Cummins was removed from the aerodrome. He had been brought up there from the days of the old Rapide when one went to the Central Station and waited there with one's luggage. This man grew up with the business in Renfrew. There is a certain amount of sentiment attached to people who grow up with a business, and who are then moved out to make way for some smart Alecs from London. Cummins, Nicholson—one after another they are being shoved out and people from nowhere are being shoved in.

When a man has held a position and has worked successfully up to a certain point, I resent it if, immediately the Government take over, it is a case of finding jobs for their friends. We are not going to be dumb and let them shift people out who have spent a lifetime on the job. That is the kind of thing that I want to see stopped. I also want to see the campaign which has been going on with regard to Prestwick laid forever. There is a popular impression that Scottish Airways are responsible for the building of Prestwick and the running of all the services from Prestwick, and that if the Government had left them alone everything would have been beautiful in Prestwick. People do not know and are not told that of the millions of pounds spent on Prestwick not a single penny came from Scottish Aviation. When people are not told, there is always created the impression that a Scottish company is not getting justice or a fair crack of the whip from the Government. I am glad that the Parliamentary Secretary laid that argument low in his reply to the right hon. and learned Member.

In conclusion, I want to say that if we are to have civil aviation—and I am here repeating what I said in a previous Debate—we must find an aircraft which can take off and land on a 1,000 yards runway. That cannot be done by any military or naval aircraft which we have. At the moment we are developing aircraft with a view to future wars, and trying to fit them into establishments made for an entirely different type of aircraft. The runways at London Airport now have to take tremendous loads, and need to be 3,000, 4,000 and 5,000 yards long. That simply cannot be done in Scotland. Civil aviation in Scotland needs planes that can land on a runway of 1,000 yards in almost any kind of weather. That kind of plane can be made, but it is not being developed, and no subsidy will be paid for developing it, because the thought "War, war, war is always behind every effort of the Government in this direction.

7.12 p.m.

I wish to apologise to the Parliamentary Secretary for not being present throughout the Debate. He may have wished me to be here all the time but unfortunately a 45 mile-an-hour head wind blew against me from Aberdeen to London, and a journey for which I usually take 2¾ hours took 4 hours 25 minutes. I was also delayed in taking off by one or two machines arriving in bad weather conditions—very rightly; they are most careful now, although we dealt with those affairs, of course, before the war.

The tragedy of civil aviation can be summed up in one sentence: it should never have been made the shuttlecock of politics. Ever since I had the honour of attending this House of Commons as a spectator from 1925 onwards I have heard politics dragged into civil aviation. I believe that this great and wonderful industry would have developed far better had it not been made a political war cry. I can assure the Parliamentary Secretary that when nationalisation was introduced, Scotland was willing to give it a fair chance. They were glad to see the old pioneers go on. Their names have been mentioned this afternoon almost ad nauseam, so that if I do not dwell too much on George Nicholson who founded the service to the Western Isles in 1934, Mr. William Cummins who was for many years at Renfrew any hour of the day and night, or my old commercial and very capable rival, Captain Edmund Fresson, the Committee will perhaps forgive me. To Captain Fresson I pay every tribute. Coming to Scotland as a joy-riding pilot in 1932, he saw the possibilities of airlines, started one year before myself, and caused me many commercial headaches during the next 14 years.

When I see—and in this I want to support the hon. and gallant Member for West Renfrew (Mr. Scollan)—

I apologise for the erroneous compliment, and hope to be forgiven. When I see that these gentlemen have been declared redundant, I think it is perhaps fortunate that on my entry to this House I did not endeavour to continue in nationalised aviation. Those gentlemen have been far more patient with Government officials than I should have been. Instead of struggling for 18 months against suffocation by control, red tape and endless forms, I should not have lasted from Friday to Monday.

We have in Scotland the Scottish Advisory Council. I humbly suggest that, although there are good people on that Advisory Council, it is a form of window dressing. Scotland is convinced that it has not the right to dictate its decisions to Whitehall. In Scotland we feel that the personnel are lacking in aviation experience. I shall not try during this Debate, through eloquence or party views, to score points against nationalised aviation. I should like to endeavour to make a constructive speech. If I say what I think are the objections to nationalised aviation I feel sure the Committee will accept it as a simple opinion.

First, the loss. The Committee has been informed, and rightly, that Scottish Airways made a profit of £8,000, or just under, for the last seven years of its existence. Perhaps I might refer to my own small company, which reached a profit. We opened in 1934, carrying three passengers in the first week, receipts £8 15s. and expenses of £450. We built up traffic from 894 passengers in our first year to more than 8,500 passengers in our last and we increased the receipts from £1,300 first year to over £40,000, with a profit of more than £5,000.

I hope I offend no one—certainly have no wish to offend the hon. Member for Uxbridge (Mr. Beswick)—if I state that I think the tragedy of civil aviation has been the introduction of Royal Air Force personnel and ideas, and even the personnel and ideas of the war-time Air transports Auxiliary Service. It will be understood that R.A.F. outlook towards aviation was not founded on commerce and making things pay. R.A.F. outlook is inclined to try to put a growing and a keen industry into corsets. I should add that I have had the honour of serving in the R.A.F. for quite a number of years. Let me take Wick Aerodrome as an example. During the war we had a service there with one man and one boy, who not only looked after us but collected the tickets and drove the cars. I am indeed grateful to the hon. and gallant Member for Argyll (Major McCallum), who mentioned our regularity. We were the only airline serving Wick during the war.

I should like to ask the Parliamentary Secretary why the D.H. 89 Rapide, which had operated on these transport services for nearly eight years, was, for about 18 months to two years, supplanted by J.U 52s—Junkers. It was, as I feel sure the Parliamentary Secretary will agree, an abysmal experiment. Not only were the Junkers a failure and gave much engine trouble, but they were terribly expensive to run. I do not want to endeavour to give the Parliamentary Secretary a cold bath, although I rather gather he appreciates them, and that in Summer time he might enjoy them more than he does breaking the ice in winter. But in all humility I ask him to contemplate what happened with the introduction of the J.U. 52s. They were 14-seater planes, brought in place of the eight-seater Rapides. They immediately employed two pilots instead of one, and immediately added a stewardess for routes which took not more than one hour to fly. As far as I could see, the duties of the stewardess were simply to say, "Please do up your belts," and "Please undo your belts. "I remember one of our farmers who had flown with us for more than 10 years saying, "I wish she would call night and morning."

These Ju. 52s had three engines and burnt 50 per cent. more petrol than the De Havilland Gipsy 200; and only two D.H. 200s were employed in a Rapide. The 14 seats they offered were reduced to 11 for sale to passengers by additional personnel, whereas the Rapide could offer eight. Without wishing to embarrass the hon. Member for Uxbridge, I would like to say that no company can tinker with the load sheet of its aircraft. There could be no question before and during the war of aeroplanes operating to an overload. If he checks his facts he will find that is so.

I would ask the Parliamentary Secretary to announce what is the average percentage increase in fares on all Scottish routes since the Government took over. I understand that today British European Airways operate to a load factor of 55 per cent., but I would add that the routes operated by Scottish Airways and by my Company, Allied Airways, operated consistently during the last four or five years of our existence to 85 or go per cent. I heard the Parliamentary Secretary state, most kindly, that this was war traffic, supplied by the Government—service people in uniform. I would like to tell the Parliamentary Secretary how much loss of goodwill was caused to these Scottish companies by our normal traffic being frozen off under the Government priority booking system. Indeed, if we had been operating after the war we should have had quite a lot of goodwill to rebuild.

Before the war companies which had to make these lines pay cut out fancy frills. They operated with one pilot, working radio-telephony and without stewardess. I am prepared to state that, despite the heavy losses made by British European Airways, no free enterprise company would hesitate to resume the routes they were obliged to surrender. On behalf of my company I state that I would be willing to resume with fares 15 per cent. lower than the Government's, and take the commercial risks of postwar operations; provided, of course, there was a controlling air transport licensing authority which did not prevent the operation of a route being unfairly affected by an adjoining route.

In view of the statements of the hon. Member, I think it only fair to let him know that I mentioned to the House whilst he was not present that in the eight months prior to the outbreak of war the company with which he was associated received a subsidy of £3,000 in order to run services. He is now talking about running a service without subsidies.

I thank the Parliamentary Secretary for his kindly reminder. I would state the facts quite clearly. Allied Airways commenced operation in 1934 and operated without any subsidy whatever until 1939, when we received a subsidy from 1st January until the outbreak of war; but all the time we were building up our services, and we would be quite happy to face full commercial difficulties today. We are confident we should make them successful. If we look at the free enterprise fares charged in 1938 by North Eastern Airways from Aberdeen to London of ten guineas and compare them with the £14 15s. Edinburgh—London return fare today, we are not ashamed of what civil aviation offered prewar under free enterprise.

I thank the hon. Member.

I will now expend a moment or two on airports. Today, airports have a tremendous number of personnel, yet they are not as available at all hours of the clock as they were before the war. Until recently—and I believe that it is true today—one was not permitted to land a chartered aircraft at Aberdeen airport after five o'clock because Government radio had shut down and, in that case, one had no insurance policy; we could take our own risks. I would ask the Parliamentary Secretary to consider a service to Sutherland which has no services whatever.

There is a natural aerodrome at Dornoch, as I have impressed upon him in the past. It has a surface far better than Croydon and I have frequently flown there. Aberdeen is also the jumping-off point for Scandinavia. Before the war the Customs came out and served my aircraft whenever I wished to go within half an hour of request; today, however, if we want to leave Aberdeen for Scandinavia we must fly backwards to Prestwick to take off. I have seen horses embarked in transport aircraft, flown to Prestwick and then taken to the Continent. I have seen the Prince Regent of Holland, Prince Bernhard, arrive at Aberdeen and receive a request that his aircraft should continue to Prestwick to be cleared.

Today we miss very greatly the assistance of the hon. Member for Keighley (Mr. Ivor Thomas), who was Parliamentary Secretary when aviation was nationalised. We also miss from another place the then Minister of Civil Aviation, Lord Winster, now Governor of Cyprus. How little men are responsible for the troubles they bring on this country; how little they are here to answer for the many promises they made when they nationalised civil aviation—that it would be a more efficient, less costly and that, by amalgamations, a first-class service would be given. In 1945, in making a speech on the nationalisation of aviation, I said: operated without loss to the country and much more efficiently.

7.27 p.m.

From the nature of the Debate, it is clear that we could not range very far and wide. Our wings have not been able to spread perhaps as widely as we should have liked, but nevertheless, we have had a number of suggestions from both sides of the Committee, some of which I hope the Parliamentary Secretary and the Minister will find helpful. For example, from the hon. Member for North Edinburgh (Mr. Willis) we heard about the question of feeder lines. The sugestions from the other side of the Committee were suitably interlarded with a criticism of the Opposition for having no policy and a sort of putting themselves on the side street by patting the Corporation on the back. But when one discounts all that, there were to be picked out certain suggestions of value.

The senior Member for Dundee (Mr. Cook) referred to the question of the type of aircraft, which, in my view, lies at the very root of the problem. Then, the greatly daring Member for Uxbridge (Mr. Beswick) had the courage to intervene in a Scottish Debate—rather unhappily, in the first instance, by his levelling of charges which he was not able to substantiate, but which he completely redeemed later on by pointing out that overheads at present are so high that the services can never pay. The hon. Member for Western Renfrew (Mr. Scollan) is always gallant in that he speaks his mind, whether the Government Front Bench like it or not. Once again he spoke of the removal of personnel from Prestwick. And so, the Debate has not been altogether profitless, but there are one or two reflections I should like to add before we have the reply.

I wish to draw attention to the prewar comparison, and the effect on the pockets of the taxpayers of our present system. There have been a lot of discussions both in the House and in the Press, about what profits were made before the war, and how. Some of my hon. Friends have dealt with the subsidy, which, if it ever played a part at all, was a part of such insignificance that it does not affect the comparison between the large sums of money now being lost and the conditions which prevailed before the war. Subsidies were not, in fact, paid until 1939, and they operated for only eight months. The profits made then were greater than the subsidies. Thereafter we were thrown into the whole distorted economy of them war, from which no exact conclusion can be drawn.

Let us take what the Parliamentary Secretary said only a few weeks ago. He said that losses were being incurred in the Scottish section of civil aviation, which, if multiplied to cover the whole year, would lead to the astonishing figure of £600,000 per annum. I agree that it would be unfair to take two Spring months, multiply them by six and then say that that automatically gives the loss for the whole year; but whatever the figure is, it is a tremendous increase over any comparison of what was being lost by the services conducted in Scotland before the war. We contend that this tremendous sum of money could be cut down very greatly indeed if the services were properly conducted.

