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Commons Chamber

Volume 490: debated on Wednesday 11 July 1951

House of Commons

Wednesday, July 11, 1951

The House met at Half past Two o'clock

Prayers

[Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair ]

Messages from the King

Australia and New Zealand (Gifts of Mace and Speaker's Chair)

The VICE-CHAMBERLAIN OF THE HOUSE-HOLD (Mr. POPPLEWELL) reported His Majesty's Answer to the Address, as follows:

I have received your Address praying that I will give directions for the presentation on behalf of your House of a Mace to the House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Australia and a Speaker's Chair to the House of Representatives of New Zealand, and assuring Me that you will make good the expenses attending the same.

It gave Me the greatest pleasure to learn that your House desires Me to make such presentations and I will gladly give directions for carrying your proposal into effect.

Double Taxation Relief

The VICE-CHAMBERLAIN OF THE HOUSEHOLD reported His Majesty's Answer to the Address, as follows:

I have received your Address praying that, upon the ratification by the Government of the Union of Burma of the Agreement set out in the Schedule to the Draft of an Order intituled the Double Taxation Relief (Taxes on Income) (Burma) Order, 1951, a copy of which was presented on the 29th May, an Order may be made in the form of the Draft laid before Parliament.

I will comply with your request.

Shops

The VICE-CHAMBERLAIN OF THE HOUSEHOLD reported His Majesty's Answer to the Address, as follows:

I have received your Address praying that the provisions of the Shops Act, 1950, relating to General Closing Hours which have effect only as respects the winter months be continued in force for a further period of one year until the tenth day of December, nineteen hundred and fifty-two.

I will give directions accordingly.

Supplies and Services (Plasterboard), Supplies and Services (Building Plasters) and Supplies and Services (Gypsum Rock)

The VICE-CHAMBERLAIN OF THE HOUSEHOLD reported His Majesty's Answer to the Address, as follows:

I have received your Addresses praying that the Plasterboard (Prices) (No. 1) Order, 1951; The Building Plasters (Prices) (No. 1) Order, 1951; and the Gypsum Rock (Prices) (No. 1) Order, 1951, be annulled.

I have complied with your request.

Private Business

BRISTOL CORPORATION BILL [Lords]

As amended, considered; Amendments made to the Bill; Bill to be read the Third time.

Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries Provisional Orders (Suffolk) Bill

Reported, without Amendment (Provisional Orders not confirmed); to lie upon the Table.

Petition (Electoral Registration, Heptonstall)

I beg to present a Petition signed by 21 of His Majesty's loyal subjects resident in Heptonstall, contained in the Parliamentary Division of Sowerby, Yorkshire. Due to an error which is freely admitted on the part of the local designated officer, they were omitted from the current register and are thus disfranchised for any election between now and the publication of the next register in March, 1952. There is no provision in either the Representation of the People Act, 1949, or the Representation of the People Regulation, Statutory Instrument No. 1254, 1950, to cover such cases.

The Petition concludes:

To lie upon the Table.

Oral Answers to Questions

Royal Air Force

Non-Commissioned Flying Instructors

asked the Secretary of State for Air if he will make a statement in regard to the pay and promotion prospects generally of noncommissioned flying instructors.

Non-commissioned flying instructors receive the regular rates of pay (including flying pay) of their rank. They have full opportunities for obtaining commissions. Those serving on regular engagements can apply at any time for a short service commission or, in certain cases, for a permanent commission.

As regards non-commissioned flying instructors recalled from the Reserve for 18 months' whole-time service, I am arranging for a review of each individual case and, where suitable, appropriate commissions will be offered.

Can the right hon. and learned Gentleman say, if a civilian instructor who has been acting as an instructor is killed, whether his widow receives the same consideration as if he were still serving?

Jet Aircraft (Accidents)

asked the Secretary of State for Air whether he will make a statement on recent fatal accidents involving pilots of jet fighter aircraft; and on how these compare with previous years.

asked the Secretary of State for Air how many crashes of Royal Air Force jet aircraft, in total, and how many involving fatalities to pilots, have occurred in Great Britain during the last six months; and what was the average flying experience with jet aircraft of the pilots involved.

It would be contrary to well-established practice to give detailed statistics, and I regret, therefore, that I cannot give the figures asked for by the hon. Member for Leeds, North-West (Mr. Kaberry). I can say, however, that the number of fatal accidents involving pilots of jet fighter aircraft has been greater during the first six months of 1951 than it was during the first six months of 1950. I would emphasise, however, that the number of jet aircraft in service has greatly increased, in fact four-fold since January, 1949, and the flying effort in terms of flying hours on jet aircraft is three times greater today than it was a year ago.

Taking these factors into consideration, the fatal accident rate for 1951 is so far appreciably lower than the rate for 1950. Moreover, the fatal accident rate for jet fighters during the first six months of 1951 is lower than the lowest rate achieved during any similar period in the life of the Spitfire. The loss of life through these accidents is, however, to be deeply regretted, and I fully realise the public concern which accidents involving jet aircraft must inevitably arouse. Although the problem is one which is continuously under examination in my Department, I have arranged for a special investigation to be made by the Inspector-General of the Royal Air Force in the hope that it may be possible to reduce the accident rate still further.

Could the Minister answer the last part of my Question and say what was the average jet aircraft flying experience of the pilots involved in these accidents?

Why does the right hon. and learned Gentleman say that it would not be in the public interest to disclose the figures when all the accidents are, I believe, published in the daily Press? Does he not realise that what is required in the opinion of many experts is an intermediate jet trainer? Will he look into this, because the figures are extremely grave?

Ever since the Royal Air Force was formed, under all governments this practice has developed and has been followed.

Yes. As regards the question of the jet trainer, I think it was to the hon. and gallant Gentleman himself that I said two or three weeks ago that we were introducing eventually the jet trainer to which he has just referred.

While I am pleased to hear that the right hon. and learned Gentleman is to undertake a special investigation, could he give us an assurance that operational research is being made all the time into these accidents so that scientific analysis can determine every six months to what they are attributable, and so that steps can be taken to remedy this grave state of affairs?

As the hon. Member may know, there is a special branch of the Air Ministry which deals with this problem.

When the right hon. and learned Gentleman said that it was the intention of the Air Ministry eventually to introduce the intermediate trainer, can he be more explicit? What does the word "eventually" mean?

Crash, Brampton (Compensation)

asked the Secretary of State for Air whether he is aware that on 3rd May, 1951, a Royal Air Force aeroplane crashed at Brampton, Huntingdonshire, and seriously damaged four houses at Bell Row, Brampton, rendering four families homeless: that the people concerned are still homeless; that the houses have not been repaired and that no compensation has been paid for damage to household goods; and what steps he is taking to ensure that the houses will be repaired at the earliest opportunity and the people concerned compensated adequately for the damage to their furniture.

I very much regret the damage to property and discomfort to the families concerned which resulted from this unfortunate accident. One of my officials visited the site on the day following the accident, and I am glad to say that out of a total of 11 claims received, 10 have now been paid including all those relating to damage to household goods. No difficulty is foreseen in reaching agreement for the disposal of the remaining claim. It is hoped that the repair work will be commenced shortly.

Could the right hon. and learned Gentleman say how long it will be before the repair work is completed, bearing in mind that what mainly needs to be done is the repair of the roofs of these houses?

The work will be undertaken by a contractor employed by the owner of the property. The only direct concern which my Department has with this work is the fact that the damage was caused by Royal Air Force aircraft.

Transport Aircraft

asked the Secretary of State for Air whether the jet-engined transport envisaged as the successor to the Hastings will be able to operate in and out of small emergency airstrips and in conditions of darkness and poor visibility in which it may be essential to operate.

The aircraft which will take the place of the Hastings will be used for long range operations and will not be required to operate in and out of small emergency airstrips. All transport aircraft are required to be able to operate in darkness and poor visibility.

Could the right hon. and learned Gentleman tell us the name of the aircraft which is to succeed the Hastings, and could he please give us some assurance that we are proceeding with the development of suitable aircraft, both from the Airspeed factory and the Blackburn and General Aircraft factory, which could be used for the exact functions detailed in this Question?

The aircraft to be introduced by the Blackburn factory, which the hon. Gentleman has in mind, is a medium range and not a long range air transport aircraft. As regards the first part of the supplementary question, I would refer him to the answer I gave a fortnight ago.

asked the Secretary of State for Air what types of transport aircraft are to be supplied to the Royal Air Force capable of carrying and parachuting vehicles and heavy military equipment and stores.

It is intended to acquire for the Royal Air Force types of transport aircraft capable of carrying and parachuting vehicles, heavy military equipment and stores. The Hastings, which is already in use, can carry and drop by parachute certain vehicles and other military equipment.

My Question really asked what orders had been placed for new types of aircraft. Is the right hon. and learned Gentleman aware that there are at least two manufacturers who at present have designs for the kind of aircraft about which I am talking? Is it not high time that the Minister got in touch with his right hon. Friend the Minister of Supply and ordered these aircraft, so that the Royal Air Force will be properly equipped in the near future?

I say, quite frankly and at once, that we have not ordered the aircraft to which the hon. Member is referring. We are, however, already in touch with the Ministry of Supply on this matter, and the matter is under the active consideration of the Air Staff and of the Air Council.

What exactly is meant by the phrase "active consideration," which we are so accustomed to hearing nowadays? Can the Minister be more specific? [ Interruption. ] I do not think hon. Members opposite appreciate the sense of urgency in this matter. I am asking if the Secretary of State can tell the House what is meant by the expression that this matter is "under active consideration." Can we have a reasonable hope that in the not too distant future orders will be placed?

In the last 25 years I have heard that phrase used in the House by hundreds of Ministers. The hon. Member knows perfectly well what it means. I am not trying to hide anything. In fact, a paper dealing with one of these aircraft is to be considered by the Air Council at its meeting very shortly. The hon. Member knows that until the Air Council, representing the Service side as well as the political side, have come to a decision, we cannot place orders for any aircraft.

Does the Minister not realise that the House is not at all clear about this matter? Last week the right hon. and learned Gentleman said that a four-engined jet transport aircraft was under consideration. The Minister of Supply told us the other day that no aircraft had been ordered. We were given the same answer again today. If a Question is put down, will the right hon. and learned Gentleman make a clear statement of what is being done? The House is not satisfied.

The hon. and gallant Member is well acquainted with Air Force matters. He knows perfectly well that I was referring to a four-engined jet aircraft and not to the Blackburn, which is not a four-engined jet machine. Therefore, there is nothing inconsistent between the two statements.

Is the right hon. and learned Gentleman aware that while the phrase, "active consideration," has been used in this House for a long time, it is not always associated with a very satisfactory position? Is he able to give a date for when these orders will be made?

In view of the tremendous importance of being able to move troops, armour and modern equipment by air quickly under present war conditions, will the Minister look upon this matter as one of grave urgency and do something about it?

I cannot just wave a wand and do something about it. The production of aircraft is not something which can be done by merely placing an order, as the hon. Member knows. We are well aware at the Ministry of the urgent need for this type of transport, but I cannot mislead the House by suggesting that we are likely to have it in operation in a matter of months.

In view of the fact that I do not regard the answer as entirely satisfactory, I beg to give notice that I shall raise the matter on the Adjournment at the earliest opportunity.

Sabre Jet Fighters

asked the Secretary of State for Air what is the outcome of the negotiations with the United States regarding the supply of Sabre jet fighters to this country; and if he will make a statement.

Discussions with the United States on this question are still proceeding, and I regret that I am unable to make a further statement at present.

Does the right hon. and learned Gentleman recall that at the beginning of this year, or even at the end of last year, we had exactly the same answer? Does he not think that in these grave times this country is entitled to have its squadrons properly equipped with the best aircraft available, and has he taken note of what General Vandenberg has said about the Russian fighter? Is this country to lag behind other countries?

