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Commons Chamber

Volume 454: debated on Tuesday 20 July 1948

House of Commons

Tuesday, July 20, 1948

The House met at Half past Two o'Clock

Prayers

[Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair ]

Private Business

Ipswich Corporation Bill

Merthyr Tydfil Corporation Bill

Lords Amendments considered, and agreed to.

BEVERLEY CORPORATION BILL [Lords]

As amended, considered; Amendments made to the Bill; Bill to be read the Third time.

Oral Answers to Questions

Town and Country Planning

Converted Houses (Development Charge)

asked the Minister of Town and Country Planning under what authority a development charge is payable when a private house is converted into a residential hotel.

The Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Town and Country Planning
(Mr. King)

Under Section 69 of the 1947 Act, a development charge may be levied on any material change in the use of land or buildings. I am advised that in the example to which this Question refers there would be a material change of use.

Is it a fact that a development charge is payable in all cases when a private house is turned into a residential hotel, but that no development charge is payable when a private house is turned into a block of flats? If that is so, can the Minister justify that on any grounds at all?

It depends whether the value of the building when developed exceeds the value of the building when undeveloped.

Could the Minister say, for instance, if a china clay store is turned into three cottages or flats whether a development charge would be payable on that?

I think I should be unwise to anticipate a decision of the courts in this way. If the hon. and gallant Gentleman will put down a Question, I will consider it.

By whom and to whom is the development charge paid in respect of the Government hospitality hotel recently opened in the vicinity of Park Lane?

The Central Land Board receives development charge when it is payable at all.

Can the hon. Gentleman say whether, in the event of a private residential hotel being converted into a private house, a claim for compensation arises?

Housebuilding (Architectural Advice)

asked the Minister of Town and Country Planning whether he intends to use the powers given to him by Section 14 (3) ( c ) of the Town and Country Planning Act, 1947, to require local planning authorities to take architectural advice before approving the elevations and materials of houses to be erected by private persons.

My right hon. Friend has no reason to suppose that the new planning authorities will not avail themselves of proper architectural advice wherever necessary, and unless experience shows this view to be wrong, he would prefer to leave this matter to their discretion and good sense.

Yes, but is the hon. Gentleman aware that, although this Clause could not be debated in Committee because of the Guillotine, definite assurances were given both by the Minister and by his Parliamentary Secretary, who said that all kinds of monstrosities would be perpetrated unless there was compulsory architectural advice?

Very many, if not all, local authorities do employ architectural advice, and I have no doubt they will deal with the monstrosities to which the hon. Gentleman refers.

Will the Minister at least give some fatherly advice in this matter, because the situation between the two wars was very serious from an architectural point of view when new buildings were erected in country districts?

The situation between the two wars was entirely different. We have now a new Act and also new authorities and, as in so many cases, the matters administered by His Majesty's present administration differ widely from what happened between the two wars.

Artillery Range, Bamburgh

asked the Minister of Town and Country Planning whether he will now state the Government's decision in regard to the findings of the public local inquiry held on 16th June to consider the proposal to establish an anti-tank artillery range near Bamburgh and Holy Island.

I would refer my hon. Friend to the answer to his Question on 13th July to which my right hon. Friend has nothing to add.

Yes, but as that answer did not carry us any further, can my hon. Friend now tell me how much longer we have to wait for a Government decision on this matter?

Yes, Sir. It is not unreasonable for the Chairman of a public inquiry to take four to five weeks to consider the transcript of a report. I think within a week or two this will be available to the Ministry, and shortly after that we shall have something to say to my hon. Friend.

But in view of the statement made in the House yesterday by the Minister concerning Stanford and Purbeck, will he not now ask the Minister to use his influence with the Service Departments to abate their demands in these areas?

Workers' Houses, Margam

asked the Minister of Town and Country Planning what arrangements have been made for the location and provision of houses for the additional workers at the new steel works at Margam.

My right hon. Friend, in consultation with other Ministers concerned, has carefully examined the question of how many houses are likely to be needed for the additional workers and where the houses should be provided. Care has been taken to see that the houses will be on sites with services readily available and that they shall be as accessible as possible to the works. It has been decided that initially approximately 1,000 houses will be provided for additional workers. These houses will be built in Penybont Rural District and in Port Talbot and will be in addition to the normal provision of houses for the present population. A start has already been made in both areas. At Port Talbot 250 aluminium houses and 100 permanent additional houses, specifically for the employees of the strip mill, are being erected. Penybont Rural District Council are in process of acquiring a site and preparing plans for the building of 100 houses for strip mill workers. It may be necessary later on to provide more houses in both areas for the steel workers, but this will be considered when more information is available about sources of recruitment.

Is it not a fantastic situation that this additional burden on the house-building resources of the country should be imposed when none of it was necessary, because these workers could have been left where they are in Newport?

No, Sir. It is most desirable that workers should live within a reasonable distance of their work, which can be done most efficiently at Margam.

Will the hon. Gentleman impress that upon the Minister of Agriculture, who has totally different ideas about farm workers?

Is my hon. Friend aware that his answer will give great satisfaction, not only in Port Talbot, but to the whole of the steel industry throughout South Wales?

National Insurance

Family Allowances

asked the Minister of National Insurance whether the appeal has yet been heard against the decision by his Department to refuse a family allowance in respect of a two-year old boy, resident with his grandfather and his grandfather's three children, the eldest of whom is the boy's mother; and what was the independent referee's decision.

I understand that the decision of the referee in the case to which my hon. Friend refers has now been received and is being sent to the appellant. The appeal was dismissed.

Could my hon. Friend explain on what grounds this claim has been turned down? Would not the grandfather be covered as being the person who is maintaining the child?

So long as the boy is living with his mother they must be treated as separate families.

In view of the fact that painful cases of this nature are extremely rare and as this small child is actually the youngest member of a family living in one house, with one person upon whom he is dependent, will not the Parliamentary Secretary's Department raise this case again?

So far as the decision here is concerned it has gone through all the statutory machinery and is in accordance with the Act.

Is it not the case that the child is only excluded from counting as being maintained by the grandfather where the child could be included in a claim by the mother; and, if that is the position in this case, does the decision mean that if the mother were only to die, the child's allowance would then be paid?

If the child's mother were to die there would be another set of circumstances. There are other circumstances in which the family allowance could accrue to the grandparents but so long as the child is living with the mother—as is the case here—it must be treated as in the mother's family.

Is it not extraordinary that the child is actually living with the rest of the family and that the change which is contemplated, namely, the death of the mother or her residence elsewhere, would make no difference whatever?

asked the Minister of National Insurance if, in view of the apparent intention of paragraphs 12 and 15 of his Department's guide to family allowances, leaflet F.A.M. 1, he will reconsider his refusal to grant an allowance in respect of an illegitimate child living with the child's parents and with the father's elder children, particulars of whom have been communicated to him, and, if necessary, introduce amending legislation to cover such cases.

No, Sir. As regards the particular case, the position has already been explained to my hon. Friend by letter. As regards legislation, I have nothing to add to the reply given to the hon. Member for Finsbury (Mr. Platts-Mills) on 13th July.

Is not this kind of refusal quite contrary to the general intention of the Act, which was to provide allowances for all except the eldest of a family of young children living in the same house, and contrary also to the leaflet issued by my hon. Friend's Department?

It is not contrary to the leaflet because that explains in paragraph 13 what "maintenance" means. What my hon. Friend is asking us to do is to legalise for the purposes of the Family Allowances Act a union where the man and woman are living together and are not married. That is a highly controversial matter.

Is it not the case that the limitation in the leaflet to which my hon. Friend refers is not authorised at all by the Act of Parliament under which it purports to be issued and does not the Act make it perfectly plain that where a child is maintained its legitimacy is irrelevant?

The point in this Question is that a man and woman are living together and are not married.

The Act says that the issue of the woman will be treated as being her family.

It does. So far as the man's side is concerned, it is treated as his family, so that for the purposes of the Act there are actually two separate families.

Can the Parliamentary Secretary point out any Section in the Act which states that legitimacy is a relevant factor?

There is the referee. In the first place, the matter went to the statutory authority and he made his decision. Cases similar to that referred to in the second question also have gone to the statutory authority but, where the position is similar to that explained by my hon. Friend in his question they are treated as two separate families.

What is the remedy if the referee's decision is in direct conflict with the Act of Parliament?

On a point of Order, Mr. Speaker. In view of the inhumane and legalistic attitude of the Department, I beg to give notice that, without endeavouring, of course, to suggest legislation, I shall endeavour to catch your eye on the Summer Adjournment.

Sickness Benefit

asked the Minister of National Insurance if he has considered the position of a voluntary contributor over 60 years of age under the old Act, who paid 3s. 9d. every other week and received sickness benefit when ill, and who now has to pay 4s. 8d. every week, and gets no sickness benefit; and what action he is taking to remedy this anomaly.

An elderly voluntary contributor under the old Act who paid only 26 annual contributions would not have been entitled to sickness benefit, but to pension and maternity benefits only. To be eligible for sickness benefit he had to pay each year a further 24 contributions at 8d. Under the new scheme, insurance for sickness benefits is restricted to persons in the employed and self-employed classes. A voluntary contributor, however, who now falls into the non-employed class and who had paid 50 Health Insurance contributions in each of the two years ended July, 1947, and July, 1948, will be entitled to full sickness benefit until 31st July, 1949, at the earliest, and in many cases for a longer period. He will, of course, be entitled to the full benefits of the Health Service.

Is the hon. Member aware that his answer was so long that I could not quite take it in, and that he will hear from me further?

Widows' Pensions

asked the Minister of National Insurance whether, in view of the fact that the present form TS7E issued by his Department requires a widow who is at present in receipt of disablement benefits to forgo permanently her right to an increased widow's pension of 26s. in order to secure a possibly temporary disablement pension, he will amend the regulations.

This form is issued to a widow pensioner who on 5th July was incapable of self-support and had up to that day also been in receipt of sickness or disablement benefit. As from 5th July she has the choice of having her 10s. pension increased to 26s. which, if still in payment at age 50, is converted into a permanent pension, or of retaining her 10s. pension and receiving in addition any sickness benefit for which she may be qualified on a weekly basis. She cannot receive both sickness benefit and widow's pension at the increased rates. The form gives her the opportunity of choosing the alternative which she considers will be to her advantage according to her age and other circumstances.

Is it not a fact that the form forces the widow to speculate upon chances of recovering from her disability? Surely, that is entirely wrong? While disabled she should get disability pension, and if she recovers, why should she not have the right to pension?

This is one of the problems with which we were faced in converting the old scheme into the new scheme. What we have done in effect is to give a very valuable concession to the present 10s. widow pensioner. We appreciate, of course, that there is some difficulty in this matter and we are trying to explain the exact position to widows in these cases, so that they can make a decision. But, from the information I have I understand that the majority of cases are over 50 years of age and, therefore, they would be entitled to permanent pensions.

asked the Minister of National Insurance if he is aware of the widespread confusion among such widows as have qualified for only the 10s. basic pension, but who, despite the printed information from his Department, cannot understand the conditions that determine their right to 26s. at 60 years of age; and if he will cause these conditions to be more clearly and widely known.

As promised in reply to a Question by the hon. Member for Peterborough (Mr. Tiffany) on 15th June, an explanatory letter, of which I am sending the hon. Member a copy, is being sent to each of the widow pensioners affected. It will, however, be a few weeks before the work of issuing some 300,000 letters can be completed.

Explanatory Leaflets

asked the Minister of National Insurance whether he will issue bound copies of the entire list of explanatory leaflets issued in connection with the National Insurance Act; and whether he will also issue bound copies of the entire list of regulations issued in connection with the Act.

I do not think it would be practicable to do this at present. The leaflets are not of uniform size, and in the early stages will be subject to revision in the light of experience. Of the regulations, some are still in provisional form and others remain to be made. The matter will, however, be reconsidered at a later date.

In giving further consideration to this matter, will the Minister bear in mind that it is quite easy for us to lose some of the 93 explanatory leaflets which have been issued and that the sooner he can provide a bound copy the better for us all?

Social Welfare Officers (Postings)

asked the Minister of National Insurance why the only appointments offered by his Department to members of the Dorset County Branch of the National Association of Social Welfare Officers are such a long way from Dorset, such as Newcastle-on-Tyne, not one being nearer than Kent; and what steps he is taking to find these employees and their families housing accommodation near their new posts.

At the time when these social welfare officers became available to join the Department there were no suitable vacancies for them in or near Dorsetshire. Since then, however, some such vacancies have occurred, and five social welfare officers from Dorset have been re-assigned to local offices in London, Surrey and Kent. Two have been re-assigned to Birmingham, and one, at his own request, to Bradford, Yorkshire. Further re-assignments will be made as practicable. There is a Ministry welfare officer in each region to give transferred officers all possible assistance in their search for accommodation.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that although nearer postings have been made since I put down the Question these officers are still a long way from home and this does not accord with the assurance given by the Minister when the Bill was being passed? Will he look into the matter again?

Within the limits of the posts available and the time factor we have made every effort to post people to places for which they have asked. As the scheme settles down we will be looking at the position again in order to ease the position where we possibly can.

Pension Rights (Housewives)

asked the Minister of National Insurance what pension rights his regulations under the National Health Insurance and Contributory Pensions Acts give to a wife aged 50 years, engaged solely in normal household duties and whose husband is over 65 years of age.

If the husband is entitled to a retirement pension, the weekly rate of the pension may be increased by 16s. a week in respect of his wife while she is under 60; on reaching age 60 she can qualify for a retirement pension, normally at 16s. a week, in right of her husband's insurance; should he die the widowhood benefits of the scheme will be available to her. If the husband is not eligible for a contributory pension, his wife's right to such a pension will depend upon any insurance qualification she may herself have acquired. Unless she was insured under the repealed Acts up to 5th July she can only become insured under the new scheme if she is an employed or self-employed person.

Is it not perfectly obvious that large sections of our people receive no pension rights under this so-called scheme of "from the cradle to the grave"? Will the hon. Gentleman look into the regulations again in order to provide for thousands of poor people who were to be provided for according to the Socialist propaganda which is "put across" in the country?

The point is that the only people who are not eligible are the married women who are engaged on household duties and they, of course, are covered by the insurance rights of their husbands.

National Insurance Act (Explanations)

asked the Minister of National Insurance whether he will consider sending officials round to some of the factories of the country to explain the working of the National Insurance Act so that he could answer on the spot questions put to him by many of the work- people on difficult points in the working of the Act.

The course suggested by my hon. Friend has already been followed as far as practicable. During the past three months officers of my Ministry in co-operation with the Central Office of Information have been visiting factories to explain the new National Insurance scheme and to answer questions. Managers of local National Insurance offices will be pleased to arrange, wherever they can, for visits on hearing from employers or trade unions.

Whilst thanking my hon. Friend for his reply, may I ask if he has any method by which factory managers are acquainted with this facility, because there is considerable difficulty in understanding the regulations and giving such information would help very considerably in clearing up the position?

We have asked local managers to get into touch with various employers and I hope that sufficient publicity will be given to this answer to help such arrangements to be made.

Employment

Control of Engagement Order

asked the Minister of Labour how many persons have been subject to the provisions of the Control of Engagement Order in the course of seeking new employment in the first six months of 1948.

Although precise figures are not available, it is estimated that most of 2,130,000 persons placed this year came within the scope of the Control of Engagement Order.

Is the Minister satisfied with the operation of this order? Is he satisfied that it is having the effect of getting people into the essential trades?

Yes, Sir. We are completely satisfied, because out of the total 2,130,000, 260,000 were placed in positions of first preference.

Staple Industries (Manpower)

asked the Minister of Labour what were the numbers of vacancies for skilled and unskilled workers, respectively, in the coalmining, textile, engineering, and agricultural industries on 30th June, 1948; and in what areas is shortage of labour most acute.

Separate statistics of vacancies for skilled and unskilled workers are not available centrally, but I will send to my hon. Friend a regional analysis of the total number of vacancies in these industries notified to employment exchanges and remaining unfilled at 9th June.

Would the Minister consider publishing this important statement in the OFFICIAL REPORT?

I have considered that, but it is a Table of 12 lines and 12 columns and I understand it is rather difficult for the OFFICIAL REPORT to carry that. However, I will be glad to have duplicated copies made and placed in the Library for hon. Members to see them.

asked the Minister of Labour what net increases per month of new entrants into the coalmining and textile industries are required during the last six months of 1948 in order to achieve the objectives set out in the Economic Survey for 1948; and how they compare with the actual average monthly increases in these industries during the first six months of the year.

For collieries, 4,200; for textiles, 12,600. The answer to the last part of the Question is 1,200 and 4,000 respectively.

Do not the figures which my right hon. Friend has just given to the House generally reveal that the recruiting programme in the cotton industry has so far failed? In those circumstances, is he prepared to consult the other Ministers concerned with a view to adopting the principle of favoured terms for undermanned industries advocated by the junior Member for Bolton a few weeks ago?

Is my right hon. Friend aware that in the wool textile industry, the increase of 3,500 in the numbers employed in the first four months of this year means that if the target of employing 200,000 is to be reached this year he has to increase the number by 22,000 in the remaining months of this year?

Yes, but the wool textile effort to encourage entry to the industry did not commence until after the end of the fourth month of this year.

Has the textile industry in Lancashire received the additional number of girl workers from the football pools industry, which the Parliamentary Secretary anticipated a few months ago?

I am sure the hon. Member will agree that that question should be put down.

Cotton Industry (Recruitment)

asked the Minister of Labour how many volunteers for the Lancashire cotton mills have so far been obtained by the propaganda effort in Lancashire factories; how many officials are employed in the effort; how much petrol per week is used by the officials; and what is the total cost to date.

Up to 17th July, 42 women had volunteered to transfer from other work to employment in the Lancashire cotton industry. No additional staff has been engaged for this purpose. It is not practicable to provide the other information asked for.

Catering Wages Commission (Salaries)

asked the Minister of Labour what salaries and expenses are drawn by the members of the Catering Wages Commission.

The Chairman of the Commission is paid £1,000 per annum. He is entitled to first-class travel and a subsistence allowance of 30s. per night when travelling on official business. The members of the Commission are paid 5 guineas per day or part of a day when they attend. They are entitled to first-class travel and 30s. for each night away from home.

Will the Minister tell the House what labour shortage there is for these commissions which he is setting up?

Training Centres, Wales

asked the Minister of Labour whether he will reopen the Wrexham Training Centre for building workers, in view of the shortage of such craftsmen in Wales.

No, Sir. Should a renewal of building training in Wales be agreed to by the two sides of the industry, adequate facilities exist in the Ministry's two centres at Cardiff and Swansea.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that in answer to a Question of mine on 8th July the Minister of Health replied that the reason for the comparatively slow rate of house building in Wales was a shortage of craftsmen? How then can he justify the continued closure of this training centre—the only one in North Wales?

The training centres in the two towns I have mentioned have facilities adequate for training any labour that may be necessary in the area, and we do not consider it necessary to keep the third one going.

Police Recruitment (Agricultural Workers)

asked the Minister of Labour under what conditions persons employed in agriculture may now enlist in the police force.

An agricultural worker who is accepted for service in the police force is given permission to join the force subject only to the condition that he was born before 1929.

Engineering and Shipbuilding Employees (Wage Claim)

asked the Minister of Labour if he has considered the copy sent to him of a resolution passed by the Confederation of Engineering and Shipbuilding Trade Unions at York on 14th July, 1948, asking that a court of inquiry be set up to investigate the rejection of the claim presented by the unions to the Shipbuilding Employers Federation on 21st April, 1948; and what action he intends to take on this matter.

I have received representations from the Confederation of Engineering and Shipbuilding Trade Unions and I am in touch with the Shipbuilding Employers Federation on this subject.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that there has been no advance in wages in the engineering industry for two years and that there have already been long drawn out negotiations? Will he treat this matter as one of urgency in order to avoid any dislocation?

This particular question has been treated by my Ministry as one of urgency. We are in contact with both parties and I am convinced that there is a desire on both sides of the industry to make an effort to reach a friendly settlement without dislocation.

asked the Minister of Labour if his attention has been directed to the dispute between the Engineering and Allied Employers National Federation and the trade unions federated in the Confederation of Engineering and Shipbuilding Unions; and if he will refer the dispute to a court of inquiry in accordance with the Industrial Courts Act, 1919, and make a statement on its composition, terms of reference and date of meeting.

I am in touch with the two sides on this matter and I am not in a position to make any further statement at present.

While appreciating the spirit which seems to have prevailed according to the Minister, may I ask him if it would not be better if that were reflected in negotiations that would lead to a settlement?

I am anxious that no word of mine should cause any further mischief. The parties are meeting again at our request, or rather they have responded to our invitation to intercede in the matter. I am still confident that if they get together again they will possibly find means for a settlement. Failing that there are other courses open to them which we have suggested.

Scotland

Land Fertilisation (Sewage)

asked the Secretary of State for Scotland to what extent sewage is saved in Scotland and used for enriching the soil; and with what general result.

As I told the hon. and gallant Member on 11th May, sewage is used for this purpose in certain areas in Scotland but I have no precise information about the extent of the practice and I should not feel justified in calling on local authorities to supply it.

Would the right hon. Gentleman be surprised to learn that since I raised this matter a few weeks ago I have received some dozens of letters pointing out the dramatic improvement in the production of the soil as a result of using this neglected sewage? Will not the right hon. Gentleman do something really concrete about it?

I shall be glad to have the information which the hon. and gallant Gentleman has but so far as I can judge it disagrees with the experience of the Agricultural Research Council, and naturally I have to depend upon that Council to provide advice in these matters.

Does this practice explain why so many Scotsmen leave home and cross the border?

Will the right hon. Gentleman recall that in his previous answer he mentioned that it was not economic in certain areas to use this particular substance? May we be assured that it will not be turned down on purely economic grounds in view of its vast importance to the soil of the country?

The hon. and gallant Member will also remember that hygienic grounds came into the matter as well as economic ones.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that sewage is actually being exported to foreign countries from South Coast ports? If not, I will give him some information.

School Meals

32 and 33.

asked the Secretary of State for Scotland (1) when the canteen at present under construction at Burntisland junior school will be completed; and when a service of meals to school children will be available;

(2) the date when the central kitchen at present under construction at Meadow-field, Burntisland, will be completed; and at what date the central kitchen will be available for cooking meals.

All school meals building work in Fife is carried out by the education authority at their own hand. Arrangements have been made by the authority for the service of school meals from the canteen at Burntisland junior secondary school to start at the beginning of the new school session. The authority estimate that the central kitchen which is under construction at Meadowfield, Burntisland, will be completed and available for the preparation of school meals, towards the middle of 1949.

asked the Secretary of State for Scotland the number of main meals at present being supplied to school children in Fife.

; In February, 1948, the latest date for which the information is available, two-course midday meals were being supplied to 19,800 pupils attending education authority schools in Fife.

Would it not be a good thing if the hon. Member sought all this information, which seems to satisfy him, from the local education authority, instead of boring us?

Has any reason to be given why a Member should put down a Question to the Secretary of State for Scotland on education and school feeding?

It is a matter for the hon. Member who puts down the Question. I cannot say that a Question should not be put down.

Ex-Service Men's Widows (Pensions)

asked the Minister of Pensions why he only grants a pension to the widow of an ex-Service man married after demobilisation if the death, due to injury in the 1914–18 war, occurs after 1939.

When it was decided in 1945 to abolish the requirement that to qualify for pension a widow must have married before her husband sustained his disablement 3rd September, 1939, was fixed as the effective date for widows of both World Wars. It would be quite impracticable in cases of the First World War to give further retrospective effect because it would involve the review of cases where death occurred up to as long as 30 years ago and in the vast majority it would be impossible to obtain the information on which to judge the claim.

Does the Minister agree that the present arrangements cause harsh anomalies and can he do anything to remove the anomalies?

Yes, we are fully alive to the fact that anomalies still exist but, unfortunately, any suggestions which have been submitted for consideration only make the anomalies worse.

British Army

Married Quarters, Huntingdon

asked the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that C.S.M.W. Bacon, permanent staff instructor to the Support Company of the 5th Battalion Northamptonshire Regiment at Huntingdon, who has been married for 11 years but has been able to live with his family for only one year during that time, has no married quarters or other house near his work for the accommodation of his wife and four children; and what steps are being taken to obtain accommodation for him.

It is intended that this warrant officer shall occupy a permanent staff instructor's quarter attached to the Drill Hall, St. Mary's Street, Huntingdon. This quarter is at present occupied by a person who is not a serving soldier, and application to the court for a warrant of possession is now being made with a view to the return of the quarter to its proper use. Meanwhile the warrant officer's family are temporarily housed in other quarters in Northampton.

Is the Financial Secretary aware that failure to find accommodation for married families has a bad effect on recruiting for the Regular Army? Will he take steps to avoid notoriously bad cases of this kind as far as possible?

We are very much aware of that consideration. That is why we have greatly reduced in the last 12 months the number of premises irregularly occupied in this way and have by other means made more accommodation available.

Surplus Stocks, Sinģapore

asked the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that large dumps of Army surplus stocks have been lying in the open in Singapore for months past and are deteriorating rapidly, and that these stocks are released periodically at prices considerably below current market value or replacement cost; and what steps he is taking to end the losses thus caused to the British taxpayer.

There is an acute shortage of covered accommodation available to the Army in Singapore. In allocating new building work preference has been given to accommodation for troops living under canvas, at the expense of storage accommodation. Most of the stores lying in the open are ordnance and engineer stores. The engineer stores are mainly bridging and constructional stores, which are normally stored in the open. The disposal of stores when declared surplus is a matter for my right hon. Friend the Minister of Supply, who informs me that such stores when declared surplus are in general sold by open tender immediately for the best prices obtainable locally.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that this method entails tremendous loss and that if some notice of intention to get rid of certain stocks were given it would save a great many orders to America and consequently dollars?

I think that the question of giving notice of disposal arises more upon the Question which the hon. Member is about to ask rather than on the one which he has just asked.

asked the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that, owing to the Army's inability in Singapore to advise the controlling authority, import and export office, of the goods which are likely to be available for release in the near future, many permits are passed for the purchase of similar goods from hard currency areas; and if he will take steps to avoid the waste of valuable currency, and the unloading of surplus stocks of similar commodities on the market.

The procedure for disposal in Singapore has recently been reviewed, and is reported to be now working well and expeditiously. Before stores can be released for disposal in any particular theatre, it is necessary to confirm that they are surplus to the requirements of the Army not only locally but in other parts of the world. Until this has been done it is not possible for the local military authorities to know what stores can be released. Licensing of imports into Singapore is a matter for the civil Government. I am informed by my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for the Colonies that no complaint of the kind suggested by the hon. Member has been made by them.

Does the Minister think that if there was a closer working arrangement between his Department and the civil department there could be a considerable saving in value?

I have no reason to suppose that that is so. We have quite recently reviewed this matter and we have no reason to suppose that it is not working well.

A.T.S. Personnel, Berlin

asked the Secretary of State for War whether, in view of the international tension arising from the situation in Berlin, he will now withdraw all A.T.S. personnel from that city.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that if British women Service personnel were withdrawn from Berlin it would help the Russians to believe that we mean what we say, and, secondly, that if war does break out, it will be monstrous to have subjected British women to the treatment to which women throughout Eastern Europe have been subjected by the Russians?

Those supplementary questions appear to me to be remarkably hypothetical. In any event the General Officer Commanding-in-Chief is responsible for the disposition and security of his Forces, and we see no reason to interfere with his discretion.

Mine Explosion, Kessingland Beach

asked the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that casualties, one fatal, occurred on Kessingland Beach, Suffolk, through the explosion of a mine; whether he will take immediate action to have the beach thoroughly surveyed for mines; and if compensation will be paid in respect of these casualties.

I wish to take this opportunity of expressing my sympathy with the parents whose son was killed in this accident. Instructions have been given for the beach to be swept again. Any claim for compensation will be considered on its merits.

While thanking my hon. Friend for that answer, may I ask him if he is aware that very great anxiety is felt at this time by parents, visitors, and the local authority at the finding of so many of these dangerous bombs on the beach three years after the war, and will he give an assurance that the work will be done at once?

I do not follow my hon. Friend's meaning when he says, "So many of these dangerous bombs." There has been this incident, which we have reason to believe may have been caused either by a mine or a mortar bomb. In any event, the beach is to be swept again, and I hope that that will remove any anxiety in the neighbourhood.

When my hon. Friend says that any claim for compensation will be considered on its merits, does he mean that compensation will be paid? If he does, will he say how he can reconcile that with the fact that the War Office has always denied liability in such cases right up to the House of Lords?

No, my hon. Friend is mistaken. In similar circumstances where it has been proved that ammunition left by the Services was responsible for damage, and provided there was no contributory negligence, compensation has been paid.

Is not my hon. Friend aware that the War Office has always claimed that these claims are not maintainable by reason of the general Act that we passed at the beginning of the war? Will he bear in mind, before he says that I am mistaken, that that decision was reached in a case in which I was professionally responsible?

Court Martial, Farnborough

asked the Secretary of State for War whether he will now make a statement on the men who were concerned with Private Perring, already sentenced by court martial at Farnborough on 3rd June, and whose trial took place on 6th and 7th July, 1948.

The three men who were concerned in the incidents which led up to the trial of Private Perring were tried by court martial on 6th July. They were sentenced to terms of detention varying from 56 days to 112 days, which were confirmed on 14th July, and promulgated on 15th July. As a result of the incidents which led up to these trials, it was considered that Private Perring should be brought before a medical board as soon as the trials were completed. On 16th July, the medical board recommended his discharge, which is now being put into effect.

Officers (Pay and Conditions)

asked the Prime Minister if he will set up a Royal Commission to inquire into and consider the pay and conditions of service of officers of the Regular Army.

The remuneration of officers of the Armed Forces was the subject of a very careful review at the end of the recent war, and the results were published in the Post-War Pay Code for Officers in March, 1946 (Cmd. 6750). This new Pay Code was designed as a long-term settlement, so far as possible. The whole matter of officers' remuneration is kept under close review by the Departments concerned, and I do not think it would be appropriate to adopt the hon. and gallant Member's suggestion.

We cannot accept that. Surely, the Prime Minister must be aware of the very grave concern, both in this House and in the country, in regard to the position of Regular commissioned officers today especially junior officers? Will he do something to attract the best types in the country to the Service which needs them so?

That is another matter. What the hon. and gallant Member is suggesting is a Royal Commission.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that married officers whose allowances are taxed for the first time are in an extremely difficult financial position, and that whether or not a Royal Commission is the right medium, something has to be done?

Will not the Prime Minister reconsider this? Does he not realise that the conditions at the back of the White Paper in 1945 were entirely different from those of today, and will he not give full consideration to the awful difficulties that face officers, and particularly young officers, especially when serving at home?

This matter is given careful consideration. It is under consideration all the time, but I am not prepared to adopt the suggestion of the hon. and gallant Member which is to set up a Royal Commission dealing with the pay of the officers of one Service.

On a point of Order. In view of the fact that the wife of one young officer has to do charing in order to maintain some sort of standard of life. I beg to give notice that I shall endeavour to raise this matter on the Adjournment at the earliest possible moment.