Let us see what other aspects we must, in fairness, compare as between prewar years and today. It is quite true that certain services have been instituted which did not exist before the war. We have now Glasgow-London, Glasgow-Stornoway, Inverness-Stornoway, Edinburgh-Aberdeen; but we are without Glasgow-Perth-Inverness, Perth-Edinburgh-London and the island services in the Orkneys and Shetlands. Therefore, there is no great case for increased services to be made out there—we might almost say that it is level on balance. We then hear a lot about frequency and reliability, but are we satisfied that the frequency is greater now than before the war? On reliability, I should like to read to the Parliamentary Secretary what a Scottish journal has to say. It states: causes of the trouble. Many of these larger and faster aircraft are quite unnecessary; we are trying to run before we can walk, or rather fly at 300 miles an hour before we can operate at 200 miles an hour. The Rapides were often sufficient to provide reliable and frequent services before the war, but they have now been replaced by expensive and fast machines. Dakotas and Rapides have become Vikings and Dakotas, with the result that the size of airfields and the number of personnel grow, and so do the losses. It has been said that personnel has a tendency to grow as the square of the airfield increases, and just as these have swollen, so did the chest of the Parliamentary Secretary swell when he made his visit to Scotland in the Autumn of 1946 and envisaged 40- and 50-seater aircraft carrying the Scottish population about at the cost of third-class railway fares.

How far removed is that dream from reality? Today that bright vision has faded hopelessly away, and we have the lamentations of the chairman of the Scottish Advisory Council that many of the airlines are lacking patronage. But is that surprising when we look at the rates of the fares and find that many services are charging 60 per cent. above the first-class railway fare. Any office boy can tell you that if a profit cannot be made at 6d., all that needs to be done in a nationalised industry is to raise the charge to 7d. or 8d. There is no competition and no one can stop it being done, but that is not the way a commercial enterprise makes its endeavours profitable. The voices of those who foretold what would happen fell on deaf ears; the deaf-or-glory boys who represented the Ministry would take no heed.

Scotland is a country where it is easier perhaps to operate airline services than in any other country in the world. The people are air-minded, and the Minister himself has said that they are perhaps the most air-minded people in Western Europe. In Inverness and the Orkneys we had the first scheduled service in Great Britain. One can search the map of Europe to find a country more suited to aircraft travel than Scotland, with its sea lochs, its channels and mountains which make detours by land transport so necessary. We have heard a little about Belgium and Holland. In Holland there is an airline—I saw the managing director only the other day—which is making a profit for the State. It is true that the Stateowns more than 50 per cent. of the shares, but it leaves the airline alone, and the airline has its own schedules and buys its own aircraft. The only thing the State is interested in is the dividend it draws from its investment.

We have heard a great deal about the Sabena Airline. I was challenged in this connection on the amount of subsidy being paid. My information comes from a translation of the accounts of the airline, which show a balance of 123 million francs for 1946; it is proposed to repay some 84 million francs back to the Government, which brings the total subsidy repaid in the last three years to some 130 million francs, and completely repays all that has been received. Sabena still has, of course, a loan from the Government as distinct from a subsidy. That is in complete contradiction to what the Parliamentary Secretary and the hon. Member for Tradeston (Mr. Rankin) have said. All I can do is to submit those figures for the record.

Is it not the case that the sum of money mentioned earlier in the Debate was for the provision of airport facilities, and that there was no question of the expenditure being repaid by Sabena? Will the hon. and gallant Member also say what uneconomic services Sabena or K.L.M. run as a social service?

I cannot answer the second part of the hon. Member's question because I have not all the details at my finger tips. All I can say is that if it does cover the provision of uneconomic facilities, it makes the accounts even more spectacular.

Is not the point that neither Sabena nor K.L.M. run any services which are uneconomic but socially desirable?

In answer to the hon. Member, if we ran our services properly ours would not be uneconomic, for they were not uneconomic before the war.

I should like to clear up a misunderstanding. I did not suggest that any subsidy was given. I pointed out that last year there was a loan of over 140 million Belgian francs for the purchase of aircraft, spares and so on, and that 74 million Belgian francs were included in the Budget for 1948.

That is quite a different thing. A loan is not a subsidy and the loan is being gradually repaid. But I must get off the subsidy question, for I have been on it too long. There is only one point in that connection to which I wish to refer briefly. The Parliamentary Secretary referred to hidden subsidies which could be granted on mail contracts, but under an international agreement—it is being revised at the present time—the rate is fixed, by agreement between the nations, for the payment of mail on the North Atlantic route, at any rate, so that there cannot be much of a hidden subsidy in that.

So much for these small countries comparable in size and population with ours, and in my view with less chance of operating their air services satisfactorily than we have. However, they are doing it properly. What a contrast to the services of this country. What have our Government done? They have taken the services which were functioning satisfactorily and they have broken them up literally on one Spring day, without any gradualness about it. They got rid of all those who knew anything about runing commercial aviation, and they subjected the whole system to a rigid control under which it can never satisfactorily work. Of course, there are teething troubles, but the worst cure for teething troubles is to take out the only teeth that can bite. That is exactly what has happened in regard to those officials about whom we have heard so much.

I should like to say a little more about personnel in other spheres of Scottish civil aviation. Is there anybody on the Advisory Council who has ever run a commercial airline at all? No, not a person. Is there anybody there who has ever flown an aircraft? Yes, one. That is the Council which is advising the Minister upon what Scotland needs in the matter of commercial civil aviation. At first we were told by the Parliamentary Secretary that the Minister took the advice of this body at any rate in 1946 or 1947, but that advice must have turned very sour, because early in 1948 the Parliamentary Secretary again said that it gave advice but it was not always taken. Let us be frank. Advice is only taken when it suits B.E.A., and not when it suits Scotland. The Scottish Advisory Council is represented by the chairman, who is most inappropriately a member of the board of British European Airways.

The right hon. and gallant Member might recall that it was pressed from his side of the Committee, as well as from this side, that a member of the Scottish Advisory Council should be on B.E.A. in order to ensure that the advice tendered by the Advisory Council received proper consideration.

I do not remember the details of the Debate at that time, but if it was pressed for, as the hon. Member suggests, it turned out to be wrong. The more I think about it, the more I think that the Scottish Advisory Council ought to be independent, without any contacts of that kind. It ought to have complete access to the Ministry and to the Corporations through the chairman.

Surely, if it had no representation on B.E.A. the possibility of its advice being accepted would be considerably less?

I do not think that that is necessarily so, but it should be a strong body, and it would be strengthened by the fact that it could have access to the Minister so that it need not be tied up in an invidious way to the Board of one of the concerns to whom it is supposed to give advice.

Then there is the same lack of practical knowledge in B.E.A. itself. What is B.E.A.? A simple change of alphabet solves the riddle of B.E.A., because it is a modern form of A.T.A. During the war A.T.A. delivered aircraft from the manufacturers to the stations, and that was its only knowledge of flying aircraft. It has been taken over lock, stock and barrel, and it began to run B.E.A. under the inflexible system which has been forced upon it. We have heard about the Scottish division of B.E.A. I am not going to repeat what my hon. Friends have already said, but this division has been Anglicised and Northoltised and now is but another subsidiary body owing allegiance to the existing system.

There is one matter which is extremely serious and I should be glad to hear from the Parliamentary Secretary that my fears in regard to it are wrong and unfounded. With this change of personnel in Scotland, intrigue has crept in. There is a feeling of distress and fear. The confidential report system has been in-augurated. I know that confidential reports are the order of the day in the Services, but when a confidential report is submitted in the Services the senior reporting officer has got to read that report to the man who is being reported upon. I understand that no such rule is made in regard to any of the juniors in B.E.A. They are reported upon without knowing that they are being reported upon. They do not get the chance of defending themselves or of explaining their position. They are at the whim of some individual immediately superior to them who himself is at the whim of the man above him. If this lettre de cachet system has crept in, it is dangerous, unfair and pernicious, and ought to be eradicated at once. I can only hope that this system has not been approved by the Minister, because nothing will rot the fibre of a nationalised or any other system quicker than the semi-Gestapo method of reporting behind people's backs.

As the number of employees has gone up, the efficiency of the whole machine has gone down. Machines grow, airfields grow, and personnel grow. As an example of this, I will quote the position at Kirkwall before the war. There was an administrative staff of four; now there are 20 or 30. The airways staff used to be five; now it is a dozen. The Parliamentary Secretary is perfectly entitled to reply that we have got a bigger aircraft and more radio devices are required to make safer landings. That is just the count I level against the Government, that much of this was unnecessary because the system and the machines working before the war were giving perfectly satisfactory results. In 14 years in which it flew in that part of Scotland, the private company never seriously injured or killed a passenger. The Government cannot make much of a case against the private company on the grounds of unsafeness.

I should like before I close to say a word about Prestwick. We have always contended—and I was glad to hear an hon. Member on the Government side of the Committee support this point of view —that Prestwick lies along the natural route for many of the travellers from the North American Continent to Europe, and it was an hallucination, and a bombastic hallucination, to imagine that everyone who wanted to fly to these islands wanted to go to London and the South. We fought against that principle during the passage of the Bill through the House and a great deal of what we said then has already been vindicated. The statistics of flights and passengers which have been taken out since that time go to prove that what we said was right. What do we find? Last year, in August, 1947, Trans-Canada Airlines had 11 services a week from London-Prestwick to Montreal; Scandinavian Airlines seven a week from Scandinavia-Prestwick to New York; K.L.M. had seven a week from Amsterdam-Prestwick to New York; American Overseas Airlines two a week from Scandinavia-Prestwick to New York. That is to say, 27 services a week by foreigners against three a week by British machines —one a week London-Prestwick to New York and two a week London-Prestwick to Montreal for passengers. Surely, that is a bad situation. I agree that Prestwick has its chance, but it has got it from foreigners and not from this country, which should help it.

Does not the hon. and gallant Gentleman realise that Prestwick should thank the Ministry of Civil Aviation for the fact that these services call there? The Ministry followed the policy of granting Fifth Freedom rights to K.L.M. and to the other nations to land at Prestwick rather than London, in order that British aviation should have the highest aviation potential from London.

I have said that Prestwick is being given its chance by foreigners and not by British airlines. If the hon. Gentleman will listen to me he may end by agreeing with me. Surely British airlines are entitled to carry a higher proportion of the passenger traffic that passes through Prestwick to the North of Europe than three to 27. They can do it if the Ministry will put on the feeder services for which some hon. Gentlemen opposite have been asking. Indeed, in November, 1946, this point was recognised by the Minister, in these very words—and perhaps they will persuade the hon. Member where I could not persuade him—

One would imagine that after the cutting off of all those services, the traffic would have fallen. What do we find? Compared with 10,000 passengers in 1939, we find 31,000 in the 11 months to December, 1946, and in the 11 months to December, 1947, the figure was 103,000. I congratulate the Parliamentary Secretary. That increase is magnificent. But where are the profits? There is scarcely a commercial concern in the world which, given that expansion, would have failed to make a profit. Yet we see only a loss of from £500,000 to £600,000 at the present time. While that expansion of passengers continued, even during the winter months mail continued to expand and freight maintained a steady figure with an expanding tendency.

We have heard about a very curious departure, which I welcome and which I think shows a certain broadmindedness on the part of the Government. It is the offering of certain routes to charterers to see if they can make them a success. A very curious series of routes is being offered to them. They are the routes which are the most unprofitable. In short, the Government are skimming the cream from the traffic, and the private operators are to try to make the best of the skimmed milk. I well remember when the Civil Aviation Bill was in Committee that we were accused of just that very thing. The Parliamentary Secretary said that the charter companies must never be allowed to skim the cream off the traffic, because that would never do for the Government. The charter conditions have all been fixed by the Government. What is very significant is that the charter companies are only to be allowed to try their hand for six months. How do the charter companies know what will happen at the end of the six months. They have to put on a service and make it successful in a time so short that history shows that to be almost impossible. How do they know that they will not have their contracts taken away? Are they continually to have a sword of Damocles hanging over them such as threatens all private enterprise and initiative in these days, and face the prospect of their charter contracts being cancelled?