I have not seen anything beyond statements in the Press as to what General Vandenberg may have said. Therefore, I cannot deal with that now. As regards the second point, I hope that it will not be suggested that the Meteors and Vampires which are now operated by the Royal Air Force do not compare in some respects—[HON. MEMBERS: "In some respects!"]—with the best aircraft available in some other country. On the other points, I must remind the hon. and gallant Gentleman that we do not control the United States Government. We can only wait until we get agreement with them, and it must not be assumed that the delay is on this side of the Atlantic.

Does the Minister not consider it unsatisfactory when he says that our aircraft compare "in some respects"? Should it not be the aim, and as quickly as possible, that they must compare in all respects?

The hon. Gentleman has had more experience of flying aircraft than I can hope to have, but I am told by those who have great experience, like himself, that there will never be an air force where the aircraft are in all respects superior to the aircraft of any other country.

Does the right hon. and learned Gentleman not agree that, as Great Britain is providing the bases and many facilities for the American forces, we are entitled to get the highest priority from America in equipment to bring our own forces up to date where we are lagging?

I think the hon. and gallant Gentleman knows that there is no one more anxious to secure these aircraft than myself.

National Service Men (Regular Engagements)

asked the Secretary of State for Air what proportion of the average intake of National Service men into the Royal Air Force accepts regular engagements.

I am glad to say that National Service men are undertaking regular engagements in the Royal Air Force in increasing numbers. In the six months ended 30th June, 1951, 18,074 undertook regular engagements on entry. This represents 44 per cent. of the intake in this period. In addition, 1,330 men on whole-time National Service transferred to regular engagements in the same period.

Tiger Moths (Replacement)

asked the Secretary of State for Air how many Royal Air Force Volunteer Reserve schools are still equipped with Tiger Moths; and when it is expected that all Tiger Moths used for flying training will be replaced by Chipmunk or other basic trainers equipped with radio-telephony.

asked the Secretary of State for Air when the Tiger Moth aircraft at present in use for Royal Flying Schools will be completely replaced by Chipmunks.

Ten of the 21 Reserve flying schools are still equipped with Tiger Moth aircraft, but each of the schools is now being provided with a proportion of Chipmunks or Prentices. It is hoped that all Reserve flying schools will be completely supplied with Chipmunks or Prentices before the end of next year.

The end of next year is a very long time ahead, and is it not a fact that many of the Chipmunks are being sent to schools overseas? Does the right hon. and learned Gentleman not think it is deplorable that the pilots, many of them battle pilots, have to fly an aircraft of the kind which Miss Amy Johnson flew to Australia 20 odd years ago?

A lot of people would say that the Tiger Moth is a very good ab initio training machine. It is quite true that we are sending Chipmunks to the training schools in Southern Rhodesia so that the Regular pilots of the future will be trained ab initio on the Chipmunk rather than on the Tiger Moth.

Does the Minister realise that training for instrument flying cannot be given in Tiger Moth aircraft, and that consequently many keen R.A.F.V.R. types are getting despondent at having to fly around in obsolete aircraft which do nothing to advance their qualifications?

I quite agree that the advantage of the Chipmunk is that one can start on instrument flying ab initio, but we have to obtain sufficient Chipmunks. The orders were placed 12 months ago, and we have to wait until we get sufficient numbers to meet the increasing demands as a result of the expanded training programme of the Royal Air Force.

As the reply to the Question is very unsatisfactory, I give notice that I shall raise the matter on the Adjournment at the earliest opportunity.

Training (Jet Aircraft)

asked the Secretary of State for Air what is the minimum training period for Royal Air Force pilots in jet-controlled aircraft; and whether he will give an assurance that it is an adequate length of time to be consistent with the duties and skill required.

Both Regular and National Service pilots must have a minimum of 50 hours dual instruction on jet trainer aircraft followed by 30 hours solo flying at a flying school. This is additional to the flying instruction they receive in training to Wings standard. The present period of training of jet pilots is considered adequate for the duties and skills required of them.

Can the Minister now answer the question I put to him previously regarding the average flying experience with jet aircraft of pilots who have been involved in accidents during the last six months?

I am not prepared to give that. I think it would be against the public interest.

asked the Secretary of State for Air when intermediate single jet training aircraft will be available for the Royal Air Force.

I would refer the hon. Member to the reply I gave to the hon. and gallant Member for Maccles-field (Air Commodore Harvey) on 2nd May.

Is the Minister not aware that there is now an urgent requirement for an intermediate jet trainer in view of the very high accident rate among jet pilots, and will he not now look at this matter again with the Air Staff and see whether some better arrangement cannot be made?

It is because we are fully aware of that point that we have aready placed the order for the aircraft to which the hon. Member refers.

Trained Pilots (Recruitment)

asked the Secretary of State for Air the extent of the present shortage of trained pilots; and what estimate he has formed of the shortage in two years' time, when large numbers of new aircraft will have been delivered from the manufacturers.

There is no shortage of trained pilots at present. While pilot recruitment to meet the increased requirements in two years' time has not come up to expectations, there has recently been a steady improvement and present figures are more encouraging. If the present trend continues, it is estimated that there will not be any serious shortage of aircrew. I cannot, however, emphasise too strongly that the success of the present R.A.F. expansion programme will largely depend on a steady flow of applicants for flying employment of the high quality we need.

Is the Minister quite convinced that every opportunity is being taken in the universities and at other places from which recruitment of the right type of personnel can be expected to encourage men to become pilots in the Royal Air Force?

We are doing everything we can at the Air Ministry and in the agencies associated with the Government, but it is not for me to say whether others are doing all they can to help us.

Will the Minister give an undertaking that he will look into this matter and see what he can do to give encouragement?

I do not think there is any need for me to give any undertaking, because I have been looking into this and have been taking what action I could for the last two years.

Volunteer Reserve Schools (Basic Training)

asked the Secretary of State for Air whether it is now possible to supplement the basic training at Royal Air Force Volunteer Reserve schools by the introduction of Harvard or other advanced types of aircraft.

No, Sir. I regret that it would not be practicable to do this at present because of the greater demand for Harvards which has resulted from the increase in the number of Regular flying training schools necessitated by the expansion programme.

Is the right hon. and learned Gentleman not aware that there is a great need for more advanced training among these pilots in the Reserve, and particularly for gunnery training and exercises? Will he not look at this matter again and see whether some appropriate aircraft cannot be made available, even for a short period?

As regards the question of gunnery, I certainly should be glad to look into that, but as regards the Harvard I must point out that we are limited by the supply available.

Auxiliary Pilots

asked the Secretary of State for Air the estimated rate of intake of pilots to the Royal Auxiliary Air Force during the next three years.

The pilot establishment of the Royal Auxiliary Air Force fighter squadrons is at present almost full and the future intake will depend partly on the number of Auxiliary pilots whose present engagements are renewed, and partly on the number of National Service pilots who opt to do their part-time service in the Royal Auxiliary Air Force instead of the Royal Air Force Volunteer Reserve. I am advised that it is at present impracticable to estimate the intake that will be required during the next three years.

Is the Secretary of State reasonably satisfied that the intake will exceed the wastage in pilots due to various causes—accidents and so forth—in the next three years?

I should not like to commit myself over the next three years. I certainly think that for the next year or two the position is reasonably satisfactory, provided that an adequate number of National Service pilots opt for the squadrons.

When the right hon. and learned Gentleman says that the position is satisfactory, does that mean on a one-flight basis per squadron, or more?

Does the right hon. and learned Gentleman think that a one-flight basis is satisfactory?

No. As I indicated some time ago, we are giving consideration to having a second flight.

Then what does the Minister mean by saying that a one-flight basis is satisfactory? Does he not mean that it is unsatisfactory?

It may still be satisfactory, even if we get an additional flight, provided we get the appropriate number of re-engagements and the appropriate number of National Service pilots opting. We are not able to say yet what those numbers will be.

Aerodrome Contract, East Anglia

asked the Secretary of State for Air in what cases is contract work on aerodrome enlargement and improvement in East Anglia being carried out on a cost-plus basis.

Accidents, Bradwell-juxta-Mare

asked the Secretary of State for Air if he is aware of two recent accidents in which pilots have lost their lives during target practice when their aircraft have hit the sea-wall near Brad well-juxta-Mare, Essex; that these accidents have followed the resiting of the target in question; and if he will investigate the possibility that the present situation of this target, in relation to the sea-wall, is unduly dangerous.

Yes, Sir. I am aware that there have been two accidents during target practice at Bradwell-juxta-Mare and the siting of the target has since been very carefully examined. I am, however, still waiting for the reports of the courts of inquiry set up to investigate these two accidents, and I will communicate with my hon. Friend in due course.

Can my right hon. and learned Friend give an assurance that the moving of the target to the present position has been carefully considered by both courts of inquiry?

Fighter Control Units

asked the Secretary of State for Air how many of the Royal Auxiliary Air Force personnel are employed as aircrew on aircraft maintenance and servicing and in Fighter Control units respectively; and what percentage are these of the auxiliary establishment of these branches.

It would not be in the public interest to give precise figures, but I can say that the strengths of aircrew and ground personnel in flying squadrons are 95 per cent. and 65 per cent. of establishment respectively. The strength of the Fighter Control units is 24 per cent. of establishment.

Will the right hon. and learned Gentleman try to think of some method of publicising the need to man up these Fighter Control units at the earliest moment, because 24 per cent. is a deplorable state of affairs when the defence of this country, the Civil Defence and everything else, will depend on the warnings these units will give?

The hon. Gentleman is aware that these units do not go into active service qua units, but constitute a pool from which personnel will be taken for service in the control and reporting system. In addition, we have the G Reserves, several thousand of whom are under training this year and will also be available. Lastly, I would point out that this organisation has been in existence for little more than two years—two and a half years—and the general trend of recruiting, although not as satisfactory as the hon. Member and I would wish, is upwards, which is encouraging.

Civil Aviation

Aer Lingus Agreement

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Civil Aviation when the existing agreement with Aer Lingus expires.

The agreement is for an indefinite period.

Will the hon. Gentleman say what steps are open for reviewing this agreement, in view of the fact that it was unsatisfactory at the outset and subsequent experience has shown it to be even more unsatisfactory?

This agreement is between companies and the termination or amendment would be a matter for the commercial judgment of the companies concerned.

Draft International Convention

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Civil Aviation if arrangements have yet been made for the special international conference to consider the adoption of the draft international convention prepared by the Legal Committee of the International Civil Aviation Organisation.

I assume that the hon. Member is referring to the draft convention on damage caused by aircraft to third parties on the ground. The International Civil Aviation Organisation has announced its intention of holding a meeting around June, 1952, for the purpose of completing this draft convention and opening it for signature.

Is the Minister aware that when he gave an answer on this subject on 21st March there was an indication in his answer that if and when this convention was adopted there would be some better chance of local residents whose houses have been damaged by vibration of aircraft getting some sort of compensation? This is a matter of great interest to his constituents and mine because of their proximity to London Airport. Can he do something to hurry up acceptance of the convention?

I would like to have seen this meeting held before June, 1952, but there are between 30 and 40 other nations entitled to have a say in the matter.

Associate Services

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Civil Aviation the number of companies which have applied to run associate services; the number of applications granted; of these, the number which came into operation; and the number of companies with insufficient aircraft to fulfil their own applications.

For periods beginning in 1951, 34 companies have made 148 applications, of which 110 have been approved in whole or in part. Forty-seven services have been operated, or are about to be operated. Of the companies which have withdrawn services, two have given insufficient aircraft as their reason for doing so.

Comet Jet Airliners

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Civil Aviation how soon the Comet jet airliners, ordered by his Department through the Ministry of Supply, will be ready to be put into operation.

I understand from the British Overseas Airways Corporation that it is hoped that commercial operations with the Comet will have started early in 1952.