German War Graves, Great Britain

asked the Secretary of State for War if he is aware that the graves of German airmen killed in Britain and of German prisoners who died here were customarily cared for until recently by German prisoners; and it, now that most of these prisoners have gone home, he will see to it that these relatively few graves are cared for reverently, by the Imperial War Graves Commission or otherwise.

In 1941 His Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom requested the Imperial War Graves Commission to act as their agent for the maintenance of these graves, and this duty the Imperial War Graves Commission have continued to perform. No difference is made in the standard of maintenance between British and German war graves.

National Services (Communists)

asked the Prime Minister whether in view of the fact that he has recognised the Communist menace by instituting a purge of the Civil Service, he will introduce legislation to extend that purge to other national services.

Is it not becoming increasingly obvious that the Prime Minister does not mean business in attacking the Communist menace, and will he at least extend the purge to the B.B.C.? May I have an answer?

In view of the publication by the Labour Party of the Communist Manifesto, and the tribute paid by the Labour Party to Marx and Engels for the inspiration they gave to the Socialist Movement and working class people, will he stop this purge against the Communists. Will he now stop this purge against the Communists and start a purge against the Tories, in view of the fact that the Communist Manifesto for the publication of which he is responsible, calls for the forcible overthrow of present social relations? I will send him a copy if he has not read it.

I was not responsible for the conditions when the Communist Manifesto was published. I think that what the hon. Member is really pointing out is how far the Communist Party in its present state, has departed from the earlier proposals of the Communist Manifesto.

National Water Resources

asked the Prime Minister whether, in order to avoid piece-meal measures, he will, in view of the steadily sinking water level in large areas of the United Kingdom and the development and requirements of new industries and areas due to changes in the density of population, set up a Royal Commission to inquire into the present and future water needs of the country as a whole, to report and to make recommendations.

No, Sir. A body has already been established—the Central Water Advisory Committee—as required by Section 2 of the Water Act, 1945, to advise the Ministers concerned on matters connected with the conservation and use of water resources.

Will not the Prime Minister agree that something more is required to avoid this piecemeal method of dealing with this very great problem, otherwise such disastrous suggestions as the flooding of the Enborne Valley will continue to be made?

I think that this is a much better way of dealing with it than submitting the whole matter to a Royal Commission which may not report for many years.

The Prime Minister will, no doubt, remember that there was a committee, the chairman of which was a Fellow of the Royal Society, and that that committee was sitting and had nearly finished its report when war broke out. Could that report now be published?

Forestry Policy (Administration)

asked the Prime Minister whether he will state the main Departments which administer Forestry policy in this country and describe their main functions.

The Forestry Commission administers forestry policy in Great Britain. The Commissioners are responsible to the Minister of Agriculture and the Secretary of State for Scotland jointly. The main functions of the Commissioners are set out in Section 3 of the Forestry Act, 1919.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that he has forgotten the Board of Trade, the Ministry of Town and Country Planning and other Departments, all of which have a responsible part? If I put down another Question next week, will he give a full and complete answer?

I have given a full answer. The hon. Member is now giving me some information which I have not received before.

Film, "Iron Curtain"

asked the Lord President of the Council, whether, in view of the fact that sufficient paper was not available to make the details of the Canadian spy trial fully available to the British public, he will instruct the Central Office of Information to obtain the distribution rights of the film, "Iron Curtain," which is based on the Canadian spy trial, with the object of ensuring that it is given the maximum possible distribution in this country at the cheapest rates.

I have been asked to reply. The distribution rights of the film, "Iron Curtain," have already been acquired by a major company in the United Kingdom, and this is not a matter in which the Government can intervene.

May I make this special request on behalf of the Knutsford Division? Will it be possible for His Majesty's Government to issue special passes or tickets at a reduced rate to all those who by their statements or actions are either Communist sympathisers or fellow travellers on the Government Front and Back Benches?

Is the Home Secretary aware of the danger of this anti-Communist propaganda from America, in view of the fact that, following the introduction of this film, the brokers have come flying into this country?

Is it not a fact that the best informed information rates this film as synthetic "hooey"; and is it not likely to exacerbate the situation which is now so delicate between ourselves and the Soviet Union?

I have read a number of criticisms of this film by writers for the Press and they appear to differ very much in their opinions of it. I have not seen it myself and I do not intend to see it.

Is it not a fact that this film is largely based upon official revelations in Canada.

Since this Question refers to the fact that insufficient paper was available to publicise fully the findings of the Royal Commission into the Canadian spy trial, will the Minister say whether he is satisfied that this has had sufficient publicity and can he say how many copies of the Report were imported?

Would it not have been a courtesy to this House before answering this Question to find out the answer to my question? The answer is that only 4,500 copies were imported, practically all of which have been sold.

Will the Home Secretary consider making a film of the adventures of Colonel Tassoev in this country.

National Finance

Food Subsidies

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether the Budget surplus includes full allowance for the actual cost of subsidies.

It is much too early in the financial year to say whether the Ministry of Food will need a Supplementary Estimate, or, if so, for how much

Can the Chancellor give an authoritative statement whether he proposes to put a ceiling on the amount of subsidy that will be granted?

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what is the total annual amount of the subsidies now being paid to British agriculture; and what amount of this is included in the £470,000,000 food subsidies.

I estimate that, excluding acreage payments, the subsidy to British agriculture in 1948–49 will be approximately £23.8 million. The acreage payments, estimated at £17.5 million, are the only payments to farmers—other, of course, than the direct payments to them for their produce—which are included in the food subsidies calculations.

Does the Chancellor remember that his predecessor said in his first Budget speech that the food subsidies of £375 million were too high and ought to come down? Does his reply mean that, as they have now risen to £470 million, the policy of the Government has changed in this respect?

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is satisfied with the accuracy of the figures on which he based his estimate that food subsidies would be continued at the current level of £400,000,000 per year; and whether he has set any limit beyond which expenditure on food subsidies will not be allowed to go.

The answer to the first part of the Question is in the affirmative. The figure of £400 million was the best estimate which could be made at the time. The answer to the second part of the Question is that the matter is under constant review.

Will the right hon. and learned Gentleman give an assurance, in view of the enormous increases in the subsidies coming so soon after his Budget statement, that it does not mean a reversal of his disinflationary policy, and that it does not represent a difference of opinion in the Government on financial policy?

Certainly, there is no difference of opinion that I know of in the Government in regard to financial policy, and it does not represent any reversal of the policy of the Government.

As the Minister of Food has stated that the figure of the subsidies is now running at the annual rate of £470 million, is it expected that there will be savings in the next six months which will justify retaining the figure at £400 million?

Will the Chancellor say if he can state officially whether there is some ceiling limit to the subsidies which the Government intend to grant?

Is there any limit to the subsidies which the Government intend to grant?

As the Chancellor put me off my supplementary question earlier, will he now tell me, whether his predecessor said in his first Budget speech that the food subsidy would be limited to £375 million, which figure the right hon. Gentleman thought was too high, and whether this larger figure represents a complete change in the policy of the Government?

If, as the right hon. and learned Gentleman tells us, there is a limit to these subsidies, will he say what it is, in view of the fact that they have risen to £470 million?

Economic Co-operation Agreement

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he has now any statement to make on the negotiations for the aid to be received from U.S.A. by way of loan under the Economic Co-operation Agreement.

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer the interest rate and terms of repayment of that part of Marshall Aid to be received by this country as a loan.

Loan terms are still under discussion with E.C.A. and I cannot therefore make any statement.

Can the Chancellor say whether the decision of the Administrator is that we must take some loans if we are to get the grant? Is the transaction of the nature that in order to get the bottle of whisky one must take the bottle of rum?

I am afraid that I have no knowledge of transactions about bottles of whisky and bottles of rum, but the matter has not yet been finalised.

Is it not a fact that this morning it is announced that His Majesty's Government have accepted a loan of 85 million dollars, and does this announcement mean that we have accepted this loan without even knowing the terms of interest or of repayment?

It means that we have accepted in principle that we take a loan, but we are now discussing the terms.

Sterling Balances

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer the amount of interest on sterling balances which will be available for the payment of current purchases for the year 1948.

The amount of interest paid in 1948 will not materially differ from that paid last year and I would refer the hon. Member to the answer which I gave him on 16th March.

War Damage Claims

56, 57 and 58.

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer (1) on what date the War Damage Commission inspected No. 31, Beech Grove, Mitcham, Surrey, and why, following that inspection, the letter dated 20th November, 1947, from the Mitcham Borough Council certifying that the property had suffered war damage on two occasions was disregarded and the claim not recognised;

(2) why the War Damage Commission have refused to acknowledge a claim for war damage in connection with 59, Buckingham Way, Wallington, Surrey, in view of the fact that the local borough council had scheduled the property to be repaired by themselves and that this work was not done only because of a ban by the Ministry of Health; and on what date did the War Damage Commission inspect the premises to enable them to decide that the property had not suffered war damage;

(3) why, in view of the fact that 23, Clarendon Road, Wallington, has been certified by the local authority as having been damaged by flying bombs in June and July, 1944, the War Damage Commission have refused to accept a claim for compensation; on what date did the War Damage Commission inspect the premises to enable them to come to such conclusion, and why the Commission refused to meet the claimant's professional advisers to discuss the matter.

asked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury why the claim of Mr. W. Whitby, of 28, Anstis Street, Plymouth, for repair of war damage to this property has been disallowed; and what steps he proposes to take to see that Mr. Whitby, who served with His Majesty's Forces throughout the war is not made a victim of injustice by the War Damage Commission.

asked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury why the claim respecting Green Trees, The Drive, Hare-field Place, Uxbridge, reference number 5A/4/130488/SR/91, for compensation for war damage has not been admitted, though first aid repairs were carried out in October, 1945, and more serious damage was reported in October, 1947.

asked the Financial Secretary to the Treasury what steps were taken by the War Damage Commission in the case of Mr. O'Brien, Trevelly, St. Johns Avenue, Harlow, to ascertain whether the damage to his property was war damage or deterioration.

I regret that I cannot undertake to answer Questions about individual war damage cases. I have, however, asked the War Damage Commission to look into each of these cases, and to communicate direct with my hon. Friends.

Is the Chancellor aware that the War Damage Commission have already looked into these cases, have refused to recognise them in spite of the fact that they have made no inspection, and are, therefore, quite unable to say whether or not they are war damage cases; and is he satisfied with such conduct on the part of the War Damage Commission?

The responsibility is in the War Damage Commission and it is not for me to be satisfied or not.

In respect of claims put in after the appointed date, will my right hon. and learned Friend say whether the War Damage Commission has discretion to deal with those cases or whether they have to go back to him?

If the hon. Member will look at the Act, he will see exactly what are the powers of the War Damage Commission.

Will my right hon. and learned Friend give an assurance that he will instruct the War Damage Commission that it is the desire of the Government that ex-Service men shall be treated fairly in this regard?

No. I have no power to give the War Damage Commission instructions in this matter.

Can my right hon. and learned Friend explain how it is, then, that he can answer Questions in this House about these matters if he has no responsibility and if he does not have to satisfy himself about them?

I am answering the Questions to say that I have not the responsibility.

Are we to understand from the Chancellor's reply that the people who are being wronged by the War Damage Commission have no redress at all through their representatives in the British House of Commons?

Parliament has decided where the responsibility lies in this matter, and unless Parliament alters that decision, it will remain there.

On a point of Order. If the Table continues—and I am very glad that it does—to pass Questions on this matter, does not that suggest that there is a prima facie case for the responsibility of the Department?

Mr. Speaker, in view of the circumstances which have arisen in the course of the replies to these Questions, could you advise the House how hon. Members can get justice for their constituents who are being treated unjustly by the War Damage Commission in the matter of compensation for war damage?

I should have thought that the way was to ask Questions of the Minister and, if the answer was unsatisfactory, to raise the matter on the Adjournment.

In view of the unsatisfactory answers which we have received to these Questions, I give notice that I intend to raise the matter on the Summer Adjournment.

Business of the House (Supply)

Ordered:

"That this day Business other than the Business of Supply may be taken before Ten o'clock."—[ The Prime Minister. ]

Orders of the Day

Supply

align="center">[23RD ALLOTTED DAY]

Civil Estimates, 1948–49

Considered in Committee.

[Mr. HUBERT BEAUMONT in the Chair]

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a further sum, not exceeding £50, be granted to His Majesty towards defraying the charges for the following services relating to Agriculture for the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1949, namely:

£

Class VI, Vote 8, Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries

10

Class VI, Vote 9, Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries (Food Production Services)

10

Class IV, Vote 10, Grants for Science and the Arts

10

Class X, Vote 2, Ministry of Food

10

Class VI, Vote 11, Forestry Commission

10

Total

£50

—[ Mr. Glenvil Hall. ]

Agriculture

3.33 p.m.

Much water has flowed under the bridges since we had a Debate on the Estimates of the Ministry of Agriculture. The original object of this Debate was to review the progress that has been made towards the target which was set a year ago for a greater expansion of home produced food. In recent days, a doubt has arisen as to the actual policy of the Government in this connection, and we hope that, if nothing else emerges as a result of this Debate, at least, by the close of this evening's Business, we shall be clear as to the Government's intentions in this matter.

In our view, the Government were very slow to realise the value of increased agricultural production to save dollar exchange. As long ago as January, 1945, a Cabinet Paper was circulated to the Coalition Government, but it was not until two years after that, when Lord Addison, in a Debate in another place, disclosed the contents of that paper, that it was published as a White Paper in the early part of 1947. In that White Paper, it was made perfectly clear that a contribution towards the saving of foreign exchange could only come from a greatly expanded production of livestock products, and that was followed, in February, 1947, by the Economic Survey of that year, giving the Government's policy in this regard. I shall refer to only one paragraph in the Economic Survey, and I should like to quote it to the Committee. Paragraph 107 states:

My first question to the Minister of Agriculture today is whether the programme which was announced on that date still stands. I would refer the right hon. Gentleman to one or two of the main items in that programme concerning the percentage increases between 1946–47 and the target year of 1951–52. By far the biggest proposed increase is in pig meat, and I think that is very right and proper. The increase is 288 per cent, of pig meat between 1946–47 and 1951–52. It is many years since the people of this country enjoyed a good sausage made of real pork.

The sooner we can get back to a good pork sausage the better. Last evening, in a short interval between listening to the Government's reply to the Debate in regard to another matter, an hon. Friend and myself tried to refresh ourselves. We found we had the choice of the alternative dishes of beaver or whale, a very curious diet, I think, for Members of this House and for the country as a whole. I am all in favour of getting back to the pork sausage.

The second biggest increase is in eggs which it is proposed to increase by 195 per cent, between those two periods. Going parallel with pig meat and eggs—and quite rightly so—is a very large intended expansion of the linseed acreage—an expansion of from 31,000 acres in 1946–47 to 400,000 acres in 1951–52–13 times the original acreage. Other commodities follow in a different order, but the whole emphasis is on the expansion of livestock in the agricultural industry.

Let us examine for a moment what progress has been made this year. The June returns are not yet available and will not be available, I understand, until the middle of August. But we have the reply of the Minister in this House on 21st June last when he told us the anticipated increase as compared with last year. In referring to the progress made, we must not forget that there has been a very great fall in arable crops since 1945. I am not going to refer to that matter this afternoon, but it should be in our minds when we consider the progress made during the last 12 months.

The anticipated wheat acreage this harvest is about 200,000 acres more than the 2,100,000 acres last year. With regard to potatoes, the position is roughly the same; there is a slight increase. Root crops are up by 100,000 acres, and linseed by 60,000 acres. Then we get a very remarkable increase—to which I shall refer later—of 60 per cent, in breeding sows and of about 95 per cent., compared with the year before, in under-a-year-old poultry. Nevertheless, it is a fact—and I will refer to these figures in a moment— that the main bottleneck in the programme, which can only be achieved by a very large expansion of livestock, is in the supplies of feedingstuffs. In spite of all the difficulties and shortages with which the industry has had to contend during these past years—shortages of machinery and spare parts, and difficulties in regard to labour—it has played its part and done a magnificent job.

One of our original objects in asking for this Debate was to administer the spur or the whip, whichever one prefers, to the Minister of Agriculture in order to persuade him to give the farmers more material assistance of every kind in achieving their targets. But the whole position has been changed by the Debate which took place in this House last week and by the speech delivered by the Minister of Food. If that speech is to be taken as representing the Government's official policy, then a most serious position has arisen. Before dealing with what was said by the Minister of Food, I would remind the Committee of the various expressions of policy that have been made regarding livestock during the lifetime of the present Parliament.

I have already referred to the Economic Survey for 1947 in which it was made clear that a great expansion of livestock was the policy of the Government. On the last day of the Debate on the economic situation in that year—on 11th March—my right hon. Friend the Member for Saffron Walden (Mr. R. A. Butler) made a plea for some implementation of this policy, and he gave examples of what could be done if more feedingstuffs were obtained. I am certain the Committee will agree with me when I say that had my right hon. Friend's advice been followed at that time we should be in a much better position today.

Never mind, the point is that he then drew the attention of the Government to the shortage of feedingstuffs and that very little progress has been made in securing them, and in securing them at a proper price.

In August, 1947, the Prime Minister, in the same speech to which I have referred, said in regard to feedingstuffs:

I come now to the Economic Survey for 1948. In this document, which was published early this year, we find that the position was not so hopeful as far as feedingstuffs were concerned, but in paragraph 156 of that Survey it is made clear that the present high prices of cereals would have only a temporary, passing effect on the expansion programme, and although there were difficulties, which were pointed out in that document, all the emphasis was on the availability of feedingstuffs rather than on the suggestion that the price factor would restrict imports.

There is one other committee to which I would refer, and that is the Committee of European Economic Co-operation which met in Paris. During its deliberations it estimated our requirements of course grain imports for the cropping year ending 1st July this year as 1,710,000 tons. For the convenience of the Committee, I will explain that the figure is in long tons and has been converted from metric tons as it appears in the document. For the 11 months ending 31st May, we imported only 1,341,000 tons of maize, barley and oats, leaving a balance of 369,000 tons to be imported during June. I very much doubt whether such a quantity was in fact shipped, since the monthly average for the 11 months was only 131,000 tons. It therefore appears to us on this side of the Committee that the Minister of Food has already began to implement his own policy regardless of the undertaking given by the Lord President.

Now I come to what the Minister of Food said during the Debate last week on 12th July, and to the impressions left by his statements in all parts of the community and especially in the rural districts. He said:

The Minister went on and made this very important statement: Government, and is bound to alter their whole policy in regard to imports from overseas. There is no doubt about what the right hon. Gentleman was referring to, because my hon. Friend the Member for Central Aberdeen (Mr. Spence) asked the Minister the following question:

I would refer to the Trade and Navigation Accounts for the four months to 30th April this year. The following figures are taken for the same four months, from 1st January to 30th April. We imported 240,820 tons of beef, mutton and lamb from the countries mentioned by the Minister—Argentina, Australia or New Zealand—and the value of this import was £20,288,000 approximately, or an average of £84 per ton. Therefore, working out a small sum, one sees that it would appear that £1 during this period has bought us about 27 lb. weight of imported meat, and, according to the Minister, a British farmer with £1 of feedingstuffs at prices ruling during those four months could only have produced 9 lb. of English beef.

Assuming for the moment that imported coarse grains are fed to British beef cattle, which they are not—and I will come to that in a minute—according to the best information which I can get, and which I believe to be reliable, 1 lb. of coarse grains fed to beef cattle, together with all the other various foods which go towards their balanced diet, such as turnips, roots, silage, hay, etc., is ultimately converted into ¾ lb. of meat.

Therefore, when the animal is finally fit for the butcher, the 88 lb. of coarse grains should result in the production of approximately 65 lb. of beef, and not 9 lb. as assessed by the Minister of Food. Even allowing for the fact that the ratio of 1 lb coarse grains to ¾ lb. of beef is only an approximation, the Commitee will agree that the final result differs very widely from the Minister's suggested 9 lb.

In fact, according to my figures, the imported feedingstuffs are worth seven times the 9 lb. as suggested by the Minister. In point of fact—and this is where I hope I shall have the co-operation of the Minister of Agriculture—coarse grains would have been used in feeding pigs and poultry, and not beef cattle or sheep at all. I hope the right hon. Gentleman will devote some of his time to explaining to his right hon. Friend details in regard to both the current feedingstuffs rationing system and also how beef cattle are fed, because today the farmer receives no imported cereal rations for beef fattening, even if he wanted to use them for this purpose. I hope that I may have the co-operation of the Minister in that point.

Let us turn away from beef and consider the position of bacon and poultry where, I think, exactly the same applies and where I believe the Minister of Food again to be wrong. In the first four months of this year our total imports of bacon and other pig meat amounted to 69,415 tons at a total cost of £13 million. Of this quantity, 40,745 tons came from Canada, which involved the expenditure of more than £7 million in hard currency. I believe we could have produced the equivalent of our total pig meat imports during this period by feeding 280,000 tons of maize or barley which, at £26 a ton, would have cost just over £7 million—approximately the cost of our Canadian bacon only. These figures are based on 4 lb. of cereal equivalent to 1 lb. of bacon, which I think the Committee will agree is a fair average.

Finally, I return to poultry, where I find the same conclusions. In the same period, again the first four months of this year, we imported nearly 5,000 tons of poultry to the value of £1⅓ million, and 50,000 tons of eggs, which is nearly 70 million dozen eggs, to the value of £10¾ million—a total of about £12 million worth of poultry and eggs. Assuming, as I believe to be a conservative estimate, that an average laying hen will lay 130 eggs in a year—[ Interruption ]—I do not think that is overdoing it; if anything it is an under-estimate—and assuming that that hen consumes 100 lb. of food each year, then 320,000 tons of wheat offals and cereals, at £15 10s. a ton for wheat offals and £26 for cereals, would have cost £6½ million, or a little over a half of the cost of the imported poultry and eggs, and would have produced the same quantity of food.

I have based my argument on the assumption that the feedingstuffs were available. I want to make that clear. It is very important. The Minister made his statement and I base my argument on the assumption that they were available, as my purpose is to convince the Committee and the Minister of Agriculture how utterly fallacious was the statement of the Minister of Food and how it must be right, from every point of view in the national interest, to import feedingstuffs rather than the finished product.

I turn from the Minister of Food. I am sorry if I have to weary the Committee again, but I must refer to his Parliamentary Secretary, because when she wound up the Debate she made a most remarkable statement. She said: of all calves suitable for rearing. Perhaps the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Food does not realise that it takes about three years to raise a calf to a beast fit for the butcher. Unless a start is made now in building up our beef herds there is no hope of this country ever getting back to an adequate and reasonable meat ration.

My right hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Gainsborough (Captain Crookshank) recently referred, in a speech he made in the country, to the fact that we are eating Argentine railways. That is perfectly true. How are we going to pay for our meat next year and in the years after that? I believe the answer is, and must be, to raise more of our own beef at home, to aim at reducing our dependence upon imports of beef and to spend our foreign exchange and dollars upon purchases of feedingstuffs where-ever possible. In connection with this scheme, will the Minister tell us if his organisation is now complete and will he give us a progress report on what has been done during the last 12 months? If my memory serves me right, I believe the scheme is due to come into operation on 1st September, and I think it would interest the Committee to know what progress has been made.

I leave the subject of the imports of feedingstuffs from abroad and turn to the allocation of feedingstuffs in this country. I hope the Minister of Agriculture will confirm that 20 per cent, of wheat and barley from this year's crop may be kept on the farm for the purpose of feeding pigs and poultry. A year ago the statement was made that we would be able to keep this 20 per cent, and then, on 25th March, when the Minister made his statement about animal feedingstuffs, there was a very unpleasant doubt about it. He referred to the allowance, or the possible allowance, of coarse grains in substitution. I very much hope that he will be able to tell the Committee and the country that this has now been successfully negotiated and that farmers will be able to keep 20 per cent, of both their wheat and barley from this year's crop.

I should like to ask the Minister whether he will, in future, look into the point of the small farmers in the districts which are not suitable to the growing of barley or wheat in a big way, but which might be very suitable districts for the rearing of poultry or pigs. I think it would encourage the production of more pigs and more poultry if the small farmers were allowed to grow, say, five acres—I would not be tied to any particular acreage—of barley or wheat and retain the whole of it in order to feed their own pigs and poultry. It may be, too, that the big farmer may not want to consume the whole of his 20 per cent, of wheat and barley as feedingstuffs and, in passing, I ask the Minister what are his plans in that regard—whether the farmer will be able to sell the remainder to his friends and neighbours or whether the balance will have to go to the Ministry of Food.

There is another point, an equally important one I think, although I will not dwell on it for more than a minute, and that is the out-of-date system by which feedingstuffs for pigs and poultry are allocated today. Yesterday, at Question time, the Minister indicated that he would make a statement today on this subject. On this question I will simply say, in passing, that under the present system, as the Committee knows, rations are based on the number of pigs and poultry on the holding in 1939. Now, that is really archaic. I know the difficulties, but surely the Minister ought to tell somebody to go out and make a plan for him, bring it back to him at a certain date, and then see if some more suitable plan than that in use at present cannot be worked out.

This system today operates most unfairly in many cases. The character of many holdings has changed since 1939, and the result is that rations are available for certain farms—on which no pigs or poultry are kept, while newcomers, many of them ex-Service men, to these sections of the industry are denied a start in a very laudable profession, and experienced people are denied the opportunity of expansion. The position could not be more unsatisfactory. I touch upon it only very shortly because of the remark made by the Minister of Agriculture yesterday, that he was to make a statement in the course of the Debate today.

My hon. and right hon. Friends will, no doubt, raise many other points, and I do not think I should detain the Committee too long with an opening speech. However, I should like to say a word on marketing. It is nine months now since the publication of the Lucas Report on Agricultural Marketing and we are still completely ignorant of the views of the Minister on this matter. There was a Debate in March this year in another place, when the spokesman for the Government, the Leader of the House in another place, intimated that the Government were not committed to some of the report's more drastic conclusions; but since then nothing further has been heard.

Since then, also, we have had another report looming in the distance, known as the Williams Report. That deals with the distribution of milk. There again, silence is the order of the day. We should like to know what the Minister's intentions are. Is it true that this report, which, I think, was submitted to the Minister of Food, has been handed over to him to do with as he likes? What is the position? I do not think we expect to hear any conclusions today on this, but we should like to know what the procedure is, and what is likely to happen in dealing with both of these reports.

We on this side of the Committee would like to impress on the Minister most emphatically that he should bear in mind the good work which has been done by the Milk Marketing Board for the last 15 years, and that, whatever the Government policy may be, the Milk Marketing Board should not be prevented from carrying on its various schemes of expansion which, I know, it has in mind.

The horticultural position still remains very obscure. Eighteen months have passed by since the White Paper on the Agriculture Bill was published. The paragraph referring to horticulture, and referring to products listed in the First Schedule, for which guaranteed prices are given, said:

I do not propose to discuss the very important question of the work of the county committees, because I know that many of my hon. Friends who want to take part in this Debate want to speak of the work of the committees. I shall touch on only one aspect of their work, and that is the annual accounting. Up to now the Minister has not seen fit to agree to publish detailed accounts showing the activities of each committee county by county. I would ask him to reconsider this decision, as, surely, nothing but good will come of comparison between counties; for example, the cost of labour services between one county and another, the cost of machinery contracts between one county and another, and, most important of all, the comparative efficiency of farming operations between one county and another. I think the public as a whole, and certainly this Committee, would very much like the Minister to reconsider his decision on this point.

There are many other matters which I could mention, and which I should like to mention, but I shall conclude by once again referring to the final passage of the speech made by the Minister of Food last week; because upon a decision on the philosophy therein contained the whole future of our agricultural industry in this country must depend. In the last words of his speech the Minister of Food, referring to the chief lesson learned by his Department during the last nine months, said:

Not at all; it is being revived by the Labour Government. It was killed by two world wars, by the increasing industrialisation of the New World, and by the abandonment of monoculture and the adoption of mixed farming in those countries in order that the fertility of their soil could be maintained. This Committee cannot be left at the end of this Debate in doubt as to the opinion of the Government in this matter. The agricultural industry has received a great shock by these words, and we pray that during this Debate the Minister of Agriculture will restore its confidence in no uncertain manner by stating categorically whether the policy as expressed by the Minister of Food last week, or that outlined by the Prime Minister, the Lord President and himself, is to be henceforth the policy of the Government.

Before the hon. and gallant Gentleman sits down, may one ask "What about the Conservative Agricultural Charter?" Or is silence the order of the day?

4.18 p.m.

We have heard a good deal of what the Prime Minister said on agricultural policy, and a good deal, too, about what the Minister of Food said. It may interest hon. and right hon. Members opposite to know that the Minister of Agriculture has some little say in this country on agriculture. [HON. MEMBERS: "We hope so."] I think I shall be able to show in the course of my observations not only that the Minister has a say but that his say is not ineffective. I hope in the course of my speech to reply to the many points raised by the hon. and gallant Member for Richmond (Sir T. Dugdale).

It is now 11 months, all but a day, since we launched our expansion programme, and I welcome this opportunity of giving the Committee a broad review of progress and prospects so far as they can be assessed at the moment. I hope I shall be forgiven if I remind hon. Members that the Agriculture Act, 1947, provided a firm foundation on which the industry could build on the lines laid down in the expansion programme, and gave the industry that confidence in the future, without which it would not have tackled its gigantic task in the wholehearted manner in which it has done so. It provided for agriculture a sense of stability never before known in time of peace. It is largely administered by volunteers from the ranks of farmers, farmworkers, and landowners, and they are aiming at a standard of efficiency in good husbandly and estate management such as we have never achieved before.

Thus, it aims at fulfilling the pledges we on this side of the Committee have made to restore the prosperity of an industry, which has suffered 20 years of neglect. Farmers, farmworkers and landowners recognised the Act for what it was—a charter for the industry, of which no imitations, no matter how flattering they may be, were necessary to give the confidence which the industry lacked before. In this confidence, they pledged themselves to the Government to reach, if not to surpass, the target set in that expansion programme. They recognised, however, as we did, that the provisions of the Act were not an end in themselves, but merely a beginning.

I hope that the hon. and gallant Member for Richmond (Sir T. Dugdale), and all those who, from time to time, have jeered and sneered at priorities, will appreciate that we also understood that the Act was not an end but only a beginning, and that it was our duty to make provision so that farmers could go full-speed ahead and establish the industry now, and for as far ahead as one can see, as an integral part of our national economy. I believe that the opportunity has been seized with both hands, and the Government, as the fourth partner in the industry today, have fulfilled their promises to give that aggressive support to the other three partners in carrying out their part of the undertaking.

We promised to do all in our power to provide the means to carry out the programme—the finance, machinery, farm buildings, housing and feedingstuffs. The finance was provided by the new schedule of prices announced on 21st August last year. We revised the system of allocating raw materials to ensure that agriculture got its fair share. When we adjusted the capital investment programme, we gave agriculture priority for farm buildings, for houses and for hostels for the thousands of new workers. Finally, I challenge any suggestion that we have not bought feedingstuffs whenever they were available at reasonable prices.