I suggest certain remedies for the present situation. The first is that the Minister must introduce upon the Scottish Advisory Committee men who know what they are talking about. I do not mean that they need all necessarily have been commercial flying men, but the Committee must have a leaven who will be of that type. The same applies to the Corporations themselves. There must be people who have made a living out of flying of civil aircraft for profit. Then there must be decentralisation from London. The routine of station and personnel orders has fastened upon the neck of civil aviation, an inflexible and slow system, and it must be decentralised, so that Scotland can enjoy a proper autonomy of its own. The right aircraft must be introduced. There may be Dakotas for the rather longer journeys, but for the shorter journeys there should be the Miles Marathon or a re-designed Perceval Prince. There might on some occasions even be the old Rapide, which has given such fine service in the past. The service must be made to suit the public and not the public made to suit the service. There must be a cut in administration staffs, which have swollen to such enormous proportions both in the Ministry and in the Corporations.

Let those services which exist on the spot, and which can be made use of already, be used. I am not talking of flying services. I mean ground services. The Select Committee on Estimates made special recommendations when it went to Prestwick that services such as the loading of baggage and fire-fighting facilities, which were already on the spot and being used by Prestwick, should be used. Let me say in parenthesis to one or two hon. Gentlemen opposite that Prestwick has spent an enormous sum of money on the ground, on runways, buildings and the rest. It was spent by Scottish Aviation. In a few months the ground services thus provided were completely cut out, although they were giving satisfactory results at a low cost at the very time when that Select Committee were up there.

Finally, let the Government go on with the scheme of testing out charter companies, but let the companies be tested fairly, not only on routes which are almost certain not to pay and for a period of time in which the companies can scarcely succeed. I hold no brief for charter companies. They can undoubtedly look after themselves, but I suggest that the system be extended further. Let men who know how to run these services continue to run them and let us see what will happen to the loss of £600,000 a year. Then the staffs of B.E.A. and N.C.A., and others which are swollen in a supervisory capacity could be reduced to a more reasonable number with a simple watching brief. Men who have made a life study of and a livelihood out of running civil aviation will transform the whole thing.

7.59 p.m.

Before I start to reply to the Debate, Mrs. Paton, may I associate myself with the compliments which have been paid to you, in your present position in that Chair? In particular I would like to say what a pleasure it is to me, your fellow-townsman, to know that the honour of being the first woman to occupy that Chair should have fallen to you. I have the greatest pleasure in being present on this historic occasion.

In replying to the Debate I will try to deal with the points as nearly as possible in the order in which they were raised. That will mean that I may have to do a certain amount of switching about and that my replies may not be quite as connected as they otherwise would be. Per-haps the Committee will permit me to deal with the points raised rather than to give general review of the Debate.

The hon. arid gallant Member for Ayr Burghs (Sir T. Moore) again raised the question of Prestwick. I trust that in the interjection I made I laid low once and or all the idea that Prestwick is a gift of the gods from some private company n Scotland. I repeat in order that the Committee may thoroughly appreciate it the fact that at the outbreak of the war Prestwick airfield was 300 acres of grass-and. Anything and everything, apart from that mere 30o acres of grassland, which has been provided at Prestwick has been provided at the cost of the British taxpayer.

I am sorry to interrupt, but if the Parliamentary Secretary will cast flies like that, I must be expected to rise. Who built the buildings and the hangars?

The buildings and the hangars were transferred from the Glasgow exhibition.

They belong to the State, and we are now asking what the rent, which has not been paid over a long period of years, shall he.

Is the capital of Scottish Aviation only £100,000 now?

I wanted to make the one point I have made, and I did not want to develop it too far because we are in the middle of negotiations about the sums owed by the Government to Scottish Aviation, and by Scottish Aviation to the Government. These negotiations are proceeding very well, and we shall all be happier when a settlement is made. My point was that it is the nation which has provided Prestwick for the use of the nation and that, without the nation and the nation's resources, Prestwick would still be grassland.

It has not been neglected. It is now an alternative to London Airport, and a great deal of money has been spent on it. With its present navigational aids, it is better equipped than any airport except London. The promises which were made, that it would be a transatlantic and international airport, have been well and truly kept.

The airport is used. It is used by foreign companies operating along the great circle on which Prestwick lies. Airline operators use only those airports which are most suitable. Only if an airport is suitable, has facilities and is on or near the great circle route, will it be used. So far as British services are concerned, some of those from London to New York go through Prestwick and some through Shannon. A proportion of the Montreal services through Gander also go through Prestwick.

The point was made that services were withdrawn between Prestwick and Northolt. That is perfectly true, but when this service was withdrawn we allowed some capacity on the Constellation transatlantic services to be filled by London-Prestwick and Prestwick-London traffic. For all that has been said by the hon. and gallant Gentleman the Member for Central Glasgow (Colonel Hutchison), the fact remains that the vast majority of passengers who use the transatlantic air service, from either Montreal or New York, want to go to London. Trans-Canada ran their first services from Montreal to Prestwick, from which airport Scottish Aviation brought the passengers by a feeder-service to London. Most of the passengers were London-bound and T.C.A. eventually extended their service through to London. It is no disadvantage or in any way a disparagement to Scotland, Prestwick or anywhere else to recognise that so far as the British Empire is concerned, London is the centre towards which passengers, trade and industry naturally gravitate.

The hon. Member for Dundee (Mr. Cook) and the hon. Member for South Aberdeen (Lady Grant) and other hon. Members raised the question of the use of the D.H.89 for feeder services. I will admit that it looks a very attractive proposition, but the facts are that the D.H.89 was produced in 1936, those aircraft which are now in use have been at work for 12 years and no more of the type are being manufactured. The D.H.89 is now an old aircraft, and such well-used planes require more attention than more modern ones—

The right hon. and learned Gentleman says that it is obvious. It may be obvious, but in the Debate speaker after speaker has asked why we do not use the D.H.89, as though such aircraft were available. I repeat, they are not produced now and have not been produced for years, and that is the reason why they cannot be provided.

I did not specify any type of aircraft. I feel that it will require new types of aircraft.

If we are to discuss new types of aircraft, we come into the difficult field of problems of aerodrome requirements. Under present regulations and conditions of flight, new aircraft must have different performance in landing, availability and allied factors from those of the old D.H.89.

Will not the Miles or a similar machine operate more or less in the same conditions as the D.H.89?

No, most certainly not. After all, the D.H.89 requires only a 400-yard runway. So far as all the other developments of aircraft are concerned, the development of power demands a greater length of runway. When we demand better single-engine performance we inevitably create a requirement for the development of runways. The plain truth is that a number of aircraft which used to operate satisfactorily—the hon. and gallant Member for Argyll (Major McCallum) mentioned the old D.H.84— would not be allowed to be flown under present schedule conditions, because their performance under such conditions would be considered dangerous.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that a Miles aircraft landed on the Island of Westray in the Orkneys on a runway of 400 yards? How did it manage it?

The cost of operation of the Miles Aerovan cannot be compared with the cost of operating the D.H.89; moreover, the function of the Miles Aerovan differs from that of normal passenger- carrying aircraft. We are now discussing the general question of the provision of feeder services and if, as the hon. Member for Dundee said, the development of a suitable aircraft is necessary, then operating costs are the real problem. Pilots are very highly paid, and we also require either a wireless operator and a navigator or a navigator-wireless operator, for those functions are being combined. These crews are required even on feeder services. When we get only five or six passengers in an aircraft and have very heavy operating costs; when we cannot get the air fares raised, or when the fares charged do not meet the costs of operating, then we require more passengers to meet even the most basic costs of petrol, oil and salaries.

The eternal problem of every transport operator is how to cut down his operating costs to the level of the fares which he is likely to get for the service which he renders. That problem was faced in the shipping industry many years ago, and the railways also faced it in a rather different degree. The problem of a replacement for the D.H.89 is serious, for there are no suitable candidates for its place. There is the De Havilland Dove which requires a greater runway length; the Percival Prince has been mentioned, and there are one or two others, though none is entirely satisfactory. This problem of feeder services will be examined from the point of view of what aircraft can be utilised on the routes in question.

The real point I want to make is that in providing air services we have two main functions: that of providing them internally where the normal surface conditions of transport are difficult and arduous, where an air-connection is a real social service. Such services will be provided. Secondly, where there are great trunk routes, as from Glasgow or Edinburgh to London, on which we can get a reasonable return for the capital invested, a service will be run. I am reminded that the hon. Member for South Aberdeen asked why we could not have a number of aircraft awaiting the possible breakdown of some other aircraft. An aircraft is a very expensive means of transport, and to have one costing £250,000, £200,000 or £100,000 waiting for something to happen, would inevitably mean a loss, because that would be tantamount to its not being used. The desire of every transport operator, whether a bus company, a railway company, an air line or a shipping company, is to keep its vehicles of operation operating for the highest possible number of hours per day, because the greater the utilisation of the means of transport, the greater the profit will be. It is therefore impractical to have a number of aircraft at various places awaiting the possibility of accident or breakdown somewhere else.

Perhaps the Minister will improve the maintenance services, which was another point.

The question of flying-boat services has not been mentioned tonight, although the Minister referred to services being run for social purposes—

The hon. Gentleman mentioned a flying-boat service coming into the Clyde, but I am talking about a flying-boat service which was considered at one time for the West Coast of Scotland from the Clyde to Port Ullapool.

I assume that the hon. Member does not refer to the medium-sized flying-boat but to the small flying-boat. The cost of operating these, the maintenance of marine ports etc., is prohibitive. There are difficulties in the case of the operation of a land plane, but the difficulties are much greater with small types of flying-boat.

But where a base exists already, such as there is on the Clyde and at Invergordon, surely the maintenance of these ports as air bases must be much less than keeping up a large aerodrome?

It does not mean that because there is a piece of water it is suitable for aircraft to land; and, even if it is suitable, there must be other services available such as navigation aids, radio aids, boats for docking the flying boat and similar equipment. On the general point of maintenance raised by the hon. Member for South Aberdeen, the standard of maintenance of all British airlines, whether B.E.A., B.S.A.A. or B.O.A.C., is very high indeed. The aircraft engineers work right round the clock at considerable disadvantage to themselves. As a worker who has endured night work, I know what it means to have breakfast in the middle of the night one week, in the early morning another week, and in the middle of the afternoon the following week. Its effect on general health is one which those who have been associated with transport suffer and recognise. It is easy to say that maintenance could have been done if somebody else had been there, but aircraft are delicate machines and their mechanism is like a watch—one takes a watch to the watchmaker and has to believe what he says. It is the same with regard to the aircraft engineer.

I sympathise with the Minister because I also have suffered night work for considerable periods. Is he completely satisfied with the maintenance staff?

So far as the Dakotas used on the Scottish services are concerned, their maintenance takes place at Speke and the standard of conditions and work in the shops is very high indeed. The standard of men employed is also of the highest, and I am entirely satisfied with the standard of maintenance. The facilities for maintenance are all that can be desired so far as Speke is concerned, and I only wish that everywhere we had as good. Of course we were there building on services provided by the A.A. J.C. and the British Railway Air Services.

What types of machine does the Minister propose to use on the social service routes he mentioned?

The Corporation will have to tackle that problem. At the moment we are using the D.H.89 on those services. They are becoming costly to maintain because of their age, and when they fall out of use some form of replacement will have to be used. I do not know where the hon. Gentleman got his information that it will be ten years before the helicopter is developed. I hope it will be before then. We are developing the helicopter by carrying freight and mail. It is still a dangerous machine because if there is a cutout at a certain height, controllability is less than it is even with the glider aircraft. All is not known that could be known and should be known in regard to helicopter operation, but in conjunction with the manufacturers we are undertaking experiments with freight. We had to undertake those experiments at the site of manufacture, that is at Yeovil, but if possible we shall bring them up to the Islands for development flights. The helicopter may be a solution to some of our problems, but the operators tell me that it will not be a solution from the passenger's point of view until we can get one that has at least six seats, that is of a capacity comparable with that now provided by the D.H.89.

Reference was also made by the hon. lady to passenger handling. The passenger handling facilities now available at Scottish aerodromes are much higher than have ever existed before. They are not as high as we would like, but this is a difficult time for getting either building labour or material. At the major airports, Renfrew and Turnhouse, we have done all we can, and we will do as much as we can in the future to develop existing facilities so that passengers may have the greatest possible comfort prior to setting out on their journey.

I would like my hon. Friend to give some assurance to passengers using Vickers Viking aircraft with regard to the safety of the 2,000 yards runway at Renfrew, because statements are creating a tremendous amount of uneasiness.