Helicopter Services

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Civil Aviation what action is being taken by his Department in regard to the promotion of helicopter services in the Midlands; if he will make a statement on this question; and whether he will consider the provision of a helicopter service for Leicester, in view of its importance as a manufacturing centre.

I have nothing at present to add to the replies I gave to the hon. Member for Kidderminster (Mr. Nabarro) on 30th May, and to the hon. and gallant Member for Stockport, N. (Wing Commander Hulbert) on 27th June.

Would my hon. Friend take into consideration, when these arrangements are being made, that there is no scheduled air service at all for Leicester, which is a highly important export centre and is anxious to get buyers and so on, particularly from London? Will he see that Leicester is not overlooked in this regard?

Will the hon. Gentleman bear in mind the claims of Leeds and Bradford in view of this very grave delay?

Will the hon. Gentleman bear in mind the very slow and inadequate railway service between these Midlands centres, which makes helicopter development absolutely ideal for crosscountry work, notably between Leicester, Coventry, Wolverhampton. Birmingham and Kidderminster?

Yes, Sir, and may I take the opportunity of saying that we have considerable faith in this vehicle for intercity work and hope that the various cities will take into account the necessity for a helicopter site when making town planning arrangements.

London Airport (Car Parking)

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Civil Aviation whether the new car parking arrangements at London Airport preclude cars from picking up their passengers at the arrival entrance.

May I ask the hon. Gentleman to reconsider this because the new arrangement is causing great inconvenience to passengers as they have to go such a long way from the arrival entrance to the car park?

No, Sir. I understand that this is an improvement on the previous arrangement. Previously there was a great deal of congestion which has now been overcome.

Will my hon. Friend bear in mind that these difficulties would be very much reduced if he introduced a helicopter service from London Airport to Charing Cross?

Aerodromes, Orkney and Shetland

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Civil Aviation how much accommodation under the control of his Department stands empty on the aerodromes of Orkney and Shetland in the form of single and married quarters, respectively.

At Hatston Aerodrome there are five married quarters and 46 single quarters lately vacated by the Army. It is intended that these will be occupied by staff of the Air Ministry and Ministry of Civil Aviation. At Sumburgh Aerodrome there are five vacant usable cubicles for which there is no demand at present. At Grimsetter Aerodrome there are neither married nor single quarters.

Can the hon. Gentleman say whether this accommodation is now available for housing and if suitable applications are made whether they will receive favourable consideration?

I understand that accommodation is made available for domestic use—that is to say for the use of non-civil servants through the Department of Health for Scotland, and it is to that department that applications should be made.

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Civil Aviation how many single and married quarters under the control of his Department in Orkney and Shetland have so far deteriorated since 1945 as to become unusable.

There are 72 unusable cubicles remaining on the war-time Royal Air Force site Sumburgh Aerodome. This accommodation has been offered to all likely users, but there is no requirement for it. It will now be demolished so that use may be made of the materials.

Is the Parliamentary Secretary aware that these huts have stood empty for a great many years? Can he give an assurance that they will either be put to some use, or sold?

That is what I have said, that if they are not put to use they will be sold.

Has the hon. Gentleman consulted the Secretary of State for Air as to whether this aerodrome will be required for Coastal Command in future? Is it wise to demolish these buildings before that assurance has been obtained from the defence forces?

Hungary

Mr. Edgar Sanders

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs how many representations have been made to the Hungarian Government for the release of Mr. Edgar Sanders.

Can the right hon. Gentleman give an assurance to the House that the efforts will be continued to obtain the release of Mr. Sanders, that there will be no relaxation of effort, and that in view of the fact that America was successful we shall continue to try our utmost?

Yes, I can give that assurance. We have been continuing our efforts since our new Minister arrived in Hungary.

Religious Persecutions

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, in view of the continued persecution of the Roman Catholic leaders in Hungary, and, in particular, the conviction of Archbishop Grosz, what further action he is taking under Article 2 of the Peace Treaty with Hungary.

I would refer the hon. and gallant Member to the reply given to a similar Question on 25th June. His Majesty's Government have learned with indignation of the renewed persecution of religious leaders and others in Hungary, which has shown once more that the Hungarian Government are determined to pursue their policy of stifling all independent opinion.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that a great many people in this country, not only of the Catholic Church but many others as well, view this continued persecution in Hungary and the suppression of civil liberties with loathing and contempt, and will he lose no opportunity to bring that home to the Hungarian Government?

Yes, Sir. We are doing everything we can, and I answered in that sense last week. We are doing everything possible through the United Nations as well.

Is it not a fact that by acting in this way Hungary is breaking a peace treaty which we have signed? What action does the right hon. Gentleman propose to take in regard to the peace treaty?

The hon. and gallant Member is perfectly correct. If he were to refer to the Question of 25th June, which I mentioned, he would see that that

Suez Canal (Traffic Restrictions)

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if he will now request the United Nations Security Council to consider further the restrictions imposed by Egypt upon traffic through the Suez Canal.

The most appropriate method of bringing this matter before the Security Council is at present being considered. I can assure the hon. Gentleman that we shall not overlook the possibility of ourselves addressing a request to the Council if necessary.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the Mixed Armistice Commission to whom this matter was referred by the Security Council have condemned the action of Egypt and have asked that it should be referred to the Security Council as soon as possible?

Yes, I am aware of that. I think that there is little doubt that this matter will be referred to the Security Council. It is only the exact method that we are now considering.

Is not the latest incident, reported in the Press this morning, a humiliating example of the way in which this country is being pushed around by foreign countries; and is that not due to the spineless and irresolute character of the Government's Foreign policy?

I do not at all accept that. I think there is a Private Notice Question to be asked later about the incident which the hon. Member has mentioned.

In view of the very urgent nature of this matter, and in view of its delay for such a long time, and in view of other steps taken by Egypt, can my right hon. Friend say how soon this matter is likely to come before the Security Council?

Is there not something to be said for escorting our ships through and arguing with the Security Council afterwards?

Germany

Women's Affairs Section

30 and 31.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs (1) what has been the cost per annum, during the past two years, of the Women's Affairs Section of the office of the British High Commissioner in Germany; and what proportion this is of the total cost of the office of the High Commissioner;

(2) if, instead of abolishing completely the Women's Affairs Section of the office of the High Commissioner in Germany he will retain a nucleus of these women who are fulfilling a difficult task in Germany.

With permission, I will answer this Question and Question No. 31 together.

I can do so if my hon. Friend wishes.

The answer to Question 30 is: The salaries of the Women's Affairs Section amounted in 1949–50 to about £7,200 and in 1950–51 to about £8,100, excluding the cost of typing services, rations, transport and administration. In the earlier year this was about one-thousandth of the salary cost of the Control Commission, and in the second year one five-hundredth.

Would my right hon. Friend agree that few Government Departments could produce more first-class work at such a cost? Is he also aware that the original announcements gave the impression that this section had been cut as a convenient administrative cut by demolishing an entire section rather than by looking elsewhere and making economies which would not have had such an effect on the work in Germany?

I agree that the work which has been done has been valuable. The cut could not be described as purely administrative; it is a matter of policy. We are running down the size of the Control Commission in Germany at a very great rate. That must continue, and I think all branches of the Commission must suffer in consequence. It is something more than an administrative matter.

Was it necessary to abolish one section entirely? Could not part of it have been abolished and part of the cut have been made elsewhere?

Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether the work performed by the Women's Affairs Section was in the view of the Government unnecessary and could be done away with, or is it necessary and is being absorbed by another department?

It is intended that the essential work shall go on. That arises on the next Question.

The answer to Question No. 31 is: It is intended that the High Commissioner shall continue to have a woman on his staff to deal with women's affairs as part of our general relations with Germany.

I am much obliged to my right hon. Friend for his courtesy. Would the Foreign Office not agree that one of the most regrettable features of Germany was her attitude towards women, and that these women were doing a great job in the rehabilitation of that country?

Yes, Sir. I think that is the case. One of the functions of this section was to establish relations between women's organisations in this country and corresponding organisations in Germany, or where such organisations did not exist to try to promote them. After five or six years that has been fairly successful and I think that the whole thing can proceed without official intervention.

Re-armament

35 and 36.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs (1) what representations have been made by General Eisenhower with regard to the scale and form of German re-armament; and what is his policy with regard thereto;

(2) what is the present state of the negotiations between His Majesty's Government and other Allied Governments for incorporating German units in the defence of Western Europe.

I am aware of no representations made by General Eisenhower with regard to the scale and form of German re-armament.

As my right hon. Friend said in reply to a question by the right hon. Member for Streatham (Mr. Sandys) on 9th July, a joint report on the exploratory discussions in Germany on a German contribution to Western defence has been received by the three Occupying Powers. His Majesty's Government are now studying this report and hope shortly to discuss it with their Allies. Pending consideration by the Allied Powers it would not be right for me to make any comment.

Would one be right in assuming from that reply, that these discussions are still in an exploratory stage and that, before fundamental decisions are taken, regard will be had to the changed political conditions inside Germany?

Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether we may expect a statement from the Government as to their attitude on this whole question before the Recess?

I will bring that Question to the notice of my right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary.

Is it not a fact that the fundamental decision has already been taken, and may we be assured by the Government that they are doing their best to push forward a German contribution as quickly as possible?

I think the policy of His Majesty's Government was clearly expressed by my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister in a debate in this House on 12th February, and I refer hon. Members to that.

Before my right hon. Friend comes to a final conclusion, will he take into very serious consideration the serious rise of the neo-Nazism in Germany at present and the repercussions of that condition upon the matter in question?

All aspects of this problem will be considered in the discussions with our Allies.

Can we not have a straight answer to the question by the hon. and learned Member for Northampton (Mr. Paget)? Is it or is it not the intention of the Government to abide by their decision to push on with German re-armament as quickly as possible?

I referred my hon. Friend to the statement of my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister in the debate in February which was to the effect that we accept the need for a German contribution but that the timing, method and conditions will require to be worked out.

Foreign Service (Lectures)

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs the estimated cost of the course of lectures on Communism given to Foreign Office officials at Jesus College, Oxford; and what was the purpose of these lectures.

The cost of this course on "Aspects of Communism" held from 28th June to 2nd July was approximately £243. The purpose of these refresher courses, three of which are held each year, is to provide an opportunity for members of the Foreign Service serving at home and abroad to hear and discuss informally the views of acknowledged experts on problems of current interest and importance to the work of the Foreign Office.

Can my right hon. Friend assure us that this is not a sinister Communist plot, because at these lectures the students are advised to read Marx, Lenin and Trotsky? Is this not likely to completely demoralise the Foreign Office?

I think my hon. Friend will agree that it is advisable that members of the Foreign Office, and indeed all others, should be familiar with all the aspects of Communist policy. It is with this in view that these courses are held.

If the hon. Gentleman wishes to have a list, I think he will agree that they are acknowledged experts—Mr. Isaiah Berlin, three members of the Foreign Service who deal with various current aspects of this problem—Mr. G. W. Harrison, Mr. C. A. E. Shuck-burgh and Sir Esler Dening—Mr. H. Somerville Smith, dealing with the foreign trade aspect, the hon. Member for Lancaster (Mr. F. Maclean) dealing with Yugoslavia and the Kremlin, Doctor Darlington, dealing with scientific aspects of the Soviet regime and Mr. Bertrand Russell in a winding-up lecture.

Could these lectures be made open to hon. Members of this House, including the hon. Member for Ayrshire, South (Mr. Emrys Hughes)?

Why does that list not include the hon. Member for Orpington (Sir W. Smithers)?

Status of Women (U.N. Commission)

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs what instructions were given to the British Government delegates to the Commission on the Status of Women, held at Lake Success from 30th April to 14th May.