The result of these initial efforts are becoming apparent because crop acreages have increased and more livestock can be seen everywhere. The number of breeding sows in the last 12 months is up by no less than 60 per cent, and that the head of young poultry in 12 months is up by no less than 95 per cent. I know that all this may be very disturbing to the Opposition with their dark, dismal prophecies which have followed through these past three years. As I understand it, they have lived in that atmosphere so long that they cannot escape from it, and we forgive them for their political morbidity.

To the question of the hon. and gallant Gentleman: "Does the expansion programme stand?" the answer is definitely "Yes," subject, of course, to the availability of feedingstuffs at reasonable prices, which was laid down as a condition on 21st August, 1947. With regard to the interesting calculations which the hon. and gallant Gentleman has just made, concerning the value of importing coarse grains or producing livestock in this country, I am sure that every hon. Member in the Committee must have been interested and to some extent intrigued. I think that there were certain fallacies within the four corners of the argument. I will submit his case to the Minister of Food, and perhaps the answer may come next year on the Supply Day for the Ministry of Food.

I have been asked many times by my hon. Friends and other hon. Members in this House to give consideration to the question of revising the rationing basis for pig and poultry keepers. My reply has always been that I should be very happy to do so if the supply position justified it. I am now able to tell the Committee what we propose to do within the limits of additional supplies of feedingstuffs of which we are reasonably assured. The various suggestions made to us take three forms. The first was that we should get completely away from the rationing scheme based on the number of animals or birds kept in 1939. Secondly, that we should make provision for those who now desire to keep pigs or poultry, but who get no basic rations. Thirdly, that we should issue rations according to the quantities of eggs or pig meat delivered to packing stations, to bacon factories or to slaughter houses.

Unfortunately, we have not found it practicable to depart completely from the present rationing basis. That system was adopted at a time of diminishing supplies, so as to spread the supplies as equitably as possible over all those already in the industry, and, not unnaturally, those who suffered from diminishing supplies looked forward to the day when a reversal of the process would take place when supplies improved. With the additional quantities of feedingstuffs which we expect, there will be little more than enough in the pool for one-fifth of the prewar numbers of pigs and poultry. Most farmers, however—as we hoped that they would in the early days—keep larger numbers than their purchased feedingstuffs would maintain. While we are only providing feedingstuffs for one-fifth of the pigs and poultry on the holdings in 1939, I am pleased to be able to tell the House that we have at this moment roughly four-fifths of the number of poultry which we had in 1939 in the country, and not less than two-fifths of the number of prewar pigs.

This is only achieved by using food of the farmers' own growing, and the ability to do that is variable with the soil, climate and situation of a particular farm. Were we to give rations on the basis of the actual numbers of poultry kept, it would mean increasing the rations on large farms, which, with ample resources, are already keeping large flocks and herds, at the expense of those farmers who before the war kept very large numbers on very small acreages, and upon which they could only grow a very small quantity of the feed required. In those cases, the farmers probably had to reduce their flocks and herds down to one-fith of prewar figures.

I propose, therefore, to continue the present basis for those already registered, but to provide a modest ration for those who wish to keep pigs and poultry, and who would do so if they were assured of a regular supply of feedingstuffs. What we cannot afford, and what would not lie within the national interest or the interests of the men themselves, is to allow rations to occupiers of small areas of land where they can produce little or no food for the pigs or poultry. I fear that the day of the very small, intensive producer of pigs or poultry has gone, and has gone for a long time ahead—that is for those who rely entirely upon the corn merchant.

It has been the principle of our rationing scheme from the very beginning that farmers should be as self-sufficient as possible in feedingstuffs. Full rations have never been provided for our dairy herds or, in fact, for any other livestock; we always supply a proportion of the total needs. That is, we are prepared to allow rations to occupiers of holdings not now drawing rations at approximately half their needs up to a maximum varying with the size of the holding. For example, on a holding up to 50 acres we should provide half rations up to 60 hens, or for one sow and its litters, or for eight pigs kept for fattening; but on a holding of 300 acres the maxima could be increased to 200 hens or four sows and their litters, and the occupier would have to find from his own resources, by growing grain or other fodder crops, the balance of his needs.

The small holding of less than five acres is usually a single grass field. County agricultural executive committees—and on each occasion I refer to county agricultural executive committees I include their counterpart in Scotland—would have to be satisfied, before approving an application from a person with less than five acres, not only that the occupier appreciates that he would have to produce 50 per cent. of his feedingstuffs, but that, in fact, he was able to do so. There are already many who are drawing rations less than will be provided under this new scale, and they will, if they so desire, be able to transfer to the new scheme. When supplies improve further and we can improve the ration generally, the increase will apply equally to those admitted in this new scheme.

In some cases county agricultural executive committees will have discretion to be more generous with their rations—and possibly the hon. and gallant Member had this particular type of case in mind—on small dairy farms, generally not suitable for crop production, where such crops as they can grow are unsuitable for their dairy herds. The National Farmers' Union has drawn attention to that sort of marginal land, in East Lancashire in particular, and has asked for special consideration to be given to it. Committees will be authorised to allow full rations instead of half rations, within the limit of the acreage maximum. But to temper generosity with discretion these allowances will come out of county discretionary reserves, which will be appropriately increased.

The Secretary of State for Scotland and myself are in general sympathy with the suggestion for rations according to deliveries, but there are, of course, grave difficulties to be overcome before that could happen. Again, the chief benefit would go to the larger farmer, since the more feedingstuffs he could grow the higher his production, and the larger quantities he would draw from the rationed feed. My advisory committee, which has gone into this very meticulously and provided one of those plans to which the hon. and gallant Member referred, are satisfied and recommend that when additional supplies are available we can provide a small bonus, in addition to the ordinary rations, based on deliveries over a period. I realise that this method is open to objection, since it relates to the total deliveries regardless of the number of pigs or hens kept on a farm, and I cannot guarantee that it would necessarily mean increased efficiency.

When the Minister says there may be additional deliveries when an extra quantity is grown on the farm, does he mean that a farmer can supply a smallholding keeping pigs?

I do not think I either said or implied anything of the kind. I was referring to bonuses which may be possible when increased supplies are available to us, and which would be given to producers on the basis of deliveries of eggs, bacon or pork. Even if it does not increase efficiency, it should be an encouragement to other producers to send larger supplies to my right hon. Friend the Minister of Food for passing on to the general public. It is a simple scheme, which calls for an absolute minimum of manpower for administration.

The date for the coming into operation of these proposals cannot be precisely determined. County agricultural executive committees will have to ask for applications, receive them and ascertain how many want to transfer from the old scheme to the new, and that is bound to take some little time. If there were too large a number of applications it may be that some slight adjustment would have to be made of the figures I have mentioned. We have in mind for the commencement of the new scheme the date 1st October of this year. The date for the bonus scheme can be determined only when greater supplies of feedingstuffs are available, but I hope that may not be too long.

Is the Minister increasing the amount of the ration for ex-Service men who go in for pig and poultry keeping?

I am not increasing the size of the ration to any categories except those to which I have referred—ex-service, no service or a lot of service. I am providing this new scheme to try to remove what appeared to be a grievance in certain parts of the country.

I feel confident that this broadening of the basis of the rationing scheme and especially allowing growers to retain 20 per cent. of their wheat and barley, will definitely remove a grievance. I am glad to be able to announce, in reply to the hon. and gallant Member, that those who grow wheat can retain 20 per cent. of this year's crop—and that applies also to barley—for feeding to their poultry, pigs or, indeed, other livestock. That completely fulfils the promise made to the agricultural community on 21st August last year.

I was asked what would happen if any grower of wheat did not wish to consume the whole of that 20 per cent, on his farm. Well, that obviously must be sold, with the other 80 per cent., to the Ministry of Food, since it will be required in the ordinary way for human consumption; and I rely upon farmers to do the honourable thing.

I suggest to hon. Members opposite—in particular, perhaps, the hon. Member for Newbury (Mr. Hurd), since he seemed to be especially interested—that in making this concession the Government took a chance, since world wheat supplies are not too good even yet. I earnestly appeal to growers, now that the promise has been fulfilled, that if they do not require for their livestock the whole of the 20 per cent, not to hesitate to sell it with the other 80 per cent. They can in that way reciprocate the Government's assistance. However, where the 20 per cent. is used fairly and reasonably for livestock on the farms we shall have no complaint.

The hon. and gallant Member asked about growers with two acres, and so on, and how they are likely to be affected. At the moment the person with two acres of wheat is able to keep the whole lot, and that will not be changed. Apart from the expansion of pigs and poultry, as far as we can judge, there is a satisfactory improvement in the cattle and sheep population of this country—

Before the Minister passes from that point, which he has made so interestingly, and about which we shall probably have to ask some questions, could he make it quite clear? Do I understand that the 1939 basis now disappears in the case of new people coming in?

The 1939 basis remains as it is. The new scheme, with special allowances, will carry on until increased supplies are available to us. New entrants will be merged, slowly but surely, into the old scheme, bringing everybody on a similar basis.

I was saying that, apart from the expansion of pigs and poultry, as far as we can judge there is a satisfactory improvement in the numbers of the cattle and sheep population, bearing in mind, of course, the disastrous losses we suffered 18 months ago. Also, milk output continues to improve. In April of this year we sold not less than 18 million gallons more than in April last year; and in May of this year we sold not less than 12 million gallons more than in May of last year. Crop production has increased: wheat and other grains by anywhere between 300,000 and 400,000 acres; linseed has trebled; potatoes are an all-time record. That, I think, justifies me in stating that there is absolute confidence in the agricultural industry.

To maintain this tillage acreage at a higher level than pre-war, it is self-evident that we must support an extended livestock population on a smaller area of grassland. Therefore, another phase of our increased livestock campaign is to increase the yield of our grassland, to improve the quality of the herbage and to extend the grazing season—to get good pasturage earlier in the Spring and later in the Autumn. To this end there are many means, such as the liming and manuring of existing swards, and the ploughing and reseeding of others; but our practical men and scientists are agreed that the most important means is the development of ley farming. I think I can say that our grass development campaign and ley farming is progressing as fast as circumstances permit.

There is the problem of wire fencing for fields and steel water pipes for grazing stock, and Members opposite will be disappointed to learn that greater steel allocations have been made and that very large orders have been given to the manufacturers. The problem of grass and clover seeds of best quality is causing some little concern, but that we are dealing with in co-operation with the National Farmers' Union.

We are also increasing production of phosphate fertilisers for next year. Nitrogen causes some difficulties since we share our own production with some of our Colonies. Nevertheless, we hope that next year we shall break all records with nitrogen fertilisers. We have given all the encouragement possible in the campaign for silage, and we are looking for a three-fold increase this year. That does not seem to indicate a lack of confidence. Mechanisation is travelling along gently, but we shall not be satisfied until the collection of green grass and its transport to the silo is mechanised. We are getting a vastly increased output of these tools, but we still need many more, and we are doing our best to get the increased supplies necessary. There is more enthusiasm for silage at this moment than there has ever been in the country before, because farmers, thanks to a good deal of county executive committee education, realise its value as a substitute for scarce proteins which we are now no longer able to import. The three-fold increase this year, followed by further steady increases, is as much as we may expect, if we are to pay proper attention to quality.

It still remains true that the best way of conserving grass is to dry it, but this is not easy. The problem, apart from the technical problems in the actual drying, is the management of the grass field to produce a constant stream of high quality material. Until we have solved some of these problems we must make haste slowly. We have sent experts to Scandinavia and Holland, who are ahead of us in this field, to study the methods there employed, and I think their reports will indicate the way we should travel. Personally, I think there is a future for grass drying, but first of all we must be clear as to getting the right methods.

Although I have mentioned the need for particular types of machines, I must not leave the impression, which hon. Members opposite cultivate in their minds until they nearly make themselves believe it, that there is a general shortage of agricultural machinery in this country. We have heard a lot of sneers and jeers about priorities from the Opposition in this respect, and I hope it may now sink in that the size of the industry, its output and its consumption of steel has doubled during the last two years, and that many types of agricultural machinery are now being produced at 10 times the rate of the last year of the Conservative Government. [HON. MEMBERS: "Which year?"] In 1938, when Members opposite and their leaders were in office with full power, but with little or no knowledge of the needs of agriculture. Certain special types of machines we shall have to continue to import, since they are not made in this country, and we shall import as many as we can, but we are encouraging and stimulating new ventures, many of which show very great promise.

We have reached a stage when we are not only meeting the general needs of the home market, but we are hoping before the end of this year to be getting machinery worth £3 million a month for the home market, and also machinery worth £2 million a month for the export market, thereby making a genuine contribution to our export drive. I should like at this stage to say that we were in some doubt about the capacity of our agricultural engineering industry if we could supply them with more steel. We had the good fortune to invite and secure the services of Sir Allan Gordon Smith, who with his associates travelled around the whole of our agricultural machinery factories. He gave us private reports which were absolutely first-class, satisfying us that the capacity is there, and we have no grave doubts about agricultural machinery in the future.

Will the Minister then tell us why it is we cannot get hay machines? The tractors are there, but it is difficult to get these implements.

My information is that not only tractors but all kinds of implements are coming out at increased rates, and that there is no general shortage throughout the country.

There is then the question of efficient drainage if we are to make the best use of our land. Section 96 of the Agriculture Act provides for a continuation until 1952, or if Parliament so resolves until 1954, of the war-time grants for ditching and under-drainage schemes. On the other hand, improved drainage in the uplands must go side by side with improvements in the lowlands, as the hon. and gallant Member for the Isle of Ely (Major Legge-Bourke) will agree. Work on the main rivers held in suspense during the war is now being resumed. Much of the flooding last Spring illustrated dramatically the importance of drainage in this country, and if all the schemes mooted before the war had been carried out a great deal of the trouble might have been avoided.

We are entertaining more long-term projects for the benefit of food production, and we are prepared to consider well thought out schemes of prevention of local flooding. Such schemes will be considered against the background of the investment programme, but I am satisfied the schemes will not be unduly delayed. We recognise the vital need for long-term works in the Fens, the most important being the flood protection scheme of the Great Ouse Catchment Board. The object of this scheme, which is estimated to cost something like £6½ million, is primarily to relieve from the threat of flooding some 165,000 acres of the most valuable land in the South Level. It has been designed on a comprehensive scale in the light of past experience, and it represents the first major recasting of the fundamental drainage system laid out nearly three centuries ago.

This scheme is of an exceptional character, and the Catchment Board have asked for very exceptional treatment. The Government have given sympathetic consideration to it. The Great Ouse Catchment area covers over two million acres, but contains less than £4 million of rateable value. If such a scheme had to be carried out and the Government paid only what is regarded as their maximum grant of 75 per cent., I am afraid it would impose an insupportable burden on the local authorities and the internal drainage boards, and might well force this land out of cultivation.

Therefore, the Government have decided that an exceptional grant of 90 per cent. of the cost should be paid in respect of this flood protection scheme—and with that announcement I should imagine that the hon. and gallant Member for the Isle of Ely can now put his speech in his pocket. This decision is being conveyed to the Catchment Board in the hope and belief that they will press on with the scheme with all possible speed, but I should make it absolutely clear that this rate of grant is altogether exceptional and is being made to avoid a vast area reverting to swamp. It is land reclamation in reverse. For the other schemes in the Great Ouse area and elsewhere the maximum grant will still be 75 per cent.

Many other schemes have been approved attracting grants of an annual cost of some £1,800,000 this year. If hon. Members opposite want proof of that aggressive support for the land which was referred to by my right hon. Friend the Lord President of the Council, the Government are giving ample proof here in the assistance they are giving to all projects that are likely to help agriculture. We have not lost sight of smaller schemes while dealing with larger schemes. We have passed the River Boards Act, a subcommittee covering drainage law over a wide area is now at work, and a start has already been made on land reclamation. The whole picture is one of intense activity in accordance with the policy of the party which introduced the Land Drainage Act, 1930.

Whatever material help we give to agriculture I believe that, generally speaking, the greatest opportunity to improve efficiency lies in the help, advice and guidance that will come from the county agricultural executive committees, the National Agricultural Advisory Service and the Land Service. I should like to pay a special tribute to the county committees, to their sub-committees and district committees. They did a grand job during the war, and their successors are carrying on the same fine tradition. We are looking to them to administer the 1947 Act, the provisions of which are vitally important, and I deplore, from politicians or anyone else, the attacks made upon the 8,500 people who are willingly giving their services to the State, particularly as they get little or no limelight.

Various questions have been asked of me, which I shall try to answer as I go along. I was asked how much land was in the possession of the county committees. The figure is 350,000 acres. The executive committees are farming, direct, 180,000 acres. All committees have been asked to carry out a review of requisitioned land, and make recommendations to me as to which land should be purchased under Section 85 of the Act and which areas should be derequisitioned. Where we decide not to proceed with purchase we propose, wherever possible, to derequisition as soon as we can.

Would the right hon. Gentleman elaborate the point he made a moment or two ago about attacks on the county committees? Will he suggest what politicians have been attacking them?

The hon. Member could not have been here during our Debate on tillage last night, and he could not have read "The Times" on Monday morning and the many other newspapers in which attacks were made on members of the county committees who, it was said, are supposed to be exercising bureaucratic powers over farmers. I have not read or heard of any Member on these benches making such statements, but I know that these statements have been made by Members opposite from time to time.

Could we get this quite clear? Is not the right hon. Gentleman's recollection the same as mine, that the attacks were not on the members of the committees—if he likes to call them attacks, which they were not? It was said that if these powers got into hands of officials, the officials would become bureaucratic.

I do not think that Members in any part of the House ought to make attacks on something which has not yet happened. Let it happen first. Statements have been made that members of the county executive committees are spending too much time in their offices, and that only members of the paid staffs are visiting farms, which is contrary to war-time practice. That is not in accordance with the facts. I must stand by the county committees. They are doing a fine job, and it ill becomes Members of this House, or anyone else, to attack them.

The hon. and gallant Member for Richmond asked about the publication of accounts. I have little to add to the many replies I have given to Questions. Trade accounts will be prepared for the current and succeeding financial years on a departmental basis, and will show separately the results of the various trading operations as a whole in England and Wales. They will cover all trading activities, such as the supply of labour, machinery operations, drainage and water supply, farming operations and pest control; and they will be published in the annual volume of trading accounts and balance sheets. I do not propose, however, to publish separate accounts showing the trading results of each committee. Such separate figures would not only fail to give a fair picture of the work done by one committee as compared with another, in the absence of very detailed explanations, but, in many cases, might be positively misleading.

Their publication might also have a most unfortunate effect in discouraging committees from carrying out work in the national interest, and their being pilloried inside or outside the House by inadequately informed persons and party politicians. This would deter committees from tackling boldly the tasks that we should wish them to undertake, but which they could not undertake except at some financial loss. It would hamstring the committees and encourage among them a competition in inactivity, which, apparently, is what Members opposite desire.

The National Agricultural Advisory Service is now settling down to its new job. It is, however, under-staffed, and it is not easy to recruit or train the men and women required for important posts. Anyone who saw the Ministry's exhibit at the Royal Show at York must give the Service full marks. I know it has been criticised—what service has not?—but I am satisfied that it will prove invaluable to agriculture. The Agricultural Land Service which has been set up consists mostly of members who are qualified land agents, who are helping to administer Parts II and III of the Act as well as manage land which is placed at the disposal of the Land Commission.

Now I must say a few words about the Agricultural Land Commission, and also the Welsh sub-Commission. I hope to lay before the House in the very near future their first short annual report, which will contain so little that I think it will be beyond the powers of Members opposite to criticise it. So far, 49,000 acres of land have been placed at their disposal for management, of which by far the larger part consists of the Glanllyn Estate, which came over to the Government in lieu of Death Duties. All the land placed at their disposal was subject to existing tenancies, and the Com- mission are farming no land themselves. Three references have been made to them under Section 84 of the Act, namely, the the 50,000 acres of Romney Marsh and two smaller areas in Wales. In addition, arrangements are being made to select suitable areas for the three farm boundary experimental schemes which the Commission are to carry out under Section 87.

The hon. and gallant Member for Richmond asked about marketing and the Lucas Report. I notice that the party opposite have rejected out of hand the proposal for commodity commissions. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear."] That is very surprising to me; I am particularly surprised to hear those cheers, because the party opposite set up the prototype of a Livestock Commission. [HON. MEMBERS: "No."] Yes, a Conservative Government passed the Act of 1937, which called upon the Minister to appoint an independent Commission whose functions were to give approval to livestock markets and to close redundant markets under a livestock markets order. Well, it is still a free country and there is no reason why hon. Members should not change their minds, if they want to. For our part we believe the report needs closer examination than they have given it. The recommendations may not be wholly bad though I do not think they are wholly good. Certainly they raise issues of far-reaching importance and they call for study in relation to problems of procurement, marketing and distribution.

Meanwhile consultations on amendments to the Agricultural Marketing Acts are now taking place. There is nothing to prevent producers from preparing and submitting marketing schemes under those Acts. One such scheme covering the marketing of tomatoes and cucumbers grown in Great Britain has recently been submitted and there is scope for similar schemes dealing with vegetables and fruit. Dissatisfaction has been expressed by every Government and every Opposition over a period of 30 years about what was regarded as inefficient or expensive distribution. But the Opposition maintain their tradition neither to suggest a remedy nor even to diagnose the disease.

I have not attempted to give the Committee a full, detailed report of all the Government have done for agriculture, but I hope I have said sufficient to indicate that we are fast recovering from the disasters of 1947 and that in fact we are forging ahead with our expansion programme. It is characteristic of nature that we had a Winter and Spring as bad as anything in living memory and then a Summer drought followed by weather so mild that farmers were able to get well ahead with their cultivations. Now we are looking forward to yields in excess of the 10 years' average. I hope that hon. Members will bear in mind that if we are lucky with the weather in the next few weeks—there is always a doubt—I anticipate that the output for 1948–49 will reach the peak level of 1943–44 indicating that farmers are well over the first hurdle of the expansion programme. Farmers, farm workers, and landowners deserve full credit for their abiding faith and confidence in the present Labour Government.

5.3 p.m.

I am delighted that the Minister can give such an optimistic report on the progress of the campaign to produce more food. Most hon. Members of the Opposition will perhaps even forgive him for his last phrase which, perhaps, was a slight mistake, as this question of producing more food is not a party question and parties should not be brought into it. I am glad that the Minister has been able to give a lot of encouragement to the Committee by reason of the fact that the programme outlined last year has been carried out.

I came to the Debate with a very open mind about what is going on in the countryside at present. The difficulties in the way of increasing production are very great. It is all very well to brush aside difficulties about getting machinery by saying that 10 times as much is being produced as in 1939. The fact is that, although farmers can get machinery more easily this Summer than last, they cannot get it when they want it. The position is better, but it is by no means ideal.

The same is true of all capital development in farming. The delay in getting approval for new cottages is a case in point. I know of people who have given up the unequal struggle in disgust, although they were prepared to build cottages. After a year's worry and bother about it, they have written it off. The same is true of improved water supplies and all other developments needed if the programme is to be carried out as success- fully as it should be. One gets discouraged by such reports, yet if the figures and facts the Minister has given today are correct, in spite of those difficulties, the agricultural community is making great progress with the programme which is to be fulfilled in 1951. I do not believe it is an impossible programme. I believe it could be exceeded—over-fulfilled I think is the word used in one country. It could be considerably exceeded.

I am very much impressed by the danger of a real shortage of food in this country. At present we are living only on the good will of America. Decisions might be taken there which would put us in a very dangerous position. The Government were absolutely right a year ago to give the highest priority to agriculture. Whether that policy has been really carried out with as much energy as it might have been I am doubtful, but the original decision was right. The Minister worried me a little by his remark that the programme was conditioned only by one thing, the availability of imported feedingstuffs. We have some control, but not a great deal, over that. The Minister of Food has been quoted a great deal today, and I will point out another thing he said, that the difficulty about obtaining feedingstuffs now is becoming one of dollar shortage and not of supply. That makes the supply of imported feedingstuffs all the more uncertain.

I am encouraged to deal with rather technical questions by the hon. and gallant Member for Richmond (Sir T. Dugdale) who made an interesting but highly technical speech about the use of imported feedingstuffs. I believe there exists a knowledge of how to build up a really prosperous British agriculture with a minimum of imported feedingstuffs. If I may make one criticism of the Ministry of Agriculture it is that these possibilities are not sufficiently brought to the attention of Parliament. The Minister spoke on the silage campaign. That is one part of the process, but there are individual farms in this country entirely dependent on home-grown grass for the maintenance of a very large number of stock per acre, quite as much as the arable farm can support. They can supply milk and livestock products developed entirely from grass. That may be done by means of silage, or dried grass, but it can be done. Of course such farms are only a very small minority in the country as a whole.

It is about grass that I wish to speak particularly today. This subject should not be politically contentious, but it is very important. It is not the first time that I have spoken about grass. I tried at the beginning of the war to get the Ministry to believe that improvement of grass was comparable in importance to increasing our arable acreage. Later on, on the Hill Farming Bill, I was preaching the same gospel. I do not claim much credit for myself, but I think that the advisers of the Minister are now taking that view more and more. Grass varies very much. The layman thinks of grass as that which grows in any green field, but some grass is capable of producing more protein than any other crop which can be grown on the farm, with perhaps one exception. Grass can also be worth so little as to be almost valueless.

"Grass" is therefore not a good word to use. The best grass can produce some of the finest foodstuffs of which the world is short, but just as there is many a slip between the cup and the lip, so there is many a slip between the protein grown in the field of grass and the milk, beef or mutton which is finally marketed. I do not want to labour this point too much, but I notice that the beef target in the programme announced last year is only 10 per cent, above the pre-war production of beef. I believe there are possibilities in this country of a very much greater increase than that.

One-third of the land of this country is still returned as rough grazing, although the technical knowledge exists by which that land could be made to grow very nearly a beast per acre. A well-known agricultural correspondent, who does not lend himself to wild statements, said, writing recently, that if the same policy were carried out in Montgomeryshire alone it was possible that 50,000 additional head of stock cattle could be carried. Technical experts in the northern provinces from which I come claim that it is possible to produce in the four northern counties as much beef as we now purchase from the Argentine. That cannot be done, of course, without very great capital investment. The easier way is to put our energy and planning into increas- ing arable crops, but I believe that, from the long-term point of view, there is no better investment than capital investment in improving our marginal and semi-hill land. We have to think in terms of a long-continued shortage of meat in the world.

There is nothing to encourage and assist that type of land at the present time. The Hill Farming Act caters for the high hill farm which is an even slower process of improvement. Despite the assistance afforded by various Government schemes, a large proportion of it goes to the better land. There is no special subsidy to help the marginal farms. Whether there is assistance available or not does not really interfere with the case I am making, which is that by better farming and technical improvements it may be possible to increase the yield of the eastern counties. On the marginal upland land, we can get a fine increase for a not unreasonable capital expenditure. I do not think it is possible to get a large additional supply of protein in the form of vegetables or meat anywhere in the world without a very large capital expenditure. The Overseas Corporation are spending £150 million and we all hope that the expenditure will produce a considerable amount of protein and of cereal products as well.

If the world supply of meat is to be improved, whether it is to come from Australia, New Zealand or this country, an increased output will not be reached without capital development. We can increase our arable land very cheaply by ploughing up, but for the improvement of grassland we have to do a very great deal. We have to drain, fence, lay on water supplies, and provide buildings and houses for people. All those things can be done. Great progress has been made in Scotland and in the north of England in mechanising drainage. The best known man in this direction, Mr. Cuthbertson, is somewhat held up by non-availability of tractors. If he can get what he needs he can reduce the cost of open drainage by half.

If we are to go in for a very large programme on the sides of the hills, cattle will have to be bred. It has been done on a commercial basis by hard-headed farmers in Cumberland and on quite a large scale in Scotland in various places, which I have already mentioned. I should like to persuade the Minister that as part of his programme of development he should gather into a symposium of ideas all these methods showing how marginal land can contribute. He should call his experts together and really try to settle how it can be done, first of all technically. I believe that the technical problem is not the most difficult and that it is solvable. The difficult problem is whether, with our restriction in the investment of capital, we can find sufficient resources to carry out the capital improvements.

Secondly, the great difficulty that I see is the human one of how to set about solving the problem. I should like to see the Government take over some land and demonstrate what can be done, so that farmers could see it. I do not suggest that the Government should try to do the whole job. That must be done by the existing owners and farmers. I believe that if the farmers are appealed to and if it is made clear, as it is not at present, to them that such improvements could make a very great contribution, a contribution which is desired by the Government, results could be obtained. It is a matter of co-ordinating a lot of services. There are diseases of animals on these hills, and they must be considered. Nobody can really put the whole problem together with the answers as far as they are known without the Minister and the Ministry giving the lead. If I as a farmer want to know what can be done, I find that I have to search through many different publications. I have to go to many different experts.

I am not quite clear that the Government really want it done. I am not quite sure that they want resources in tractors, manpower and fertilisers used in that way. I find that the county committees give it a sort of general blessing, but there is no real urge or determination to get on and bring this land into its fullest capacity to produce. We have done more in this country than any other country to make the knowledge of what can be done available, but I have a notion that the Scandinavians have done more to carry it out and that we could learn a great deal from the Scandinavian countries.

I put it to the Minister as a long-term policy—not such a very long-term policy either—that these very large areas on the western side of England chiefly and in the north could give a larger contribution to the increased food supply of this country, that that contribution would be independent of imported feedingstuffs, that it would be a contribution of the foods most needed—the most expensive dollar foods, meat and livestock products—and that if he would really appeal to the hill farmers of this country they could in the end make a greater increase in contribution to our food supplies than can be found from any other method of developing agriculture.

5.23 p.m.

I should like to follow the hon. Member for North Cumberland (Mr. W. Roberts) into the realms of hill farming in which I am rather interested, but I hope he will forgive me if I do not do so too deeply. I feel quite sure that there is a great deal which can be done in the north country and over the Border to produce more food for the people of this country and at the same time save dollars. I believe in that respect that it is essential to do all that is possible to help hill drainage. At the present time it is uneconomical unless it is done by mechanical methods. I commend to the Minister a machine which has been on show at several of the great shows recently known as the Cuthbertson hill drainage machine, which is worthy of his consideration.

I take part in this Debate as one who is personally interested as a farmer and in land ownership and management. After the very full and excellent speech of my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Richmond (Sir T. Dugdale) I do not intend to follow him on all the points but merely to emphasise some of the more topical details and perhaps to bring forward one or two points which have so far not been mentioned.

The Minister referred to various shortages and emphasised the importance of the ley system to increase our production all round. As he probably knows, that was started mainly at the instance of Professor Stapleden and was taken up in the West Country, my part of the world, fairly fully. I entirely agree with what he said, but I would emphasise to him particularly that we cannot practise a ley system unless we have adequate wire fences—although I personally dislike them—in order to enclose various leys, and that there is a very grave shortage of ordinary fencing wire at the present time. I hope the Minister will do his best to impress on the Minister of Supply the need in that direction.