I thought I had done so when I answered my hon. Friend's Question some days ago. The main runway at Renfrew is good in every respect and meets the operational requirements. There is a subsidiary runway which has to be used under certain weather conditions. Under those conditions the runway is a few—only a few—feet short of the standard requirements, but that standard is for a loaded aircraft of maximum weight, and no aircraft comes in at maximum weight.

With a full load of passengers, yes; but a very considerable portion of the maximum weight is the fuel which the aircraft carries and with every mile that the aircraft travels it becomes lighter by the amount of fuel consumed, and it lands much under maximum weight.

My hon. Friend the Member for North Edinburgh (Mr. Willis) raised a number of points with which I will not deal today, but there are one or two with which I must deal. He raised the question, as did other hon. Members, of persons employed at airports. He did not suggest, as the hon. and gallant Member for Central Glasgow (Colonel Hutchison) suggested, that we should not maintain our high safety standards so that then we could reduce the number of personnel employed. He suggested that because before the war they operated without an accident for 14 years, therefore we could operate on the same prewar standards. Let me make it clear that we cannot do that. Those operating standards were between a private individual and a private individual; the passenger took the risk as a private individual. We are now providing public transport services and the public have the right to expect that the fullest possible use will be made of every known safety device so that the risk of accidents is reduced to the absolute minimum. The hon. and gallant Member mentioned Tiree and it is quite true that there was no radio, no telephone, no telegraphic communications and aircraft control, nothing at all—

—and no accidents. It is a very fine record, and every honour is due to the skill of the pilots. But what would this Committee say, and what would the hon. and gallant Member in whose constituency this aerodrome is sited say, if tomorrow an aircraft went into that aerodrome, unfortunately met with an accident, was destroyed by fire, and there was no crash tender crew on duty? Supposing there were no ambulance or other service to deal with injured persons? That can be done by private enterprise—

Under private enterprise there was an ambulance. Why should the crash crew of six men stand by and do nothing when they do not have a crash once in 12 months?

It is not true that these men have simply one duty. We are combining as many duties as we can, but the general qualities required for the driver of an ambulance or a member of a crash-crew are not the same as those of a wireless operator, and we cannot combine the ground duties of a wireless- or teleprinter-operator with those of crash-tender crews. If we are to have these services the men must be properly trained. The true solution is a greater utilisation of the aerodromes: many of the costs are now borne by only one, two or three services, but they would be no more if there were 303 services during the day—that may be a Parliamentary exaggeration; let us call it 33.

Could they not do something else besides sitting on the ambulance or the fire engine all clay? That is the point.

The hon. and gallant Member must be easily taken in if he thinks that when it has only to be used twice during the day, the men sit on it for eight hours when they know that no aircraft is due. They take up duties on the tender on notification from the control tower that an aircraft is approaching; they do not just sit there all day. They do other work, but I am not claiming that they are fully employed, because they are not. Sometimes there is only one service a day, one in and one out, and that means that there is a considerable amount of spare time for everyone, and we are doing what we can to remedy this difficult situation.

I was asked by the hon. Member for Dumfries (Mr. N. Macpherson) how the Scottish Advisory Council works. He and a number of other hon. Members, including the hon. and gallant Member; or Central Glasgow, seemed rather disturbed that the members of the Advisory Council have no particular knowledge of operating aircraft. I was a railwayman before I came into this House: there were a number of Tory M.Ps. who were directors of the railway company, but I never met one who knew anything about railway operating; nevetheless, they were all directors of the railway company This body is not an operating company, but an advisory council to an operating company. The Advisory Council has to indicate to the operating company *he type of services, frequency of services and the general needs of Scotland in the air transport field. In conjunction with the Secretary of State for Scotland its membership was drawn from a very wide circle.

Hon. Members opposite have used some very disparaging remarks about these gentlemen, but I say on behalf of my noble Friend that they have rendered consistently valuable service to Scotland, to the Minister of Civil Aviation, and to the operator, B.E.A. The members include or represent the Convenor of the Kincardine County Council, the Lord Provost of Edinburgh, the Agent and Clerk of the Convention of Royal Burghs, the Lord Provost of Glasgow, Treasurer of the General Council of the Scottish T.U.C., the Scottish Council for Industry and Development, the Lord Provost of Perth, the Vice-Chairman of the General Council of the Scottish T.U.C., the Convenor of Dumbarton County Council and the Director of the Scottish Co-operative Wholesale Society. All are representative of very important Scottish interests. Will any hon. Member opposite tell me which of the bodies represented on the Scottish Advisory Council is redundant and should not be represented?

The hon. Member has referred to disparaging remarks; I believe he said very disparaging. Will be give any instance of them?

I am glad if the remarks were not disparaging, but the inference was that these gentlemen were wasting their time and hoodwinking the public of Scotland—that, in fact, they were dupes of a political publicity agent, Sir Patrick Dollan. That is the whole case that has been made.

It is undesirable that what was said by myself and perhaps others should be given that slant—I will not say distortion—because what I said was that we cannot have an Advisory Council when no one on it has ever had any experience of commercial aviation. There was no sort of innuendo or criticism of these gentlemen in other capacities or indeed other than that a reasonable proportion of the Advisory Council should have commercial aviation experience.

On a point of Order. In view of the great interest that is being taken in this question could not the Whips arrange for the discussion to continue until 10 p.m. as it would be an utter farce to attempt to discuss the Fuel and Power Vote in the time now available, and there is great interest in the matter under discussion.

I accept what has been said by the hon. and gallant Gentleman, but the inference today has been that the Scottish Advisory Council ought to include more persons with technical knowledge. But technical matters are not its job. After all, do not let civil air transport be thought a terribly difficult job. It is not. It is simply the provision of transport, and fundamentally there is no difference between running an airline and running a railway, a steamship company or a bus company. Fundamentally each of these is a transport job, one of moving people and goods from place to place, doing it safely and regularly and giving satisfaction to the travelling and commercial public. And in Scotland we have this same transport problem. The Advisory Council is far better for being composed of ordinary men, representative of the public, trade, industry and commerce, saying to a specialist operator, "You who provide air transport are asked by us, your customers, to give us a service in this, that or the other manner."

My belief is that the general job of the Advisory Council is being well done by the men who serve on it. On behalf of my noble Friend, I would like to thank them for the self-sacrificing way they have undertaken the work, and for the great service which they have rendered to Scotland and us all.

Is not that the whole point, and has not the hon. Gentleman made the point which we on this side of the Committee have been making, that this is a consumers' council, not an advisory council, that it is not in a position to give advice?

It should advise the operator what the consumer wants. The Council is not here to advise B.E.A. how to run an airline. The Corporation pays a highly skilled staff to run its services. It pays the pilot, the navigator, the wireless operator, and it pays a traffic staff to handle the traffic. The Advisory Council is there to give an indication to the operator what service is required so that the operator can provide these services to public requirements.

I wish to correct one point which was made by the hon. Member for Dumfries in reference to the development of airfields and the charges made at airfields. He referred to the fact that 40 per cent. of the revenue of American aerodromes comes from the facilities provided and that there is a corresponding reduction of airfield charges. That is not altogether true. My information is that the figure is more like 10 per cent. My information, moreover, is that in this country the landing fee is about 5 per cent, of the fare. We are trying to build up a scale of charges on the well established transport basis of what the traffic will bear. As I say, the landing-fee works out at about 5 per cent of the fare charged.

Let me emphasise the point, because it must be appreciated by this Committee and by the travelling public generally. The provision of navigational aids which go to make air transport safe and which are provided by the Ministry of Civil Aviation are really charges on civil air transport, and they ought to be borne by civil air transport. If they are not so borne they constitute in fact an indirect subsidy to civil aviation. As I said earlier in an interjection these charges to air transport are exactly comparable with the cost of railway signalling to railways. The railway signalling system is part of the railway operating charge, and is rightly borne as such.

The time allocated to this Debate has more than elapsed and I am sorry that I have not been able to deal with all the points that have been raised.

I wonder if my hon. Friend would give a written reply to the points which have been made?

I will give an undertaking that I will, by correspondence with the individual Members concerned, deal with every point with which I have not dealt specifically in my reply. I thank the Committee for the opportunity to have this Debate. I have pride in the work that has been done by the Ministry and I hope I have been able to convince this Committee that we have been doing a first-class job on behalf of Scotland. And I hope that the Scottish Members of this Committee will help the Scottish public to appreciate the service that is being most faithfully rendered by the corporations and by the Ministry.

I beg to ask leave to withdraw the Motion.

Motion, by leave, withdrawn.

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a further sum, not exceeding £40, be granted to His Majesty towards defraying the charges for the following services relating to the Ministry of Fuel and Power in Scotland for the year ending on 31st March, 1949, namely:

£

Class VI, Vote 6, Ministry of Fuel and Power

10

Class X, Vote 4, Ministry of Fuel and Power (War Services)

10

Class I, Vote 24, Scottish Home Department

10

Class VI, Vote 18, Department of Scientific and Industrial Research

10

Total

£40"

Mr. Glenvil Hall.]

Fuel and Power (Scotland)

On a point of Order. Would it be in Order if I moved to report Progress? It is an insult to Scotland to suggest that the question of Fuel and Power should be discussed in one hour and twenty minutes. It is typical of what happens in connection with Scottish business.

I am not prepared to accept that Motion.

8.38 p.m.

We have had a long and interesting Debate and I think it is unnecessary for the hon. Member for West Fife (Mr. Gallacher) to sulk and leave the Committee at this point. Those of us who have, like himself, come down and spent long periods listening here are quite willing to agree that an important Debate such as that on civil aviation should not be too quickly terminated. Both sides of the Committee have taken an ample and full part in the Debate which has just terminated, and informed speeches have come from both sides of the Committee. We have just had history made in the shape of having a woman Chairman of our Committee, and I desire also to pay tribute from this side of the Committee to the capable and courteous way in which she conducted our affairs. That is not the only way in which history is being made tonight, Major Milner, because we are being forced to consider Scottish affairs in a somewhat novel setting, that is in relation to powerful new Departments whose actual influence on Scottish affairs is rising to a point as great as or even greater than that of the Secretary of State for Scotland himself.

We are now about to discuss shortly—and, therefore, I shall be as brief as I can—the affairs of the Ministry of Fuel and Power, which touches Scotland in some ways actually more intimately even than does the Secretary of State himself. Coal, electricity, gas, petrol—these things touch the daily life of Scotland in a way quite as intimate as that of the Department of Agriculture, the Department of Education and the Department of Fisheries which are the province of the Secretary of State. Therefore, we have put down on this occasion two Votes of great importance to Scotland, first the Civil Aviation Vote, and, now we are attempting, in the short time left at our disposal, to review at any rate some of the activities of the Ministry of Fuel and Power.

We should like some information with regard to the Minister's activities over electricity. It is only recently, as he knows, that electrical affairs were transferred to his Department throughout the whole of Scotland—I beg his pardon; not throughout the whole of Scotland. That again is the somewhat anomalous position in which we now are. We have to discuss Scotland which, as an attempt at coordination by the Government, has been partitioned electrically, so that half of it is being carried on under the aegis of the Secretary of State, in conjunction with the Scottish Hydro-Electricity Board, and part in conjunction, or rather under the supervision, of the Minister of Fuel and Power. This is done in the name of efficiency. I think it is now generally agreed that, at present, it represents a frontier between two vigorous forces, each accusing the other of aggression. At some future date some ruling by the United Nations or other body will be given, and that frontier will be moved to a point co-terminous with the ancient boundary—

I hope that I shall never incite Members of the Labour Party, or indeed of the Labour Cabinet, to war. Their hostilities are marked enough without that. Their active criticisms of each other are quite obvious enough without any poking up from this side. No, we bring peace, not war. We are merely asking for information on this occasion. We should like to know in the first place—the Minister having again for the purposes of democracy, taken the astonishing step of abolishing the elected bodies and substituting nominated bodies of his own—how he is getting on with the modifications of this autocracy which he proposed during the passage of the Bill through the House, the setting up of consultative councils.

We have just heard an eloquent defence of consultative councils from the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Civil Aviation. It is now 10 months since the Electricity Act was passed, and, so far as I know, these councils have not yet been set up, although other administrative steps of some importance have been carried out since that time. Increases of charges have been mooted by the Chairman of the British Electricity Authority, and a general process of development has been carried out which, I think, would have warranted the consultation of the public in some way or other the Minister, as I say, is now about to sweep away the control of the great popular elected authorities—the Municipality of Edinburgh, which he might object to, because it is not of his way of thinking, the Municipality of Glasgow, which has done its utmost to prove its loyalty in every possible way, and, of course, the other public bodies concerned.