It is not customary to disclose the guidance given by His Majesty's Government to United Kingdom members of United Nations Commissions.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that arising out of the Government's instructions our delegates were in the position of voting against extending to women in other countries those things which have been accepted as their right for many years, namely, the right to vote and the right to take part in public affairs? Is he also aware that as a result of those instructions our delegates found themselves in a minority, accompanied only by the representatives of Russia and Poland?

No, Sir. I am aware that there has been a misunderstanding, and I am afraid that what my hon. Friend has said is a complete misunderstanding. The only point which arose was the precise method of pursuing the aims of improving the political rights of women in various countries. Our representative abstained on one particular proposal that there should be a convention, which she did not think was useful. There are very strong arguments to support her point of view.

Festival of Britain (Litter)

asked the Lord Privy Seal if he is aware that many people are not responding to the request of the authorities of the South Bank Exhibition to refrain from throwing down litter; and if he will take further action to bring home to the public the need for using the litter baskets provided.

Between eight and 10 tons of mixed refuse are removed from the Exhibition site daily. The 355 specially designed litter bins which were on the site when the Exhibition opened have been substantially reinforced by additional containers and they are all cleared three times a day. Nevertheless, quantities of litter are being deposited in the circulation areas, in fountains and in other places where clearance is difficult. Measures taken to induce the public to make better use of the litter bins include announcements on the public address system and the issue of a special reminder to those in charge of organised parties.

Sierra Leone (Constitution)

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies to what extent opposition has developed in Sierra Leone to the new constitutional proposals; and whether any further modifications are being considered.

The new constitution, which gives the people of Sierra Leone much wider responsibilities for conducting their own affairs, has been warmly welcomed by opinion in the Protectorate, where over 90 per cent. of the population live. A section of Colony opinion is opposed to the grant of a greater share of representation to the Protectorate at this stage, but the bulk of the people of the Colony are prepared to accept the constitution and to give it a fair trial. Active opposition to the constitution is diminishing. My right hon. Friend sees no ground for considering modifications and the answer to the last part of the Question is therefore in the negative.

Are any steps being taken to try to reconcile these two groups, in view of the fact that there is civil tension arising out of differences of opinion about these measures?

British Guiana

Rice Marketing Board

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies what is the present position of the Rice Marketing Board in British Guiana; whether it is now receiving the support of rice growers; and what success has attended its activities.

The Rice Marketing Board of British Guiana controls all the operations concerned with the manufacture, sale and export of rice. Rice producers hold half the seats on the Board and are in a majority at most meetings. The Board is showing a profit in the current financial year; it has been successful in eliminating exploitation of the growers and has contributed generally to the stability of the rice industry.

Technical Education

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies what facilities for technical education are available in British Guiana; and what increases are planned for the future.

There are two Government trade schools at present. A technical institute is to be opened later this year.

Can the hon. Gentleman say what proportion of the population will be covered by these facilities?

Road Improvement

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he is aware of the deplorable condition of the road between Atkinson Field and Georgetown, British Guiana; and whether, in view of the fact that Atkinson Field is the only mainline airport in the Colony, he will take steps to ensure that adequate road communication is available between the airport and the capital.

Provision has been made for the reconstruction of this road in the Colony's revised development plan. Meanwhile, £80,000 is to be spent on reconditioning it this year.

Armed Forces

Widows and Children (Pensions Scheme)

asked the Minister of Defence what progress has been made regarding the proposed contributory pensions for widows and children of Service personnel.

It is proving difficult to devise an acceptable contributory scheme. Steps have been taken to consult representative Service opinion on certain proposals and the position is being reviewed in the light of the comments received.

Can the right hon. Gentleman indicate what are the main difficulties with which he is confronted?

There is considerable difference as between Civil Service arrangements and arrangements for Service personnel. Apart from that, we have made careful inquiries and apparently there is no great enthusiasm for a scheme of this kind.

Ex-miners (Release)

asked the Minister of Defence if, in view of the need to increase immediately production of deep-mined coal he will take immediate steps to release from the forces all ex-miners who are prepared to return to the industry.

A scheme for the release of ex-miners who had volunteered for the Forces since 31st December, 1948, and had had at least six months previous underground mining experience was announced by my right hon. Friend the Minister of Fuel and Power on 1st February. That scheme was due to terminate on 30th June; but in order to ensure that all those eligible are given adequate time in which to consider applying for release, it has been decided to extend the operation of the scheme by two months.

Does not my right hon. Friend think that it would be much more sensible to let that apply to all miners and not merely to those who joined before that date? Does he not realise that we might run into a fuel crisis this winter, and that the few thousand miners involved would be doing far better service in the pits than in the Forces?

I am afraid that I cannot agree with my hon. Friend. It would be most impracticable to adopt his suggestion.

Can the right hon. Gentleman tell the House how many skilled miners have returned under the scheme announced on 1st February last?

I do not know about skilled miners, but the number who have returned is about 2,000.

Turkey and Greece (Atlantic Pact)

asked the Minister of Defence whether he is now in a position to make a statement about the progress of intergovernmental discussions regarding arrangements for the defence of the East Mediterranean and Middle East theatre within the framework of the Atlantic Pact.

When does the right hon. Gentleman hope to be able to make a statement? Does he not realise that very serious misgivings are being expressed by, for instance, Greece and Turkey about their continued exclusion from the Western system of defence?

I hope to make a statement as soon as the discussions are completed. I am not aware that there are considerable apprehensions on the part of Greece and Turkey.

I am well aware of the position, and I repeat that I am not aware of considerable apprehensions on the part of Greece and Turkey.

Can the right hon. Gentleman hold out any hope that he will be able to make a statement on this subject before the Recess?

Is the right hon. Gentleman really not aware of the serious misgivings in Turkey on this subject, and does he not know that, as a result of the extremely indiscreet interview given by a member of the Foreign Office to the Turkish Press Delegation, an hon. Member of the Party opposite and an hon. Member from this side of the House have had to broadcast to Turkey recently to allay anxiety on this subject?

The hon. Gentleman is quite wrong. At any rate, we are not aware of apprehensions on the part of the countries concerned, and we probably know much more about it than the hon. Member.

Is this really the Government's information? Have they not seen what we certainly have seen—so many expressions of opinion from Turkish sources showing anxiety at their exclusion?

We have reason to believe that they are not very worried about it at present.

How worried do they have to be before His Majesty's Government will do something?

In view of the unsatisfactory nature of the reply, I intend to raise the question of Mr. Shuckburgh's interview with the Turkish Press delegation on the Adjournment.

Poultry Foods

asked the Minister of Food what are the ingredients in the present ration feedingstuffs for poultry.

As the reply is rather long, I will, with permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

Can the Minister tell the House whether or not the ingredients contain at least 25 per cent. of material which is quite non-productive of eggs, and, as it costs 34s. per cwt., is not the poor farmer paying a quarter of that money for nothing?

The answer is a very long and technical one, and I should be obliged if the hon. Gentleman will read it, and, if he has any further doubts about it, will then put down another Question.

Following are the ingredients of feedingstuffs in the present poultry ration:

10 per cent. Protein feedingstuffs made up from either:

Fish Meal,

Meat Meal, or

Whalemeat Meal, and

Vegetable Protein.

90 per cent. Cereals consisting of:

35 per cent. Wheat by-products,

10 per cent. Maize,

40 per cent. Barley/Oats/Sorghums,

5 percent. Low Protein consisting of:

Palm Kernel and Coconut Cake.

10 per cent. Miscellaneous—consisting largely of:

Maize Gluten feed, and the by-products of Cereal Breakfast Foods.

The compound must conform with the analysis giving the maximum and minimum content of:

Oil,

Albuminoids,

Calcium,

Chlorine,

and the maximum amount of fibre,

as specified in the Feeding Stuffs (Manufacture) Order, 1950, No. 1988.

asked the Minister of Food if he has arranged for the purchase of maize from Argentina and elsewhere so as to allow the issue next autumn and winter of satisfactory feedingstuff rations for winter egg production.

We have bought, and will continue to buy, all the maize offered at reasonable prices from non-dollar sources, but Argentine prices are at present well above world market prices. We are buying feedingstuffs in the dollar area so far as the dollar situation permits, and we shall do our utmost to get adequate supplies from whatever sources are available, but obviously it would be imprudent to commit myself to any particular purchases, regardless of price.

Could the Minister tell us if he feels reasonably assured in his own mind that we shall be able to get supplies of maize and other feedingstuffs in order to get the full winter egg production which he wants?

One can never be sure, but I feel rather happier about this than I felt some months ago. I feel reasonably sure that we shall get all we can get out of the Argentine.

As my right hon. Friend has said that he is trying to get supplies from all sources, can he assure us that he is getting everything that is available from Russia?

Questions

Egypt (Detention of British Ship)

( by Private Notice ) asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if he has any statement to make regarding the action of an Egyptian corvette in detaining the British steamer "Empire Roach" on 1st July in the international channel at the entrance to the Gulf of Aqaba.

Yes, Sir.

At 5 p.m. on 1st July the British steamship "Empire Roach," bound for Aqaba, was stopped by Egyptian Navy Corvette No. 61 in the approaches to the Enterprise Channel and detained for 24 hours. An Egyptian armed guard was placed aboard the steamship. According to reports so far received, no member of the ship's crew was allowed on deck between 7 p.m. on the 1st and 8 a.m. on 2nd July, and during this time members of the Egyptian armed guard looted the bosun's store, removing goods to the approximate value of £200. In addition, they wrecked the ship's radio. The commander of the Egyptian armed guard gave no reason for their action except that it had been committed on instructions.

His Majesty's Ambassador in Alexandria has delivered a strong protest to the Egyptian Government, and has informed them that His Majesty's Government will, in due course, put forward a claim for substantial damages and for compensation in respect of loss caused by the Egyptian action. I have myself this morning expressed to the Egyptian Ambassador my strong indignation at this action, and requested him to convey His Majesty's Government's views to his Government.

Does not the right hon. Gentleman think that this deplorable incident stems from our continuing weakness towards Egypt in such matters as the granting of special facilities for the supply of oil? Does he recall that the financial agreement, despite strong opposition in all parts of the House, was signed on the very day when this incident occurred, and is not the real lesson of all this that the more concessions we make to some of these Middle Eastern countries at this time the more our national interests and the interests of peace will suffer?

No, Sir; I do not think that I would accept that interpretation of the situation. As a matter of fact, I think there is an exaggeration regarding the number of concessions which we have granted to Egypt.

In view of this deplorable incident, can we have some assurance that British naval vessels will be in these waters and that they will go to the rescue should our ships be insulted?

I am in consultation with my noble Friend the First Lord of the Admiralty on that aspect of the matter.

In view of the fact that this assault did not take place in Egyptian territorial waters, has the attention of the right hon. Gentleman been drawn to the statement by the Egyptian War Minister this morning that the ship was sailing in a prohibited zone, where the Egyptian coastal batteries have instructions to fire on sight, and that, therefore, the ship must consider herself fortunate in being stopped in time? What reply has he given to that saucy statement?

I have not seen it, nor do I think it would be desirable for me to make comments on the basis of newspaper reports only.

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman one other question? He will observe that this incident occurred on 1st July. Can he tell us how it is that no information about it appears to be made public until 10 days later?

I understand that the ship went to Aqaba and then to Suez. I cannot explain at the moment why the delay occurred, but I will make inquiries about it.

Will my right hon. Friend make clear, in his protest to the Egyptian Government, that it is a breach of international law to stop any vessel from passing in that direction, so that there will be no recurrence of any action of this sort, either to naval or other vessels?

I will bear that point in mind. I have made a most vigorous protest, but I think it is only fair to wait, on detailed arguments, to see what the reply of the Egyptian Government is.

When this vessel arrived at Aqaba, can the Foreign Secretary say what action was taken by the British Consul or by British troops quartered there?