The Minister also referred to grass drying. Hon. Members on both sides of the House have talked about this rather more in recent times than before. I thoroughly agree that there is an important future in grass drying in this country, but as one who originally had a grass drier in 1935—it still goes—I would like to utter a word of warning. It is not quite as easy as all that, and with the very vast increase in the cost of the initial machine—about four and a-half times what it used to be—I hope no one will go at it too bald headedly without fully considering the economics of the situation.

I should like to add my congratulations to those in the mechanical trades for the increasing excellence of the various gadgets and machines which have been shown at the great shows like the Royal Show and the Royal Counties Show in recent weeks. I am sure that the agricultural industry appreciates what is being done by the inventors and mechanics and all those who are working on these machines to assist farm production as a whole in years to come. Although we have been told by the Minister that increased supplies of steel are to be made available, it must be very disheartening for all those people on the stands who have to tell the farmer inquirer that it is practically impossible to get any of these machines for the next two or three years in some instances. That is particularly the case with the tracked tractors, which are important.

The Minister also referred to drainage, and here I would also give a word of warning. In the light chalk lands of the south-west no doubt there is a considerable amount to be done as yet in regard to drainage, but I would also remind the Minister that in the prolonged droughts which we have had in the last two years water supplies and the main sources underneath the chalk have been very severely strained. I hope that in any drainage the Minister goes in for he will not exhaust the main sources at the bottom of the water levels which are so important to our supply position in the future. On the question of water supplies for farms as a whole, the Government schemes, if they were obtainable, would certainly be quite useful. I should like to quote a letter from a land agent friend of mine which illustrates the difficulty of any person who attempts to improve water supples, which is necessary if the output of the land is to be stepped up. He says:

On the subject of feedingstuffs, I would like to emphasise what my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Richmond has said, that it is really the crux of the whole of our future production in this country. I know the Minister will do all he can, and I ask him to see to it that that is put right at the earliest moment, no matter what the difficulties may be. I was not quite clear about the answer the Minister gave to my hon. and gallant Friend on the subject of the ex-Service man going into a smallholding. I would like to see that in writing before I comment adequately, but I hope that the man who has perhaps come out of the Services after many years there, will be given every opportunity to set up on a small place with the necessary food for his pigs or chickens. Many of the letters which come to me, and go on to the Minister, reveal extreme hardship and it is important that those men, even though they may in some cases have less than five acres, should be encouraged to go into farming and to follow the line they wish.

One word on a question which has not yet been ventilated this afternoon, rural housing. If the agricultural workers are to be maintained on the land, and if others are to be encouraged to go into farming, they must be adequately housed. This, I know, comes under the Ministry of Health but I hope the Joint Parliamentary Secretary will do all he can to emphasise to the Minister of Health the need for housing adequately the workers in the rural areas. There is a growing tendency to use gang labour. That was inevitable during the war years, and it will be necessary as long as we do not have adequate houses in the countryside to keep men employed all the year round. There is no doubt, however, that men who can be maintained permanently on the land are much happier, and full-time service to agriculture is much more satisfactory to both the farm worker and the farmer than quantities of casual labour for a short time. Though I appreciate that is necessary at present to deal with our problems and with a heavy harvest in prospect.

On the subject of the agricultural worker, I would like to make one point on his ration. The agricultural worker, the farmer and the smallholder produce those rations from the farm and they see them going off the farm. I ask the Joint Parliamentary Secretary to keep in mind those extra meat rations which are given to other men, particularly in the mining industry.

The question of forestry has not been brought into this Debate, but I believe all hon. Members will agree that there is much to be discussed on that subject in the months and years to come. I hope the Minister will find time at a later date to give us a day on which we can discuss forestry, which is of considerable interest to many people at present.

I turn now briefly to the subject of the executive committees and the National Advisory Service, already touched upon by the Minister and by my hon. and gallant Friend. The Minister accused hon. Members on this side of saying that members of the executive committees were bureaucratic. Many members of those committees are friends of mine and of other hon. Members, but nevertheless the set-up—and I have not the slightest compunction in saying so—tends towards bureaucracy. I appreciate that some hon. Members opposite rather like that, but I do not, and I think hon. Members on this side will agree with me in that respect. The National Advisory Service can and will do much to help the farmer to help himself and, at the same time, increase our agricultural production, but the Service is much more likely to have the good will of the farmer if it is divorced entirely from the executive committee and the executive committee man. There must inevitably be a feeling of slight suspicion if an adviser is, in part, a policeman. I hope it will be possible, therefore, to have a dividing line between the complete adviser and the executive committee and their staff doing any policing which has to be done—I hope there will be very little to be done.

I hope the Minister will provide incentives to the farming industry, and I am quite sure that those in the industry will, in their turn, do all they can to help produce food for this country in its time of need. Finally, I am not competent to know how much linseed for oil is wanted by the Government at present. From a casual look, the linseed oil crops all over the country are not too good. It may be the wet weather that has been prone to produce weeds, but they certaintly do not look too good, and I suggest that if the Minister wishes to produce oil linseed in quantities another year he will have to give farmers a slightly better "carrot" than at present is provided.

5.39 p.m.

In opening this Debate the hon. and gallant Member for Richmond (Sir T. Dugdale) referred to the statement made by the Minister of Food that it was much cheaper to import the finished meat than the coarse grain. What, in effect, the hon. Baronet said to us was that one lb. of bacon can be grown on 4 lbs. of cereal; 4 lbs. of cereals cost less than 1 lb. of bacon; therefore, it pays to import the cereal and not the bacon. That, frankly, is a ludicrous proposition. It completely ignores all the other costs of producing the pig. If we are to make the comparison between home-grown and imported bacon, we must first cost the pig. In doing that, so much will be the costs of labour, rent, capital services and the other forms of food. Only a proportion of the pig can be ascribed to imported grain, and it is that proportion of the pig which must be compared with the cost of imported bacon.

May I ask the hon. and learned Member whether wages or any other of the charges he mentions are paid in dollars or hard currency?

No. What we are doing is comparing what the dollars produce if they are spent on bacon or on coarse grain. Therefore, we must see what our coarse grain is converted into. It is converted into, not the whole pig, but only that proportion of the pig which bears the same relation as the cost of imported grain bears to the total cost of the pig. The imported grain is converted into a proportion of the pig, and that proportion must be compared with the bacon prices. I have no doubt that it is upon a similar basis of reasonable cost accountancy that the comparative figures given by the Ministry of Food are worked out.

As farmers we make ourselves ridiculous if we challenge the Ministry of Food upon the quite "phoney" sort of argument which was produced in opening this Debate. I am not saying that the figures of the Ministry of Food cannot be challenged. They can be challenged because, as was pointed out, they do not bring in the manurial values. They can be challenged far more effectively for the reason that, by importing food, we are enabled to give a balanced diet. It enables us to utilise a lot of other foods which we have that would otherwise be wasted or misused. By bringing in a certain amount of grain, we can use a lot of refuse food for pigs which we would not otherwise use. By bringing in a certain amount of protein, we are getting a far better conversion value from our grain crops of carbohydrates which we feed to our milking cattle. The case to be made against the Ministry of Food figures is that the imported grain enables us to utilise home-grown foods which are otherwise wasted or not fully used. We should argue against the Ministry of Food proposition upon those reasonable lines and not by the quite "phoney" costings which were produced in the opening of the Debate.

There is one other matter to which I want to refer. The amounts in the Estimates which are devoted to the cost of improving our breeds of cattle are ludicrously small. That is because the Minister does not have a cattle-breeding policy. Therefore, he has nothing on which to spend the money. Ever since I have been in Parliament, I have been urging, as have other hon. Members, that the Ministry should produce for themselves a cattle-breeding policy, and I really hope that by the time we discuss the Estimates next year, they will have done so. They have not got one yet, and they have not had one for years.

5.45 p.m.

I am dubious about following the hon. and learned Member for Northampton (Mr. Paget) into the costing of pigs because I should make the Committee extremely confused. As I listened to him, I was not quite sure whether he was in favour of importing bacon and pork or feedingstuffs. As a Member who represents an agricultural constituency, I am convinced that we should produce the bacon and pork here, if for no other reason because the quality is very much better.

Regarding the suggestion by the hon. and learned Member that the Government should spend more money on the breeding of cattle, I agree with him that it would be a wise thing to do, but I wonder whether it is a luxury which we cannot afford for long. For the past three years we have been living on borrowed money and one shudders to think what will happen when Marshall Aid runs out and our reserves are exhausted. During this period it has become quite obvious that the production of food in this country has declined. The Government have produced a galaxy of laws, plans and targets, but production cannot be increased unless the prices are right. At present the farmer's receipts are not higher than his costs. Unless they are, and he can make a profit, there will not be any increase in production; no matter how many targets or plans are made, they become completely valueless.

This fall in the profits of the farmer is leading to a loss of confidence all round. The average farmer today is once more thinking how he can reduce the expenses of his farm, not how he can increase production. If we are to get increased production we must, amongst other things, attract a large amount of capital to the land, not only for drainage but to improve maintenance and provide new and modern buildings. The farmer, constantly seeing his profits falling, is unwilling to sink more money into the land. The landlord realises that at today's prices a farmer cannot pay a bigger rent and he is loath to invest money in land from which he is unlikely to get an economic return. Costs of building material have gone up three or four times during the last ten years, yet rents are within a shilling or two an acre of what they were in 1870. They have gone up hardly at all in the last few years. To illustrate the lack of confidence in agriculture, one constantly reads of landlords, both large and small, selling their land. They realise that owning land today is a luxury they cannot afford.

For the most part the men who buy the land are industrialists with some other purpose than the production of food. In many cases farmers are induced to buy their farms at a price which does not give vacant possession. In the near future many of them may regret what they have done. The costs not only of building, but of everything else, have gone up. A man who owns about six small farms in Devonshire had his buildings re-valued for insurance and was shocked to find that the gross rent showed a return of less than 2 per cent, on the replacement value of those buildings for insurance. Therefore, the first essential if we are to get increased production is to get prices more in level with costs of production.

I have been trying to explain for the last five minutes that everything is the matter with them. To get back to the targets, the Minister hopes by 1951 that food production in this country will be increased by £100 million. I feel that the Government, which the Minister calls the fourth partner in the industry, should afford more help to the farmers. There are various shortages. In Devonshire the shortage of machinery is less acute than it was, but feedingstuffs are still very difficult. I do not know whether the improvement in the machinery can be traced to the fact that the steel industry is still in private hands, and the scarcity of labour and feedingstuffs to the fact that we are dependent upon Government planning for houses for our workers and bulk buying to procure our feedingstuffs, but that is the position.

The Minister constantly threatens the inefficient farmer and landowner with dire penalties. I suggest that he look into the efficiency of his own staffs. They are there primarily to help the farmer to produce more food, and the yardstick of their efficiency must be the services they can give to the farmer. Any farmer one talks to is sick and tired of the irksome restrictions which he has to put up with. He is fed up with the great number of forms which have to be filled in, and he despairs of ever getting his letters answered.

A smallholder in my constituency has a small herd of T.T. Guernsey cattle, and he was telling me at the week-end of his experiences with various Ministries. Last month he tried to get extra feedingstuffs for his cattle. He got a form, which stated that, provided his yield of milk was two gallons per cow per day, he was entitled to extra rations. The yield, according to the official milk recorder, was rather more than two gallons per cow per day. He filled in the form and sent it to the correct authority. He was surprised to get it back with the allowance disallowed. He protested, and then it was pointed out to him that his sales did not average two gallons per cow per day. He pointed out that the difference in yield and sale was due to the fact that milk was supplied to his own household, and also to the fact that he liberally supplied his workers and their families with milk to compensate them for their meagre and inadequate rations.

Despite this rather petty incident of which the hon. Member has told us—

—will he not agree that, on the whole, the farmers feel more secure than ever they did in their history?

I do not agree that this is a petty incident, because if a cow is not milked regularly 14 times a week, and if it is kept waiting five weeks for its food, it will not give milk. It is essential that cows should have regular attention.

This smallholder had a very good crop of early potatoes and he wanted to get them lifted early in order to put in kale and swedes. He applied to the merchants to buy his potatoes. They replied that they could not do so because there was a glut due to potato rationing and mismanagement. He then found that local shopkeepers would welcome the opportunity of buying his potatoes. He applied to the Ministry for permission, and it took a month to get it. He got permission on 14th July, a week ago. Meanwhile, if he were going to grow a crop of swedes or kale he would have to plant them by mid-summer. When farmers are concerned all the time with these petty annoyances and are losing money, they cannot be expected to produce the maximum quantity of food. Enterprise cannot flourish if all the time it is hampered by restrictions.

If the Minister is really in earnest in his desire that we should attain the target he has set us, he should overhaul all rules and regulations and see to it that only those which are essential are left. They should be issued in a simple and compact form which everybody understands. The right hon. Gentleman has a golden opportunity to restore agriculture to its rightful place. I beg him to seize it; unless he does, after his term of office our countryside may well be described by Goldsmith's famous lines adapted to read:

5.58 p.m.

I, like the hon. Member for South Molton (Mr. Lambert), was somewhat worried about the remarks of the hon. and learned Member for Northampton (Mr. Paget), because I could not make out what he was trying to say when he was arguing about the figures put up by my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Richmond (Sir T. Dugdale). At the end he did come down on my side, and I hope to discuss that question a little later. In the meantime, I should like to refer to the Minister's very full explanatory speech. I was very pleased to hear that, at long last, he is revising the 1939 basis for feedingstuffs and is adding to it. I was very sorry indeed—if I am wrong I hope the Parliamentary Secretary will correct me—to hear that no special arrangements or help are to be given to disabled ex-Service men.

The hon. Member will be aware that disabled ex-Service men for whom poultry-keeping or farming of that kind is most suitable under present regulations, get a ration of feedingstuffs.

What I was hoping to get, and no doubt I shall be supported by the hon. Member for Taunton (Mr. Collins) in this, was some increase, because the hon. Gentleman will realise from cases in his constituency that what is now allowed is quite insufficient to enable a disabled ex-Service man to make a living. It is no good to him if it does not do that. I hope the matter will be reconsidered. I was not quite sure about the date when this scheme is to come into effect, but I hope that from this moment it will be made known, so that people who are interested will be able to apply and the written work of the scheme will be able to start at once. I, personally, should have liked to have seen this scheme introduced earlier, even though the feedingstuffs were not available to put it into effect, so that the tiresome office work which is involved in a scheme of this sort could have been completed. I should like to remind the Committee of a remark made during his speech in the Food Debate by the Parliamentary Leader of the Liberal Party, who is not in his place. In referring to the Food and Agriculture Report, he said: I say quite sincerely has made us all extremely anxious and which simply cannot be laughed off in the way the Minister sought to do. We must have further assurances that we are not returning to a sort of bogus Manchester policy at this time of day.

To return to the speech of the hon. and learned Member for Northampton, he is in agreement with me that the comparison of prices which the Minister of Food gave in equating the value of feedingstuffs with the value of animal protein is completely wrong as it leaves out all the by-products, particularly manure, which is so vitally important for the production of the very things which hon. Members want, in other words, more grain. Farming differs in every part of England, and that is most noticeable when listening to the speeches of hon. Members when we are debating agricultural subjects. In my constituency there are many farmers who keep and winter beasts, solely to tread straw and create manure for the fertility of the land, which we all wish to preserve. We heard last night that our hard-pressed land is to be pressed even harder in the future. I believe it to be most important that we should keep up our livestock to the absolute maximum. We really must get away from the ideas expressed by the Minister of Food.

I would emphasise a point which was touched upon by the Minister in his speech, that is, the importance of high protein feedingstuffs at a time like this. In my constituency we are having a bad bean crop. I believe that in the rest of England it is a little better than it has been in the past. As hon. Members know, beans are probably the chief local protein food which we can get. I would particularly draw the Committee's attention to the importance of food with high protein content for young beasts. It does not matter so much when an animal gets older, but during the early part of its life it must have a balanced feed. That is why high protein foods are so valuable. I would impress upon the Minister—and I know that he has often been asked this before—to realise that it is not enough just to get in more feedingstuffs. If he really wants to help the livestock industry, he must try to get in more high protein food.

I turn to a matter which is becoming ever more acute in the agricultural industry, that is, the lack of highly skilled workers. The target figure which the Ministry set themselves was 37,000. Speaking from memory, I think that only 9,000 extra workers were secured. That is very sad and we all deplore it very much indeed. The situation has been aggravated to some extent by the Minister's handling of the whole problem of German workers and European volunteer workers. I have never quite been able to understand why the figure of 16,000 was fixed. I cannot understand why, if a German worker was acceptable, had a good character and was known to be a good worker, and wanted to stay, he should not have been allowed to do so. There were many good men who knew their farms, who had worked on the same farms for some time, and anyone in this Committee who knows anything about agriculture knows how important it is for an agricultural worker to know his farm. It is worth an enormous amount to the land and to the farmer. I would like to know whether it would not be possible, even at this late hour, to let those men who can be vouched for, who are good men at their jobs, who have good characters and are desired in this country, and who have gone to Germany and want to come back to this country, to do so.

Turning from the German workers to the European volunteer workers, I read a most astonishing article, as I expect other Members did, in the "Daily Mirror" yesterday. I read in great big headlines, far bigger than those dealing with the news from Berlin, even bigger than those dealing with the Australians versus Middlesex, the following:

"The Great D.P. Riddle. Thousands Here for Farm Jobs Vanish

By Ewart Brookes.

One out of every three European displaced persons admitted to this country for land work in the last 18 months cannot be traced."

There followed a very well-reasoned, very factual article on this subject, and I will not waste the time of the Committee by going further into the matter. I wish to ask the Minister, in his reply, to tell the Committee whether this is true, and if so what has happened to the E.V.Ws. If it is not true, will he please contradict it at once, as this sort of thing obviously does a great deal of harm and destroys confidence at a time when it is greatly needed.

Of course, the real reason for the shortage of skilled workers, as the hon. Member for South Molton (Mr. Lambert) stressed, is undoubtedly the shortage of housing and water. I think that the Minister of Health and the hon. Member for Northern Norfolk (Mr. Gooch), who is President of the National Union of Agricultural Workers, have done a great disservice to all who work in the countryside by their opposition to the reinstitution of the Housing (Rural Workers) Act. I am very glad that one of their noble Friends in another place, Lord Quibell, who carries in Lincolnshire far more weight than either of those two gentlemen to whom I have referred, spoke in another place on 20th November, 1946, in no uncertain terms—and he can speak pretty straightly—about the importance of bringing that Act into being again. I am certain that it is quite wrong to introduce party politics in this matter, and that it would assist agriculture and agricultural workers very greatly if that Act were reinstituted.

I wish to touch upon the question of the supply of water for agriculture. In the constituency which I represent and in which I live, there are miles and miles of some of the most fertile country in England where there is no water except rain water. It is reclaimed land and there is no water underneath. In cases like that, only great schemes can water those highly fertile lands. We have had held up to us promises of these schemes to bring water for agricultural and domestic purposes and we are sick and tired of waiting for those schemes. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh."] I receive letters by almost every post emphasising the importance of this. It is no excuse whatever, as hon. Members opposite will probably tell me, that it ought to have been done before. It ought to be done now, and if we had a Conservative Government in power, it would have been done by now.

I make two suggestions to the Minister. The first is about M.A.F. buildings. Owing to his personal courtesy, I and other hon. Members of the Committee spent a most interesting day visiting the various factories where they are being assembled and distributed. I was extremely interested and considered it to be a good example of co-operation between public and private enterprise. From the short inspection we were afforded, it appeared to me to be a good job. I obtained as much information as I could about these buildings and during the weekend I tackled various farmer friends and asked them their opinion. The answer was usually something like this, "We do not know anything about them yet. We have heard a sort of rumour that they are far too expensive." The "buzz" had got round that they were too expensive.

I am not arguing whether they are or not but the answer is that these farmers should have an opportunity of seeing these buildings. I do not necessarily mean the things themselves but models and photographs, and I would suggest that the right hon. Gentleman should consider getting in touch with his county argicultural committees, as this is the season of agricultural shows, small ones as well as large ones, and that he should ask the committees to set up tents and explain to the farmers just what it is all about. Farmers should be given a detailed exposition of their advantages and disadvantages. I particularly ask the right hon. Gentleman to do that because otherwise farmers who live near the great centres, on the edge of towns, and also rich farmers who have cars, will be at a great advantage, whereas other farmers, whose need is just as great, but who are set away in lonely areas and do not have much chance of hearing about these things, will not have an opportunity of learning for themselves.

There is one great source of agricultural wealth in this country on which the Minister should always keep his eye. That is the reclamation of land round the coast. We hear a great deal about the sea biting away the land of England. In the next Session we hope to have a Bill dealing with coast protection. We do not, however, hear so much about the land which the sea is giving up. It is almost in direct proportion to the amount of land it is taking away. I hope that the Minister will look round the country and see where it is possible to assist in reclaiming land and getting it under cultivation. I draw attention to one example of what has been and can be done by private enterprise. In my constituency we have, in Wainfleet Marsh, reclaimed 1,400 acres of land which in two years will probably be the best agricultural land in this country.

That has not been done cheaply. Let nobody think that that sort of thing is something for nothing, because it is not. The cost has been almost, I guess exactly the same as the current price of the very good land in that part of the world. There is very little in it. But nevertheless it has been reclaimed and the land is now nearly ready to play its part in solving the problem which we have to face. It gives me great pleasure to conclude my speech by paying that small tribute in this place to the men who have achieved that.

6.16 p.m.

I am a little uncertain whether the remarks which I shall venture to address to the Committee this evening are really in the nature of a maiden speech or not, as, having regard to a former term which I served in this place, I am here upon a second conviction. I think it would be safer to regard them rather as the "old maidly" utterances of someone who has been here before than as the maiden speech of someone who has not. The hon. and gallant Member for Horncastle (Commander Maitland) hoped that we should not be returning to the economics of Manchester. I do not think we shall and may I add that I do not think it likely that we shall return to those of Birmingham either. Rather, we are in the midst of the economics of the new Jerusalem, which seems to be suiting us very well indeed.

It was a matter of considerable interest to me to find speeches this afternoon from both benches of the Liberal Party: from the real Liberal Party, so constructive and so wise: and a jeremiad from the other. I should like to follow a long way with the constructive speech of the hon. Member for North Cumberland (Mr. W. Roberts). It seems to me that he put his finger on the most important thing on which he could put it with regard to agriculture in this country when he mentioned the one word "grass." I do not see how any greater increase in the productivity of this country can be achieved, either ultimately or quickly, than by the full development of our grass resources.

Compare the position of this country, with regard to grass, with that of many other countries, Egypt for example, where grass is so hard to produce. There a tiny piece, no bigger than a prayer carpet, would hold a place of honour in the garden of the most wealthy. It would be carefully tended, and almost adored. Here, if we leave the land and pay no attention whatever to it, we get some sort of grass. It may not be the kind we want, but it is some sort. My point is that if we put all our resources and research into the proper attention which grass requires it would be the wealth of Croesus which we could enjoy as a result.

I congratulate the Minister on the results which have been attained so far from the drive for the increased production of silage. Farmers in these islands have been spoon fed in the matter of feedingstuffs, though I do not say in regard to anything else. I do not know precisely what the causes may have been for that, and they do not much matter now. I must confess to very much more than a sneaking regard for one aspect of the Nazi regime in Germany. It is said that a Minister of Agriculture there had an immense notice on the wall of his office to the effect that anybody who did not grow on his own land all the food he required for his own stock could not call himself a farmer. It may very well be that he was bending a profound truth to a means which was utterly vile, but I submit we should be wise to recognise the profundity of that truth and turn it to our needs which are excellent and humane.

We hear from time to time—indeed, we heard this afternoon—echoes of the old cry from the bad old days when the farmers were led to believe that indefinitely they could have any amount of feedingstuffs from outside. In this Committee we heard the echo of that cry, "We want more feedingstuffs." Whenever that cry arises in the country it is amplified and magnified out of all recognition by hon. Gentlemen opposite. I submit that they would be far better employed if they lent their not inconsiderable energies and influence to the task of seeing that in this country every farmer produces for himself the feedingstuffs he needs.

I was delighted with the announcement made by my right hon. Friend that he intended to produce a scheme for the keepers of certain livestock which would depend to a large extent upon the amount of feedingstuffs which they were willing and able to produce themselves. I congratulate the Minister and the Ministry most sincerely on the result of their silage drive, and I hope that we have by no means seen the end of it. Surely, we are losing too high a proportion altogether of the protein value in our grass by continuing to allow it to be made into hay. I hope that this season will bring further converts to the idea of making silage. I know that there are farmers who think that the manufacture of silage is either too expensive in labour or too complicated in process. Some say that it stinks. All sorts of things are said about it, but I cannot believe that it is as complicated, even in the A.I.V. form which has become so popular in Finland and Sweden, as many of the processes which are taken, so to speak, in the stride of the average farm worker today.

I feel that we cannot afford at this time to lose the protein value which silage can give us if it is made at a time when the grass contains its highest protein value instead of the grass being left, as far too many leave it, as hay. They will have less food value, at greater expense from the point of view of the soil.

There is very little doubt in my mind that we are spending far too much in energy upon the saving of our grass in the form of hay instead of in the form of silage. My only doubt is to which of the various forms of silage or other methods of conservation we should turn. I would not attempt to give any sort of final suggestion to the Committee. Let those who can afford to do so dry their grass either alone or in co-operation with somebody else. In the meantime, let others go ahead with the making of their protein grass into silage. Nowadays, with the recent machinery increases which my right hon. Friend has mentioned, the making of silage is child's play compared with what it was even a few years ago. There has been a tremendous increase in mechanisation.

I realise that it is by no means an easy job to mechanise a small farm, particularly a very small farm. Here I come to my second suggestion. Even the expense question, even the difficulties following on expenditure on mechanisation on a very small farm, could be mitigated to a large extent if we would only attempt to recapture the spirit and actuality of the machinery pools which did so much good formerly and which, unfortunately, in many cases have lapsed at present. I feel that hon. Gentlemen opposite when discussing agricultural questions tend, too often, to view these questions from the rarefied atmosphere, the rather cool altitude of the terrace in front of the big house. Far too seldom is any sort of publicity given to the grinding toil in which the greater part of our really small farmers spend their lives. Far too little is said of the slavery which is too often the lot of the farmer's wife and his family on a small farm. Far too little is said of the fact that the small farmer himself is unable to leave the job for more than a few minutes in every day, and that for 365 days of the year. These things are passed over only too easily.

Even our urban friends, who fortunately take such an interest now in agricultural matters, are apt sometimes to pass over these things rather with a joke and an indulgent smile. They say, "The farmer's life—what a happy, carefree, unhurried, unworried life it is in the open air; almost a holiday, and a profitable one too." Of course, a small farm can be run extremely profitably now, thanks very largely to the efforts of my right hon. Friend and what he has done for agriculture. But whether it is profitable or not, it is always a struggle and it can still be a losing struggle.

I think that my right hon. Friend would deserve very highly indeed of the nation—even more highly than he does already; and that is saying a good deal—if he were to do for the small farmer what he has already done for the large farmer in the way I have suggested. He should bring into operation again, by whatever means he may see fit, the machinery pools which may take some of the drudgery out of the life of the small farmer. The small farmer is a most important rung in the ladder of advancement from agricultural worker onwards. He does not want any sentiment about the grand life he leads, though it is a grand life in many ways, but he does want an understanding of his difficulties. He wants a co-operative effort to overcome these difficulties in so far as he is incapable of overcoming them himself by his own unaided efforts.

The right hon. Gentleman can take the greatest single step in that direction if he is able, by some way or another, to bring into existence workable machinery pools as he did once before or as his predecessors did, to their credit. If he would do this, he would bring the existence of the small farmer very largely towards that goal which I think is suitable for every walk of life—the goal wherein the small farmer shall be able to see the result of his own work, his own toil, in benefit for himself, his family and the community. It would give him that reasonable leisure in which to practise that greatest of all the arts, the art of leading a life which shall be not only useful—all lives should be that, of course—but proud and free.

6.30 p.m.

I agree with a great deal of what was said by the hon. Member for Brigg (Mr. E. L. Mallalieu) about grass, but I do not agree with his suggestion that we put too great a value on imported feedingstuffs. Whereas the grassland of this country is one of our greatest resources, it becomes even greater if we can have supplies of feedingstuffs at all comparable with those which we enjoyed before the war. They were very different from the miserably small allotments with which farmers have to work today.

As I listened to the right hon. Gentleman I thought that he was very easily satisfied. I thought that some of his claims were a little high. For instance, he talked of the increase in milk in April this year over last year. I seem to recall that we had a lot of snow last year and it was very late. By the month of April, some of our grassland, if not under snow, had only recently been freed. Certainly, there was no grass and it was only to be expected that the milk in April last year would be abnormally low. Again, he boasted of an increase in the number of breeding sows. If you have a small number to begin with, a comparatively small increase in terms of percentages is very high. To get the right balance, one should mention that the number of pigs killed in this country last year was fewer than a million, compared with four million or five million slaughtered in this country in 1938 and other years before the war.

The Minister was rather unkind to us on this side of the Committee by suggesting that we had found a new line of attack—on the county agricultural executive committees. As I am one of those who have at all times criticised that set-up, I shall take up that challenge and say that this is no new line with me. The Minister will remember that I criticised the unsoundness of the whole conception through each stage of the Bill and said a great many things with which he did not agree. I have noticed since, that all the apprehensions which I then expressed were justified.

One point which I would mention is the overwork from which we feared members of the county agricultural executive committees which suffer, and that is becoming more and more apparent. We said that there was a need for them to be brought in to deal with big issues, but that they must not find themselves dealing as members of sub-committees continually having to deal with a great variety of small points. It is a general topic of conversation among them that they often have to travel to the far side of a county with one or two other members to look perhaps at one or two small fields in respect of which someone has served a notice to quit—three or four persons doing a job which one practical man could do in a few minutes when passing that way.

There is also much talk among the good members of the committees who are only too anxious to give up and wondering how long duty calls them to continue in this kind of work. I hope the Minister will appreciate the point of view of persons who give up their time to this work—and all honour to them—and that he will realise that he is expecting too much of them. I hope he will give instructions to see that they are relieved of a great deal of the detail which now occupies their time.

Is the hon. Member suggesting that we should relieve the voluntary members of the county committees and the members of the advisory committees by employing more paid men?

I was coming to that point. I said that we should try to see that their advice is sought and their time occupied on bigger issues, in the main, and not on small points of detail, because, once the impression is created that these voluntary committees are kept busy on small points of detail, we shall never have sufficient people with the necessary spare time to take on that work. On the question of staff, I think that there was a tendency to have too many and not pay them enough; probably it would be better to have fewer people and better-paid.

Another point which we raised during the Committee and Report stages was the question of the dual function of members of the Advisory Service. Whereas, at that time, the right hon. Gentleman said that he did not think this difficulty would arise, anyone in touch with the service knows that many members are not satisfied with their position. As to the A.L.S., the Minister said that he had found a number of qualified men, but I was disappointed when he said that some were not qualified. I should have thought that a service of that kind should be drawn entirely from qualified people. I asked the Minister a question about a year ago about this service, and he promised me some information by letter, but I am sorry to say I have not had it. It was dealing with the question of qualifications, and, though I may be wrong, I drew the inference that qualified men had not applied as the Minister would have liked.