The first question we should like to ask of the Minister is when we may expect that these councils shall be set up; when we may expect that these councils shall be consulted? Has he come to any further conclusions about whether their proceedings should be public or private, or if they, in addition to the other autocratic step of being nominated instead of elected, are to proceed in camera instead of in public?

Next, how is he getting on with the new frontier? I hope his relations with his right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Scotland continue to be friendly. They have other relations which are not. We shall come to them shortly. The Secretary of State will be more interested, perhaps, when I come to the point at which his relations with his hon. Friend are hostile, than with regard to the ones in which he is friendly. I am going to support him in those relations in which he is hostile because he has put forward proposals of great importance to our country. But what about this electric frontier, and the undeclared hostility there? Is the' arrangement proving itself a useful industrial idea, to drive a frontier through one of the most densely populated parts of the country instead of making the break at the relatively speaking uninhabited areas?

Next, what are the prospects about the cost of current? We pressed the Minister during the passage of the Act to give us any undertaking that he could, about a cheap and abundant supply of electricity. He will remember those Debates well. Although perhaps they were not so protracted as were the Debates in which we subsequently took part, they were still pressed and strongly pressed. We did our best, with no great success, to elicit the consideration of the Minister of the fundamental purpose of nationalisation or anything else, that it should produce an abundant supply of the article in question for the people who use it.

My information is that a rise of something like 10 per cent. or more, perhaps 20 per cent., may be expected in the cost of electric current. The Minister may say that the cost of everything else has gone up, and so the cost of electric current must go up also. He will remember that the cost of electricity was lowered in the period anterior to the passage of the Act, anterior to the war, although, in fact, the price of the raw materials and the services had also risen very considerably.

Can he give us any information as to the cost of generating plant? We understand that the cost of generating plant is going to be very considerable, and that generating plant, which cost prewar about £20 per kilowatt to install, is to cost something more than £50 per kilowatt today. All this is important, in connection particularly with the hydro-electric schemes. Although the Minister is primarily responsible for the partitioned part of Scotland south of the new electrical frontier, he also has a consultative duty to carry out with his right hon. Friend for the portion north of the frontier. That portion, as he knows, is actively engaged just now in developing hydro-electric power. The cost of that power will have to be, as I understand, related to the cost of the most efficient steam generating station, and, of course, most of the money that is available for development north of the frontier, in the truncated area of Scotland for which the Secretary of State is responsible, will depend very closely upon the price which is paid for the current, and that price, in turn, will be related to the cost of the new plant.

I turn to oil. How does the right hon. Gentleman stand on the question of oil? We understand that Colville's were asked to change over from coal to oil. They have four furnaces running on oil at Motherwell, and three small furnaces at Clydebridge running on creosote tar. The supply position of heavy fuel oil is a difficult one. There were several rises in price—last September, and also again in February. These are having a hampered effect upon the undertakings which, at the Government's own request, switched over from coal burning to oil burning; and, furthermore, they make the great steel works very uneasy about possible future developments. I think the Motherwell project alone cost some £500,000. Can the Minister give us any forecast of the future cost of fuel oil? Does he expect it to rise again? Furthermore, is the policy of the Government at present to encourage or discourage the future use of fuel oil in the replacement of coal?

There are several very important points —minor points, but very important ones —in the use of fuel oil. Containers, for instance. As we all know who live most of our lives in the industrial regions of Scotland, the question of storing coal is a much easier one. We are all familiar with the bings—heaps of coal lying about the place are no novelty to us. However, the containers necessary for oil are a very different matter. Big storage tanks require both steel and skilled labour. I understand that the cuts in capital investment have affected the purchase of the steel equipment available for oil storage. On this, too, we should like information. What can the Minister tell us about these matters. I do not intend to speak on coal. If time permits hon. Friends of mine will raise a few points on that. I agree, to some extent, at least, with the hon. Member for West Fife (Mr. Gallacher) that an exhaustive Debate on the coal situation in Scotland in the time available to us would not be possible, but hon. Friends of mine have points to raise on the coal situation, and will do their best to catch your eye, Major Milner, to mention them.

The next point is one over which the Minister has much immediate power, namely, the supply of petrol to the mechanised household which is now being demechanised and forced to stay at home. On this I claim the powerful support of the Secretary of State for Scotland—and indeed, that of the previous Secretary of State, Mr. Tom Johnston. At the meeting convened by the Scottish Tourist Board at Inverness, reported in the "Scotsman" on 28th May, the Chairman of the Tourist Association of Scotland, when discussing hotels, said that the petrol situation was the chief factor. What was the use of wages regulations if tourists could not get to the Highland hotels, he asked? That was why the Board was urging a special allowance of petrol for journeys beyond the Great Glen. As this is a purely Scottish Debate, I will inform the Minister that the term Great Glen is not merely hyperbole, but refers to a geographical feature in the northern half of the Kingdom.

That did not conclude the Debate. The point came up again, and was reported in "The Scotsman" of 29th May. The paper said: request and to bring our support, for what it is worth, to the Secretary of State in the—let us hope—renewed approach which he will make to his right hon. Friend the Minister of Fuel and Power. Because, the Department of the Minister of Fuel and Power writes what one may call rather unsympathetic letters about this. [ Interruption. ] Far be it from me to maintain that they are unsympathetic; but, in that case, I would say they were rather dunderheaded: because it is a little foolish, when trying to develop the tourist industry, to give an allowance which would allow the holiday makers from the South to go to the Highlands but would not enable them to return. I am quoting this on the authority of Mr. Tom Johnston's meeting.

We feel that the Minister, perhaps, did not grasp exactly what it was that was wished. This was no attempt, as his Department's letters seem to indicate, to obtain a larger standard ration for motorists in Scotland than motorists in England and Wales—which the letter from the Ministry of 25th May, 1948, seemed to suggest it was. It was simply a plaintive request that Sassenachs who had got to Scotland might not be interned there for the rest of their lives, or forced to walk or to push their cars all the way back, but that they might be allowed a little petrol in order to return to their wives and families.

This seems to us so reasonable a request that we cannot understand why it should be refused at all. It is true—and on another occasion we would be willing to plead our cause strongly—that the distances are greater in Scotland, and that petrol allowances which may, in some ways, be suitable for moving about in more densely populated lands are quite unsuitable for moving about in sparsely populated regions. The Board decided to ask for a special allowance for motor hirers in the Orkneys and Shetlands and the other Isles, where public bus transport is limited or non-existent. That affects the interests of the actual dwellers.

However, what we wish to press strongly is, that if the tourist industry is to be developed in this country at all it is necessary for people to get to the places where they wish to tour, and that the allowance of petrol should be sufficient for that. There is an allowance of petrol to drive from here to Dover for the purpose of going to France. That is not a special allowance for the benefit of French citizens. It is an allowance for the tourist going to France. Heaven knows, the French do their best to encourage the tourist to move about in his car when he gets to France. Why should not a similar facility be allowed for those who wish to go North instead of South? We say: Why should those who prefer to use their resources in making a journey within the confines of the United Kingdom be penalised as against those who wish to take a journey outside the confines of the United Kingdom? Why should it not be possible for special considerations to be given to them?

I do not need to go into this question at length. The extreme hardship that has been caused to this industry in general and to the small country hotels is well known. The average reduction of business done in the hotels in Great Britain, according to last year's figures, is over 30 per cent., and in the smaller places, where railway communications are poor, the percentage is something like 50. That is no exaggeration. My hon. Friends could quote figures of their own knowledge which go far beyond those. We say that for these reasons we are justified in raising, even at a late hour, and even for a short period, the administrative actions of the Minister of Fuel and Power.

On these three points alone we consider we are doing a service to our country, and, through our country, to the whole of the United Kingdom, in asking for further information. In particular, we are backed by the repeated requests being made by the tourist board, in which the Government take a great interest, which are about to be renewed, and which should be granted by the Minister of Fuel and Power; and it should not be left to us on the Floor of the House to have to add our representations to representations to the Minister, backed not merely by the Secretary of State for Scotland but by the ex-Secretary of State for Scotland. We therefore wish, briefly, to raise these points tonight.

9.2 p.m.

I quite agree with the right hon. and gallant Member for the Scottish Universities (Lieut.-Colonel Elliot), who has led for the Opposition, that we are given a very short time indeed to devote to the question of fuel and power. We all know that civil aviation is very important, but many who have listened to the Debate will agree that too much time has been spent on civil aviation and that not enough is to be spent on what we think is a basic industry. I would like to ask one or two questions which perhaps the Minister of Fuel and Power will answer, because we do not get a great deal of opportunity for questioning a rather elusive Minister.

I would ask him to what extent his Department is engaged in encouraging developments in electricity in the rural areas. This is an important factor in our agricultural programme, and now that electrical development comes under the auspices of this Minister, we would like to see a greater drive and initiative on the part of his Ministry in Scotland towards the development of electricity in the rural areas. Representing, as I do, an agricultural constituency where the development of electricity is exceedingly important for the milk industry and for country districts such as Bar Mill in Ayrshire, I urge the Minister to use whatever power he has to ginger up the development of electricity in the rural areas at a time when it is important for the agricultural industry and also for the homes of the farmers. I wish to say one sentence in favour of the farmer's wife. The farmer's wife living in an isolated farmhouse is looking forward to an extension of the amenities which electricity provides to the farm, and I would like to see a greater push forward of electricity development in the country areas.

I would like also to ask a few questions about coal. Recently we have had some unofficial strikes in Scotland which have caused a great deal of interest, and the miners, as usual, have come in for a great deal of irresponsible criticism from their usual critics. I ask the Minister: Who is responsible for initiating the threat of prosecution for damages against a number of men who take part in certain unofficial strikes in Ayrshire? There was some local grievance and other men went on strike, and the next thing that we heard was that some authority or other had decided to claim damages from the miners. Was it the Minister's Depart- ment, or does he know anything about this?

In contrast to the attitude displayed towards these miners is the attitude displayed towards Sir Charles Reid. He is an absentee; an unofficial striker. Sir Charles occupied a very important post on the National Coal Board, and after just one year he has decided to throw up the job. In great contrast to the public-spirited patriotism of Lord Hyndley, who has decided to stay and see the thing through, Sir Charles, because he has not got his own way in this particular industry, acts like a disappointed dictator and throws up his job. We hear no talk of prosecution of Sir Charles Reid for being an absentee. He is treated as a sort of martyr—a sort of industrial superman without whose services the industry will go down.

I would like the Minister to tell us something, too, of the way in which it is proposed to urge on the future development of some of the coalmining areas in the South of Scotland, particularly in Ayrshire. Will he take steps to go forward with the scheme for nationalising some of the smaller collieries. In parts of Ayrshire, we have some half-a-dozen small collieries which are not nationalised.

No. We have a complaint that these collieries are not producing the necessary output, and that it is only by their being taken over that the miners will get the incentive by nationalisation—

I think that proposals of that kind would require legislation, and it is, therefore, not in Order to discuss them.

I am under the impression that the Minister has power to take over by Order these smaller collieries.

Thank you, Major Milner. A miracle has been achieved. I ask the Minister of Fuel and Power to exercise the powers which he has to bring this small bunch of collieries in Kilmarnock under the auspices of nationalisation. If we compare the output of these smaller collieries with the output of the collieries that are nationalised, we find that the comparison is in favour of nationalisation.

I wonder why they are closing down the only mines that are paying?

I should have very great pleasure in pursuing that argument on another occasion. I take this opportunity of expressing regret that we have not had time for a much fuller Debate on the whole question of coal and other forms of fuel.

9.10 p.m.

In a Debate of this nature there are many questions one would like to raise in connection with the gas and electricity industries in Scotland, but owing to the shortness of time I will confine myself to a few observations about coal. I want to draw the attention of the Minister to the supply of dirty and low-grade fuel to both industrial and domestic users in Scotland, which in the last few months has caused a great deal of annoyance to the citizens of Edinburgh, in particular. I should like him to give some indication of what progress has been made in the past year, and what steps he has in view to eliminate the stone content from coal which is being sold to the public. I can assure the Minister that this is a matter of very great importance, affecting as it does industrial efficiency, and also the well-being of the individual consumer, who at present has to pay a very high price for a great deal of what I can only describe as incombustible material.