While welcoming the obviously strong terms of what the Foreign Secretary said this morning, would he not, in order that the House might get a proper balance about this matter, cause to be published the numerous incidents before the Second World War in which the British civilians were continuously insulted and brutally treated without protest from a Government which included some of the distinguished members of the Front Bench opposite, whom the Leader of the Opposition denounced at the time?

Does not the right hon. Gentleman realise that this incident is the direct result of his deplorably weak handling of the Persian situation, and that he must expect incidents of this kind to multiply, unless he takes a very much stronger line now?

I do not agree, and I think that if the hon. Member wishes to specify strong action it would be better if he were to specify particularly the kind of action that is required.

Even if the nature of the cargo of the "Empire Reach" could not possibly justify the Egyptian Government in taking the action which it did, can my right hon. Friend say whether it was, in fact, carrying arms and ammunition at the time?

Although one must, of course, listen to allegations, my information is that it was carrying no contraband whatever.

Can the Foreign Secretary say whether or not this corvette was acquired from this country?

Could the right hon. Gentleman elucidate what he meant by "no contraband"? Surely, there cannot be contraband unless there is a war in some place or other.

I am referring to what the Egyptians said, and that is what they have said.

Does the right hon. Gentleman consider that what he calls a strong diplomatic Note of indignation still carries the same power as it did in the days of former Governments?

It depends how far you go back. As I said in the debate on the Persian matter, if you go back far enough, we were living in a different world, and we are not living in that world now.

Without attempting to go too far back into the past—I do not want to make the Prime Minister uncomfortable about his vote against conscription before the war—but to clear up matters, could the right hon. Gentleman say when he first heard of this incident, which took place on 1st July?

Well, Sir—[HON. MEMBERS: "He does not know."] I hope the Opposition will show some sense of seriousness about this matter. If they want a party row about it, let them say so. It was quite recently, and after the ship got to Aqaba.

Could not the right hon. Gentleman state the date, because I presume that our Consul at Aqaba immediately reported here? Could he state the date when he first knew about this?

I cannot say exactly. It was quite recently, and, of course, the Consul reported it directly he knew.

The only question I venture to put to the right hon. Gentleman —the fact was that the wireless in this vessel was destroyed—is whether, when she arrived at Aqaba, the master reported the incident to the Consul, and why, if so, the Consul did not report it back to the Foreign Office?

The ship then went on to Suez. I have no reason to believe that the incident was not promptly reported as soon as facilities for doing so were available. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh."] I hope everybody will note this atmosphere. A telegram was received on 4th July containing preliminary details. Full details were received on 9th July.

Will the Foreign Secretary please explain to the House why he seems to be so ill-informed about this matter?

The ship did everything it could. As I said, we had the preliminary report, but the ship had to wait until it got round to Suez before it could give the master's full report.

Bill Presented

Isle of Man (Customs) Bill

"to amend the law with respect to customs in the Isle of Man," presented by Mr. Jay; read the First time; to be read a Second time Tomorrow, and to be printed. [Bill 131.]

Orders of the Day

Supply

[19TH ALLOTTED DAY]

Considered in Committee.

[Major MILNER in the Chair]

Civil Estimates, 1951–52

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a further sum, not exceeding £30, be granted to His Majesty, towards defraying the charges for the following services connected with the West Indies, for the year ending on 31st March, 1952, namely:

Civil Estimates, 1951–52

£

Class II., Vote 9, Colonial Office

10

Class II., Vote 10, Colonial and Middle Eastern Services

10

Class II., Vote 11, Development and Welfare (Colonies. &c.)

10

Total

£30

—[ Mr. Douglas Jay. ]

West Indies

3.45 p.m.

My hon. Friends on this side of the Committee desire this afternoon to raise the topic of the West Indies and their problems so that we may concentrate the attention of the Committee upon them. It has proved extremely difficult to deal in general colonial debates with the difficulties of an area in which there are so many small communities, each with its own individual troubles. Therefore, we hope today to focus attention specifically upon them.

Since the last debate in the House on the West Indies, there has been a very large number of important publications of one kind and another under the auspices of Government agencies, but one of the most important to appear recently is the Report of the Controller of Development and Welfare, and I think that the introduction and the first chapter of that Report give as good a summary of the social and economic position in the West Indies as anybody could wish. We on this side would like to congratulate the compilers of that admirable Report.

The first outstanding fact which appears from the Report, and which has been well known to all who study West Indian matters, is that we are faced with the appalling problem of the increase of population in the West Indies. In a period of 25 years, there will be an increase of approximately 40 per cent. in the population of these already overcrowded islands. This clearly means that it will be extremely difficult either to maintain the existing standard of life— let alone to improve it—or to maintain existing rates of Government expenditure in the local administrations.

This fact, which appears quite clearly from the Report, makes it evident that, if the calculations of the Report are based on the assumption that the British West Indies can sell practically everything they can produce, should that assumption be falsified, and should they for any reason not be able to sell the whole of their produce, then we should be faced with a disastrous position in a very short time.

Therefore, on this occasion I want to draw attention to the doubts which have recently been cast in many quarters upon the intentions of His Majesty's Government with regard to the purchase of sugar from the West Indies and other Commonwealth sources, and to the prejudicial consequences which have flowed from these doubts in regard to the purchase of West Indian sugar by Canada.

I do not want to develop that subject in this debate because we hope to focus attention on more political problems, and also because that matter can doubtless be discussed in the autumn when the Commonwealth Sugar Agreement will, I understand, come up for discussion again. But I think that at this stage we ought to say that this question of the sale of British West Indies sugar underlies the whole economic position. If we were by any chance to take away that firm foundation, it would be a most expensive bargain for us. We might be able to buy sugar sometimes elsewhere, but we should certainly have to pay far more in doles and reliefs, in administrative expenditure, and conceivably in security measures, to mitigate the hunger and misery which would result from the collapse of the economy.

I pass now to the second point I wish to make, which is that obviously if there if a greatly increasing pressure of population, the development of industry and the diversification of industry will be of very greatly increased importance. The West Indian Governments have been doing a great deal to assist the establishment of new industries, and we on this side of the Committee welcome the initiative they have taken and the encouragement they have had from the right hon. Gentleman. But I think there is some anxiety that these opportunities which are being afforded by the colonial Governments to establish new industries may not be fully available because, at this end, the policy of the Treasury may not fully correspond with that of the local Governments. After all, there are two sides to this matter. There are the local conditions and the availability of capital. I believe there is a series of problems there which the right hon. Gentleman would do well to discuss in considerable detail with the Chancellor of the Exchequer.

Our argument in these matters has always been, and still is, that it is the prime duty of government to provide the conditions within which development may take place rather than itself to take part in development activities, although that may be sometimes justifiable. There are three respects in which the Government may be of further help in the West Indies in this matter. First, the 1948 Report of the Commonwealth Shipping Committee still awaits discussion. The passenger ship facilities to the West Indies are still inadequate, at any rate at certain times of the year, and it appears that passenger shipping on these routes is to be taken from us by new French vessels probably heavily subsidised. I hope the right hon. Gentleman has not forgotten this problem and that the recommendations of the Commonwealth Shipping Committee will receive attention before long.

The second respect in which the Government can still help with regard to the establishment of new industries and development is in the road building programme. In the two relatively undeveloped Colonies of British Honduras and British Guiana, the road system is wholly inadequate and all of us who have observed the economic development of the Central American mainland and Mexico, which are analogous to these countries must agree that the provision of roads is a first necessity and that every pound spent on a road will bring in its train a great many additional pounds of private investment in the form of development.

The third problem in this series is that related to currency. As is well known, the West Indies depend both on the sterling and dollar areas, and before the war they were part of a triangular trading system. Due to the inconvertibility of the pound, a system which used to be triangular in shape has become a two-legged one. There is a double bilateral arrangement between the West Indies and the sterling area and the West Indies and the dollar area. This arrangement is working very badly indeed. This is a complex matter, part of a very much larger problem, but in this debate it is our duty to draw attention to difficulties caused in the West Indies by non-convertibility and to hope that these matters will not be lost sight of when the wider question is discussed by the Government with the Chancellor.

I pass now to the dominant political issue of the day. I think everybody will agree that during the past few years there has been a tremendous drawing together of the various communities in the West Indies. I do not speak of formal federation; I mean the gradual growth of ties of an administrative or informal nature between these units. There is the Caribbean Commission upon which the West Indies are represented as a whole. There is the Development and Welfare Organisation. There has been a considerable unification of currency, which is most welcome.

There has been the establishment of the British Caribbean Trade Commissioner Service and the establishment of the central University, which are most welcome. In London, on a more humble scale, the West Indian Students' Union is doing excellent work in bringing together students from various Colonies and giving them a consciousness, of which they show great evidence in my view, of their common interest and destiny. There is, of course, the West Indies Cricket Team, and there has been a tremendous growth of inter-island transport. All these matters are matters of achievement. It is not a question of our desiring these Colonies to draw closer together. They are actively doing it, and that is a most gratifying thing.

There also remain other projects in print available in the House but not yet matters of achievement. There are the Customs Union proposals which were recently published, the Report on Unification of Public Services, which has been available to us for some time and, of course, the Rance Report, which put forward constructive proposals for a political federation. I wish to address myself for a moment to that Report and to quote from the new Development and Welfare Report in which it is mentioned on page 9. The Report states:

Opinions differ widely upon this matter of federation. That is not at all surprising. There are personal factors in the West Indies which stand in its way. But time is passing and the political situation is likely to become more tense as economic difficulties press upon it. The local vested political interests in the West Indies are likely to grow in strength as self-government in the Colonies develops, and the anomaly of very small political units such as exist in this area is becoming more glaring every day in a world where political units everywhere are getting larger and larger.

So, while it is no part of our desire on this side to urge federation upon these Colonies and it would be certainly wrong of us to lead them to expect any great immediate economic advantage, nevertheless we believe there are political advantages of considerable magnitude which might flow from effective federation. We believe that from those political advantages economic advantages would also result. It would ensure better attention being paid to individual local problems. It would ensure that they were adequately debated. It would, to some extent, get rid of the small island mentality and have an excellent effect on politicians.

When hon. Members are elected to this House, they think they are great men in their constituencies. When they come here and rub shoulders with people who have been here a long time and know even more than they do about politics, they come down a peg or two. It would be an excellent thing for politicians in the West Indies to join together in a rough-and-tumble such as we join in here. They would benefit as we do. Such a federation would enable the West Indies to speak with a more effective voice. Excellent men are coming here from the West Indies from time to time, men of capacity and real ability; but when they come here they speak only for their individual communities, except on special occasions. I am sure that the West Indies can now produce men big enough and wise enough to speak for that area on all occasions.

What I suggest we can say to these Legislatures is this. We on both sides of the Committee have joined with the Government in putting forward these proposals for consideration. We do not expect them to be accepted. We know that federation, if it were to be accepted, must take a long time, but I think we are entitled to ask for those proposals to be discussed. I hope that the right hon. Gentleman will suggest to the Legislatures that, whether or not they approve of federation, they should do us the favour of giving us their views upon it, telling us the difficulties, if need be, but at any rate giving us some guidance as to which way their thoughts are turning.

I pass from the political problem to the one administrative problem which is uppermost in our minds at present. That is the maintenance of the rule of law in this area. Here I must be critical of the right hon. Gentleman's administration and frankly say that we have for a long time been greatly disturbed at the way things have been going in the West Indies. The doubts and difficulties which we have observed are all embodied in the troubles in Grenada, and although other troubles have existed in Antigua, and are threatened perhaps elsewhere, I had better examine the position in Grenada, because I must not overstep my time.

We asked the Government to provide us with a White Paper or to publish the communications passing between the Secretary of State and the Governor. My right hon. Friend the Member for Warwick and Leamington (Mr. Eden) pressed this matter upon them, but the Government have not thought fit to comply with this request. I suggest to the right hon. Gentleman that this is putting the Committee in a very difficult position. It is hard for us to examine this matter and to be sure that we are being fair to the Governor unless we really know the respective parts that the right hon. Gentleman and the Governor have played in this matter. Therefore, the right hon. Gentleman must not complain if he thinks that some of the things I say are inaccurate or unreasonable, because we are proceeding upon the information available to us.