Now on the question of the county committees' accounts, I am not trying to get at the executive committee in my own county by any sort of side road, because, when the Minister does the sensible thing and publishes these accounts county by county, he will find that Westmorland has been economical and efficient. I am not so sure, from the information which the Minister has given me in answer to Questions, that the same can be said of other commitees. I think the Minister said that, in nine cases, the expenditure side of a Committees accounts was going to amount to more than a million a year, and that 30 out of 61 committees would be found to have a turnover that would exceed £1 million.

If the hon. Gentleman is not referring in his observations, which are quite proper, to his own county of Westmorland, will he indicate the counties he has in mind?

As the right hon. Gentleman has not made public the figures, it is extremely hard to judge. When he gives us the figures, not only I, but the people in all the different counties in the country, will either be able to feel justly proud of their service or feel that we need a change. Sums of money of this sort are not to be accounted for lightly; next we shall have the Minister of Health saying that the accounts of rural district councils cannot be published separately because it might be invidious. That is the next step.

On the question of agricultural labour, I want to ask the Parliamentary Secretary to tell us something more about the administration of hostels and the expected numbers of civilianised Germans, E.V.Ws. and other persons who occupy them. I was rather surprised to hear the Minister of Labour say last week that there was no limit to the number of E.V.Ws. who could be introduced into this country. I understand that it is now up to him alone to get as many as he can from other sources. We recently passed an Act—the Employment and Training Act—which gives financial powers to the Government to pay the expenses of an unlimited number of E.V.Ws., not only to bring them into this country, but, if need be, to take them back again. In fact, they seem to have cheap travelling facilities far in excess of privileged Members of Parliament and something on a level with those of His Majesty's Ministers.

In all these circumstances, I think we deserve to be told a little more, not only the weekly and monthly targets on which the Minister works, but the total number of foreign workers whom he and his colleagues intend to bring into this country. In the past, we have been led to believe that this small country was overcrowded and that many of our difficulties arise from that. Now we all recognise that certain industries are short of labour, but I am far from satisfied that the right solution is to search the countries of Europe and bring people here in unlimited numbers, particularly when we house them in hostels the administration of which is not beyond criticism.

Has the Minister looked into the administration of the hostels for which his Department is responsible, and particularly, those occupied by Germans? The Y.M.C.A. should have a tribute paid to them for what they are trying to do under these conditions. I do not know whether the Minister appreciates how much harm one or two bad hats in such a camp can do. They can be not only a bad influence on the surrounding villagers, who very much dislike this sort of thing in their midst, but an extremely bad influence on other men in the camp. I feel that there is no one in authority at such camps who has the power, if a man behaves really badly, to say, "You go by the afternoon train back to Germany." If those in charge had such summary powers, I think we should find that the running of such camps would be a good deal smoother than it is at present. The existing situation where the man in charge of the camp has to wait until the subcommittee of the agricultural executive committee meets before he can deal, perhaps, with one German who will not turn off the wireless in a hut when the others want to sleep, is really too laborious to be allowed to continue.

My last point is not entirely an agricultural one, but it is none the less one for which the right hon. Gentleman is responsible; it deals with the borderline problem of agriculture and forestry. The right hon. Gentleman is in a position which none of his predecessors was ever in before in that he not only has this very elaborate organisation which deals with agriculture in peace-time, but is also the Minister dealing with forestry. There is now a great chance in this country to knit the two together in much the same way as they are knitted together in almost every other country in Western Europe. Owing to the course of events, agriculture and forestry have parted, and, for a number of reasons, it has not been easy to bring them together. We have now a very special opportunity of bringing them together, and it must be borne in mind that the better land on which the smaller woods in this country are planted is almost equal in area to that at present under wheat. This is not a problem which concerns only the poorer land, the sheep land; it concerns the lower just as much as the higher land. I hope the Minister will arrange some proper link between the agricultural executive committees and the Forestry Commission. Until the other day there was no such link at all.

The Minister reproached me yesterday at Question Time for uttering a word of criticism about the Forestry Commission, and he reminded me that I was a member of one of their advisory committees. May I say in defence that the subject raised by the hon. Member for Scar- borough and Whitby (Mr. Spearman) was not one of which we had any cognisance at all, and, further, that if the Minister were in closer touch with events he might have discovered that the main subject of conversation between many members of those committees is whether they are, in fact, serving any useful purpose at all, and that perhaps the best or only way of interesting the right hon. Gentleman in this very important part of his duties would be for a great many of us to resign.

6.43 p.m.

Two significant and important facts have already emerged in this Debate. The first is that the success of the Government's campaign to increase home-produced food has been fully established, and I think that the gratitude and thanks of the whole community are due to the Minister, to the county committees, to members of the district committees, to the farmers, and, not least, to the farm workers for that great achievement.

With regard to the agricultural workers, I have not yet heard any reference from hon. Members opposite to the need for improving their conditions, although we have heard about the need for attracting skilled workers to the land. We on this side of the Committee are concerned to see that the necessary conditions for attracting them shall be provided. That does not merely mean that wages should be comparable to those paid to skilled workers in other large industries, because everybody now agrees that the competent agricultural worker is as highly skilled as any of the workers in the other industries of this country. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear."] I am glad that hon. Members opposite appreciate that fact. We say that their wages, status, general conditions and amenities should be on a level with those enjoyed by the workers in the towns. That also includes good housing.

I know that hon. Members would be very disappointed if I did not refer tonight to the question of the tied cottage. I move among the agricultural workers, not only in my own county, but in various parts of the country. I have had the honour of addressing county gatherings in Kent, Sussex, and other parts of the country. I want to assure the Committee that there is no question on which the agricultural workers feel more strongly than this question of the tied cottage. I am not going to be too critical of the Government because it is for the Cabinet to decide that a Measure to deal with this whole injustice should be introduced. I think that at least some legislation could be introduced to prevent the tying of new cottages.

When dealing with this question both in the House and in Committee, I have been told that I am living in the past. Only this week I received a letter from one of toy constituents to the effect that he and his wife who, for the last 31 years, have been living in a cottage on the border of Wiltshire have got to vacate it. The farmer has just obtained a certificate from the agricultural committee which he threatened to take to the court, and this man and his wife are faced with eviction. We on this side of the Committee contend that it should not any longer be possible to perpetrate such an injustice. I have many agricultural friends with practical experience of this question, and I am sure they would agree with me when I say that one of the most effective ways in which to attract skilled workers to the land is to assure them that they will have a good house, and that it will be a free house.

I know that certain people are saying that the Government are not doing all they should with regard to providing houses in the rural areas. But that is not the experience in my Division. The other day the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Health addressed a meeting in my constituency, and I invited the clerks of the two district councils in my Division to meet him. What were they able to say to him about the housing position in the districts for which they were responsible? At the end of this year one of the councils will have built over 50 new houses, all of which will have been occupied. The total number which they owned before the war was only 800. Similar progress has also been made in the other rural district, and I hope it will continue. The complaint is heard that these houses are not allocated to agricultural workers, but whose responsibility is that? It is left—and rightly left—by the Ministry of Health to the discretion of the housing authorities of the local district council. If they do not know the needs and do not understand the circumstances of their own locality, who is going to tell them? If that were done from the Ministry's headquarters in London, hon. Members opposite would be complaining that the Government were trying to run this matter from Whitehall.

The other point which has emerged from this Debate is that the Opposition are entirely bankrupt of any policy for dealing with this great industry. Although I have very great personal respect for the hon. and gallant Gentleman who introduced this subject on behalf of the Opposition, I must say that, in my opinion, the whole of his speech was based upon a premise—it was all "if." It was, "If we can get the foodstuffs we should do this, that or the other." We do not base our policy on "ifs," but on actualities.

Is not the hon. Gentleman aware that we could get more feedingstuffs from the Argentine if we could only send them more coal, and that it is his party's responsibility to get that extra coal with which to purchase those feedingstuffs?

I see that the hon. Member is also infected with this "if" complex—"if we could get more coal, etc."

I ought to give the Opposition credit for having introduced this document which I am holding in my hand. I have read it very carefully, and, in my opinion, it is the most brazen piece of political plagiarism that I have ever seen. Anything that is good in it we have already done or are doing, and the other parts are of very little value; in my opinion, they are absolutely opposed to the best interests of those in the industry. What do they say about the tied cottage? First of all, they say that they believe in security for the farmer. We have introduced this security in our Act. Of course, we have always said that if security is good for the farmer, what is wrong with it for the labourer?

In this wonderful document, what do they say about the tied cottage? They say: ever seen in any political document, of which I have read quite a few during the course of my public life: Laughter. ] Perhaps I ought to qualify that statement, and say that all Conservative Prime Ministers have the resources. What is wrong with our Prime Minister receiving the same remuneration as Conservative Prime Ministers for discharging his onerous duties?

I have not much time. I do not speak very often, and when I do make a promise I keep to it faithfully. I do not want to occupy too much time because other hon. Members are anxious to speak. There is no hope whatever that the agricultural workers will become free from this tied cottage system under the Tory Party.

I am very much obliged to the hon. Member for giving way. I want to ask whether all miners who are tied to the collieries in, for example, the constituency of the Minister of Agriculture will also be untied. I want to ask this straight question: is the hon. Member's party going to untie those cottages?

All I can say is that one does not read in the papers about miners and others being served with eviction orders as the agricultural workers are. I have never yet received a letter complaining about it from miners, but I have received many of them from agricultural workers in my own division since I have been in the House. That experience is shared by many, other hon. Members. I would like to congratulate the Minister on the increased production of milk. [ Laughter. ] I do not see what there is to laugh about.

They cannot help it.

There is a great deal in what was said by my hon. Friend the Member for Brigg (Mr. E. L. Mallalieu). I would like to say, with all humility, how much I enjoyed his speech. I entirely agree that in the past there has been too much reliance on imported feedingstuffs. I know of farmers, not in my own division but in the county of Gloucestershire, who have been able to maintain and increase very large dairy herds, and neither during the war nor since have they bought a single ounce of imported feedingstuffs. Their farms have been entirely self-supporting. I remember when orders have been served on farmers, some in my division, to develop their land, they have said, "We shall have to give up some of our dairy cattle." But they have not. They have not only maintained the same number of dairy cattle; they have increased them and they have increased the production of milk.

If those farmers had taken advantage of the feedingstuffs which were offered to them, they would have produced much more milk than they did; therefore, they ought to have accepted that offer.

I prefer to speak about actual facts. Those farms have been self-supporting and have increased the production of milk. I do not think sufficient emphasis has been placed on the production of clean and pure milk. Too much emphasis has been laid upon the quantity of milk. I would like to read an extract from a report of a meeting of the Gloucestershire County Council public health committee last week. This is what it said:

I am ready to recognise that there has been some improvement in this matter, and I know it will involve the reconstruction of old buildings and the erection of new buildings. In fact, this report says that millions of pounds are needed for new farm buildings if we are to have buildings of the proper standard for efficient farming. In my opinion, that is the strongest possible argument for the nationalisation of the land. Where are these millions of pounds to come from? No doubt the landlords would like the money to come from the State. An hon. Member was saying that it was not profitable for landlords to equip their farms properly. The vice-chairman of my county council was speaking to me on this question and said, "I only get 1½ per cent, or 2 per cent." I said, "Why are you so anxious to retain possession of the land?" That is the strongest argument for the policy which I have advocated all my public life and will continue to advocate—the nationalisation of the land, transferring it from private to public ownership. Then we shall be able to equip all the farms in the same way as the county councils equip their smallholdings.

I also agree that there is a great need for the improvement of grass cultivation. When I was acting professionally some years ago, I was horrified to see the state of some of the ordinary pasture. I know that the hon. Member for Leominster (Mr. Baldwin) would agree with this. It was absolutely poverty-stricken. Apart from any other question, I think there is considerable need for the improvement of our ordinary pasture. I also agree that production could be very largely increased by ploughing up and re-seeding some of the old pasture. I remember walking over a farm when the remark was made to me by the incoming tenant that in one of the fields the grass would starve a rabbit; it was so thin and wiry, and there was no food value in it. Two or three years ago on the very same farm, on the very same field, my county agricultural committee organised a demonstration. The farmer had taken advantage of the educational facilities provided; he had ploughed up that wiry land and it was then maintaining one of the finest Friesian herds in the county. That shows what can be done if this matter is tackled in the right way. Personally, I am a strong believer in the policy of Sir George Stapledon that the plough should be taken round the whole of the farm in rotation; that would mean a very much larger increase in the production of home-grown food.

I would like to say a word about the control and elimination of weeds. I have said this in my county council and I think I have said it previously in the House, but I think it needs repeating; this question of the control and elimination of weeds is not tackled sufficiently thoroughly. In my opinion it is done too much in a casual fashion. It is not merely the man who neglects his duty in this respect who suffers; it is often the adjoining farmer. A little while ago I went round a certain part of my county and on some of the finest land not only in that part of the county but in the country as a whole, land that would raise a fat bullock with no artificial feedingstuffs, I was horrified to see fields covered with thistles. I think the attention of the county agricultural committee should be drawn to that and that this question of the elimination of weeds should be tackled in a much more serious fashion.

I do not wish to occupy the time of the Committee much longer, but I would like to mention this question of marketing. I think it is an extremely important part of the agricultural industry of this country. Everybody, I think, agrees if he is honest and unbiased, that the system of marketing agricultural produce and horticultural produce is chaotic and wasteful in the extreme. I represent, if I may say so, a rather mixed division. It includes a very large area of agricultural land in the county of Gloucestershire, the southern half, and yet it contains within its borders a very large industrial belt. The bulk of the people are engaged in industry.

As a result of, perhaps, some of my efforts, if I may speak so immodestly, and of the efforts of others, those people are inclined, indeed willing, to give the agricultural community a fair deal. They do not want to get cheap food at the expense of unfair treatment of either farmers or their workpeople, but they do insist on this important point: if farmers are to be given guaranteed prices we must be assured that their land will be cultivated in an efficient fashion. That is contained in this charter of the Government. We have provided for it. There is, therefore, nothing in the criticism, which has been made, against giving the county agricultural committees sufficient power to see that this is carried out.

Everybody agrees, I think, that the great thing needed in this industry is confidence. I would like to conclude these few, and perhaps rather discursive remarks, by saying that at last those who are engaged in this great and vital industry of providing food in this country are assured of confidence and stability. They have never enjoyed that before. Hon. Members opposite say that under this charter farmers are in fear of the repetition of what took place after the 1914–18 war. Who was responsible for what happened then? Some of the people who drafted the Conservative Party's agricultural charter.

The right hon. Gentleman shakes his head. He was a man of the party and the Government which had the opportunity of doing those things which were necessary to put the matter right, but they never did them. At last we have that confidence, and I am sure that, resting upon the good faith of the Labour Government and in confidence that the Government will see they get fair play and justice, the agriculturists will continue to respond not merely to the demands of the Minister and the Government but to the demand and appeal of the country that they do their best in producing as much food as possible and in making a generous contribution towards replacing this country on its rightful economic foundations.

7.6 p.m.

The hon. Member for Thornbury (Mr. Alpass) touched on a great many subjects and one I want to refer to is his reference to the Tories as being full of "ifs." We live in a time of "ifs" with a Government such as we have at present. Our big "if" was whether we could get the feedingstuffs we require. If we had a Conservative Government no doubt we should get the feedingstuffs, but as we have the present Government we have to qualify what we say with a great many "ifs."

The hon. Member was kind enough to tell us that he had read with much care the Conservative Agricultural Charter, but that all the good things mentioned therein were already being done by the Government. I suppose he himself does not think it is a good thing to guarantee prices for all the produce which can be grown in this country? Yet under Clause 1 of the Agriculture Act production of food may be limited. I suppose he does not think it is a good thing—

Does the hon. Member mean to suggest that he would be prepared to guarantee prices for things which were not required by the community?

One could qualify what was required by the price level. What we want to see is full production and guaranteed prices for all the food this country can produce. Does the hon. Member for Thornbury not think it is a good thing to recondition some of the rural workers' cottages so as to draw more people to the land? Evidently he does not. I can assure him that there are some good, sound points in that Conservative charter which, up to date, have not been brought in by the Socialist Government.

I had hoped it would be possible to congratulate the hon. Member on a short speech and a speech which did not mention the word "landlord," but unfortunately I am disappointed in both connections. I am one of those who have believed for many years that foreign policy and agriculture should, if possible, be an agreed policy between the Government in power and those in opposition, as the farmers want continuity, and I think hon. Members on both sides of the House will agree with me in that respect. That does not mean that we should not criticise what the Government do, but what I am about to say tonight will, I hope, be constructive criticism.

The Minister said that his presence in the Cabinet was having a great effect—that he was an effective Minister. Yet he has failed us over feedingstuffs and failed to convince the Chancellor over a smaller thing, the petrol tax. I shall speak on the petrol tax—the tax on petrol used for agricultural purposes—because the Minister was not in the House when we discussed it during the Finance Bill. It may be a smaller subject than feedingstuffs, but that tax was originally placed on petrol in order that the roads should be developed; it was never meant to penalise farmers. The result of it is that tractors are actually being changed over from petrol to the use of vaporised oil. In that way they are losing efficiency and giving a great deal more trouble, in that the farmer has to fill up two tanks and order two lots of fuel. They are often left running, and there is a great deal of waste of vaporising oil. Sometimes they are left running on petrol, because that is easier, and especially are they so left by the man who does not have to pay for the petrol.

If that tax were taken off petrol which drives agricultural machinery it would not only help the efficiency of farming, but it would help our export drive as well. People abroad want petrol driven tractors, and if we could produce for the home market the same article as people abroad want, that would be a great advantage to our production and exporting. We want all the machinery we can get in agriculture to produce foodstuffs. Much of that machinery is run on petrol. We could increase output and save labour—save the farm worker many very laborious jobs—by mechanising the farms. Furthermore, we could produce cleaner and better milk, because petrol driven machines can pump on to the farms water used for cleaning the equipment. The tax on petrol is a tax on production; it is a tax on efficiency. I submit that the loss to the Chancellor by its removal would be made up tenfold in the gain to the Minister of Agriculture. He tells us that his words are having an effect on the opinion of the Cabinet. I wish he would use his good offices with more and stronger effect on the Chancellor of the Exchequer.

I want now to switch to a completely different subject, that of combine harvesters. The old practice in this country was to harvest the corn during August, or according to the weather, and put it in stacks to be threshed later, in December, in January, or through the spring. Many farms have combine harvesters now, and so there will be a very difficult problem in a few weeks' time when these combines are threshing the grain. The problem will be to know where to store the grain. The millers will be asked to take the grain at once. What are they going to do about it? What is the Minister going to do? We cannot expect him suddenly to produce increased milling capacity; we cannot expect him to build additional storehouses over night. The question therefore arises, as to whether it is a wise policy to spend precious dollars in buying combine harvesters if we are to create the serious difficulty of not knowing how to store the grain? I want to see mechanisation of all sorts, but I would ask the Minister, in all seriousness, to think this matter over. If he has no solution for this year, I would ask him to tell us what he is going to do next year, when, probably, the number of harvesters in the country will be double or more the number we at present have.

Finally, I want to rub in again this lesson of the feedingstuffs. I do not want to weary the Committee with the old arguments. Everyone knows that the greatest expenditure of dollars is that on food to be brought to this country. I know we cannot grow all the wheat and oats in this country we need, because we have not the wide open spaces other countries have. I do, however, maintain, that we can keep all the pigs and all the poultry, and grow all the vegetables and fruit, that we require. We have the room for the pigs and the poultry. Let us, therefore, provide feedingstuffs for them. If the Minister says we have not the labour, I shall retort that I know only too well that there are people who will keep poultry and pigs as a part-time occupation, provided they are given the feedingstuffs.

The Minister has made a concession today. I have not had time to study it, but I realise that it is a very small concession, if I heard it aright. Cannot we get feedingstuffs in a big way—as we have from Russia, but more? Cannot we get maize from the Argentine? We hear of its being burned in locomotives. Is that lie, if it is a lie, being corrected? How is it we can send flaked maize to Eire so that the Irish can produce eggs and poultry? Why cannot we keep it in this country? Would it not have been better, when we were given that £1,000 million Loan from the Americans, to say to them, "We want your dollars for buying feedingstuffs, not for tinned food." We should not only have got more, but we should have got better food, if we had done that at the time.

We want to feed a great industry, too, I was alarmed and shocked when I read in the Economic Survey that it was admitted that we might not have enough dollars with which to buy raw materials for industry. This country has always been a manufacturing country. If we cannot afford raw materials we are finished. That is no exaggeration; we are finished. The same applies to agriculture. We are told that the reason we cannot get raw materials—that is feedingstuffs—to produce the finished article in agriculture is because of the expense. I was glad to hear my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Richmond (Sir T. Dugdale) prove very conclusively today that feedingstuffs are still not too expensive to produce the goods that we want. Hon. Members today have suggested that we could get a great deal more feedingstuffs by growing them at home, and I think that is right. If grass is treated in the way suggested by the hon. Member for Thornbury (Mr. Alpass), I believe we could produce plenty of grass and plenty of protein. However, we want the driers, and they are too expensive for private people's purses. The Minister said we must hasten slowly in the matter of driers. I do not remember when driers came in, but it was certainly long before the war. Surely, there has been time enough for the Government to decide whether it is worth while to buy driers to make grass into cakes, and to do a little more about it than they are at the moment? I believe that if the Minister can get us feedingstuffs from abroad, as I suggest, and if we can grow more grass and dry it at home, a great many of his problems would be solved.

7.17 p.m.

The Debate has wandered over a very wide field, though it has been confined mainly to the problem of what the Minister of Agriculture intends to do in the immediate future. That is a question which concerns us all. We are all interested, during these critical years, in the question of whether we are to grow more of our own food here in order that we may, to some extent, at any rate, alleviate the dollar shortage of which we have heard so much during the past two years. There is no doubt at all, I think, that a revolution has taken place in agriculture since the beginning of the war. That revolution, of course, is not entirely the result of the war. I think that when history comes to be written, the roots of the changes will be found in the work of the scientists at Rothamsted, Cockle Park, and, particularly, at Aberystwyth.

We have heard a great deal today about the importance of grass. Sir George Stapledon has pointed out that we can very considerably and economically extend the area under grass in this country. It was, I think, the hon. Member for Westmorland (Mr. Vane) who referred to the considerable experiments that have been carried out by the county agricultural executive committee in the county of Montgomery. Anyone who has seen those experiments, and has seen the great change that has taken place as a result of them, will realise that they can be described only as revolutionary. How far this revolution will go, it is rather difficult to say as yet.

If we look back upon other revolutions in the history of agriculture, we find, for example, that at the end of the eighteenth century and the beginning of the nineteenth, there was a complete transformation in the character of agricultural production in this country. That was the time when we had the four-course rotation system introduced into agriculture. That resulted in a very considerable change in the life of the people of this country, and it was a revolution which could not be carried out without a fundamental change in the system of land tenure. That was the time when the last relics, so to speak, of the small, independent, yeoman farmer were reduced in the interests of enclosures. The Enclosure Acts, scores of them, were rapidly passed through the House and another place, which resulted in the complete depression of those people. They were sent out of their holdings; their holdings were taken from them, and amalgamated with other holdings to form more compact territories where new experiments could be carried out.

I think it stands to reason that there is bound to be a change, although not perhaps in the system of land tenure, as a result of modern scientific discoveries, and the change in the lay-out of the farms of this country. This is a question which ought to have been considered long ago. The arrangement of the farms, as anyone knows who is acquainted with farms, is not always conducive to the best production, and I feel that the Ministry ought to face the question quite seriously of whether the farms of this country ought not to be reorganised on an entirely new basis.

The Ministry, despite great difficulties during the war, increased production very greatly, and I think that they will succeed in increasing it still further. In addition, they made, fortunately, a survey of the farms of the country, and that survey showed quite clearly how inadequate and inefficient farming must be, in many cases, because the farms are so badly arranged. I humbly suggest to the Ministry of Agriculture that they should face the question of the rearrangement of the farms of this country, with a view to taking full advantage of the great discoveries which our scientists have made during the last 40 or 50 years. We can exaggerate quite easily the productivity effort which was made during the war and during the last two or three years. If we look at the returns, we find that what has happened is simply that we have gone over from being mainly a grazing country to being an arable country, and it would be really staggering if, in converting pasture into arable, we were not able to get occasionally, at any rate, if not, in the majority of cases, as I think, very good crops indeed.

We have to balance that against the productivity that we had formerly from the pastures of this country. After all, this country is very well adapted for pastoral farming, and we shall find Nature by and by reasserting herself, as she has done on former occasions, and making it impossible for farmers—that experience has been gone through by some farmers whom I know on the Welsh hillsides during the war—to harvest the particularly good grains which they grow. This country is admirably adapted for pasture farming, and it may come about that we shall have to turn very largely from arable farming to a new type and a more intensive type of pastoral agriculture. I feel there is an element of uncertainty, which has been emphasised by some hon. Members opposite, and of unreality about our Debate today. We can congratulate ourselves—and I think that the Ministers are entitled to a very hearty vote of acclamation for what they have done—on this matter of raising food for the people of this country. We have to recognise that that has been done under the direction of the Ministry and the guidance of the agricultural committees, but it has been done at a very considerable expense to the taxpayers of this country.

Until we face the problem of agriculture deprived of the very considerable subsidies which it enjoys at the present moment, I do not think that we can ever arrive at a satisfactory system of helping and building up a scientific agricultural system in this country. The subsidies, after all, dominate the situation at the present moment, and the results must, in some way or other, be equated to the cost to the taxpayer. It is not that we have improved our agriculture so very much. As I have said, what we have done has been to convert our pastures into arable, and that may not be a permanent policy. By converting them and growing corn, we have added a very considerable cost to the taxpayers of the country.

Can the hon. Gentleman make it clear what he means when he talks about subsidies to agriculture? Is he including subsidies to the consumer, or does he mean the £40 million subsidies for water schemes?

I mean all those subsidies referred to by the former Chancellor of the Exchequer when he said that he was going to stabilise subsidies of all kinds, and he gave us figures to show that the amount of subsidies that eventually got to the farmer was very considerable. If the hon. Gentleman will look at the Debate in HANSARD, he will find the reference to that figure, and it is to that figure that I am referring. I am simply saying that the day must come when we shall have to face the problem of agriculture, apart from the subsidies which many farmers, as we know, are enjoying at the present time.

Surely the hon. Member would agree that at least half, and possibly more than half, of those food subsidies are paid to reduce the price of imported food and feedingstuffs? If our farmers were allowed to compete on equal terms with the foreign markets, they could probably under-sell them at the present world prices.

I have promised to speak for only a few minutes, and I am sorry that I have not time to enlarge upon the very interesting question asked by the hon. and gallant Member. He knows, possibly better than I do, that competing on equal terms with the foreigner in a matter of this kind is entirely out of the question. That is why for so many years this country was so dependent—over-dependent I sometimes think—upon foreign products. That is an entirely different question now. I am saying that the day will arrive before very long when this Committee will have to consider the position of agriculture—which looks very flourishing at the moment—apart from the subsidies, which I am convinced are the artificial basis upon which a great deal of the success of agriculture at present is built.

7.31 p.m.

I think that the hon. Member for Wrexham (Mr. Richards) is confusing subsidies to the agricultural industry with food subsidies. I will not develop that argument because I know that many hon. Members want to speak, and many of us have promised to be very brief.

I cannot help feeling that the Minister is still to be charged with having done less than he might have done with his colleagues, particularly the Minister of Health, in the matter of agricultural cottages. Certainly in the North-West and in my constituency there has not been that priority given to cottages for farm workers which we feel should have been given. Local authorities there have done their best, but the Ministry does not seem to have looked upon the provision of housing in rural areas as a first priority in the national economy, as I think they should have done so.

I have just one other observation to make about cottages, and it concerns what are called tied cottages. Too many people misunderstand this question, and even mislead people about it. I do not hear complaints about railway tied cottages, mining tied cottages, or tied cottages associated with public houses or churches: I hear complaints only about the tied cottages of agricultural labourers. Yet all those others are tied cottages in the true sense of that word. It is just as essential for the running of a railway to have a house in which the station-master can live as it is essential for the running of a farm to have a cottage in which a farm labourer can live.

Having seen the hardship which falls upon some individuals, my view is that the utmost possible consideration should be given to people who have to be moved; perhaps not quite so much consideration to those who leave the land to better themselves but stay in the cottages—although one must always have consideration for anyone who has to be up-rooted from a home he has come to cherish. The fact remains that unless cottages are available in the countryside for agricultural workers, particularly on isolated farms, the food-producing industry cannot carry on. That is so fundamental that a service would be rendered if hon. Members opposite would think over these facts and cease to stir up ill-feeling about something I do not believe it will be possible for them to alter, which means that in the end they will be found to be humbugs in this matter.

A potato crop is unpopular, as everybody realises, and if people are to be directed to cultivate more potatoes it will be more unpopular still. I am told by many of my friends that the price for the main crop should be raised so that it becomes more attractive. I ask the Minister to consider that. I would have pressed the Minister to provide more feedingstuffs for pigs and poultry had he not already done so. However, I should like to thank him for having met the views which have been pressed upon him so strongly from this side of the Committee, not only today but during recent months, and to say that for my part I shall have to study the scheme in operation to see whether or not it is adequate. It is, at least, a move in the right direction, and I hope it will have the effect of enabling us to produce more eggs and bacon in this country, which seems to be far more economical than buying them from abroad. In general, I think the policy of the Government has neglected feedingstuffs and I cannot but feel that our whole economy would be very much better off had we, during the past two years, imported more feedingstuffs and less manufactured foods.

I turn for a few moments to taxation. If there was any way in which workers in general, and farm workers and farmers in particular, could be shown that the extra work they do, or some part of it, inured wholly to them, it would have a magical effect upon food production. I do not know that I see any way of doing this equitably; but it is so important that it is a matter about which the Minister and the Treasury should think. It is disheartening to the owner of a small business to feel that the extra little bit of effort he and his family may put into the business, which might produce another £100 or £200 a year, is to be taken from him as to at least a half. This applies not only to farmers, of course; but farmers do feel most strongly about it. Surely, this of all times is a very bad time at which to alter the method of taxing the small farmer. There is something to be said in equity for putting everybody on the same basis. I see that. But this is surely a time when to cause more form-filling is to cause considerable disappointment. Whatever the merits of the case, it seems to me an inexpedient thing to have done.