The Minister may remember that earlier this year I brought to his notice the fact that in January of this year the lighting and cleansing department of the City of Edinburgh made a check analysis which revealed that the percentage of stony coal found in the incombustible debris recovered by the Department had doubled compared with a similar check analysis taken in January, 1938. That is a very disquieting state of affairs. Admittedly, that check analysis covered only the city of Edinburgh, but it is unlikely that Edinburgh would be exceptional in this regard, and I feel sure that the figures must have risen very much in other parts of Scotland as well.

The Minister, in answer to a Question which I put to him concerning dirt in coal, sent me a statement which had been made by the Chairman of the National Coal Board to a Press conference on 22nd December, 1947. That statement, which was a fairly long document, dealt, amongst other things, with this question of dirty coal, and mention was made of substantial orders having been placed for new preparation plants, and also for additional equipment at existing plants. In the course of his statement Lord Hyndley indicated that when all these new plants were installed something like 70 per cent. of the total output—and here he would be dealing with United Kingdom figures—would be cleaned by mechanical means, as compared with something like 50 per cent. of the output today. Can the Minister give any idea when this programme is likely to be completed, and can he give an assurance that the new equipment will be spread equally through the various divisions so that Scotland gets its fair share of the new installation of coal cleaning equipment?

There is a sentence on page 3 of this statement made by the Chairman of the National Coal Board to the Press conference, which runs as follows: Departments, municipal departments, and so on. It would be a great convenience not only to the public but also to Members of Parliament because whenever a complaint is received one has to write either to the Minister, the Divisional Marketing director in Edinburgh, or to somebody of that nature.

If one knew who were the members of these domestic committees and where they were to be found, one might establish direct contact between indignant constituents and these persons. This would be very helpful in bringing first-hand information to the notice of these consumer councils. Very few of us know who are on the councils or where they are to be found and I hope the Minister will consider doing something along the lines of my suggestion. I ask him also to take very seriously this question of the supply of low-grade and dirty fuel to the public.

9.16 p.m.

There is much I would like to say in support of the fight for petrol for the remote areas in the Highlands. The right hon. and gallant Member for Scottish Universities (Lieut.-Colonel Elliot) said that English tourists can go north—I believe the allowance is 540 miles—but are unable to return. I wonder whether this is part of the Government's policy to repopulate the Highlands? It is cheaper for a family of four to go to Scotland by car than by any other means; not only hotels but small light rural industries in the remote areas of the Highlands, are deeply affected by the petrol ban.

One matter which I wish to bring to the notice of the Minister of Fuel and Power is the persistent refusal of the Hydro-Electric Board to quote a rate for the price of current to large users. The Grampian Electric Scheme, the Kinloch Ewe Scheme of the British Aluminium Company and the Lochaber Scheme were developed under private enterprise for the distribution of current over a large area of the Highlands. I believe I am right in saying that, before Parliament would grant a provisional order, the Grampian Electric Company had to give an undertaking that current would not be sold at more than the figure stated in the provisional order. The British Aluminium Company in the Kinloch Ewe and Lochaber Schemes, had to estimate a price at which it could produce current so that they could produce aluminium economically, before they were granted a provisional order by the House of Commons to proceed with the scheme.

These three schemes were produced under private enterprise and it is difficult to understand why schemes produced nationally are not able to give a price for current. Obviously no firm will put down £1 million for plant in the Highlands to use electricity unless they know first of all the price they will have to pay for it. Surely it should be the duty of the Hydro-Electric Board to give such firms reasonable figures so that they can determine whether they are able to lay down the plants economically. At a recent meeting between the Hydro-Electric Board and representatives of various local authorities, the excuse of the North of Scotland Hydro-Electric Board to the question of releasing large blocks of power to industrial consumers was that, as it was impossible for the Board to estimate what costs of production might be by the end of 1949, they could not take the risk. If that is the case, I consider it is a matter of grave national importance.

I should like to ask how much money the Board have expended to date, and by how much their estimates are out. I am informed that probably no more than one-tenth of the total power being developed within a radius of, say, 50 miles of Inverness can be used for lighting and other ancillary services needed in the home, and that the remaining nine-tenths of the current is exported, although admittedly these exports are subsidising the smaller schemes. There is nothing I want to see more than lighting and heating in the homes of the crofters, although many crofters would, I believe, rather have water. The cost of installation for these crofters is extraordinarily high. For one person within a radius of two miles from Dingwall the cost was £800 over a period of two years. It must be obvious that the provision of electricity and power to crofters will not necessarily keep them in the country. They must have some ancillary employment.

Cheap power alone will not bring light industries to the Highlands, but it will be a major factor in attracting large users. The development of such industries is not only of importance to the Highlands but also to the nation, because there are products necessary to the national economy which could be developed, such as magnesium, aluminium and ferro-silicon. There is another vital point in this connection. I understand that for every unit transported from the Fannich scheme in Ross-shire to the Lowlands 15 per cent. is lost in transit. It is evident that this loss would not occur if the current were used where it is generated. This loss in transportation is again a national loss. Taking the long view, it is of the greatest importance that the Hydro-Electric Board should give a price so that firms wishing to develop shall know the basis on which they can do so. I appeal to the Minister to approach the Board once more to see whether they cannot reconsider their decision. It is a point of the greatest national importance from the point of view of the development of hydro-electricity in the Highlands of Scotland.

9.24 p.m.

I have a feeling that the Minister of Fuel and Power does not quite appreciate the tremendous importance of this question of liquid fuel for the more remote parts of Scotland. The answer he gave us on 10th May, if not a non possumus, was certainly not frightfully encouraging. I hope that tonight he is going to amplify what he said on that occasion, particularly in regard to the hotel industry in the Highlands which is one of the four things—the hotel industry, farming, fishing, forestry and the tourist industry—by which the Highlands can be kept flourishing. Co-ordinated properly together, these four will put the Highlands on their feet again.

As the Minister must admit, petrol plays an immense part in the hotel and thereby the tourist industry. As has already been pointed out, 90 miles a month, or 540 miles in six months, is not going to help the Highland hotels at all, particularly the remote hotels. I make a special appeal, which will add weight to those already made, that consideration be given to allocating to English visitors—and nobody would ever say that the Scots are not prepared to welcome English visitors—at least sufficient petrol to enable them to make the return journey. We in Scotland are always accused of being people who delight in one way traffic—we go South and never go back North. This may be the counter-attack by the English in that they will go in one direction, namely, to Scotland, and will have to remain there because they cannot get back.

Quite seriously, it would make a great contribution to restoring the hotel industry in Scotland if this extra amount could be allowed. I do not want to go into a lot of detail about the hotel industry, much of which I mentioned the other night, but that industry has been hard hit by the Catering Wages Act, by the withdrawal of the basic ration and now the introduction of the small one, and, lastly, by this queer plot for the colouring of petrol. I hope the Minister will say something more about that, particularly as to how the single-pump owner is going to get over the great difficulty of providing the type of petrol that the people require if his particular pump does not provide it and the next one is 40 or 50 miles away.

Next, I want to make what I believe is a helpful suggestion, and indeed it may already have occurred to the Minister. People who are already entitled to supplementary coupons of so much now have it reduced by the amount of the standard ration they have to draw. They have to go to the Post Office, and, no doubt, they fill up a form. I have not tried it myself yet, because I am hoping that my wife will do it for me. Would it not be more practicable when the supplementary allowance is issued if the motorist's book and card were stamped, "Not entitled to standard." That would finish it. He would have the same amount of petrol in the one job instead of in two. The Post Office would have nothing to do with it. I believe that this is a helpful suggestion which would save a great deal of work not only to the individual but to the Government Departments concerned. It seems to me quite simple and I cannot see a snag in it, although the Minister may have found one by now.

The last point I wish to come to is the over-all question of the amount of petrol available in this country, particularly in relation to Scotland. The Russell Vick Committee, which dealt with this at great length and with great care, said in paragraph 7 of its report that in 1947: mark those words—

The Debate is on charges for services relating to the Ministry of Fuel and Power in Scotland, but it seems to me that the hon. and gallant Gentleman is dealing with the general question rather than their applicability to Scotland.

I was bringing it in, rather hopefully perhaps, to get a reason why in the Highlands of Scotland we cannot get more petrol for visitors. It seems to be relevant because the petrol for which the coupons were issued must be somewhere. I cannot believe that the Minister would issue coupons if the petrol were not available. Will he tell the Committee where these 101 million gallons of petrol are that are mentioned in the Report? This Report cannot be very easily done away with. He said in the recent Debate that if we could save 100,000 gallons of petrol—referring to the black market—it would be splendid; yet here is a very large amount for which the Minister cannot even account. It seems to me, as a plain, ordinary citizen, that there must be gross inefficiency somewhere, and I hope that we shall have an answer on this point. The point is relevant because of the very serious problem of the supply of petrol for the use of people in the Highlands of Scotland.

9.31 p.m.

The Debate makes it plain to us that the Minister of Fuel and Power is not suitable for Scotland, because of the wide range of his duties. It is too bad to bait the Minister about matters which require technical knowledge of a kind to which he cannot possibly lay any claim.

I want to put in a further plea for Scottish hotels. I stand here as an unrepentant disciple of the right hon. Thomas Johnston, formerly Secretary of State for Scotland, who taught me and hundreds of people in Scotland that the tourist industry was the supreme industry to which we should direct our attention and development. It is disappointing to find that the Socialist Government are not following up the ideas of the former editor of "Forward" and are now restricting and restraining his lovely child.

I put it to the Minister, although I know that his experience of Scotland must be limited—but he has the good fortune to be young so there is still time for him—that the petrol question is not quite the same thing in Kent as it is in Caithness. In Kent there is an abundant train service and there are suitable motor transport services. In Caithness there is no railway service and there is no alternative method of transport. To deny the people petrol in Kent would be an inconvenience and a great discomfort; to deny it to people in Caithness is a deprivation of an incalculably greater character.

The Minister's approach to the problem of petrol distribution is not fair or enlightening. British citizens are being allowed to spend £35 in holiday places abroad. It would be wise if they were allowed to spend a similar amount across the Northern Border, for £35 spent North of the Cheviots is just as valuable to the United Kingdom as £35 spent in Switzerland, Portugal or France. If the Minister would depart from the somewhat centralised view which he is compelled to take in his Department and would look at the differences which have existed traditionally and nationally for many generations, and exist geographically today, he might be able to put forward helpful ideas to the tourist industry which would please his right hon. Friend the former Secretary of State for Scotland and would delight hundreds of thousands of Scottish folk and potential tourists to this country.

I should be glad if the Minister could say something to the Committee about North Scotland hydro-electricity generally. I am aware that this matter is not his child, but I do not understand how he can allow himself to be torn in twain on the matter. I understand that he has no authority in it, except as a purchaser. It is the business of the Secretary of State for Scotland. However, he is in some ways a purchaser of the output of the undertaking. I put it to him that there are 50,000 persons unemployed in Scotland, yet the delay in the carrying on of this important work is notable and clamant. The former inspiring Secretary of State—I am not saying that other Secretaries of State are not inspiring, but I am speaking of the particular Secretary of State, the right hon. Thomas Johnston—said that the development of hydro-electricity in Scotland might well be the saving of Scotland. Is every support in the way of labour being given to this scheme?

I remember how the right hon. Thomas Johnston told me that he was alarmed about the difficulties which Parliament was putting in the way of getting the hydro-electric scheme through. He said that if he had any more difficulty he would go to the 51st Division in North Africa and say that he would provide jobs for the men when the war was over. You, Major Milner, may remember that statement. However, there are 50,000 men unemployed in Scotland and this great undertaking is languishing for lack of men and material. Will the Minister of Fuel and Power give the highest possible priority to the labour force required for this important national development?

I do not know whether it is borne in on the Minister of Fuel and Power—some of the observations which have been made may have misled him—but I would like to tell him that he is an exceedingly unpopular Minister. He does not enjoy a wide esteem in the part of the country which I represent. He is not popular with the housewives. My hon. and gallant Friend the Member for West Edinburgh (Lieut.-Commander Hutchison) has told him how revolted they are at being charged at their time of life with a duty which is properly left in the hands of geologists. They do not like the burden forced upon them and they would be glad to be relieved of it. He is not popular with the industrialists, for they do not like having to transport at great expense insufficient and irregular supplies of fuel which are largely incombustible. He is not popular with the local authorities. His name is not one of those which is hailed with joy and happiness. He is an exceedingly unpopular Minister, and it is right that on an occasion like this we should say so in an unmistakable way.