There are, first of all, two points on which I think we shall agree. We all desire to see the standard of living of the daily wage earner in these Colonies, and in Grenada in particular, raised as far as the economic circumstances of the island permit, and I think we would all admit that there is progress to be made in that direction. I think we should also agree that it is indispensable that there should be better industrial relations than exist at present. We should like to see a proper system of industrial relations.

I want to make it quite clear, therefore, that in urging the Government to take more effective measures to maintain law and order, we are not urging them to favour the white community at the expense of the coloured community. There is no such real distinction in this case. The white community is infinitesimally small, and many of the chief sufferers in these disputes have been the propertied members of the coloured community. Nor are we defending the "haves" against the "have-nots." Humble people, overseers, clerks and so forth, have suffered just as much as, if not more than, those better able to look after them- selves in the disorders. Therefore, there is really no ground for controversy there.

What we say is this. We are asking the Government to champion the cause of the vast majority of citizens who are loyal, peaceful and law-abiding. I should without any hesitation, on the information before me, put them at 80 per cent., and I think it might be over 90 per cent. We ask the right hon. Gentleman to see that they are not imposed upon by the mob rule of a small minority which has used every device known to political terrorism and which has oppressed all classes, all colours and all occupations alike.

The failure to maintain law and order in Grenada is not a matter such as that in Malaya, for example. There is no difficult administrative problem about it. In my belief, law and order could have been maintained by the existing police force if at an early stage it had been made quite clear that acts of lawlessness would not be condoned or tolerated. I think it was that failure which permitted the situation to get out of hand.

The hon. Gentleman will have a chance to make a speech. If I recall rightly, he himself on 16th January this year addressed a meeting in St. George's, Grenada, when he urged nonviolence upon the people, and I think that was a useful service.

In August, 1950, the troubles were already in full swing. So the Government had plenty of warning. There was the blocking of roads, the cutting of telephone wires, the destruction of water lines, motors were attacked at night, cattle slaughtered and cut up in the fields, and tractors fired. All these things were happening in August, 1950. Thereafter there were regular weekly detailed police reports to the Government warning them of the situation. It was on 19th February that the big so-called strike occurred. There had been no previous wage demands, no previous negotiations—no warning of the strike. It was most carefully organised and it broke out with great violence, and there ensued a reign of terror.

Union meetings were organised all over the place—I use the word "union" for lack of any other at the moment—and were followed by organised burning and pillaging. At public meetings of this organisation, prominent individuals were publicly denounced. Demands were made that women should be surrendered up to mob justice by local firms by whom they were employed. Harmless old ladies were beaten up in the streets; watchmen were beaten up on the estates, and even the Governor's A.D.C. was beaten up. There was wholesale destruction upon the plantations themselves, and—I think the most unpleasant and sinister feature—there were so-called union police, with red badges and, I believe, passes which purported to authorise them to search houses, going up and down the island with mobs terrorising the inhabitants.

Surely it is surprising that at this stage the emergency ordinances, which the Secretary of State in 1938 advised should be introduced in the island, had not been introduced. They were now hurriedly and belatedly introduced, but that seems to me to indicate that there was already a slackness in the Government. What is quite apparent to us on this side of the Committee is that these were not labour disputes or strikes. They were common riots. They had nothing to do with the standard of life of the people, but were a phenomenon well known in the West Indies—the outbreak of trouble of this sort which down the centuries has occurred from time to time when a fiery orator arises and stirs up the people to madness by all the devices known to demagogy, and that could be done however high the standard of living.

Finally, this was obviously not a trade union. Nobody could say that this was a trade union. If the right hon. Gentleman says it is a trade union, can he produce its accounts? Are they properly audited? Will he give us the history of this union? How does he account for its activities which are wholly illegal if they are connected with these disorders, as I think any reasonable person must conclude? It is, in fact, nothing but a conspiracy hiding under the name of a trade union and seeking to obtain sympathy with that honoured name.

I want to read a short extract from the "Trinidad Guardian" which expresses better than I could our opinion on this matter. It is dated 15th May of this year:

When the Governor returned to the Colony—he was on leave at the time of the main outbreak—the disorders were already subsiding. A state of emergency had been declared. The Administrator, Mr. Green, and the chief of police between them had, I think, done a reasonably good job, and the Governor evidently thought so, too, for when he returned he immediately ordered the release of Mr. Gairy subsequent upon the ending of the emergency. At three o'clock in the morning there was a meeting between the Governor, Mr. Gairy and other officials. At that meeting the Governor invited Mr. Gairy to assist him in restoring law and order. Mr. Gairy referred to the Governor insolently as "Arundel" and said he was very tired, he thought he would have breakfast and he would consider discussing the matter later if he felt like it.

At that meeting was the Secretary of State's Labour Adviser, Mr. Barltrop. Mr. Barltrop has earned an opinion in the West Indies as being a very sincere and well-intentioned person, but his views on these matters perhaps do not deserve quite the weight which has been given to them by the local Government. After being two days in the Colony, these were his views: passage in this same interview in which he said:

I pass to a few days later. The police chief, Colonel Donald, was making regular daily reports on the emergency, and it was two or three days after the Governor's arrival, accompanied by a Brigadier Pickthall, that rumours were current that the police chief was to be superseded. He immediately went to the Governor and drew his attention to these rumours and a denial was issued that there was any such intention. Two days later, Colonel Donald made his normal morning report at nine o'clock, and at twelve o'clock, to his surprise, he was sent for again by the Governor.

Before I describe what happened at that interview, I should like to make some remarks about Colonel Donald. I have seen Colonel Donald and, as far as I am able, I will try to estimate his character for the Committee. I think he may perhaps be an impetuous man. He may perhaps be hot-tempered—I see the hon. Member for Warrington (Dr. Morgan) shaking his head; I do not know, but of this I am sure—Colonel Donald is an honest and truthful and fair-minded man, a man who all his life has worked hard in the service, who gained the O.B.E. and who throughout these disturbances worked fearlessly and untiringly at his duties. I cannot but recall, from the back of my mind, words uttered by the great Lord Halifax about Sir William Trumble, then Ambassador at Paris: Legislative Council, and when he left the Colony he received warm testimonials from five local organisations, from local religious organisations and—a point to which I attach most importance—he was most warmly and movingly thanked by his own men, the police—and that, I think, is an important testimonial.

This man came into the Governor's office at 12 o'clock and the Governor said he was sorry to hear that his wife was ill. Mrs. Donald had, of course, been worried; her husband had been in daily danger; but she was not ill. The Governor continued to say that he hoped Colonel Donald would make his wife's illness an excuse for resigning his post. I do not think one can sink lower than that in meanness.

This man had no charges of any description standing against him. On this occasion the Governor refused to make any statement about his services except, "You have worked very hard but a man of your calibre is not suited under present conditions." The request of the Governor was, when he then summarily discharged Colonel Donald, that he should leave the Colony immediately. He was given a month's notice. I understand that in the Colonial Service no man is discharged on a month's notice unless he has done something to his grave discredit, and such a summary discharge as this was the gravest reflection upon this officer.

Two things ought to be done in his case. Either the charges, if charges there are, ought to be made good, or, if there are no charges, he should be vindicated publicly and recompensed for the losses he has suffered. The only allegation made about him was that his reports were complacent—and that is not true; that he concentrated his forces in St. George's— and that I believe is not true, either; and that he used hard language—and of that I am not surprised.

I pass from Colonel Donald and conclude my remarks upon the general question of law and order. The troubles in Grenada still continue. I have in my hand a letter from one engaged in social work in Jamaica amongst the poorest of the population—one whose credentials are above suspicion—who tells me that while acts of violence have ceased, acts of looting are still going on and that, in particular, the paltry sentences given to large-scale receivers of stolen goods and kid-glove handling of the well-to-do rogues, are causing very great apprehension—and I have details of that which I have no time to give to the Committee.

The tourist industry of the island has been ruined. The basic industries have suffered a material loss of about two million dollars, as far as is known. Capital development or even the repair of the damage done, is almost impossible because of the lack of confidence. Good settlers willing to go to the island have been deterred because of the adverse conditions. Worst of all, there is a widespread but inevitable feeling that if the British Government are turning their backs upon their responsibility to discharge the elementary duty of protecting the life and property of the people who live under their rule, then it would be better to live under some other Government.

That is a grave thing indeed, and I therefore ask the right hon. Gentleman to bear in mind that all around the Colonial Empire, and particularly in Grenada, we have far more friends than enemies if we still stand by them. We ask him, therefore, to conduct a general inquiry into the provision for law and order in the West Indies. We ask him to make it clear that those responsible for maintaining law and order will have the full support of the Government in discharging their responsibilities, and we ask him to take steps to see that that greatest of all principles that we have given to the world, the rule of law, is vindicated in the West Indies.

4.20 p.m.

I think it appropriate that we should today be giving at least part of one day to a debate upon colonial matters, for yesterday I had the privilege of giving a welcome—a warm welcome—to the largest and most representative body of representatives from the Colonial Territories who have ever visited this country.

There are over 90 representatives from 41 Colonial Territories who have come here as our guests during this Festival year. They come from practically all territories. I hope very much indeed that very many hon. Members will have an opportunity of meeting them and establishing contacts with them, and of helping to strengthen still more those links which bind us together in a partnership. Having myself given them a welcome, I am sure that the Committee would like to join with me in extending a warm welcome to them, and I do so on behalf of all of us in every part of the Committee. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear."]

I welcome this opportunity of discussing in the time that is available to us the problems of the West Indies as a whole. There are very serious problems that confront them and confront us, too, and to some of those I shall want to devote some of my time today.

The major problem is the economic problem. The hon. Member for Winchester (Mr. Peter Smithers), who opened the debate, was quite right in saying that the problem today is due to the fact that in all those islands the growth of population is outstripping the growth of economic development. That is the bald fact that has to be faced. That is the problem that confronts individually and collectively these islands in the West Indies. That is the problem that confronts them and us together.

The hon. Gentleman referred to the rapid growth of population. It is true that over the whole area the population is growing at the rate of 2½ per cent. per annum, and it is estimated that, if the present rates of reproduction are maintained, the population will in the 10 years 1951 to 1961 increase by nearly 25 per cent. and that it may be doubled in little more than 30 years. The consequence of that is that there has been for a considerable time, and that there is now, chronic unemployment and under-employment in all those islands.

Unfortunately, there are very few reliable statistics about the number of unemployed, and still less statistics about the number of those who are underemployed; but to take one island as an example—Jamaica—the number of those without work has been variously estimated as from 20,000 to 60,000, which means that a very large proportion indeed of the working population is without work or without adequate work.

That, in my view, is the basic problem that confronts us. It is a very grave problem for the Colonies that are seeking, first of all, so far as it is possible and practicable within their resources, to expand their social services, which are not at the level at which I should like to see them or at which they would like to see them— any of them. The problem of even maintaining the social services for this growing population is taxing the resources of the local Governments to the utmost.

Perhaps the Committee would like me to give one or two figures to indicate the size of this problem. Taking the whole of the islands, the recurrent expenditure on the social services in 1941 stood at over £2 million. In 1951 that same recurrent expenditure on the social services stood at over £9 million, which indicates that the annual expenditure on the social services has increased enormously in those 10 years. With the growth of population, indeed, it was bound to increase. I should like to give the Committee one other figure. In Jamaica the cost of education has increased from 9 per cent. in 1940 to 15 per cent. in the last year.

Of the whole budget. I am sorry I did not say so. The cost has increased from 9 per cent. to 15 per cent. of the whole budget; and, of course, it is increasing all the time. That is the basic problem that faces us and that has led to so many of the other problems; and it has some relation to the problems of Grenada, to which the hon. Member for Winchester devoted a good deal of his speech.