Just as I criticised the Government for not giving sufficient priority to rural housing, so I do not think they have given sufficient priority to capital works in rural areas. I will not elaborate that; I merely mention it. I do not think that the agricultural worker has as much consideration as some other workers in industry, particularly the miners. The miner, I believe, gets 15 tons of coal a year to warm his cottage or house. I do not grudge him that. What more natural than that the man who digs the coal should have a fair, or even a splendid share of it? That was introduced by private mineowners in times gone by; it is not, I believe, a boom conferred upon the miners by nationalisation, but is a long-established custom. When there is rationing of coal so that the ordinary citizen gets but one-fifth, or even one-tenth, of that quantity, it becomes a very magnificent special privilege—and a tax-free one at that. By comparison in this question of special rations, the agricultural labourer does not get the canteen facilities, food facilities, clothing facilities or soap facilities which are provided to many others, than whose work that of the agricultural labourer is no less exposed, no less hard and no less dirty.

I am one of those who believe that ordered mechanisation is perhaps the only way that eventually our agriculture can become completely self-sustaining, and therefore I want to see every possible effort made towards encouraging and increasing mechanisation of every kind. But I want to issue one word of warning at the present time. Supposing war were to break out. I regard that risk as one which we should consider in all the day-to-day planning of our affairs. Suppose it were to break out, we should very probably be deprived of oil, or any rate a large part of our oil, and almost the whole of the production of our food and almost certainly a large part of its distribution is based on oil. The horses have died out, and I am told it would take three to five years to re-create enough horses to do some of the work. I am not wanting to go back in the matter of progress, but if there is a risk of war, and I believe there is, I would advise farmers not to sell their horses to be eaten, which is what is happening—the last of them are going. It is worth the Ministry's while, considering whether, in the next year or two, something cannot be done to safeguard the possibility that we may again have to use horses as an auxiliary to our mechanisation, or conceivably in place of it. I do not consider that beyond the possibilities.

I do not think I have any further remarks to make, except this general one. As I have said, there is a risk of war, and everyone hopes it is a small one—but who can assess it? and if that be the case, and the Government should know better than we, it would be some satisfaction to know that every possible thought has been given to the needs of this great industry of ours. There is no evidence that much thought, beyond the immediate position in Berlin, has been given to this mattter. It will once again perhaps be essential that all eyes and all thoughts should be turned to agriculture, because all the schemes of betterment of our lives, of social betterment, the high standard of culture, education and everything else falls by the way, if we cannot feed ourselves.

I believe there is a very great risk we may not be able to feed ourselves in the contingencies of the immediate future; even on the long-term there is the gravest doubt whether the world can feed itself, and some doubt whether we can. I think therefore that not merely the Government but all parties, and a much wider public opinion than has yet taken an interest in the matter, should concern themselves in the feeding of our people, because I believe that our daily bread is in jeopardy.

7.44 p.m.

I regret that the hon. Member for Lonsdale (Sir I. Fraser), in supporting the continuation of tied cottages, suggested that it was humbug to oppose them. I hold the view that in agriculture some tied cottages, at least, in certain jobs will continue, but the hon. Member is wrong if he thinks that this is not a very distinct and bitter grievance with agricultural workers throughout the country. He is wrong in suggesting that the steps which are being taken to build rural houses for farm workers are not proving effective, or are not being pushed forward with sufficient zeal. In my experience, the results which are being achieved are quite remarkable.

In Somerset there are being built at the present time some 684 houses specifically for farm workers, with another 546 approved to be finished this year. That is 1,230 for farm workers alone, and in the new approvals the number for farm workers only is almost equivalent to the number for all other purposes, which is remarkable evidence of the priority being given to farm workers in the matter of houses. The total number needed in the whole county for all requirements for agriculture is estimated now at a little over 4,000, which at the present rate of progress will be provided in two years from now.

Another matter the hon. Member mentioned was the risk we are running by having a highly mechanised agriculture, and he urged the Minister to maintain the horse population. If we were engaged in a war—and I was happy to be with him when he said on Saturday, at Weston-super-Mare that the immediate risk is small—and ran out of oil, it would mean that we should be stopped altogether from waging the war, and the question of having tractors instead of horses would be of small moment. I would also point out that a horse needs four acres of land to feed it, and that since we have one million traction horses occupying four million acres for feeding purposes, the speedier we replace them with tractors the more quicky we can devote that land to the production of food for human consumption. In fact, I would say that the provision of machinery for agriculture throughout the world is the most potent factor in producing the world's food.

Here I should like to congratulate the Minister on having made arrangements this year for the provision to British farmers of £40 million worth of machinery. I would point out to Members opposite who are consistently urging that the provision of machinery is inadequate that this represents roughly 7½ per cent, of the total annual value of the output of British farms. I do not think there is any industry in this country which has been provided during the year with as high a percentage of new machinery in relation to its total production. If the farmers are spending that amount on machinery, they are spending as much as the traffic will bear.

The policy the Minister has pursued, in the face of very strong criticism by Members opposite, of continuing to export machinery is going to be of immense value not only to this country but to the world as a whole. I think that this Debate has largely gone on in a vacuum. We are considering British agriculture as if it were alone, but that is quite impossible. As Sir John Boyd Orr has said, we must consider world agriculture, because the political implications of world agriculture must ensure that our land, whatever the views of a particular Minister, must be cultivated at the highest level of efficiency in order to produce enough food for our people. We talk of countries elsewhere, of soil erosion in Canada and the United States, and say that they have reached the peak of production, but all over the world we have countries, not only like India and China, but countries in Europe where there is no erosion, but where the methods of cultivation are archaic and very little better in some cases than they were several thousand years ago. There are still 14 million traction animals used in Europe, and one farm worker in Europe provides enough food for only five people, whereas with proper efficiency in this country and elsewhere he can produce enough for 80 people.

That is the real problem that confronts us—the provision of sufficient machinery, sufficient farm equipment of all kinds, electricity, water, cottages and buildings. We also need to provide, from our own manufacturing industries, sufficient machinery to prevent other countries in the world from being the drain on world food production which they will inevitably be if human fertility is allowed to outrun soil fertility, as is the case at present. I beg hon. Members opposite to take a different view of this feedingstuffs question. I ask them not to go to the country and say to farmers, "It is in your own interest to press for more imported feedingstuffs." By doing that they are doing a long-term disservice to British agriculture. If they have the interests of the land and farmers at heart, they should urge them to be as self-supporting as they can.

It is idle to suggest that British farmers cannot do it. Not long ago we were cut down to one-twelfth of the normal dairy ration of feedingstuffs. What happened? The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Southport (Mr. R. S. Hudson) said that we should go below a milk ration of 1½ pints per week. In fact, that did not happen. We went back to two pints that winter much earlier than we had ever done before. Why? Because our farmers buckled to in the autumn, and determined that by some way or other they would provide enough feedingstuffs for their cattle. What is the position of the poultry feedingstuffs ration, which, we are glad to note, is to be somewhat increased? We have only one-fifth of the ration, but four-fifths of the head of poultry that we had before the war. Again, British farmers are learning the lesson of self-sufficiency. If anyone really thinks that our land is over-pressed, then I say in all seriousness that he does not understand what farming really means and what can be done. All over the country there are fields which are not producing all they could.

I have details of an experiment which was carried out on a 280-acre farm in this country in 1940–41. It was found that this farm produced sufficient to feed 1,044 people for a year at a 3,000 calorie level, which is higher than it is today. That was a fully mechanised farm, and it means that 12 million acres, similarly farmed, could produce enough food to feed 45 million people. I know that that will be a long job, but that is the secret of the success—and it is a success which is undeniable—of the efforts which have attended my right hon. Friend. It is extraordinary that a man who started his working life in a mine should have discovered this secret. My right hon. Friend has discovered that the great success of farming and farm organisation is to make haste surely but slowly. That is the policy which is now being pursued.

But do not let anybody underrate the seriousness of the situation which confronts us today. To balance our imports and exports we must produce a lot more food. To those of us who know agriculture that has been apparent for a number of years, and it is now becoming increasingly apparent to many others. At the present level of agricultural production and world prices we can never close the import-export gap, desperate as our efforts and successful though they have been beyond all reasonable expectations. The only solution is an immense and permanent increase—greater than 50 per cent. above prewar—in our food production.

It needs a political decision in order that this can be achieved. We must decide what proportion of our resources we propose to allocate to the development of the agricultural industry. We must pursue an enlightened policy; we must endeavour, by every means in our power, to give to farmers who may not have it, the confidence which they require, and press upon them the urgency and need of the various changes and improvements which are vitally necessary if we are to achieve the necessary large increase in production.

In all humility, I would like to make one or two suggestions, to which I hope the Minister will devote his attention. First, policy. I think we must divest ourselves as quickly as possible of some of the war-time expedients which have prevented us from following a policy of producing what the land is best fitted to produce. I know that that was unavoidable during the war, but let us, through the county committees, alter it as soon as possible to a policy, of growing what the land can produce, provided it is properly drained and manured. Let us start with hill farms and marginal land; let us stop trying to produce milk on them and instead regard them as meat-producing areas and providers of young stock for the butter farms.

There is also the question of potatoes. I am quite sure that there will be a very substantial surplus of potatoes this year—which we shall all be glad to see. There will be millions of tons more than our domestic consumers need, and that will give the Minister an opportunity of reducing the potato acreage for the next harvest. I hope he will do it on the lines of not growing potatoes on unsuitable land in small units. In my own county, Somerset, at present, we have an average of 1.6 acres per potato grower. That is quite uneconomical. Let us grow our acreage in bigger parcels and thereby produce the required tonnage more cheaply.

Members opposite have emphasised the necessity for more grass, and I do not want to add to what has already been said. I am quite sure that it has been burned fully into the consciousness of my right hon. Friend. Grass is the major British crop, and it can be our salvation by reducing the necessity to import dairy cake and the like. I also urge my right hon. Friend to take such steps as may be open to him to see that our livestock is more evenly distributed. For instance, the Fens would be better if they carried more livestock. Above all, we must stop waste through bad breeding, disease and the wrong use of food, especially grass. It is appalling to contemplate that we have something like 40 per cent, of bovine tuberculosis among our cattle, that we have huge losses through foot and mouth disease, mastitis and contagious abortion. At the present time these can almost be described as a national disgrace.

Members opposite have spoken of the great need for so many things to be done in farming. They should reflect that the measure of our great need for capital equipment of all kinds is the measure of their failure to provide this equipment before the war—a failure for which they must accept responsibility. They should realise, when they criticise, that all shades of political opinion in the farming community subscribe to the view which was put forward in an article by Mr. Easter-brook, a completely non-partisan agriculturalist, who, writing in the "News Chronicle" the other day, said that "Britain shows the world"; that the agricultural policy embodied in the 1947 Act is the prime example of the way to run the industry, and that only in this country could it be so run. He said that the work which would be done by that Act as it is embodied now will stand for a hundred years, and the work of my right hon. Friend will stand long after he has been gathered to his fathers. The whole farming community hopes that he will be with us for a very long time and that he will be able to continue his work for a very great deal longer.

I should like to congratulate my right hon. Friend on what he has done in respect of farm buildings. One would think by what was said on the other side of the Committee that very little has been done, but actually in the last three years the expenditure on farm buildings has risen from £6 million in 1946 to £15 million in 1948, in addition to which some 10,000 prefabricated buildings have been provided. With farm cottages I have already dealt. Labour has been mentioned, and I do not believe that at the present time, although it is difficult in the longer term, that housing is a great difficulty with labour. Even in this month of July, nationally speaking at least, there is under-employment on the land. It is up to the farmers to see that the labour we have available is more fully employed.

Many other hon. Members want to speak and I will conclude with this expression of my views. I believe if we follow, energetically and fairly, the policy which is being pursued by the Minister, and if we do not misrepresent it, the increase, which has already taken place and which is very gratifying, will only be a trickle compared with the flood of increased food production that will come later. I have yet to meet the farmer who believes that we cannot do very much better than 50 per cent, above prewar production. The best farmers do not resent a vigorous policy, and I am sure the Minister is right in urging the county and district committees to do their job thoroughly as farmers and as men. Let us give them a lead, give them authority, tell them what their targets and their jobs are and let them get on with that job, which is providing the people of this country with food, and building up once more the industry of agriculture to its rightful place in our national economy.

8.3 p.m.

After listening to the hon. Member for Taunton (Mr. Collins) one would be inclined to ask oneself: why are we having this Debate at all? I was almost inclined to think that the hon. Member must be the Member for Utopia, so gloriously did everything sound in his account of his own part of the world. There is no housing problem, labour is sufficient, satisfactory and happy in all directions—not quite what I understood the hon. Member for Thornbury (Mr. Alpass) to express as his view—farm buildings all right; plenty of farming machinery, and the more that goes for export, the better we can do without it, because we have so much more coming along; and if only this Socialist Government continues in office for a few more years, food will flow from the land by a natural process. I nearly gathered that we would soon do without the farmers altogether, though, of course, the hon. Member did not go so far as that. He also said that the right hon. Gentleman's name would go down to history for a hundred years. I do not wish to limit the right hon. Gentleman's claim to fame in any way, but I should just like to enter this caveat; I hope he will not be confused with the name of the other Williams who recently presented the report on marketing.

The hon. Gentleman will appreciate I was quoting Mr. Easterbrook. I think my right hon. Friend will go down to posterity for very much longer.

Mr. Easterbrook is a gentleman of great faith, great personality and great ability; he is a constituent of mine, and I would willingly accept what he says in preference to what the hon. Gentleman says.

It made me rather sad listening to the right hon. Gentleman's speech. It seemed to me that in what he said—and in this he was followed by the hon. Member for Taunton—he was very much too complacent at the present time. I do not believe that our agricultural industry is in such a comfortable and happy situation as the impression we derived from his speech. In fact, it always seems to me that our job on this side of the Committee is to bolster up the right hon. Gentleman and try to strengthen his hand in the arguments which he has with his colleagues in the Cabinet. The right hon. Gentleman makes these optimistic forecasts but they do not seem to be fulfilled in practice. The right hon. Gentleman does a great deal of harm by them.

I had a case only this week of a constituent of mine, a poultry breeder, who took the right hon. Gentleman's word, as reported some months ago, to mean that he would be able to increase his flock. He wanted to produce the maximum he possibly could and he went ahead. Of course, the expectations which the right hon. Gentleman's words had given rise to were not fulfilled, and a telegram which I received last week stated that there was no alternative for him but to slaughter thousands of heads of poultry including turkeys and chickens.

While I accept what the hon. Gentleman is saying, I cannot believe that any statement I have made since 1946, could have led to constituent or correspondent of his to the conclusion to which he refers.

I can only go upon what my constituent has said, coupled with the basis which we knew he had to go on. I do not think that I myself would have put that interpretation upon the right hon. Gentleman's words, but the optimistic atmosphere which the right hon. Gentleman engenders in the countryside does tend to lead people to expect him to do more than he is capable of performing.

May I pass from that to the question of the implementation of this £100 million increase in the target which the right hon. Gentleman called for last summer from the agricultural community. I wish we had heard rather more about it, as, for instance, what, in fact, the farming community has been able to achieve towards that end and particularly what the Government have done to enable them to reach that target? The right hon. Gentleman mentioned according to my recollection, that the Government had done four particular things. First there was price. The Government increased prices for a number of commodities, and I gather the Minister felt that they had achieved a very satisfactory result. That is the point we have been trying to drive home to the Government ever since the Agriculture Bill first came under discussion—that if they wanted greater production from agriculture the way to get it was to give farmers incentives and better prices. Instead of doing that, the Minister allows the community to receive the impression that they are going to undergo direction.

They certainly could not get it from mine. I hope now that the right hon. Gentleman has, at any rate, satisfied himself on the merits of the policy which we have been urging upon him, he will stick to it and give up this idea of direction.

The Minister referred to houses. I gathered that rural housing is, in his view, going on satisfactorily, but that is not the view which we hold. We cannot find, except on paper and in departmental statements, that houses are going up in anything like the numbers required for the agricultural community. Raw materials are not coming forward, and they must be almost on paper alone. With regard to feedingstuffs, perhaps they are in the air. We hope that they will come forward in accordance with the expectations which the right hon. Gentleman has again held out. At the moment, we are still, as I understand it, without any firm promise that 1st October will be the date upon which the new scheme can come into operation. I understood the right hon. Gentleman to say that he hoped the scheme would be able to begin on that date, and that, as yet, he is not able to make a firm announcement as to the Government's actual implementation of their hopes.

What about the rest of the target? We have heard from the right hon. Gentleman about the items that have gone up, in regard to production, but everything else has gone down, so far as I can ascertain. Cattle have gone down in the past year, according to the monthly statistics. I see that the right hon. Gentleman nods his head. The last figures published in the Monthly Digest of Statistics show that cattle were 20,000 down in the year. Sheep likewise were down by 2 million. That is a very serious figure. It means that the total sheep population at the end of last year was less than half the prewar sheep population of the country.

Has the hon. Member forgotten last year's disaster when we lost between two and three million sheep?

I have not forgotten that disaster in the least, but even if we add that figure, the issue is not materially affected, when we compare the sheep population with the prewar figure. In any case, it does not pick up the drop which has been going on steadily since 1944 and 1945. Pigs are down in total by 60,000 on the year. I agree with the right hon. Gentleman that breeding sows have slightly gone up, but even so they are still down on the 1945 figure and very considerably down on the 1944 figure, to about half the prewar number. I do not think there is very much on which the Government can congratulate themselves in the implementation of the targets at which they have asked agriculture to aim. There is no ground whatsoever for complacency.

I should like to utter a very serious word of warning to the Government on the one substantial increase which there will be this year, and that is of potatoes. Unless the weather or other accident interferes, we are going to have a very heavy potato harvest indeed. I urge the Government to make adequate and proper provision to ensure that it is not wasted. There is a grave doubt in many parts of the country whether the potatoes will be able to be harvested, and, if satisfactorily harvested, whether they will be in a good and proper condition by the time the Government open their clamps next year, if the machinery and the arrangements for the distribution of the potatoes do not show a considerable improvement upon what they have been in the past.

I have one other point in connection with the general question of agricultural production. I saw a report in yesterday's newspapers that the analysis of the accounts for the small farms, carried out by the statistical department of the colleges, shows a substantial decrease in the profits of those farms for the year. The profits are about 11 per cent. smaller than they were in the previous years. That is not the way to encourage farmers to increase their production. The right hon. Gentleman will probably answer that the prices were fixed at the February review, but if he wishes to ensure increased production from the farmers he should take heed of that drop in agricultural profits and ensure that it is put up again next year.

With regard to employees in agriculture, as in almost everything else, the figure is down. Unless a greater effort is made to get nearer to the Government's target for an increase in agricultural employment, the over-all productivity of the farms cannot be maintained. I beg the Government to do something to give farmers a chance to achieve the target which has been set them, particularly upon the two lines of maintaining the profitability of the farms and assisting capital investment in agriculture. They should do something about food for farmers and farm labourers. That is a most important factor at the present time. The Government should get on with the housing programme for the rural areas and improve rural transport facilities. Above all, they should improve amenities such as electricity and water in those areas, so as to make life there more enjoyable for the people who work on the land.

8.17 p.m.

As one who looks upon food production from the national and international point of view, I hold that there can be no peace in the world until we have solved the food problem. I know that hon. Members on both sides of the Committee will congratulate the Minister on his efforts and achievements in the past few years. When we look at this matter nationally, we know that it is not a question to be settled by landlords, farmers or farmworkers. We have to look upon this matter from the national point of view which is that we want food cheap to feed our population. We cannot argue; we have no time to argue. We are running out of food and we must get food at any cost. Those who criticise the activities of our agricultural committees must remember that the committees did magnificent work to see that the nation had its food. Those who say they would like to see a financial report and a statement from those committees should realise that it would not give us a picture of the difficulties of farming during that time.

I wish this question of agriculture were entirely outside party politics and that it could be looked at purely and simply from the national point of view of getting the best and the most food possible from the land. I agree with the hon. Member for North Cumberland (Mr. W. Roberts) that not only this country, but all the world has been going short of food. The application of science and machinery to agriculture has not anything like kept pace with the hundreds of millions by which the population of the world has increased during the last quarter of a century. They have to be fed and they must be fed and there will be no hope of peace until we can solve the great food problem.

It has been a jolly good Debate on both sides of the Committee. After all, we are proud of our country and feel sure that the country will not let the people down in food production. The Minister talked about 180,000 acres of farm land being farmed by the agricultural executive committees. What is to happen to that land, particularly in the Fenland where there are hundreds of acres of the best land of this country? I have always been an idealist and I am an idealist now, and if I had my way I would make the experiment of the first Socialist village. I would take land under Section 4 of the Act and put it down to smallholdings properly equipped with buildings and so on. Suppose it goes back to the farmers. With the present shortage of labour, the farmers can never get the manpower to farm it properly, but the land could be properly dealt with on the basis of a Socialist village, equipped with decent buildings, a school and all modern amenities. The roads which have been built by the Ministry of Agriculture are falling to pieces. What is to happen to them? Whose job is it to repair them and keep them in repair? Are they to be put under the county councils and to be made public roads? I should like to see something done about that.

The Minister did not say much about the great gap between the producer and the consumer. It is about time that something was done once and for all to give the agricultural producer a square deal. He ought not to have to sell lettuces at a 1d each and find them selling in the shops at a "bob" each. A square deal is needed in other sections of the industry. We are facing a big potato crop and there will also be an excellent crop of plums and apples. What is to happen to those crops? The factories have still not got rid of their plum stocks. If we could get rid of the jam, we could see a way out of the problem which is facing us. At what price will our plums go into the market? The Minister of Food ought to decontrol jam, or some control should be placed on imported plums, or the sugar ration should be increased so that people can make their own jam. This problem will also concern us during the tomato season. We want some protection. The Lucas Report is all right, but we want to see some of it implemented in order to close the gap between the producer and the consumer.

It is the height of impudence for Members of the Tory Party to talk about housing. How is it that during the 18½ years of Tory government they did not attack the housing problem? Farm workers were housed in places not fit for pigs to live in, and treated more like beasts of burden than human beings. The hon. and gallant Member for Horncastle (Commander Maitland) talked about water supplies. When I was in his constituency not many months ago, I saw in the shops notices telling the people to boil the water because it was polluted and not fit for drinking. That was under a private water supply in Horncastle. The water supplies, the houses and the amenities of the countryside were criminally neglected by previous Governments. Double and treble the number of houses which were built during the 18½ years of Tory rule are now being built under the housing scheme of the present Minister of Health, and they are not pigsties but houses fit for the people to live in.

We are looking forward to prosperity for this great industry. We are looking to this industry to become the premier industry in the land so that we can say in years to come that we have built a new

8.27 p.m.

It is not often that I intervene in an agricultural Debate, and I do so tonight only because I want to make a protest on behalf of the agricultural workers whom I represent. I am sorry to stop the flow of bouquets to the Minister, but I have some sharp criticisms to make, two points to put to him and two protests to make. First, I would like to reply to the hon. Member for Cambridgeshire (Mr. Stubbs). He said that we cannot argue what the food costs, but must get it.

That is exactly what Mr. Horner is saying about coal. It is what every controller of every nationalised industry will be saying—"It does not matter what it will cost just do it." Those are the economics of lunacy, if I may say so without offence. As the Minister knows, that will lead this country to such a condition—

If at the beginning of the war the hon. Member had had to revive land lost and neglected in years gone by, would he have gone into the pros and cons of the cost?

What I am trying to point out is a fact of which the Minister is well aware, that the cost of production does matter. It is vitally important. It is useless uttering the parrot cry that we must continue with the good Socialist work, cost what it may.

The people must feed themselves. The second thing was that the hon. Member said he hoped the experiment of a Socialist agricultural village would be tried. I wish with all my heart that it was tried. I wish to goodness his party had taken that advice and tried it on the coal mines which they have taken over. I wish they had tried it on my coalfield so that we could have seen the results. That would be better than talking so much nonsense about "a new Jerusalem." The hon. Member for Brigg (Mr. E. L. Mallalieu) said that we were not going back to the Manchester school of economics but that the new Socialist policy would be built on the idea of a new Jerusalem. Then he started to say what sneaking regard he had for Nazi Germany. I do not want to see a new Jerusalem built in this country on a sneaking regard for Nazi Germany.

Then, on a point of Order. The Hon. Member for Louth (Mr. Osborne) has just made an imputation in regard to Nazism in connection with a speech made by an hon. Member on this side of the Committee which I want to deny, and I explicitly tell him that it is a disgraceful thing. Will he please withdraw his remark?

I wrote the words down. Twice the hon. Member for Brigg said that he had a sneaking regard for Nazi Germany.

On a point of Order. I was present at that time and I heard my hon. Friend the Member for Brigg say that he had a sneaking regard for one feature of Nazi Germany, and that was that the Minister of Agriculture had a message over his desk saying "Every good farmer grows enough to feed his own stock on his own farm." That was the only feature he admired.

Whatever degree of admiration hon. Members have for Nazi Germany, they are welcome to it.

My hon. Friend has been deliberately misrepresented, and I am sure the hon. Gentleman in his heart of hearts would not like to do an injury to any hon. Member. My hon. Friend merely said that there was one thing associated with Hitler Germany for which he had a tinge of admiration, and that was the policy of the Minister of Agriculture in Germany that every farmer should produce feedingstuffs for his own livestock. He repeated that two or three times, and I am quite sure the hon. Member would not desire to misrepresent him.

If hon. Members of the Committee feel that I am doing the hon. Gentleman an injustice, I will withdraw it—[HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear."]—but I wrote it down most carefully, and twice he said that—[ Interruption. ] We will see what HANSARD says tomorrow.

Now I come to my two points. First, on behalf of the farm workers I accuse the Minister of neglecting their interests. I accuse him of not doing for them what he could do for them and what one of his colleagues did for the miners of this country. For instance, last year 725,000 ex-Army food parcels were sold at 22s. 6d. a parcel. They were excellent value. They had points value of 125 per parcel and they contained biscuits, chocolate, milk, tea, sugar, meat, pudding, fruit and cake. On 28th January I asked in the House why were not some of those food parcels made available to the agricultural workers of this country? The answer I received from the Minister of Food was curious and unsatisfactory. By a strange act of fate there were just the right number of parcels to go round to the miners and, therefore, none could be spared for the agricultural workers. I put this to the Minister. I believe it is true that the miners are already getting a better meat ration than the farm workers. It is his job to protect the agricultural workers, for whom I am speaking, and hon. Members who sit behind the right hon. Gentleman and crow about representing the agricultural workers, did not get up once and protest on this point—

My organisation, the National Union of Agricultural Workers, has spent a considerable amount of time in endeavouring to get what the hon. Member suggests the farm worker is entitled to have, and we are still not satisfied with what he is getting. When the opportunity occurs, I shall raise it again in this House.

I am most grateful to the hon. Member, but he has never helped me when I protested before on this point. May I say that the miners, as the hon. Gentleman knows very well, have all these facilities; they have good canteens, a better supply of food than industrial canteens, and all these services, and yet agricultural workers, whose wives live in isolated villages with no shopping facilities and low wages, had none of these plums which this Government had to distribute. The hon. Gentleman made no word of protest, and I am now making the protest which he should have made.

May I turn the Committee's attention to the answer given by the Ministry of Food? The Ministry said that the agricultural workers could not have any of these parcels because there were just sufficient for the miners. There are on the colliery books 724,000 miners, but, as the right hon. Gentleman knows, there are only 292,000 actually at the coalface getting the coal, and it means that every hanger-on in the colliery yard, the psychological experts—[ Interruption. ] Oh, yes, the hangers-on—and I use that word deliberately—the psychological experts, the sports advisers and even the publicity wallahs, got what was denied to the agricultural workers.

I want to ask the right hon. Gentleman a question, and I hope I am in Order, because it has to do with agriculture. It is quite useless asking the agricultural workers to produce the extra food which we badly need unless we give them a square deal, and I can assure him that they are not having a square deal. I ask the Minister whether he made any protest on behalf of the agricultural workers that they should have some of this extra food, and if not, why not? Or is it true that he knew so little about it that he did not even know that it was to be distributed, until the matter was raised in the House? This is a serious point, which I have raised before, and which I shall raise again in the country. Bouquets are being thrown at the Minister, and there is no Minister to whom I would rather throw bouquets than the right hon. Gentleman, but I think he has failed here, and I think it is our duty to say so, and I shall say so throughout the country. He has not done what I think he could have done. Why could not, say, half of these parcels have gone to the agricultural workers, at least in North Lincolnshire, in the isolated villages on the Wolds?

I put it to the Minister that the real reason is that the Socialist Government, who are today cooing so nicely to the agricultural people, are moved by the industrial trade unions, and that the miners have a greater pull with this Government than has the right hon. Gentleman who represents the agricultural workers.

Results—that is the answer. It is no good the Minister saying that this new programme is going to be attained unless he sees that the agricultural worker gets a good deal under his guidance, as do the miners under the Minister of Fuel and Power. The Government are always claiming to give "fair do's" and equal shares, but there were no "fair do's" and equal shares between the agricultural workers and the miners in this case. I want the Minister to answer that, and I speak on behalf of the agricultural workers in North Lincolnshire. Perhaps the hon. Members behind the Minister who come from East Anglia do not mind.

My second protest is on behalf of the general taxpayer. I want to ask a question of the Minister. In his speech, if I took him down correctly, he said that the county agricultural committees had done a grand job during the war. Later he said that he would stand by the agricultural committees and the excellent work which they had been doing. I draw the attention of the Committee to some facts. On 23rd February this year I asked the right hon. Gentleman how many people were employed by the agricultural committees. He said that on 10th May, 1940, there were 724 clerks and typists, and that on 1st January this number had risen to 6,600 clerks and typists. As he said that they were doing a grand job in 1940, dare he say they are doing ten times that grand job today? Of course not. The organisation is grossly overstaffed, it is costing far too much money, and, as a taxpayer, I am making my protest.

The right hon. Gentleman said further that in 1940, there were 493 technicians and administrators, and at the beginning of this year that number had increased to 3,300. The salaries of those two groups in 1940 amounted to £330,000 a year and today the figure is £3,550,000 a year. Those are the facts. I ask the Minister whether he is satisfied that we are getting eight times the value from the agricultural Committees that we received in 1940.

I cannot give way now because I have not the time. Furthermore, since the right hon. Gentleman said that they were doing a grand job in 1940, I want to know whether he is satisfied that today there is not a lot of waste of manpower and money in the offices of these committees. At the time when he claims that these committees were doing a fine job in the war, were there a lot of volunteers whose places have since been taken by paid staff? If not what work are the 10,000 people doing today which was done by 1,217 in I940 when, on the right hon. Gentleman's own showing, they were doing a grand job of work?

The information was given to me by the right hon. Gentleman, and I can only use the information which he supplied. Either there are far too many people employed on those committees, or else they were grossly overworked during the war. Far from this being an isolated instance, I believe it is indicative of the general trend under the Socialist Government. In America they have a terse, tough saying which I hope the right hon. Gentleman will not take amiss—"There are too many people feeding in the public trough." That is what is happening in this country. Far too many are going on the pay roll of the non-productive workers employed under Socialism. They have to be carried by the men in productive industries. These 10,000 non-producers who I believe, have now been put by the Minister on to the permanent Civil Service staff, must have their bread earned for them by the farm workers whom I represent. This is not an isolated case.