That he is trying to do his difficult task with great assiduity and with all the qualities which he commands is true, and that is recognised, but he must not think that from his brows hang any wreaths of popularity nor that his horizon shows very high hopes with the housewife, the factory proprietor, the local authorities, or even the employees of the National Coal Board. He has not brought peace and good will into that important industry. As a matter of fact, it ought to be said, if it has not been said, that the Department over which he presides is an unsuccessful and unlucky one. Its handling of affairs has been maladroit, to state it no more strongly.

I am inclined to think that the right hon. Gentleman is attempting an impossible task. The Ministry of Fuel and Power would be well advised to dissolve itself and allow the various agencies which in the past, somewhat imperfectly but in the main adequately, discharged these important duties to resume. The electricity companies were not blameless by any means, but they did supply power and light at less expensive prices than those at which we are able to get it today. The coal organisation of the past, undesirable though it was and faulty in many ways, did supply the coal in abundant quantities. In these circumstances, do not let the right hon. Gentleman rest in the belief that in any sense he has been acclaimed by the multitudes as a successful expositor and practiser of the Socialist doctrine and theory. His theory is unworkable and his fruits are undesirable.

9.40 p.m.

Naturally I have listened with dismay to the lecture just addressed to me by the hon. Member for South Edinburgh (Sir W. Darling), and I must at once confess that if I gave him the impression that I thought I was particularly popular with him and with his' hon. Friends, there must be something peculiar about my appearance today. I could not help feeling, when he suggested that the Ministry of Fuel and Power should be dissolved, that that really would be regrettable from the point of view of the hon. Member for East Fife (Mr. Henderson Stewart), who is continually asking me questions about the National Coal Board. There would be nobody to answer those questions if there were no Minister.

May I point out that there is nobody to answer my Questions now?

I rather thought the hon. Member might say that, but he can always live in hope, and his hopes would be dashed forever if the hon. Member's suggestion were to be adopted.

This has been a very short Debate and I am one of a number of persons who regret it. I should have liked a longer opportunity for replying, but I will do my best in the time at my disposal to answer a number of the questions which were put to me. The right hon. and gallant Member for the Scottish Universities (Lieut.-Colonel Elliot) began with electricity, and I will follow him. His first point—not an unfamiliar one to me—was the rather insidious attempt to drive a wedge between my right hon. Friend and myself on the basis that in 1947 the Electricity Act carved up Scotland. Of course, as he knows perfectly well, any carving up that was done was not done in 1947 but in 1943 when the Hydro-Electric Development Act was passed, because it was that Act which drew the distinction between the North of Scotland and the rest of Scotland and it was the Coalition Government which passed that Act. As far as I know, it had the support of all sides of the House, although there has been controversy about some of the individual schemes since then. That is the answer to the points he made about the new frontier, and how we were getting on, and so on. There is no new frontier except that the town of Dundee and part of the County of Kinross, if I remember the Act correctly, now goes into the North of Scotland district; but otherwise the frontier is substantially the same.

Was not that included before? Well, I will certainly concede the right hon. and gallant Gentleman that at once, because I cannot claim to be wholly Scottish; I am only half Scottish, and therefore I do not know as much about the geography of Scotland as hon. Members opposite, even though my mother was born in the Highlands.

I would like to take some of the other points about electricity. First, the hydroelectric schemes, to which a number of hon. Members referred. Not for one moment can I accept what the hon. Member for South Edinburgh said about the development of these schemes. He described the whole thing as languishing, he talked about delays, he said that we should get a lot more labour. This is a most fantastic fiction. The truth is that these schemes are going ahead very fast and, as a matter of fact, the Scottish Hydro-Electric Board are getting the labour they want. They are now employing about 5,500 people on these schemes, they will work up to about 6,000 in the course of this year, and in 1949–1950 they will, it is hoped, generate about 175,000 kilowatts. That is something with which we should all be reasonably satisfied.

May I finish? When all is said and done, it is not easy to bore tunnels through Scottish mountains, as I am sure even the hon. Member for South Edinburgh will agree. I know that any hon. Member who has visited the Loch Sloy scheme, as I hope to do at the end of this month, would agree with me on that. Here is something on which all Scots and all Members of the Committee might get together and rejoice at—the success of this great enterprise. It is very disappointing that the Opposition should criticise Mr. Thomas Johnston, who was a very popular Secretary of State for Scotland more popular, I have no doubt, than the present Minister of Fuel and Power. He is doing his best in face of difficulties. Everything possible is being done to speed up these schemes, and we are satisfied with the progress they are making.

The hon. Member for Ross and Cromarty (Mr. MacLeod) spoke of the tariff for large users. That matter is under discussion between the Hydro-Electric Board and the Scottish Council for Industry and it is not a matter which can be settled without very careful consideration. It is desirable that the lowest possible price should be fixed. On the other hand, the Scottish Hydro-Electric Board has to pay its way and, therefore, must be reasonably cautious in this matter. It has to watch how costs are developing. Fortunately, in one way, hydro-electric schemes involve such heavy capital charges that once they are settled it should not be difficult to make a fairly firm estimate of what the schemes should cost.

I agree with the right hon. Gentleman, but the point I was trying to make is that development in the Highlands is being held up and the Government want industrial development. That price should be announced at the earliest possible opportunity.

I quite agree that it is desirable to reach a conclusion and the hon. Member can rest assured that this will be done as soon as possible.

The right hon. and gallant Gentleman the Member for Scottish Universities asked about the cost of electricity. Of course, it is true that the cost of generating plant is much higher than it was before the war. I think it is certainly double, if not more. That is one of the illustrations of how private enterprise cannot avoid putting up costs.

I thought steel was under private enterprise, but it is subsidised heavily. The cost of these great engineering projects, has gone up very heavily, and that is something which will affect electricity charges in due course. However, I have nothing particular to announce on the charges in Scotland, nor have I anything to tell the right hon. and gallant Gentleman about developments in the two months, and it is only two months, since the vesting date. The new area boards have the duty of supplying electricity to rural areas, and agriculture and food production have priority. Incidentally, among the best developed parts of rural Scotland is Dumfriesshire. I see the hon. Member for Dumfries (Mr. N. Macpherson), and I am sure he will agree with me about the excellent work done by Dumfriesshire County Council in the past. We are glad to have Mr. Pickles, who was general manager, as chairman of one of the Scottish area boards and also a member of the British Electricity Authority.

We must be careful to see that distribution does not run beyond generating capacity. Subject to the difficulty of material and the supply of poles, on which many hon. Members have written to me, we are most anxious to make up a great deal of lost ground in this matter and to develop electricity in rural Britain including rural Scotland, as far as possible.

I do not want to say anything which would disparage the work in Dumfriesshire, but I think the right hon. Gentleman would like to give credit to the company supplying Dumbartonshire and Renfrewshire.

I think the right hon. and gallant Gentleman is referring to the Clyde Valley Electric Power Company.

Will my right hon. Friend give a comparison of the cost between the area to which the hon. and gallant Member for Pollok (Commander Galbraith) referred and the Dumfriesshire area?

I might, but not tonight. I was going to say that that was a large company in Scotland which I suppose the right hon. and gallant Member for the Scottish Universities had in mind when he spoke of elected representatives being replaced by nominated representatives. But perhaps we might let that pass.

I had better turn now to petrol because that is the main topic with which, apart from electricity, most hon. Members are concerned. Some reference was made by the right hon. and gallant Gentleman to the Great Glen proposal. As I understand it, that was a proposal to give additional petrol to people who were going to the Highlands. The difficulty about a claim of that kind is that we cannot differentiate in favour of one particular region. Why should the Scottish Highlands be singled out over and above the Welsh mountains?

If there were a Welshman present in the Committee he would give the answer to that. Indeed, I think we should have some trouble from the Lake District, and even from Cornwall, because although it is true that it is a long way from London to the Highlands it is equally quite a long way from London to Cornwall.

Surely the distinction is that when one gets to the Highlands, distances there are tremendous. We do not wish to do other places out of their share and I think that my hon. Friend and a Welsh Member opposite would have plenty to say if we did. But the Highlands are a much bigger area and the question is much more acute there.

These comparisons are difficult if not odious and a differentiation of that kind could not be sustained. The idea that we are trying to repopulate the Highlands really does not work, because on the same analogy I suppose that the 540 miles of motoring which can be done in one month on the six months' ration could equally be used by someone coming from the Highlands to stay in London or the South of England. I do not think that that is a serious argument.

We cannot differentiate in favour of the Highlands. We really have tried to do everything we can, within the limited amount of petrol available, to help Scottish and other hotels in this matter. First, there is the standard allowance. Hon. Members may say that that does not amount to much, but it is a great deal better than nothing. The fact that we have arranged that it can be accumulated and used in one month is a novelty which we did not have before, and I should have thought that that was a considerable advantage to the hotel industry. I do not ask for any gratitude from the hon. Member for South Edinburgh or for popularity, but I ask the hon. Member to recognise that we have done something which has helped the hotels.

That is not the only thing we have done. After all, we made special arrangements to enable hotels in remote districts, irrespective of the number of hire cars there might be in the district, to have extra petrol to convey people from and to the station. That was a special point which was put to us by the Tourist Board. We thought it was a reasonable point, and one with which we could deal without opening the door too wide. So far as visiting beauty spots in the district is concerned, there is nothing to prevent visitors from hiring cars if they are available, or, if there are not hire cars available, there is nothing to prevent the hotel itself asking for a hire car allowance. If there was no other hire car and there was an obvious need for one we should grant that as well.

I wish to draw attention to the foreign tourist allowances, which are on a very reasonable scale. In the first place, the foreign tourist coming with his own car, or purchasing a British car for subsequent export, gets an allowance sufficient to cover the full distance from the port of arrival to the furthest point of his journey and back. In addition, he gets an allowance which amounts to 1, 000 miles of motoring in the first month. If a foreigner comes here and wants to visit Scotland with his car, he would have no difficulty in getting all the petrol he needed to visit Scotland and to see the beauty spots there. In addition we make special arrangements—I quote this only to show that we have made a genuine effort to meet this problem—for hire car operators to get additional petrol when they have foreign visitors. It was not very easy. It meant issuing special books and an arrangement with banks that, if the visitors cashed a certain amount of money, the books were to be issued.

What we cannot do is to take a particular area of the country and say that people going to this area either from, as was once suggested, another point in Scotland, or from the whole of England and Wales, will get extra petrol, and that other people will not. What would the hotel keepers and boarding house keepers in the rest of the country think of that? They would say it was gross discrimination against them.

It has been argued that we should have given more petrol to everybody. That might even do something to redeem the position of the Minister of Fuel with the hon. Member for South Edinburgh. But the hon. Member knows as well as I do that the answer is not as simple as that, and that in view of the dollar difficulties, it was a question of what we could find. The most that we could find was the extra 100,000 tons that we thought would be saved from the black market, plus another 20,000 tons from the cutting down of some supplementary allowances. That would only give enough, as I have quoted before, for about eight miles per week per car if it were spread over everyone. That is why we confined the extra petrol to those whose cars are not on the road, much to the irritation and dismay of large numbers of supplementary allowance holders. But if I had distributed it evenly, I think it would have been rather less beneficial to the hotels—though it was not done for that reason—than giving this small but useful standard ration to those not drawing any supplementary petrol at all

I was asked about the position of the one-pump garages in the rural areas. The answer is that, where a special case can be made out in favour of special treatment, we can, and will, grant a licence to a garage to supply white petrol against commercial coupons and to get supplies of white petrol from the Petroleum Board or the oil companies against those coupons.

No, not vice versa; that would be no help. If a garage has a licence of that kind it will, in effect, be supplying white petrol against commercial coupons. I do not want to mislead. We cannot give these licences out recklessly. There are great dangers about this. As soon as it becomes known that a garage has a licence there is always the possibility that people might go there and try to dispose of their commercial coupons for white petrol.

I have not any time to deal with the number of other points raised. I can only apologise to hon. Members. I have concentrated on what I thought was of most interest to the Committee. I will, however, consider carefully what has been said and let any hon. Member who asked a specific question have an answer by letter.

Could the Minister say something about the floating 101 million gallons, and also my suggestion about stamping the card?

It being Ten o'Clock, The CHAIRMAN left the Chair to make his report to the House.

Committee report Progress; to sit again Tomorrow.

National Debt Commissioners

Motion made, and Question proposed, That this House do now adjourn."—[ Mr. Snow. ]

10.1 p.m.