The fact is that in the West Indies they have been dependent—too much dependent—upon one commodity or very few commodities which they produce in the main for the export trade. Consequently they have to buy their food and most of the materials they require from outside, and their capacity to buy them and to maintain their standard of life depends entirely upon the prices they are able to get for the products which they export. The first problem of the West Indies is therefore to ensure, as far as possible, safe markets for the products which they seek to sell, and upon the sale of which and upon the prices they are able to obtain their prosperity and well-being depend. For them the most important factor is to ensure that there are adequate markets; markets that are safeguarded at prices that are reasonable.

As the Committee knows perfectly well, sugar and its products are still the pre- dominant products of the islands, taking them as a whole. Indeed, the last complete figures that are available show that exports of sugar products realised 77 million dollars, compared with 12 million dollars for cocoa, 11 million dollars for bananas. All other products are well below that. So the basic commodity upon which their economy so largely depends is sugar.

Well, the West Indies and we have discussed this problem, and, as has been announced by the Minister of Food, we have made a Commonwealth Sugar Agreement under which they are assured a market for all the sugar they produce up to 1952; and beyond that, of a market for a very high proportion of their sugar for a term extending up to 1958; and not only is a market for their sugar assured, but it is assured at prices that give reasonable remuneration to the producers.

I therefore begin by saying that, so far as it is possible for us by our joint action to ensure that there is a market for this basic product of the West Indies, at prices which give the producers a fair chance and a fair livelihood, all the West Indies welcome, as they have said they welcome very cordially indeed, the agreement that has been entered into, which provides them with these safeguards—and I take it, therefore, that this is one form of bulk buying which meets with the approval of hon. Gentlemen opposite.

There is no doubt about it at all. The West Indies, quite naturally, pin their faith, so far as their basic commodity is concerned, to a continuation of bulk buying by the Government.

Has the right hon. Gentleman more recently consulted some of the spokesmen from the West Indies, who have been watching the rise in the prices of primary commodities, while they are tied to a lower figure over a period of years, with a different approach from that with which they looked at it a year or two ago?

As the hon. Gentleman knows perfectly well, under the terms of this agreement the price paid for sugar in any given year is settled by negotiation between the Ministry of Food and representatives of the producers. That price has varied from one year to another, and full account is taken of all the factors that ought to be taken into account in arriving at the formula, so that the price paid is such as to give a fair remuneration to the producer.

The right hon. Gentleman will agree that His Majesty's Government will not give a guarantee to the West Indies to purchase all that the West Indies can produce.

We have guaranteed that up to a certain time. I do not want to enter into a discussion now on the detailed terms. The terms of the agreement have been announced. It is an agreement between ourselves and the West Indies, so that up to a certain year we purchase the whole of their production, but beyond that we purchase a considerable proportion—a very high proportion. That is a greater assurance for those sugar producers than they ever had before the war. I therefore say that, on this basic commodity, the Commonwealth Sugar Agreement gives them a foundation, a basis upon which they can look to the future with far greater confidence than they had in the inter-war years, particularly in the 'thirties.

The important thing is that every possible step should be taken, first to diversify the agricultural production of all of these islands and to develop industries. Even with the best assurances that can be given about prices and markets for one commodity, sugar, I believe it is unhealthy that the whole of these communities, with their growing population, should have to depend for their livelihood upon one commodity, or one or two commodities. The important thing is to ensure that steps are taken to improve and diversify the agriculture of the islands, and to encourage the development of industry, and I should like to indicate very briefly what steps we are taking in this direction in association with them.

We have taken steps in all the islands in recent years considerably to strengthen their agricultural departments, for if we are to diversify agriculture, if we are to teach, and to secure that they adopt, better methods of cultivating the soil, and encourage a greater variety in their agricultural production, it is essential that we should help to strengthen the agricultural departments, and increase the information and guidance available to them in every one of these islands. We have done that, with considerable assistance from the Colonial Development and Welfare Fund, and with the help—the importance of which we could not exaggerate—from the Imperial College of Tropical Agriculture in Trinidad.

I should not like to speak about the nationality of the officers. Our aim has been to get the best men for the job, men who can give the best advice, and I do not think that we ought to allow nationality to enter into it. If a man can make a contribution, let us use his services. The Imperial College has a world-wide reputation, and I should like to pay tribute to its work; I think it is doing a very fine job indeed.

It is true that in the West Indies we are seeking to foster livestock development. We are doing it by research and by importing breeding stocks. At this moment special research is being carried out in Trinidad as to the best methods of helping peasant agriculture and improving their farming methods. Those are foundation services. I can assure the Committee that we shall do everything possible to develop and strengthen the agricultural departments in building up a body of knowledge and conveying that knowledge to the farmers and to the agriculturists, encouraging them in every possible way to diversify their production so that in future they will not be so dependent as they have been in the past upon one product.

The Colonial Development Corporation are also assisting in this work, and the Colonial Development Corporation schemes in this region now include, first, forestry operations in British Guiana; secondly, the cultivation of bananas and ramie in British Honduras; thirdly, the development of a group undertaking in Dominica covering citrus and coconut plantations, citrus grading and packing, and a hydro-electric scheme. I am sure that hon. Members will have read the Report of this Dominica scheme, which I think is one of the most imaginative, seeking to build up in one coordinated scheme a diversified structure for the people in that territory.

Then a scheme has also been approved for the development of stock farms for cattle, sheep, pigs, poultry and vegetables in British Honduras. At this moment the Corporation are, at the request of the British Guiana Government, considering the possibility of participating in large-scale rice production in the Colony. Those are two ways in which we are, as a Government, seeking to assist in diversifying the pattern of agriculture in the West Indies. I believe that already they are showing some results, and I can assure the Committee that, speaking for myself and the Government, we shall encourage them in every possible way, so that there will be a far greater diversification than there is now.

It is equally important that we should assist in every possible way in developing industry, particularly secondary industries. The hon. Member for Winchester referred to the Report, and I am very glad that he paid a well-deserved tribute to its compilers for the information they have given, and perhaps more than anything else, for the spirit which inspired the Report. I am sure that some time ago hon. Members read with great interest a contribution from that great West Indian, Professor Arthur Lewis, who has now joined the Board of the Colonial Development Corporation, upon how essential it is that what we are doing in the field of developing and diversifying agriculture should be accompanied by the development of industry, and particular secondary industries. That is, indeed, a very important part of the work.

As the hon. Gentleman remarked, almost all these colonial Governments—I think all of them—are encouraging industrial development by legislation to assist pioneering industries. They are offering relief from Income Tax and Customs Duty, and in that way they are taking all the steps that are open to them—I will come to the other problems later on—in order to encourage the growth of secondary industries.

Would the right hon. Gentleman take up with the Chancellor of the Exchequer the suggestion that he should have a less savage policy towards risk enterprise, towards risk capital that goes overseas, for instance by some reduction in Profits Tax for industries for a certain number of years?

That is a matter of which I should obviously require notice. I take note of the point, but for the moment I think the hon. Gentleman will agree that the Colonial Governments of the West Indies are themselves giving every possible encouragement in every possible way to the establishment of industries, particularly secondary industries, in all the territories. If I may give a few examples, in recent years there have been in Jamaica cement works, a textile industry, an industry for citrus concentrates, and another for building materials. In Trinidad, industries have been established to manufacture soap, margarine, glass, boxes and textiles. That is a beginning. They are far too many—

I indicated earlier on the problem of the unemployed. I say that this is only a beginning. Very much more requires to be done, and recently two of my officers went to the West Indies and discussed the whole problem of the future industrial development with the Colonial Governments, and indeed with others. I am now giving consideration to what further steps can be taken in order to do what we realise is of prime importance, and that is to build in the West Indies an economy with stronger foundations and with a more diversified structure, and to provide work for this large number of unemployed and under-employed, and indeed to provide foundations upon which, and upon which alone, their social services can be maintained—certainly the only foundations upon which they can be extended.

I think that I carry the Committee with me in saying that this is the first basic problem to which we should all devote our minds. I am sure that Members will have seen, when reading the reports, that all Colonial Governments in their development plans now place major emphasis upon economic development. In the speech I made last year in the colonial debate, I, too, encouraged them in every possible way to concentrate as far as possible upon economic development, because it is only on that basis that it is possible to build the social services which we all desire to see.

I want to say a few words about the problem which has been raised by the hon. Member for Winchester—the problem of industrial relations. I do not propose to go into that in great detail. The Under-Secretary of State will, I hope, catch your eye, Sir Charles, because he has given a good deal of his time to this question and to the future of the situation in Grenada, and he will then be able to deal with the points raised by the hon. Member in greater detail. I have some experience in the field of industrial relations, and wherever industrial problems arise it is, I think, always a mistake to assume that all the fault lies on one side. Let me be perfectly frank. It would be a great mistake for hon. Members opposite to suggest that all the employers in the West Indies are angels, and equally it would be wrong for me to say that at all times the trade unions there have behaved with the responsibility that I should like to have seen.

I meant to make it quite clear that we recognise that there is room for improvement in labour conditions, wages and so forth in many of these communities.

I will put this very frankly. In these days, in any community anywhere in the world, employers cannot behave as if they lived in the feudal age. They cannot make changes in the conditions of peoples in any respect without consultation with them.

Shall I put myself right then by saying "feudal mentality." I want to make it clear that on both sides in the West Indies there are faults. My concern has been to ensure that the relationship between the two sides is improved, and that machinery is established, wherever it is possible, of a voluntary character, because I believe that machinery of a voluntary character stands a better chance of success if both sides adopting that voluntary machinery work it in a spirit of real partnership and co-operation. I have encouraged that, and I shall continue to encourage it. Where that is impracticable or does not succeed, then it is essential for machinery to be established by statute to regulate the relationship and settle wages and conditions of employment.

First, we want to establish, and we will encourage in every possible way, the development of voluntary co-operation. I have been disturbed, as have other hon. Members, about industrial relations in the West Indies. When these troubles broke out the other day in Grenada and Antigua, I sent my labour adviser to the West Indies to investigate the whole position and to consult with the local governors and local governments and with both sides of industry, employers and trade unions, in order to assist in settling the disputes which were then in existence, and to advise the Governments and the union and employers on what measures they could take in order to improve industrial relations.

Reference has been made to my adviser, Mr. Barltrop, by the hon. Member for Winchester. I have known him and had the benefit of his advice for 16 months. I am not without some experience in the field of industrial relations, and I know that he is a first-class officer with a very wide experience. [ Interruption. ] A man can go out to West Indies for two days with 30 years' experience behind him and use those two days to advantage. What he has said was perfectly true. In Grenada there was a union which did represent the vast majority of the workers and, therefore, it had to be recognised. It is no use hon. Members opposite shaking their heads. Since he was out there and met both sides, the employers and the union have made an agreement. The employers have recognised the union and have sat round the table, negotiated with this union and made an agreement with it.

The hon. Member for Winchester and I meet at Question Time and discuss colonial problems. What he said today I feel I must correct. He said that this is not a union. I do not want that to go out anywhere to Grenada or the West Indies. This is a trade union which is organised and represents a large proportion of the workers in this island. I have said, in answer to Questions, that I thought the union behaved irresponsibly in calling a strike without putting forward a demand for wage increases or anything else. While I condemn it for that irresponsible action, I know that it is a strong trade union representing the workers, and what Mr. Barltrop did was to encourage both sides to come together and arrive at an agreement.

The agreement was arrived at voluntarily between this trade union and the employers and is now in operation, and the men are working under conditions that were established by that agreement. I have had discussions with Mr. Barltrop since his return on the question of industrial relations generally in the West Indies. In many of the other islands, the industrial relationship in the last 12 months or two years has shown a distinct improvement. In Jamaica, Trinidad and elsewhere there has been a decided improvement in industrial relations.