The reason I have raised the matter is that I believe it is part of a general trend which will impoverish the whole nation. I have a book here which I recommend hon. Members opposite to read. It is called "Politics and Poverty" by Lewis Ord. The thesis is that the more politics we have, the poorer we shall become, on this ground, that if you have over-development of political control, you have more non-productive workers who have to be carried by the productive workers. I want the right hon. Gentleman to look into this. It is calculated in this book on recent scientific estimates that, on the average, in America 100 producers were carrying on their backs 25 non-producers. In this country 100 producers carry about 75 non-producers, and on the Continent—

On a point of Order, Major Milner. What has this part of the speech to which we are listening to do with agriculture?

I think the hon. Member for Louth (Mr. Osborne) in his latter remarks was certainly more relevant than he was in some of his earlier remarks.

I am obliged to you, Sir. I shall make my speech in my own way; I shall say what I have come here to say. I put it to you, Sir, that I am protesting against the 10,000 non-producers whom the Ministry of Agriculture has put on the Civil Service list, and I think that is very germane to what we are discussing. I think so, and I am very grateful that you feel that with me.

I will not delay the Committee much longer but there is a great deal I want to say on this point. I want to put it to hon. Members opposite, because they are as much concerned with the general standard of living of the poorer people of this country. [HON. MEMBERS: "More."] Not more. If we are to continue to increase the number of non-producers on the Civil Service list, then those who are producing the wealth of the country will have to work harder to maintain these people. I am making a protest against this increased staff.

I will cut down my remarks, but I wish to make this final point. In the Monthly Statistical Digest the Government show that of the 20 million working population, just over a half are employed by the country in producing wealth. Agriculture heads the list with 1,100,000; mining and quarrying has 838,000; manufacturing 7,270,000, and building 1,315,000. Taking it as a whole, the man or woman who is producing the wealth is carrying on his back at least one person producing nothing, and the tendency to increase the number of non-producers, I hold, is lowering the standard of those who are working. I would like to know from the right hon. Gentleman, whether he is still satisfied that the extra 10,000 he has placed on the books, at a cost of over £3 million a year in wages and salaries, are producing the result the taxpayer is entitled to expect?

8.49 p.m.

We have listened to a' speech which, I think, has very little connection at all with agriculture and which, I must say, I consider to be one of the most carping and miserable speeches I have heard for a long time. Indeed, I would say a mischievous speech; a speech trying to create jealousy between different classes of workers, a speech trying to drive a wedge between the miners and the agricultural workers, two very fine bodies of men in this country, well organised, with representatives in this House who are capable of speaking for them with a more authentic voice than that of the hon. Member for Louth (Mr. Osborne).

The hon. Member was trying hard in this way to embarrass the Government and to create a very bad situation in the industrial field. If I did not know the hon. Member better I might have thought he had been infected by the gloom that was spread in this Chamber by the hon. Member for Chichester (Mr. Joynson-Hicks), who is not in his place at the moment. He, too, gave a very gloomy speech, but perhaps not quite as gloomy and venomous as that of the hon. Member for Louth.

The hon. Member for Chichester gave us very detailed lists of the requirements of rural life today. It seemed to me he was playing the part of the lawyer reading a will and talking about how the late gentleman had bequeathed all sort of troubles to his survivors and descendants. When the hon. Member was talking about housing, water supplies, amenities, electricity, and transport, and all the things that are lacking in the countryside today, he reminded me of a lawyer reading a will, or as one bequeathing these things to his successors—in this case the Minister of Agriculture, the Minister of Health, and all the rest of the Labour Government who have inherited the legacy, and who are tackling the job of improving the countryside and making it somewhat better than the Tories left it.

References have been made to the tied cottage, and I think a word or two ought to be said about that from this side of the Committee. There is no humbug in our activity, or in our anxiety to abolish the tied cottage. We know that the agricultural workers regard tied cottages as one of the worst sins in the countryside. Comparisons have been made between the agricultural worker in his tied cottage and the railway worker, or the bank manager, or the Prime Minister in their cottages or houses or service flats. But there is no comparison. One never hears of a bank manager being thrown out on to the street. We hear all too often of agricultural workers being evicted from their tied cottages. A Prime Minister at Chequers or 10, Downing Street—

—is given adequate notice. Railway workers and miners are never put out in the way that agricultural workers are. In no industry other than the agricultural industry do we find the constant contacts that there are between the worker and the employer, or the employer having control not only over the work and the livelihood, but also over the home of the worker. The farmer can put the farm worker out, if one harsh word passes from one to the other. The relations between the farmer and the farm worker are so close, personal and constant, and that does not occur in any other industry.

I think the Minister may congratulate himself on this Debate, because there has been very little attack on him or on his policy throughout the whole of the Debate. Indeed, I think we may say that the Opposition has already praised him with faint damns, and has not gone any further than that. The hon. and gallant Member for Richmond (Sir T. Dugdale) coined a new Tory slogan. I was very interested in it. He said, "We must get back to pork sausages." He repeated it twice, so I suppose he gives to it a certain importance. As there has been a 60 per cent, increase in breeding sows, which was described as a "slight" increase by the hon. Member for Chichester, I think we are showing that we are getting back to pork sausages—

Yes; and, therefore, the hon. and gallant Member for Richmond will be pleased. His plea for more feedingstuffs has been echoed repeatedly. It has been made for years. However, I notice that, as always, the Opposition pays no account whatever to the fact that there is a world scarcity of feedingstuffs. Countries that have a surplus do not want to send it to us at very high prices, and they even prefer to send us meat than to send us feedingstuffs, even though we are prepared to pay those high prices, and buy the feedingstuffs. The hon. and gallant Member for Richmond attacked the Minister of Food, and said that the policy my right hon. Friend enunciated the other day was "as dead as the dodo." He then attempted to discover differences between the Minister of Food and the Minister of Agriculture. He quoted the closing words of the speech that the Minister of Food made on Monday 12th July. I do not think he deliberately wanted to mislead the Committee, but had he gone back to some earlier words of my right hon. Friend, and amplified the quotation he made, I think the impression conveyed to the Committee would have been very different. By quoting only the portion he did, he gave the Committee rather a wrong impression. If he will turn to col. 885, he will note that the Minister of Food said: Agriculture and in the Government. If I may give him a word of advice, he should learn from the history of his Conservative Party and not attempt to bring politics into farming. Several Front Bench Members of the Opposition have fallen from grace for attempting to do that very thing, and he would we well-advised not to follow their example.

I have noticed little mention by the Opposition of any constructive alternative policy on the part of the Tory Party. There has been very little mention of the Tory Charter for Agriculture, and I have been wondering whether they were perhaps ashamed to mention it. It cannot be through modesty or a desire not to advertise it. I am sure that they would like to sell as many as they can; and one hon. Member last night was advertising it and offering it for sale. Today there has been little mention of it. I am wondering whether the shadow of the "Economist" has fallen over the Tory Agricultural Charter. It is the guide book and handbook of the Conservative Party. Most of the speeches of hon. Members opposite have their origin in the "Economist," and I wonder whether the criticism of the agricultural charter in the "Economist" has caused them to be a little modest about it. The "Economist" said on 3rd July:

Mention has been made of machinery and mechanisation. Why is there such a clamour today for more machinery? It is because the farmers, for the first time in their lives, have the money to buy it. Before the war, there was no shortage of machinery for farmers because they could not afford to buy it. Today they have the money, and, however much machinery is put on the market, they are unable to get enough.

We have had some criticism from hon. Members opposite and particularly the hon. Member for Tonbridge (Mr. G. Williams), who seemed very worried that too much machinery was being made, and he thought that combined harvesters would flood the market. We should like to know where we stand in this. Are the Government being criticised because there is too much machinery or too little machinery? We should like to know, and I think the farming community of this country would like to know, where the Conservative Party stand on this issue. If we look at the actual figures of agricultural machinery produced in this country we find that the Minister under-estimated when he said that we were producing today 10 times as much machinery as was being produced in 1938.

I see from the Monthly Digest of Statistics that in some cases we are producing much more than 10 times as much: we are producing 60 times as much market-garden type tractors as we did before the war; 20 times more disc harrows; 12 times more corn drills; and whereas before the war we produced no combine harvesters, in the first quarter of this year we produced 55. The figures of £26 million worth in 1946 as against a rate of £64 million worth in 1948 show that here, at any rate, there is a terrific expansion, and that we have good reason to congratulate the Minister and the Government for the policy they are pursuing.

There is one question on that which I wish to put to my right hon. Friend, and that is whether he would ensure that the manufacturers of the main items of agricultural machinery pay sufficient attention to the subsidiary implements and to spare parts. We encounter shortages of those, and I should be glad if my right hon. Friend would use his influence with manufacturers to get them to switch some of their production from the main articles to the subsidiaries. I should also like to ask him to stimulate and encourage pools of machinery on co-operative lines. That would be of great help to small farmers, particularly with expensive machinery.

I believe that in the future we shall have to settle a long-term policy for the mechanisation of our agricultural industry. Obviously, the more we mechanise the more that throws into relief what our requirements of manpower will be; and it creates a problem which we shall have to settle some time in the future. Meantime, we know very well that the world food shortage is such—and we have had warnings from Sir John Boyd Orr and others—that we must go all out in producing as much as our land can bear, and as much as our workers can produce. If we pursue that policy we shall not merely earn the gratitude of our own people, but by producing more food we shall be making a great contribution towards international security.

9.3 p.m.

I am quite sure that the final words of the hon. Member for Winchester (Mr. G. Jeger) will be echoed by everybody. The need of the day is certainly the greatest possible production that we can get, subject, of course, to the proper cultivation of the soil and proper safeguards—which in war-time unfortunately had often to be abandoned, but which we hope the present crisis is not sufficiently serious to make us now to forget. I am quite sure that we all agree there.

I think the Minister must be fairly satisfied with the course of the Debate, because from all hon. Members who have spoken there has been a measure of agreement as to the difficulties of the day, and a considerable measure of agreement on the methods of solving some of those difficulties. No doubt it must be agreeable to him, too, to realise that several hon. Members on both sides rode their favourite mounts. We had the tied cottage from the hon. Member for Thornbury (Mr. Alpass); it would not have been an agricultural Debate without it. But, of course, what he says is not apparently carrying any weight with the Minister, the Government, or anybody else much.

Apart from that, we are all agreed that we must, as soon as possible, do all we can in order, not necessarily to have a prosperous agriculture, not necessarily to have prosperous people working on the land in all departments—which we devoutly want—but in order literally to stave off hunger. That is the problem we are up against; it is whether or not, in view of our changed economic situation, this country can manage to get through this year, the next year, or the year after, with any reasonable rations at all. That is the fundamental problem we are discussing. Last week we were discussing it from the point of view of the Minister of Food, and today we are discussing it from the point of view of the Minister of Agriculture—to see what maximum production can be secured here.

If in the somewhat disjointed remarks I want to make I start off by referring to the feedingstuffs position, it is because at the moment it is perhaps the most important aspect of the problem. The right hon. Gentleman, the Prime Minister, the Lord President of the Council and everyone in the Government were busy in August last setting up the great target of what was to be the optimum production for 1951–52, and at that time every promise that could be made was made. The Lord President of the Council said that feedingstuffs would be made available even by using scarce dollars so as to build up the production of livestock in this country. The right hon. Gentleman said today that farmers would, of course, be encouraged to go full speed ahead towards that end.

But I want to call attention to the fact that today for the first time the right hon. Gentleman said—and as he used the same point in two successive sentences I detected a new note—that it all depended upon feedingstuffs being at a reasonable price. I dare say that that was inherent all along—I imagine it was in the eyes of the Treasury—but I cannot find any reference to this aspect of the matter in any of the other statements which have been made. Indeed, the Economic Survey for 1948, in talking about the necessity for feedingstuffs, has this to say: Lower down it states:

The gist of the argument, as I understand it, which has been going on, and the Minister of Food started it and my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Richmond (Sir T. Dugdale) continued it in opening this Debate, has been the relative ratio in foreign exchange of what we get for a £ sterling today in foreign meat, and what is the result of spending a £ on feedingstuffs, either in the same market or in another market, and bringing these feedingstuffs over here, combining them with the natural roughage required, to see what is the result in meat. That is the argument the Minister of Food started. The reasonability or otherwise of the price does not only apply to the feedingstuff prices but also to the meat prices. The logical conclusion is that if the prices are not reasonable there will be no meat nor feedingstuff. That is not the point we have been arguing. We have been arguing the alternative, whether it would not be wiser for the Minister to be able to carry the Minister of Food and his colleagues with him, because he is no doubt with us—

The right hon. and gallant Gentleman is arguing with us and not we with him.

I do not mind which way the Parliamentary Secretary puts it, but I think at this moment this is a more distinguished bench than the Government Front Bench. So I prefer to say that the argument the Minister has had with the Minister of Food has been on that point. The Minister of Agriculture has lost, because he has not been able to get the feedingstuffs, even if we have had the meat.

We have not got them in sufficient quantities to produce the meat, pigs, poultry and eggs we require. That was the argument which my hon. and gallant Friend was countering. I have re-checked the figures since the Minister spoke earlier today. The Minister of Food said that one pound sterling spent on imported meat brought in, at the prices of the first four months of this year, 27 lb. of meat, and that one pound sterling spent on feedingstuffs would only have brought in, as a result of conversion in this country into meat, 9 lb. of meat.

It was these figures which we questioned. If they were anywhere near right then a good deal of the argument is not so effective. Calculations which have been made—and I shall be glad to have them controverted—show that, accepting the Minister of Food's figure, one pound sterling equals 27 lb. of meat, and that one pound sterling spent on feedingstuffs could have been converted into 66 lb. of meat—not 9 lb. If these figures are right, and I have no reason to suppose they are not, then the argument which we have been putting up proves that it would be far better to spend more scarce dollars on feedingstuffs for conversion over here.

The same is true of bacon and pig meat. We spent £13 million sterling, but if we had bought the necessary feedingstuffs we could have had the equivalent amount of meat in this country for £7·3 million sterling. Until that argument is resolved the Minister will not get the increased livestock production which we require to maintain the ration and save us from hunger. The Minister congratulated himself in saying that the pig position at home was all right because, without an increase in the ration, two-fifths of the prewar number of pigs had been slaughtered compared with one-fifth the year before. That may be right, but the numbers of pigs do not give such an encouraging picture. In 1947, we slaughtered 800,000 pigs, and in 1945 we slaughtered 1,350,000. When I say "slaughtered" I mean, of course, that the pigs were slaughtered so that they could be eaten, and not that we did it just for the pleasure of killing them. In 1938 we slaughtered 5,000,000 pigs. I have seen figures which demonstrate that the recovery in pigs in this country has been the lowest in any country in Europe since the war, with exception of Poland. We have advanced, but we are slaughtering 800,000 pigs as compared with 5,000,000 before the war, and I find on the figures that both Italy and Greece produced this last year more pigs than their prewar figures. Something has been radically wrong with the general handling of the feedingstuffs situation.

The hon. Member for Brigg (Mr. E. L. Mallalieu) whom I congratulate on a maiden speech, said that we Tories should bend our not inconsiderable influence—that was very handsome of him to recognise that, but then he is my political neighbour—to get the farmers to grow enough feedingstuffs for their own use. That is an admirable sentiment, but the Minister, earlier on, flatly turned it down. My hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Horncastle (Commander Maitland) asked whether, if the farmers did not consume up to the 20 per cent, which they were allowed to grow, they could pass it on to someone else in order to increase a neighbour's livestock and the Minister said, "No, it must go back to the Ministry of Food." Thus the handsome suggestion should be addressed not to the Conservatives with their not inconsiderable influence amongst the farmers, but to the right hon. Gentleman and such influence as he has got with the Ministry of Food.

I have said enough on the subject of feedingstuffs, but I do implore the right hon. Gentleman once more to do battle with his colleague the Minister of Food and try to improve on this situation. If we cannot accept the position after the statement he made this afternoon that there was going to be an increase in feedingstuffs, though not on a very generous scale, on 1st October, it is because it confirms what we have always said that there were feedingstuffs available in the world and the right hon. Gentleman and his colleagues cannot any more argue that they are available nowhere in the world. They must be available, because by now at the latter end of July the Government have pretty well brought forward the arrangements as to how they are going to distribute extra feedingstuffs in the form of rations on 1st October. That suggests that there are feedingstuffs available, and confirms the argument which was put up repeatedly from these benches that such feedingstuffs were available all the time, but the Government for some reason best known to themselves did not wish to buy them.

The next problem is that of labour. Here my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Horncastle specifically referred to the article on the vanished workers in yesterday's "Daily Mirror." I have no doubt the right hon. Gentleman has seen it, and while I am not a particular fan of the "Daily Mirror" it does raise this problem in a vivid manner and with great headlines. If the Parliamentary Secretary wants a copy of the article I can hand it to him.

The article deals with a problem which has been growing up. My hon. and gallant Friend asked why was it not possible to get back German prisoners of war, who had experience of particular farms in this country. I personally have my own views on the question of the European volunteer worker, and I largely agree with the Minister of Labour that all things being equal we have a greater obligation to those Allies who are now stranded up and down Europe than we have to German prisoners of war no matter how effective they may become on any particular farm. That is not saying that, having got these people here as volunteers, they should necessarily be treated in a way superior, as sometimes we are told they are, to our own agricultural workers. We have been informed that they get more facilities, shorter hours, and they certainly get very fine wages according to the standards of which they themselves have any knowledge.

Over and above all this, it is said that it is comparatively easy for them to slip out of the agricultural industry altogether and go into another job. I cannot believe that that is true, but that is what one hears. Therefore, I hope the Parliamentary Secretary will be able to deal with the subject, for it will allay a lot of anxiety if he can give us an assurance that those people who come over are going to be effective workers in agriculture, that they know something about it and that they are going to be a useful addition to our labour force. If that assurance were given then perhaps my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Horncastle would be reconciled and satisfied that he had raised this matter in the Debate.

From labour we come to houses. I think the hon. Member for Thornbury has covered that subject, so I will not pursue it, except to ask once more that every effort should be made by the right hon. Gentleman with the Minister of Health to try to see that more cottages for farm workers become available as the building programme progresses. The latest figure that I have seen is that out of 33,000 houses built by rural authorities, only 7,000 were let on 31st May to agricultural workers. While hon. Members opposite, and certainly the Minister of Health, are always priding themselves upon, as the right hon. Gentleman says, the great advance that he has made in the countryside, by getting houses built, they do not seem to appreciate that it is one thing to have houses in rural areas and quite another thing to have those houses occupied by agricultural workers.

I understood that in the circular of last year, priority was given as a result of Government decision to houses in agricultural districts for agricultural workers in the future. I have no doubt that that fact accounts for the further fact that in the last six months the figure has gone up to 7,000. It was only about 2,000 six months ago. If that alteration is anything to do with the Minister of Agriculture, I can only ask him to continue with the good work. I hope that he will also continue with the good work by consulting with the Minister of Works, who is responsible for things like the Airey house which is being built in agricultural districts for agricultural workers. He should ask that Minister to stop modifying the specifications. Only last week I heard—I think this was in relation to the house we saw together—that a new specification had come, and that alterations had to be made, in spite of the fact that the houses were let and that the workers were in them. Everybody knows what a complicated job that is, not to mention the extra expense involved. If the Minister can do something about that matter that will also be a good thing.

I pass to the third main heading about which I want to say something, and that is the county committees. My hon. Friend the Member for Louth (Mr. Osborne) has pointed out the extraordinary increase in the cost of the administrative services under the committees. In his opening speech the Minister deplored the attacks that were being made upon those committees. Apparently he has it in his mind that we have been attacking those committees. We have not been attacking them at all. We all agreed, when the Agriculture Act was being passed, that the committees were necessary in the new world of agriculture and under the new plans to which this House had agreed for agriculture, but we always took the line with the right hon. Gentleman that the committees must be the friends, the advisers and the guides of the farmers and landowners with whom they had to deal, and not their dictators.

That is why we say that we see no reason why the accounts of their activities should not be revealed to the world county by county. The right hon. Gentleman says that the committees might be frightened at being pilloried for having risked money, but if that happened, that would be a very poor view to take. Surely the committees would be prepared to stand up to their responsibility if they had spent public money. I am sure that no self-respecting committee would want to have it hidden away as one very small part of a great total for the whole country.

I should like to ask one question. I was not quite able to reconcile the figures which the right hon. Gentleman gave. He said they were farming about 180,000 acres. I do not quarrel with that because that is only a drop of 10,000 acres from the information he gave us a month ago. On 14th June in a written answer the Minister said that these committees had under control or being farmed by them on 31st March, 1948, 478,000 acres. Today, he said 300,000. I wonder if that really—

Then they have got out of 120,000 acres since the end of March. I congratulate the right hon. Gentleman. I take it that is the result of the instructions which we were told had recently been given that land in possession should, when possible, be let. They must have hustled along to let 120,000 acres in the course of three months. Though very late in the day, that is satisfactory.

The difficulties of the committees are probably the result of the fact that this great administrative machine, to which my hon. Friend the Member for Louth referred, has a great amount of paper work coming its way. It is fantastic. It is too ludicrous for words. Here is something of such a very ludicrous nature that it will bring home to hon. Members the kind of thing that I have in mind. Here is a circular sent to these committees from the Minister on how to make sandwiches?

Yes. It is from Ministry of Agriculture officials. If the right hon. Gentleman is going to say that he is not responsible for his Department—

I want to read one or two sentences to show hon. Members what is sent to the committees. It says:

I want to put two specific questions to him. If he cannot answer them today, perhaps he will take some other opportunity. First of all, about potatoes. As the Minister told us in reply to a Question, there is a great acreage this year. I am asked in several quarters to urge him to make a statement about this as soon as he can on the assumption that the result of this vastly increased acreage will be a vastly abnormal heavy crop. It is a bit early to say what will be the crop. I recognise that this is somewhat hypothetical, but obviously some plan ought to be made. We have this enormous acreage, and on the assumption that all goes well, may we know whether it is the intention to export any surplus or whether it is expected to let it be available in large quantities for stock feeding?

The other question which I want to put to the Joint Parliamentary Secretary, because the Minister ignored it altogether and the country deserves an answer, is: what is the Government going to do with regard to the horticultural problem? We heard nothing about it. It was left out of the Agriculture Act, though many statements were made that it would require a special scheme. It obviously could not come under the guaranteed price system of that Act. So the Minister told us, and that we accepted, but that was June last year. Here we are at the end of July, nothing has been done, and a great number of agriculturists who are interested in horticulture are becoming very anxious.

For example, I have been given figures by my hon. and gallant Friend here that at the end of February this year 190,000 cwt. of foreign broccoli were imported at a cost of over half a million pounds when there was plenty available in Cornwall. Not only that, but it was imported in first-class, non-returnable containers which are not available to our growers. So that, quite apart from the seasonal factors and the early season, leaves our own people at a disadvantage. The hon. Member for Evesham (Mr. De la Bère) was talking about plums last week and asked what was to be done in view of the enormous crop expected this year. And, of course, the cut flower position was such that there was something like threequarters of a million pounds worth of cut flowers imported in the first quarter compared with £334,000 worth in the same quarter last year. These are very disturbing figures for those connected with horticulture and I hope, therefore, that in winding up the hon. Gentleman will be able to tell us the intentions of the Government about that part of the industry.

That is all I want to say in summing up the Debate from this side of the Committee. We are worried about the feedingstuffs; we are rather confused about the position with regard to the European volunteer workers; we are disturbed at the Minister's decision about the secrecy to be attached to the financial side of the county committees; we are bothered at the amount of work which the administrative machine is putting upon them.

The Minister concluded his speech by preening himself on the confidence which he said the agricultural community had in His Majesty's Government. I just do not believe that. I do not think they have any more reason to feel confident now than they had a few weeks ago when it was first mooted that the order which we discussed last night was to be produced to Parliament. As I said last night, that caused great anxiety in farming circles. The right hon. Gentleman has it in his hands whether he uses the powers he took last night, but the fact that he took them at all has shaken confidence.

However, in spite of that, tonight we are proposing to leave the Minister's salary untouched. We do not know whether he has really earned it or not, but when we think of all the hard work he has put in, we hope that he will continue the hard work and we want the fact that his salary is untouched to be a mandate to him from this side of the Committee that he is to stand up to the Minister of Food, the Minister of Health and the Minister of Supply. So far during this last year we think he has failed to defeat any of them but, if he keeps the whole £5,000 this year, perhaps he will have a little more power to his elbow in defeating them all in turn and so, and only so, be able to restore all that we want to this industry.

9.34 p.m.

It is rather interesting and for my right hon. Friend and myself not altogether unexpected, that the failure of the right hon. and gallant Gentleman to carry any very large bulk of his supporters with him last night into the Division Lobby, has led him to decide not to make the same mistake again. I am a little disappointed, because in view of the tenor of this Debate and his own remarks, I felt sure he would want to move an increase in two salaries. I am sorry we have not got him as far as that. I think we can agree with him, however, that the tenor of the Debate today is one which should give considerable satisfaction to us on this side of the Committee, to the Minister, and to the industry generally.

With one or two exceptions, notably the speech of the hon. Member for Louth (Mr. Osborne), the Debate has been helpful to the industry, helpful to us and on a very good constructive note all the way through. The mischievous—if I might use a word which over-dignifies it—speech of the hon. Member for Louth included a reference to a million people feeding in the public trough. That I think comes ill from a party which, when it was in office, had two million feeding out of the public trough. To talk of the officers of the county committees, the officials of my right hon. Friend's Department, as "eating out of the public trough" is surely the best possible way to discourage good people from going into that service, and I really do appeal to hon. Members opposite, when we are starting off this great national service created under the Act, to which everybody gave so much lip-service and genuine support when the Bill was going through, not to get niggardly now and use such terms as would lead public-spirited men to decide that this is not a field in which they can serve.

The right hon. and gallant Gentleman the Member for Gainsborough (Captain Crookshank), who has just wound up for the Opposition, asked me one or two questions, and I think that if I answer them I might take up some other questions asked by other hon. Members on both sides of the Committee. The right hon. and gallant Gentleman said that our great need was not so much to have a successful and prosperous agriculture and workers in it—although we need that very much—as to get enough food with which to feed ourselves. I think I cannot do better than quote the phrase which my right hon. Friend used in the country, when he said that what we are really embarking upon is a campaign against want, and on that we are entirely in agree- ment with the keynote which was expressed by the right hon. and gallant Gentleman.

We have had some considerable discussion at intervals during the Debate, on the question of the terms on which the Government have tried to get feedingstuffs. There were questions about whether we had got all there was, as much as we could get, and so on. The right hon. and gallant Gentleman said that, for the first time we had here the explicit words "feedingstuffs at reasonable prices," and he said that no doubt was always implicit. It would be pointing to the obvious to say that that must have been the case. If we were to go into the market prepared to obtain feedingstuffs here, there and everywhere, at any price, no matter how unreasonable, it would amount to a clear invitation to our suppliers to put up the price against us, and clearly there must be a point at which one has to decide the price at which one is to get those feedingstuffs. In fact, my right hon. Friend was saying, as the right hon. and gallant Gentleman recognised, no more on that point than was implicit in it.

Do not let us, in our anxiety to press the case for feedingstuffs, make any mistake about what is happening. Unfortunately, I did not think of this point earlier, and did not get the figures which I would like to have, but I did, during the Debate, obtain some figures from the Trade and Navigation Returns which show that, in the first five months of 1947, we imported 536,000 tons of coarse grains, offals and oil cake, whereas in the first five months of 1948 we imported over a million and a quarter tons—to be exact, 1,265,000 tons. I do not suggest that we ought to be complacent; I only say that we should not overstate the case, but should recognise that quite a considerable amount has become available in the last 12 months.

On the same subject, the right hon. and gallant Gentleman followed his hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Richmond (Sir T. Dugdale) into a complicated mathematical dissertation with my right hon. Friend the Minister of Food. All I can say about that is that it would be rather difficult for me to get involved in that complicated matter. I only repeat the advice which my right hon. Friend gave that the matter might be taken up with the Minister of Food on the next occasion when the Vote of his Department is discussed on a Supply Day. For the moment, there is little I can say about that, except that one must not assume that the choice of meat or feedingstuffs, or eggs or feedingstuffs, is necessarily always present. It is possible to make a decision on this or that without the other alternative arising at all. That is so obvious that I should have thought it would have been recognised, but I thought there was a suggestion once or twice today that that was not the case.

Referring to the speech of my hon. Friend the Member for Brigg (Mr. E. L. Mallalieu)—whom I was very glad to help to become a political neighbour, and show the better side of things to the people of Lincolnshire—the right hon. and gallant Gentleman said that in refusing to let farmers keep 20 per cent, feedingstuffs, although they might not want it to feed their own livestock, the Minister was, in some mysterious way, not encouraging the growing of feedingstuffs by farmers for their own use. I am sure the right hon. and gallant Gentleman must have lost himself somewhere in that argument. We say that if a farmer needs feedingstuffs for feeding his own livestock, we have honoured the undertaking which we have given by saying that he can keep 20 per cent. for himself but that if he does not need it and intends to waste it or to dispose of it to someone else, that is not playing the game because it is not the spirit of the arrangement. If somebody else wants it, we want him to grow it himself, because by growing enough and keeping 20 per cent. for himself, 80 per cent. is available for the general pool. If my right hon. Friend were to encourage the arrangement suggested by the Opposition, he would be encouraging people not to grow their own feedingstuffs, which would be a very retrograde step, or else some kind of black market would arise, or perhaps a combination of both. Therefore, the point does not arise.

The right hon. and gallant Gentleman asked about the story in a newspaper concerning E.V.Ws. who have been brought over here to work on the land and then have been dodging away. As so often happens with sensational stories, there is in fact, the simplest of answers. We believe that our arrangements in this matter were tight and that very few people, if any, were scampering away. What has happened is that the newspaper concerned has taken from the Ministry of Labour a figure which applies to all E.V.Ws. who have been brought in to work for agriculture, has deducted from that figure the figure which my right hon. Friend's Department has given in respect of E.V.Ws. employed by the county committees, and has assumed that the resulting difference represents those who have disappeared, whereas in fact it represents those who work in Scotland, for whom we do not issue the figures, and those employed on private farms. We believe that the 8,305 quoted by the paper as "missing" is the figure of those employed in those other ways which are not accounted for in our Department's figures.

Therefore, there is absolutely nothing in that story, and I believe that there is no reason for assuming that these fellows want to get away. Indeed, I had a word with my right hon. Friend the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Labour earlier in the day, and he told me that he has received a number of letters from hon. Members pressing him to let certain E.V.Ws. out of agriculture, which seems clearly to indicate that they cannot get out under their own steam anyhow, and makes it pretty clear that there is nothing at all in that story.

As to houses, the position is as the right hon. and gallant Gentleman stated it, and I was grateful to him for the bouquet which he gave to my right hon. Friend. The proportion of houses built in the rural areas is growing, and the proportion of those houses let to agricultural workers is also growing. The last monthly figure which I have, for 31st May, shows that considerably more than 25 per cent. of those built in the rural areas actually get let to agricultural workers. I do not suggest that that is enough by any means, but the proportion is rising and it is reaching a reasonable figure.