I wish to raise tonight the subject of the National Debt Commission. The National Debt Commissioners are a body of unimpeachable respectability, but, unfortunately, they have become involved—nominally involved—in a recent financial scandal. It was not due, indeed, to any action on their own part, for the simple reason that they never meet. I would remind the House that the National Debt Commissioners are charged with the investment of the Unemployment Fund. I would also remind the House that during the last financial year no less than £55 million of monies belonging to that fund were invested in what is known as Dalton Undated Stock. Indeed, those £55 million represented most of the new monies accruing to that Fund during that financial year. I: was, indeed, significant that during that time not a penny was put into short-dated stock, although with an insurance fund of that character one would have expected that the whole of the new money would have been put into short-dated stock.

I have already drawn attention to this scandalous investment. It is true that, nominally, this was done by the National Debt Commissioners; but, in my submission, actually it was done by the Treasury behind that highly respectable facade. My purpose tonight is to endeavour to find out what authority the Treasury claims for exercising the functions of the National Debt Commissioners.

The Commissioners were constituted by the National Debt Reduction Act, 1786. They consist of the Speaker of the House of Commons, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Master of the Rolls, the Accountant-General of the Supreme Court, the Lord Chief Justice, and the Governor and Deputy Governor of the Bank of England. By an Act shortly after 1786 the necessary quorum was reduced from four to three. I mention that only in order to make an apology to the House for having stated on a previous occasion that the quorum was still tour. In 1808 a further Act empowered the Commissioners to employ clerks and other officers. Beyond that, although I have searched statutes and other works, I have been unable to discover any further provision with regard to the constitution of the National Debt Commissioners.

It is still alleged that they have an official existence because they are frequently mentioned in Acts of Parliament—the National Insurance Act, 1946, for instance—and they appear regularly to report to Parliament upon their functions. The fact remains, however, that they do not function, for the simple reason that they never meet, and that is why I think we ought to have some explanation from the Financial Secretary, who, I am glad to see, has arrived, as to what are the arrangements; and if, as I contend, their functions are really exercised by the Treasury, on what authority the Treasury exercises those functions.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer on the 11th May. in reply to a Question by my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for New Forest and Christchurch (Colonel Crosthwaite-Eyre), with regard to the investment in the "Dalton" undated stocks, said: be under independent management and should not be controlled by any authority whose motives might not be exclusively concerned with the advantage of the funds. Surely, it is the duty of anyone in the position of trustee or having management of trust funds to put temptation out of his way and not involve himself in any embarrassing situation. May I say, too, that not only should there be propriety but the propriety should be obvious.

My submission is that in this case the Treasury are managing these funds and masquerading in the disguise of the National Debt Commissioners. To illustrate the presumption of the Treasury, I would call attention to this: Under the Unemployment Insurance Acts it is provided that the Minister may—and I would emphasise the word "may" hand over the money of the Unemployment Fund to the National Debt Commissioners for investment. He "may" do that. But on looking at the regulations made by the Treasury under the Act it is found that the Treasury state that the Minister "shall" hand over the monies to the National Debt Commissioners for investment.

Clearly, there the Treasury have entirely exceeded their authority under the Act, and in my submission the provision in those regulations is invalid. In any case, I do not think that much matters; in ordinary sense the regulations make nonsense anyhow, because they consist mainly of instructions by the Treasury to the National Debt Commissioners, and if I am right and the National Debt Commissioners have become merely an alias for the Treasury it means that the Treasury are giving instructions to themselves. Therefore, the regulations seem to be entirely superfluous.

In my contention, the Treasury are exercising these powers de facto and not de jure. I do not believe that the National Debt Commissioners can have delegated their powers to the Treasury, because I have searched the statutes and can find no authority anywhere for the National Debt Commissioners delegating their powers. It appears to have been a process of gradual usurpation which has passed without notice until the House and the public got a shock and a jolt when they realised what had happened about the investment in the "Dalton" undated stocks. I feel that the situation is not a happy one, and I strongly urge that steps be taken to put it right. I hope that the right hon. Gentleman will give an explanation and will tell me his reaction to my proposal that the custody of these funds should be transferred from the National Debt Commissioners—who do not function and whose powers have been usurped by the Treasury—to the Public Trustee, who would be a far more independent authority, being appointed by the Lord Chancellor.

10.13 p.m.

Much of what the hon. Baronet the Member for Sutton Coldfield (Sir J. Mellor) has said again tonight was, if I may say so, answered by me when this matter was dealt with when he raised it on the Adjournment just before we rose for the Whitsuntide Recess.

True, I did not then —I had not the time—give him an account of the functions of the National Debt Commissioners. Perhaps I had better do so this time in order to make sure that he is given that information. I will start by telling him what the National Debt Commissioners are permitted, by Act of Parliament, to do. First of all, the hon. Baronet is quite right in saying that under the National Debt Act, 1786, the National Debt Commissioners consist of Mr. Speaker, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Governor of the Bank of England, the Deputy-Governor of the Bank of England, the Master of the Rolls, the Lord Chief Justice and the Accountant-General of the Supreme Court. The hon. Baronet indicated that most of them do not function; that, of course, is quite true. Under an Act of 1812—a long time ago, considerably before his time or mine—it was decided, again by Act of Parliament, that three should be a quorum.

The active National Debt Commissioners today are the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who acts as chairman, the Governor and the Deputy-Governor of the Bank of England. It is true that the Commissioners as a body have not met since 1860. For very many years, although these people I have mentioned are still the National Debt Commissioners, they have performed no real day to day function and in practice the Commission operates through the individuals I have mentioned.

Would it be right to say that the other Commissioners are totally ignored?

I was about to say that although they do not function actively, they do function occasionally. If a document has to be signed or, when one of the active Commissioners is not available, one or more of those on the original list can be called in.

It is true that the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Governor and the Deputy-Governor of the Bank of England are the active National Debt Commissioners. Acting together they can form a quorum and whatever they do, acting together, is legal. The Chancellor of the Exchequer for the time being, the Governor of the Bank of England and the Deputy-Governor for the time being have fulfilled these functions for many years. As far as I know, the hon. Baronet never before has queried what they have done or claimed that it was wrong or ultra vires.

Does it not make a great deal of difference, since the Bank of England was nationalised and the Governor and Deputy-Governor were nationalised with it, that now we have a purely Treasury body discharging these functions with no independence whatever?

That is not the reason. The reason is that the hon. Baronet and those who act with him have got it into their heads that the ex-Chancellor of the Exchequer, my right hon. Friend the Member for Bishop Auckland (Mr. Dalton), was in some way bolstering up the gilt-edged market when he was operating as one of the National Debt Commissioners. That really is the charge which he has to make. Normally, the hon. Baronet would find no fault in the fact that the Chancellor of the Exchequer of the day and the Governor and Deputy-Governor of the Bank of England, whether it be nationalised or not, act together in this matter.

I was asked how the National Debt Office functions. The chief official of the National Debt Office is the Comptroller-General, an office which was set up in 1822. As in the case of every other Government Department, the greater part of the decisions taken are incidental to the day-to-day working of the office and are taken at the official level in consultation with the Treasury and the Bank of England. There is constant consultation between the National Debt Office, through the Comptroller-General and his staff, and the Treasury and the Bank of England. Important decisions, however—that is decisions involving policy or decisions of more than a day-to-day nature—are taken by the Commissioners themselves. The matters are submitted to them, normally in writing; they, in turn, convey their decisions, again normally in writing, and those decisions are acted upon. I should perhaps add that the Comptroller-General has direct access at any time to the Chancellor of the Exchequer and to the Governor and Deputy-Governor of the Bank of England.

There is, therefore, no doubt that the Commissioners, through the Comptroller-General, acting for the Government of the day, and for Parliament through the Government of the day, are acting quite legally and in accordance not only with practice, but with enactments laid down. The National Debt Commissioners manage for the State a wide variety of funds of one kind or another. The principal funds are the National Insurance Fund, including the Unemployment Insurance Fund, the Post Office Savings Bank Fund and the Trustees Savings Banks Fund. The Commissioners also administer the Savings Banks Acts, 1863 to 1947; they have numerous powers under these Acts, and they have a good deal of work to do. I was asked under what authority they invest moneys handed over to them. Under the Trustees Savings Banks Act, 1863, they are empowered to invest the funds of the savings banks in Government or Government-guaranteed securities.

I do not want the right hon. Gentleman to waste his time. I did not ask that question. I was asking under what authority the Treasury perform these functions.

But the Treasury do not perform them. I have spent the last 10 minutes trying to point out to the hon. Member that the Treasury do not perform these functions, but that they are per- formed by the National Debt Commissioners. It happens that the Chancellor of the Exchequer of the day is Chairman of the active National Debt Commissioners. It is the National Debt Commissioners who invest these moneys, and they invest them according to the rules and regulations laid down under Acts of Parliament. Under the Trustees Savings Banks Act, 1863, there is a duty laid upon them to invest the money that comes to them, and it has to be invested in Government securities or Government-guaranteed securities.

Under the Unemployment Insurance (Investment) Regulations of 30th November, 1921, a regulation not promulgated by this Government but by a Government of a different complexion, the Commissioners are required to invest money paid over to them

The following propositions are, I think, agreed. The first is that the functions and powers of the Commissioners are derived from Parliament and by enactments which have been passed by this House from time to time; that these powers, in their present shape, have been in existence for many years. In their present shape they are not the creature of this Government. We have taken over and are implementing powers and functions which have been implemented in exactly the same way by previous Governments. We have not abrogated any of them, and we have not abused them. If there were time, I could prove this up to the hilt.

Will the right hon. Gentleman say whether there is a precedent for such a high proportion of the unemployment funds being invested in irredeemable securities?

I am coming to that in a moment. I do not want to burke any issue tonight. It would be wrong for me to try and I should not get away with it. I am trying to put the facts to the House. It is clear from what I have said that we have not abrogated or abused the powers which are vested in us and which have come to us from enactments passed during the lifetime of other Governments. If we accept the suggestion of the hon. Member for Sutton Coldfield that the Public Trustee should invest and control these funds, it would need legislation and it would take from this House a power that should reside in the House and in its Members, the right to criticise and to control investments of this character. Responsibility must reside in the Government of the day whatever that Government may be. I am not complaining about it, but the hon. Gentleman did not fully quote me in the extract he gave any more than he did in the Supplementary he addressed to my hon. Friend the other day. This is what I said:

Under the Act of 1946, we are amalgamating all these funds into one fund. The reason the Unemployment Insurance Fund was kept liquid in the old days was because there were times of boom and times of slump. It was laid down—and I agree that the policy was right—that, as the Government wanted this money when unemployment went up, it had to keep it liquid.

When we come to the National Health Fund, it should be remembered that previous Governments always put that money into irredeemable stock if they could get a better rate of interest by so doing. The National Health Fund had not the periodic pressure on it which there was in the old days on the Unemployment Insurance Fund.

We are now in a new era. We are amalgamating all these funds, and, in order to get a greater yield for endowment purposes, it is essential—and the Government which preceded this one saw this, which is why they set up the reserve fund—that a fair proportion should be put in irredeemables. So-called "Daltons" were bought because they were the best form of investment at the time and gave the best yield. The Unemployment Insurance Fund bought over £100 million of liquid assets and that was felt to be a good investment. Therefore, the Commissioners, acting on instructions given in the time of the previous Government, began to buy irredeemables.

It is quite wrong to say that the money has been put into irredeemables in order to bolster up a slipping gilt-edged market. The hon. Gentleman the Member for Flint has a knowledge of the City, and he knows that, in the City, a sum of £400,000 invested by a Government broker would not bolster up the market. The thing is absolutely preposterous. I said that the other afternoon and I repeat it tonight. I hope it sinks in this time at any rate.

Does the right hon. Gentleman think that £55 million is a negligible sum in the gilt-edged market?

I did not say so. As a matter of fact, it is a great deal more; it is nearer £80 million. During the last few years a fair proportion has been put into what is called irredeemables for the reasons I have given. The yield on this money was required as an endowment fund and as a reserve. At the same time, there was a fair proportion of liquid funds for the Unemployment Insurance Fund.

There is only one point I want to make. A high yield is not synonymous with a good investment. Money put into this security is down by 25 per cent.; and that is not my idea of a good investment.

I dealt with this the other afternoon. The National Health Insurance Fund was put into local loans and they went down to something around 40 and Consols went down by a like figure.

No, not at all.

The Question having been proposed after Ten o'Clock and the Debate having continued for half an hour, Mr. DEPUTY-SPEAKER adjourned the House without Question put, pursuant to the Standing Order.

Adjourned at Twenty-nine Minutes to Eleven o'Clock.