In that month 744 were let to agricultural workers. I have not with me the exact figure of the total number built in rural areas and the right hon. Gentleman will have to take my word for it that it is over 25 per cent.; in fact, it is so.

The scheme which we have worked out between the Ministry of Agriculture and the Ministry of Health, about the arrangement both for letting houses when they are built and deciding where they shall be built, is working well—taking account, in such decisions, of the interests of agriculture, including arrangements for having consultations with us and other interested people in the agricultural community about numbers and the proportion to be allocated to agricultural workers. We believe that the machinery is working very well indeed, but I say in this House what I have myself had to say to our own county committees, that while we can take a broader view of the national needs so far as the housing of agricultural workers is concerned, there is, of course, the problem of the rural district councillor who has to go back to the constituency, who is living in close touch with his constituents, and who has to explain this matter of priorities. As practical men—and some of us may have been in local government ourselves—we must recognise that here exists a great difficulty for the rural district councillor. Within that, however, I think on the whole the scheme is working very well.

I want to give one other word of warning to farm workers and farmers themselves. If we are not careful there will be areas in this country where priority arrangements will operate so well that we shall have houses for agricultural workers without having the agricultural worker applicants ready to go into them. Nothing could lead to a more serious situation. I had a suspicion that this was happening in one or two places and I was speaking about it to a person whom I shall not name here—he is very well known to hon. Gentlemen on the other side, a leading farmer in the southern half of this country—and he confirmed that in his own area, they are in a difficulty at the moment because they have houses which they will either have to let go or keep empty, at a time when great pressure is placed on the books of the rural district council, while farmers and farm workers find applicants to put in them.

That is a terrible situation. It will react on the industry. We urge farmers and farm workers to make quite sure that farm workers who are in need of houses make their applications and become regis- tered on the council's books, otherwise we shall be in considerable trouble about this.

I cannot say; it may be because of a combination of reasons and it may be that people have not taken the trouble to see that the arrangements in the area were made known.

Would the Parliamentary Secretary ask his hon. Friend the Member for Thornbury (Mr. Alpass) why workers in tied cottages do not make application?

The hon. Member for Leominster (Mr. Baldwin) should be a little less anxious to play politics when I am trying to state a rather serious and obvious problem. I am trying to secure that those who are concerned for the industry should see that farm workers, or those who may enter the industry, take this matter into account, otherwise we shall get into difficulty.

There have been several references—[ Interruption ]—I am sorry that the hon. Member for Leominster did not make his accustomed speech but I do not intend to let him get it in by way of interjections—there have been several references to committees and committee staffs. There are one or two points on which I want to speak, but first may I deal with the absurd argument that the committee staffs, in numbers, today should be compared with the staffs of 1940. I joined a county committee in 1940—the very early part of 1940—and the job we had to do at that stage in the war had nothing whatever in common with the job which county committees are doing today. The services we were rendering the farmer had no comparison with the services that are rendered now—drainage, machinery, advisory work, even the rationing of foodstuffs, which had not been embarked on at that stage. It is really reaching too far to compare this with the position in 1940.

A much better comparison would be with the end of the war. In fact, we have had since the end of the war an increase of advisory work but there has been hardly any notable increase in staff, which is a great tribute to the fact that we have been able to do much more work with almost the same number of people.

May I finish with the right hon. and gallant Gentleman, if that is the right and proper way of putting it? May I deal with the argument that we should publish figures—progress reports—county by county. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear."] I said only the "argument" about it. I do not know why that should be cheered. It seems to rest on one fallacy. The only arguments for publishing, really are that the taxpayers shall know what is being done with the money—which is an important argument provided that that can be done without reducing the work done by the county committees, or that, better still, it would encourage them to do better work by creating an interplay, a competition, between them, as to which is the most efficient county, and so on.

It seems to me that the fallacy of this is that the most efficient county will seldom, if ever, be the county which spends the least money. It will seldom, if ever, be the county which tackles the least costly bits of land. The sort of work our county committees have to do in many counties involves their undertaking just that very work which, on paper, will look the most uneconomic and the most costly. Our committees cannot be checked, cannot be tested, in this particular way. I must say it seems to me, with such little personal experience as I have of this matter, that my right hon. Friend was absolutely right in saying that publication of these figures county by county would simply lead to a contest in inactivity, a contest in inertia; and I am sure it would do no good. The noble Lord the Member for Horsham (Earl Winterton), who is continually pressing me in Debates on the Adjournment and in other ways on this matter, might find, if figures were published, that the county he is most pleased about for reclaiming land, and for taking over virgin land, clearing it, and getting it under crops, was, in fact, the most inefficient of the lot; whereas he says, with, I think, some reason, that it is almost the most efficient because it is really doing a great deal of valuable work.

I hasten to assure the Committee, however, that what I have said does not mean we are not concerned that there should be some check. We ourselves are applying very vigorous Organisation and Methods investigations into the ways in which these committees are run, into the finances, and so on. We have appointed a deputy county agricultural officer, who has been appointed because he is a good administrator, because he has just that kind of experience required for this sort of task, to see, from inside the walls, that great pressure is put on to get even better, and more efficient, and financially economic schemes of running things. I am pretty sure myself that that is about the right way to do this.

With regard to the sandwiches circular there is little I can say except this: that, there again, it is possible for our people to fall into a trap—not deliberately, but because it turns out afterwards to have been a trap. The standards of catering and of providing for these people vary very considerably. One gets complaints and one gets requests. The officer appointed to give advice genuinely tries to give it. This provided the right hon. and gallant Gentleman with an amusing five minutes, and he is to be commended on that account, if on no other.

Then he asked about horticulture, and I will deal with the point also because it was talked about earlier by somebody else. The position is that we have at least one producers' marketing scheme, and a number of others are being considered by the producers. We ourselves are considering the whole question, with a number of the related things, including the matter of containers. I can tell the right hon. and gallant Gentleman that this is, at the moment, very much subject to active consideration.

Let me quickly try to deal with one or two other matters about which I have been asked. The hon. and gallant Member for Richmond asked me one question which was not repeated by anyone else. It was about the calf-rearing scheme. I understood him to ask me whether we were to maintain that scheme in spite of something said at some other time by somebody else. The answer is, "Yes." We are going on with it, and inspection will begin on 1st September, and shortly afterwards the calves will become 12 months old, which is the important consideration here. We have had some considerable success. The figures of slaughterings, as he recognised, are 185,000 less in the past 11 months than they were in the previous period, so we believe that the scheme is having considerable success.

The hon. Member for North Cumberland (Mr. W. Roberts) made some complaints about machines and said that, in spite of all that was said about their coming on the market, they were difficult to get. The figures have been given again and again, but I will repeat them. It may well be that within the general picture there are individual instances of this or that machine tending to be in short supply. These are machines for which we have had to rely on imports in the past, and which we are now getting into production ourselves for the first time, by the great efforts of the Department of my right hon. Friend. We should not be very long in catching up. The general picture is very encouraging. In 1946, we produced £26 million worth of machinery of which £20 million was for the home market, and in 1947 we produced £44 million worth of machinery of which £35 million was for the home market. In the first three months of this year, we produced £16 million worth of machinery of which £10½ million was for the home market, so we are already producing at more than the annual rate laid down in the existing programme.

The prices are much about the same. There will be no variation which will effectively affect the argument which the hon. Gentleman has in mind.

There have been many references to bureaucracy in the county committees. Hon. Gentlemen opposite must make up their minds which way they want it. All I want to say is that it is not our desire that there should be bureaucracy, and it is not our view that in fact there is. Very often when criticism is made of officials, the term "bureaucracy" is imported as a term of abuse which has rather a general flavour, and no specific thing is involved.

The hon. and learned Member for Northampton (Mr. Paget) referred to the scheme for livestock improvement and the cattle breeding policy. We have in mind what has been constantly urged on my right hon. Friend, and consideration is now being given to the formation of a more flexible and modern counterpart of the old livestock improvement committee, which can deal with this and related matters.

I think that the hon. Member for South Molton (Mr. Lambert) must have been having a miserable time tucked away in that part of the country. He says that there is lack of confidence and that the farmers are not doing very well. All I can say is that he must get out of himself a little bit, and come to other parts of the country to cheer himself up. When we get the harvest over on the present prices, I am pretty sure that his farmers will be considerably cheered up which should have an effect on him and cheer him up when he comes here.

There is only one other point with which I have time to deal, although there were many points of which I have taken a careful note, and they will be thought about, and if they seem important—and, in any case, as a matter of courtesy—I will write to hon. Members about them. With regard to raising the price of the potato crop, we must be careful not to try to have it both ways. We cannot have an annual price review mechanism and at the same time "muck about" with individual crops in between. Nothing would be more sure to defeat the whole principle of security.

The general tenor of agreement in the Committee is that we now have in this industry security and stability. We are getting a great amount of capital equipment, great progress is being made in the technique of production for arable and livestock farming, and use is being made of the advisory services. That is a great tribute to the work of this Government and of my right hon. Friend, and I am sure that he will have great satisfaction from the general trend of this Debate.

Committee report Progress; to sit again Tomorrow.

Transport Commission (Transferred Undertakings)

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That the Draft Transferred Undertakings (Compensation to Employees) Regulations, 1948, a copy of which was presented on 8th July, be approved."—[ Mr. Barnes. ]

10.0 p.m.

I think we might ask the Minister for one or two points of explanation on this order before we part with it, although I do not think there will be any necessity to press the matter to a Division. I say that lest any hon. Members should wish to seek their beds.

These regulations, as I understand it, are for the purpose of ensuring that those people who are displaced under the nationalisation scheme are given some compensation for their loss of office. They are pursuant to Section 101 of that disastrous Statute, the Transport Act of 1947. The idea which we all had in mind when that Section was put in, was that one of the effects of nationalisation would be that the number of people employed in the overhead sections of the industry would be substantially cut down; and that this centralised scheme would enable us to dispense with a large number of people who were otherwise being, as it were, a burden on the industry. It was one of the points constantly put forward as an argument in favour of nationalisation.

Before we part with this order perhaps the Minister would tell us whether anybody has, in fact, been dismissed. How many people are affected by these regulations? Who are going to be paid? What is the total cost to the taxpayer? Has anybody been dismissed, or are a whole lot more being employed? We ought to be told that before parting with the order, and I have no doubt the Minister will be able to give us that information this evening.

I hope he does; he should know.

With regard to the actual terms of compensation, I am bound to say I think that, on the whole, the regulations are reasonably fair; they have been worked out in consultation with the various people concerned, with individuals who have knowledge of the interests of the servants and officers concerned, and with the trade unions as well. This set of regulations is perhaps rather important, and I presume that the Government have in mind what is to be done with other nationalised industries. I mean, quite obviously that what is done in the case of dismissed servants and officers of one nationalised industry must apply, to a certain extent, to all the others.

Suppose—it seems hardly credible, but just suppose—the Government pursued the utmost folly and nationalised the iron and steel industry. [ Laughter. ] I agree it is an almost absurd supposition in view of our present situation, but suppose they did. Quite obviously, it would be improper to apply to the iron and steel industry terms of compensation entirely different from the terms of compensation applied in the case of the transport industry. I assume that the Minister has conferred with his colleagues, the Minister of Supply, the Minister of Health—who always holds strong views about these things—and others concerned, to see what should be the general Government policy with regard to those people who are removed or dispensed with when other industries are nationalised, if there be any, so that they can see that some general policy is applied, and that the regulations here exemplify broadly the kind of terms of compensation which will be applied in future nationalisation schemes.

My last point concerns the £4,000. I do not want to make too much of the £4,000. The point quite shortly is this. The way this compensation is worked out is quite simple. They take the current net emoluments—an awful term meaning what the person is picking up, his wages—and they set a ceiling percentage on that which can be paid in compensation. The ceiling is two-thirds, so that if a man was earning £900 the maximum compensation he will receive will be £600. Perhaps the Minister will correct me if I am wrong in my figures, because he has more people to add these things up. But, say the Government, in no circumstances can any earnings over £4,000 be regarded. I do not want to make too much of this point, but why? There must be some argument advanced for it. As it works out, a man earning £4,000 will be paid two-thirds by way of compensation. Why treat a man differently if he earned £6,000? What is there in the £6,000 class that puts a man in a position where he should not be compensated the same as anyone else? There may be some obvious reasons. It may be that he is the sort of person who comes into the Ascot and Henleyites, whereas the lower limit comes within the Wimbledon and Wembleyites.

I do not want to quarrel with this order. Broadly speaking it is a reasonable and fair one, but we ought to be told the answer to points of this sort. Is this a general principle which is to be applied to all the nationalised industries? How many people are to be affected by it, and why is this £4,000 limit imposed? Can we be told, for example, what would be the cost to the Government if there were no limit of £4,000? So far as we are concerned, we always think that justice ought to be done irrespective of the means test. We want to know what would be the cost if this admirable principle were applied in this case. If the Minister will answer these questions with his usual fairness and courtesy, I do not think there will be any trouble over this order.

10.6 p.m.

I am extremely gratified that, on the whole, the hon. Member for Monmouth (Mr. P. Thorneycroft) finds these regulations reasonable and fair. I certainly do not intend to respond to his invitation to wander into a general debate on these regulations in regard to their potential impact on other nationalisation schemes which have already been approved by Parliament, or which may not yet have been before Parliament. The first question the hon. Member put to me was whether any persons had been dismissed so far. As far as my information goes, I have no knowledge of any dismissals. There may be one or two here and there, but I do not think there have been any changes which represent any substance in a discussion of this kind. Of course, these regulations, if approved by the House, will be retrospective to 1st January, and so will cover any dismissals should any have taken place.

The next question he put to me was a hypothetical one, which he will not expect me to answer. He asked how many persons are likely to be dismissed in the future and to be covered by these regulations. My reply to that is that he should not overlook the determined policy of this Government to maintain as far as possible, a system of full employment in industry. Therefore, although we are providing compensation regulations of this kind, it is not for the purpose of anticipating wholesale dismissals, in view of our determination so to regulate industry as to reduce unemployment as far as we possibly can.

As to whether this represents the scale or principle of compensation that will be applied to other industries, the hon. Member will recall that the railway industry has always been governed by compensation clauses of this description. I do not suggest that the principles embodied here will not be taken into consideration, in view of the method that is adopted by this House, and Governments generally, of building by precedent upon precedent. I should not like to suggest that we are laying down here a firm principle that will be applied generally. I take it that any Government would retain its complete freedom to treat each industry on its merits. This industry has a history behind it which has loomed very large in our discussions in Committee and in another place. I do not intend to respond to the hon. Gentleman's invitation that I should discuss with the Minister of Supply what his intentions are in other directions.

I would remind the House that the sum that would be paid to a person in receipt of a salary of £4,000, under these compensation regulations, would amount to £2,677. While Parliament has every desire to safeguard a person's normal standard of living, I feel that we must take account of the obligations which we place upon the taxpayers. Here we are talking about compensation only, and it does not limit the opportunity of the individual to add to his income in any way. As we are dealing with a principle of compensation, we should put a limit to the amount of compensation payable under these regulations.

10.14 p.m.

I want to raise one point about the limit of £4,000. I see the Minister's point of view and, on the face of it, it does not appear to be entirely unreasonable, but I wonder whether he has considered the possible indirect consequences. Take an industry which may be nationalised, and for which the best brains and the highest paid persons are needed. Is it not possible that a person whose value in the market may be £6,000 might say to himself, "If the compensation I shall get in the event of the industry being nationalised, and my losing my job for one reason or another is to be limited to £4,000, I should do far better not to accept this appointment but to become a member of the Government, perhaps the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, at a salary of £5,000." I do not say that such a person would necessarily want to become a Cabinet Minister, but that thought might pass through his mind. The Government should consider the adverse indirect effect of these regulations on industries which may be nationalised.

Question put, and agreed to.

Resolved:

"That the Draft Transferred Undertakings (Compensation to Employees) Regulations, 1948, a copy of which was presented on 8th July, be approved."

British Warships (Sale)

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House do now adjourn."—( Mr. Collindridge. )

10.15 p.m.

During the last few weeks questions have been addressed to the representatives of the Admiralty in both Houses of Parliament and to the Foreign Secretary about the sale of His Majesty's ships to certain foreign Powers. In reply to a Question which I asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty on 23rd June, he informed me that two principles were observed in these sales and that the first principle was: Atlantic. I must say at once that we on these benches do not consider Chile to be an unfriendly Power in the fully sinister meaning of the expression, nor do we consider that it can be said that Chile could ever menace the security of our Empire or of our sea communications. Apart from the attitude of her present rulers, as the House well knows, our naval relations with Chile have always been of the friendliest character. It was Admiral Cochrane who virtually founded the Chilean Navy, and it was successive British naval missions through which the Chilean Navy received its training.

However, in our opinion it is impossible to ignore the actions of the present rulers of Chile during the past few months, and we are seriously concerned about the damage to our prestige if there were a sale of a warship to Chile in the present circumstances. The House will remember that arising out of the most unfortunate and deplorable statement last October about the proposed strength of the Home Fleet this country had to smart under the excursions of the Chilean and Argentine Navies into the Antarctic and although events have distracted us of late from that area, the Foreign Secretary told the House on 16th June that the Argentine Government were continuing to maintain establishments on two islands in the South Shetlands and that a Chilean base was being maintained at Greenwich Island. In addition to this both the Chilean and Argentine Governments have refused up to now the offer made by the Minister of State last December that their claim to British territories should be submitted to the International Court of Justice at the Hague.

Yet so far as we know, His Majesty's Government still persist in these negotiations for the sale of a warship to Chile. It seems to be incredible that the Government should be prepared to act in this extraordinarily illogical way, and certainly if they persist in this sale they will be dealing a damaging blow to our national prestige throughout the world. I hope nobody is going to disparage the value of prestige, because, after all, prestige alone kept us going in 1940 and also kept the spark of hope glowing amongst the nations which had then fallen under German sway. It does not need much imagination to realise with what bewilderment these nations see His Majesty's Government contemplating a financial deal with a country which is still usurping British territory.

Diplomatically we are living in days as difficult as they have ever been and it seems vital to us that foreign countries great and small should have no chance whatsoever of underestimating our strength of purpose. Tonight we are not only complaining of the indifference of the Government to our national honour, but we also say that the choice of warship by the Government for transfer to Chile means that the honour of the Royal Navy is also involved. I find it very hard to believe that the Board of Admiralty are prepared to acquiesce without protest in the suggestion of the Government that the H.M.S. "Ajax" should be chosen as this warship. If they are prepared to do so they are a very different Board of Admiralty from that on which I had the honour to serve in the years of war, an honour, I think the Financial Secretary will agree with me, which is possibly one of the greatest honours that can fall upon a Minister of the Crown.

I must ask the Financial Secretary whether it is pressure from the Treasury which had led the Board of Admiralty to agree, if they have agreed, to the choice of H.M.S. "Ajax." I must ask him whether it is true that Chile is prepared to pay a higher price for H.M.S. "Ajax" than for any other of His Majesty's cruisers on account of her historic and victorious engagement with the Graf Spee in 1939. That is the story which is going round the country and I am told, the Fleet. To put it bluntly: Are the Government prepared to barter the Navy's battle honours for cash? And what is the difference in the sum Chile is prepared to pay for H.M.S. "Ajax" compared with that which she is prepared to pay for any other cruiser?

The other day the Financial Secretary assured me that the Board of Admiralty would take into consideration the feeling of the Royal Navy on this question and that it would be expressed to the Admiralty by those now serving in the Royal Navy. It is precisely because those officers and men have no means of bringing their feelings to bear upon this policy that we who have the honour of the Navy very deeply at heart have been asking these questions during the past weeks. We have been up against the difficulty that the questions involved the Foreign Secretary, who refused to answer on the naval aspect of the matter and referred us to the Admiralty. The Financial Secretary then tries to shed the load on to the Foreign Office as a diplomatic problem. Meanwhile, Parliament and the country are given no information whatsoever about this contemplated sale.

The House has every justification tonight in asking that we shall not once more be left in the dark. I trust that the Minister of Defence and the Foreign Secretary have been in consultation on the matter and that the Financial Secretary has been fully briefed to give us his considered reply on behalf of the Government.

Would the hon. Member say whether he would hold the same views if any Government other that the Government of Chile were concerned, and whether he would object in that case to the sale of the "Ajax"?

I personally object to the sale of the "Ajax" because of her historic associations.

10.24 p.m.

I am particularly glad to follow the hon. Member for Hereford (Mr. J. P. L. Thomas) tonight, and to support the case that he has made, because I remember that in 1938, at the time of the Munich crisis, he refused to stand for the policy of appeasement of Fascist aggression. If anyone in this House has a completely clear record in regard to both Communist and Fascist aggression, it is the hon. Gentleman opposite. I wish I could say that of all hon. Members of my own party.

The short issue that we are discussing tonight is whether or not the Admiralty are now to embark upon an act which will be construed as a condonation of aggression. There is a story which articled clerks are fond of telling about a complicated legal principle known as the rule in Shelley's case. An articled clerk was asked, in his examination paper: "What is the rule in Shelley's case?" Being an idle and arrogant student, he replied: "The rule in Shelley's case is the same as in any other case. The law is no respecter of persons." I suggest that that ought to apply to us today. If we are not prepared—and I am sure we all support the Foreign Secretary in this matter—to agree to consultations over Germany until the blockade is lifted, surely we are not prepared to hand over the "Ajax" until the aggression of Chile has come to an end? It is exactly the same principle.

Speaking very shortly, I wish to recognise two facts. I hope the hon. Member for Hereford will agree with both of them. The first is that, in principle, it is desirable that we should continue our long record of association with Chile in providing her with warships, and the second is that if Chile in association with Argentina—which we must remember to be a Fascist country—had not gone in for this present line of aggression in relation to part of the British Commonwealth and Empire, I am sure we would have been only too anxious to enter into discussions so that she could have had meteorological bases in the Antarctic and have been otherwise accommodated. I am sure that we had not at all the idea that these parts of the Antarctic should bear the notice, "All trespassers will be prosecuted." On the other hand, we ought not to put out a notice, "Trespassers will receive protests but may buy arms."

As the hon. Member for Hereford said, this is a matter of great importance. Our honour and prestige are at stake. Today, not perhaps as much as in 1940 but almost in a parallel degree, we are dependent upon our honour and prestige throughout the world. I sometimes wonder whether the historians who chronicle this age will suggest that perhaps the greatest danger of this period is that people all over the world may believe that they are witnessing the decline and fall of the British Commonwealth and Empire. This is only a small matter in comparison with other greater matters which are in our mind, but we must be so certain that we intend to stick to our principles, that we will do so in small matters, in middling matters, in large matters, and in all matters. This should be a sacred rule which we all accept.

I, therefore, hope that tonight my hon. Friend will have been enabled by the Foreign Office to say that this warship will not be delivered so long as this aggression continues. I raised this matter first in the House of Commons when I asked the Foreign Secretary whether he would indicate that if the aggression continued, he would refer it to the Security Council. He gave some answer which excited a certain amount of hilarity in the House to the effect that he thought the Chileans and Argentinians would get too cold. Of course, that did not carry conviction with anybody. Obviously the Argentinians and Chileans intend to stay there. At the moment we appear to be taking no action whatsoever I believe we ought to take positive action in the matter quite independently of this subject. It would be adding insult to injury to sell the "Ajax" to them. We may well lose in dollars through the loss of prestige in places like Brazil, far more money than we are able to get for the "Ajax" if the deal goes through. I beg my hon. Friend to give us some kind of an answer which will satisfy our honour.

10.29 p.m.

The hon. Member for Hereford (Mr. J. P. L. Thomas) raised two factors, first, the sale of warships, and, secondly, the question of the countries concerned. I will limit myself to the sale of warships, assuming that the Parliamentary Secretary will deal with the other question. The hon. Member cannot have consulted his Leader the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Woodford (Mr. Churchill) or the "Child's Bibles," Brassey's Naval Annual or Jane's Fighting Ships as regards the sale of warships. He agrees that these countries are not unfriendly. That being the case, why not sell ships to them? More particularly is that the case, after a war when our building yards are full of orders and the only chance for a foreign Power to obtain our ships is to obtain those which have had service. There have been cases before where ships which have given good service have been sold to other Powers.

I am not going to give way. Other hon. Members want to speak. Usually I would give way.

Over the years, warship building for foreign Powers, in particular the South American Powers, has been an important factor in keeping our shipyards in operation and our shipyard workers employed. Would the Opposition object to that? The Conservative Party always claim to be the supporters of the shipbuilding industry; yet tonight the hon. Member has made a speech which will cause, I tell him quite frankly, the greatest concern to the shipbuilding industry of this country, as I will show him later on. [HON. MEMBERS: "Nonsense."] It is not nonsense. Just at this moment the Government and industry are doing all they can to establish trade with the South American countries, and here we have the Opposition and an hon. Member on this side throwing a sprag into the works.

Discussions have taken place about completely new ships for South American countries, about hulls and about machinery. What better advertisement could there for be for British shipbuilding than a modern cruiser such as the "Ajax" permanently in a foreign country? The hon. Member does not realise apparently that between the wars foreign building in this country represented 20 per cent. of the naval building of some of the firms, and they were scattered all over the country. The advantages are many and obvious, and there is no time for me to deal with them now. But let me give the hon. Member two references so that he can improve his naval education. First, there is Brassey's Naval Annual, 1934, Chapter 7, "British warship building resources," which also reviews and gives the advantages of foreign naval building. Secondly, there is the "Life of Sir William White," the eminent naval constructor, who started his career in the Admiralty service, went to private industry to build foreign warships, returned to the Admiralty and reached the top of the tree as Chief Constructor.

Between the wars, the Italians were our chief competitors in the South American States. They may be again. There may be other countries who will be our competitors. The shipbuilding industry is therefore interested in this question and the building of naval ships and their sale to the South American States. I can say emphatically that the shipbuilding industry approves of the Admiralty's policy of selling certain ships at present, because it will help to maintain their goodwill abroad until such time as their present orders taper off and they can accept foreign orders for new ships.

The hon. Member who opened this Debate has chosen the worst possible case for his argument, and the best case for the Admiralty to defend. Over the years, and particularly between the wars, Chile has placed many orders for warships in this country. Some have been purchased at a time when we wanted more ships, in particular two battleships, the "Swift-sure" and "Triumph" which were on the Far Eastern Station and the East India Station in 1914. There was also the "Canada," the building of which was completed and which served in the Grand Fleet and afterwards was repurchased by Chile. Another Chilean battleship which was approaching completion and was bought by this country was completed as an aircraft carrier—the "Eagle"—in which I served. That carrier did service in the Mediterranean in the last war and took part in the Malta convoys. I will now deal with the foreign affairs aspect.

On a point of Order, Mr. Deputy-Speaker. Would it not be better if the Admiralty's official answer were given to this Adjournment Debate?

That is not a point of Order, but if the hon. and gallant Member takes up much more time there will not be an opportunity for the Parliamentary Secretary to reply.

I appreciate your Ruling, Sir. I was about to conclude and if the Opposition had kept quiet, there would have been no question of my wasting time. This is my own speech, and I have had no consultation with the Admiralty.

I conclude with a remark about the foreign affairs aspect of this matter. If the Opposition want to take up this question of the relationship of this country with a foreign Power, they should have dealt with the matter differently by putting down a Motion on foreign affairs; they should not have attacked the Admiralty by a "side entrance." If they want to take action against these Powers, let them adopt full sanctions. Let them take action in trade. I have dealt with the naval aspect and the sale of ships, and I must say that I have never heard such arrant nonsense displayed before by an ex-Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty on a subject about which he should have had some knowledge, namely the sale of warships to foreign Powers.

That will cost the hon. and gallant Member his seat.

10.37 p.m.

The speech which has just been made by my hon. and gallant Friend has been a most helpful one, unlike that speech which he made recently on another subject of naval affairs. I do not think that the speech of the hon. Member for Hereford (Mr. J. P. L. Thomas) and the hon. Member for King's Norton (Mr. Blackburn) are likely to help either the Royal Navy or this country. I do not think that remarks such as those we have heard, "a damaging blow to our naval prestige," are really calculated to be helpful. They are reminiscent of those made in a higher flow of oratory by the right hon. Gentleman the Leader of the Opposition (Mr. Churchill) when he speaks of "marketing our naval dignity in a squalid fashion"; they do good neither to the Navy nor to the country.

The Government of which he was a member in 1920 did not think it at all wrong to sell ships to Chile and our relations with Chile were then, as the hon. Member for Hereford has said, good relations. They always have been and our naval relations have always been particularly friendly. I quote from the hon. Member's own speech. I do not intend, for obvious reasons, to enter into the question of foreign policy. My hon. Friend the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs was asked about this question on 14th July and when asked if he could make it a condition precedent to the sale or loan of any British warship to a foreign Power that that foreign Power should not be in illegal occupation of British territory, he replied: When asked further,

I never suggested that it was a reflection on the Navy, but a reflection on the Government.

I beg the hon. Member's pardon, but I took down his words. He said "a damaging blow to naval prestige." That is a reflection on the Navy if ever there was one.

If I may be allowed to state the position, it is this. Chile has asked if we will sell the "Ajax." No decision on that has yet been reached. I have no doubt that the Debate this evening will be borne in mind, by those who are considering the matter, with other considerations, and there are other considerations as well. After all, what are the alternatives? One might be—and I do not know whether it is one suggested by the hon. Member—that the "Ajax" should be preserved like the "Victory." That is an alternative but it is an expensive alternative. It is one that might be applied to other ships equally famous.

Another alternative is that it might be scrapped. There is a certain amount of nonsense talked about "death before dishonour" but really we must be realistic in these matters. There are other ships that are just as famous. I did not hear any great outcry when it was suggested that the "Malaya" and the "Warspite" should be scrapped. No one then asked what was the Navy coming to? I suggest that it is no worse dishonour, in fact no dishonour at all, to sell a ship any more than to scrap it. In fact, we have sold a large number of ships to a great variety of foreign countries and up to now no objections whatever have been made. At no time have we heard that the honour of the Navy was at stake when these ships were sold. They have been sold to one country and another with some of whom we were in better relations than others and at no time has any exception been taken. Now, for the first time, a great outcry has started about the honour of the Navy. I would say there is no ground for thinking that the honour of the Navy would suffer in any way were this ship to be sold.

What number of ships were sold to countries in illegal possession of British territory?

The hon. Member asks what number of ships were sold to countries in illegal possession of British territory? No other countries are in illegal possession of British territory, but there are other crimes and other things which this country does not approve of other than being in illegal possession of British territory. Ships have been sold to a very large number of countries and no exception has been taken. I think it is putting the honour of the Navy at a very low level if hon. Members opposite consider that it will be affected were a sale of this character to take place. In fact a decision has not yet been taken. We will consider what has been said, along with other considerations, and in due course a decision will be announced.

The Parliamentary Secretary has rather skated round the actual legal position with regard to this country. Can he tell us now—

The Question having been proposed after Ten o'clock and the Debate having continued for half an hour, Mr. DEPUTY-SPEAKER adjourned the House without Question put, pursuant to the Standing Order.

Adjourned at Fifteen Minutes to Eleven o'Clock.