One of the problems that has threatened to break out in all kinds of disturbances at various times in the West Indies is the vexed problem which is spoken of there— using a term borrowed from the U.S.A.— as the representational problem: as to which union should represent the body of workers in a given industry or factory or on a given estate. I am glad that in Jamaica quite recently two unions, the rivalry of which at times caused concern, have agreed upon a method of settling this problem. They have agreed that there shall be ballots of the men in the varying unions, and the men, through these ballots, shall decide which union shall represent them.

I commend this method of settlement to the trade unions in the West Indies, for I believe that in Jamaica they have proved—

My hon. and gallant Friend knows perfectly well that in this country we have a strong Trade Union Congress, and if there is a dispute between two unions it can be brought to Congress, who will adjudicate between them and that decision will be accepted. There is no such strong body in the West Indies, but we hope that they will solve these things without fighting each other and causing disturbances to industrial relations.

My hon. Friend the Under-Secretary will be speaking later on and will devote himself to this problem of Grenada and some of the incidents that occurred there, as well as to some of the statements made by the hon. Member for Winchester. The Governor of Grenada was here when the troubles broke out. Immediately he volunteered to go back, and when he went back he took certain actions, including the replacing of the man in charge of the police by someone else. In circumstances of that kind it is obvious that only the man on the spot who is in charge can take decisions. If the Secretary of State has confidence in the Governor concerned— as I have in this Governor—it is his duty to support him in any action he takes. I indicated that to the Governor when he came to see me before he went back, and I am satisfied that since he returned the actions he took were right, including this one, since he felt it was absolutely essential to replace this man, who was in charge of the police, by someone else.

Does that mean that Colonel Donald will never know and the public will never know the reason why he was summarily dismissed from his job after a long career of public service?

I will be perfectly frank. The Governor reported that he had found it essential to replace him by another because he had lost confidence in the man's ability to handle the situation. If that is true and he had lost confidence in this police chief, he did the right thing to replace him by someone in whom he had confidence.

I do not want to take up too much of the time of the Committee in this debate, but I should like to mention an important problem raised by the hon. Member for Winchester. It is now some time since the Rance Standing Committee reported on the need for closer association in the West Indies and on a scheme for federation. This scheme has been before the separate territories there and has been debated by a number of them. Up to date the position is as follows. The Report of the Committee has been accepted by the Legislature of Trinidad, by the Legislatures of the four Colonies of the Windward Islands, Grenada, St. Vincent, Dominica and St. Lucia, and the Presidencies of Antigua, St. Kitts-Nevis and Montserrat in the Leeward Islands. It has still to be considered by the Legislatures of Barbados, British Guiana, British Honduras and Jamaica.

His Majesty's Government's attitude to this proposal for federation was indicated at the time and is still the same. That was that we would welcome the acceptance of the principle of federation by the separate islands and their legislatures. We have no wish to pre-judge the issue or to urge them to accept it, but we do urge them to find time very quickly to debate it. I am grateful to those Legislatures who have given us the benefit of their views and advice and have accepted it. With great respect to the other Legislatures, I would suggest to them that they ought to find time to debate this Report, into which the Committee put so much effort and gave so much time. Whether they accept it, turn it down or accept it conditionally does not enter into the matter at the moment. All I am suggesting is that they should discuss it without delay.

The Committee made out a very strong case for federation and it is for the Legislatures to decide the issue. We should like them to discuss it and even if it finds general acceptance it must be some time before any scheme can be put into operation. I, therefore, join the hon. Gentleman in expressing the hope that in the not too distant future those Legislatures, which have not yet debated the Report, will do so so that we shall know exactly where they stand upon this matter and we can then decide what should be the next step, if any.

Having regard to the limited time at the disposal of the Committee for this debate I do not propose to speak much longer. I will end by saying that the basic problem here is the problem of encouraging, promoting and assisting the agricultural and economic development of these very fine people. We who have met them have gone away having a real affection for them no matter where we met them, in the political field, in the field of sport or in any other direction. I have not as yet had the privilege of visiting any of these islands, but I look forward to the time when I can. But whether we have visited the West Indies or not, we have all a real affection for the people there and we are all determined to help them in the many problems they are facing. In the solving of those problems, it will be the privilege of the Government, of this Committee, and of this country as a whole to give every possible assistance to these islands to overcome their problems and to build up strong and durable communities, so that their very fine peoples may enjoy the standard of life which they deserve.

4.58 p.m.

My hon. Friend the Member for Winchester (Mr. Peter Smithers), in opening this debate, made an absolutely first-class contribution, and I hope the Under-Secretary, in his reply, will try and answer in very great detail the points which he made. I do not propose to elaborate these, because the subject of the West Indies is so vast that if each of us repeated the other's speeches many points would not be dealt with at all.

I should like to emphasise that if we are to succeed in the West Indies it is absolutely essential that law and order should be maintained, for without law and order there can be no economic progress, and it would mean the end of the social services which so many of us believe in with the utmost sincerity. I believe that in the West Indies we have ahead of us a major economic problem, and that it is our duty to do all we can to raise the standard of living and to improve the conditions of life.

The Secretary of State referred to sugar. I did not propose to say anything about it, but it is true that in the West Indies this is a major problem, because so many of the Colonies are absolutely dependent on sugar. I feel that we have dealt half-heartedly with the West Indies in this matter, and it is the duty of the Secretary of State for the Colonies to impress upon the Minister of Food that the West Indies are members of the home team.

The Minister of Food does not seem to be aware that they are in the home side, and there has been too much of this hard bargaining, whereas we ought to treat the West Indies on the same terms as; our own producers. If we did that we would give very much greater satisfaction to them as well as bring them greater prosperity. In saying this I am not criticising the Secretary of State, but I feel that the Minister of Food has no conception of the overall national balance sheet. He could have done much better for West Indian sugar. The West Indies wanted him to take certain surpluses, but the Minister wished to hold off, believing that he would get it at a cheaper rate in Cuba or elsewhere at a later stage.

We have to consider the all-over balance sheet. It cannot pay our national industries to cut these Colonies down by a few pounds and then, when they fall into a state of economic despair, to bring forward subventions to help them. The whole thing should be balanced so as to give them a chance to make an economic success of their Colonies, and so that we shall not have to vote funds for the relief of distress.

There is another point, which I had not intended to raise, until my hon. Friend the Member for Banbury (Mr. Dodds-Parker) asked the Secretary of State to urge the Chancellor of the Exchequer to give some relief in Profits Tax in regard to capital that went out to the West Indies. I came across the local point of view on this matter when I was in British Guiana. We were discussing double taxation, and I was told out there: "You who are doing development work here should be helped, and we should like to give you relief from taxation if we thought that you would be able to keep the money. If the money is to be taken from you by the Chancellor of the Exchequer in Britain after we give it to you, we think it is not worth while to give you the money, which may as well stay in the Colony." I sympathise with that feeling, and I would ask the Secretary of State to give some help in the co-ordination of taxation among the Colonies.

We have seen a somewhat wrong approach in the development of the West Indies. I want to give one or two examples, and, if there is time, I should like the Minister to deal with them. We have in the Bahamas a man named Mr. Austin Levy. I have never met him, but I have heard that he is developing a wonderful agricultural project. He has a herd of dairy cattle and is providing Nassau and the whole of the Island of New Providence with milk. He is producing pigs and poultry. The last I heard of him in this regard was that he had 115,000 head of poultry. Lord Trefgarne visited his farm and was able to lure away the manager. He was also able to take away many of the farm's key Bahamian workers who had been trained by Mr. Levy. I do not think that is a good way of getting things done. Those men were doing good work already.

What happened? The Colonial Development Corporation went out to Gambia where they lost prestige and money. Mr. Levy lost his manager, but he could, and did, replace him quite easily. He lost a number of well-trained workers to whom he had given a great deal of attention. We did not get the eggs from Gambia, but by wise policy we could get eggs in far greater quantity from the Bahamas.

I understand that Mr. Levy has said that he would like to develop his farm so as to sell at an agreed price to this country some 20 million eggs a year and £1½ million worth of poultry. We could thus get everything that we hoped to achieve from Gambia and without cost to the Government. Mr. Levy says that he will finance the whole of the scheme. He will provide refrigerator ships to bring the produce to this country and will carry a few passengers. He also says he will make a special study to see whether he can find substitutes in the West Indies for the feeding stuffs which in the past have had to be imported from the United States.

This seems a first-class opportunity of encouraging colonial development and of getting products which we need without large subventions from the Treasury. I would ask the Secretary of State for the Colonies what has been done about the matter, and whether we are able to encourage this man to develop his project.

Another thing which could help the West Indies is the development of the tourist industry. On 13th June, I asked the Secretary of State a Question about tourists to the Bahamas. He told me that in the season 1949–50 the number of tourists was 20,800, and that in 1950–51 it had risen to 37,500. His estimate of the dollar earnings in the first season was 9 million and in the second 10 million. It must be obvious to the Secretary of State that his estimate was wrong because the number of tourists is almost doubled. The fact is that the vast proportion of tourists to the Bahamas come from the United States and Canada and that this tourist industry is a major dollar earner.

I wonder whether the right hon. Gentleman is doing his part in helping this industry. If we are conducting a tourist centre so near to the United States we must cater for Americans. I wonder whether the dollar allocation given to the Colony for importing goods which the Americans want and which they expect to find when they move around near to their home could be increased, so that the purchases of these things may be commensurate to the number of American tourists. The right hon. Gentleman ought to try to ensure that tourist centres, in the West Indies and the Bahamas particularly, get more of certain British goods which sell easily to the Americans.

I have in mind high quality British textiles, which sell to the Americans in large quantities in the Bahamas, and Scotch whisky. Above all, is the right hon. Gentleman trying to ensure that we send increased quantities of Scotch whisky to these Colonies? If we must sell Scotch whisky for dollars, one of the finest ways is to send it to the Bahamas. If we send it direct to New York, we get one dollar, or 7s., a bottle. In the Bahamas we get the uplift of the cost of the whisky in this country, the import tax in the Bahamas, shipping, insurance and so on, and the wholesale and retail profit. We get, in dollars, from American tourists, anything up to the equivalent of £1 per bottle, instead of the 7s. in the United States. Can the right hon. Gentleman help in this way, because this is a dollar earner?

Let us move right to the other side. I wish to say a few words about British Guiana, a country of which I have had considerable practical experience. I have been there many times and I am interested in the development of the interior. Here is the one undeveloped British Colony in the West Indies. I know that the Colonial Office have given a great deal of thought to it. The Evans Commission produced a lengthy and constructive report in which they pointed out that 93 per cent. of the population lived in 7 per cent. of the territory, and that vast areas in the interior had hardly been scratched.

They recommended that those areas should be used for surplus population from some of the other West Indian Islands. It is about two and a half years since that report was issued. In a piecemeal way some of its recommendations have been carried out, but I cannot see the conception of doing things in a big way appearing for a long time. I wonder what we can do to get the ball rolling. The most essential thing is communications. There are no roads, and the air service, while being developed, has no frequency. People will not go into the interior unless there are roads or river communications, which we must have in order to develop the territory. We should do all we can in this direction.

Communications are vital but they are often overlooked. I asked the Secretary of State a Question this afternoon about the road between Atkinson Field and Georgetown, between the only main line airport and the capital, and he replied that some £80,000 was being spent on reconditioning it and that it would be reconstructed in the future. I hope it will. I have been over that road many times and it is in a more shocking condition than any road from a first-class airport to a capital anywhere in the world. If one put a motor car on that road the life of the vehicle would be shortened very considerably.

The position is made worse by the fact that the airport is one which was built by the United States Forces during the war—it is now being used by us—and at the airport we see American development and lovely roads around the airport but when we come to the end of the concession we go from American tar macadam to the mud of British roads, and that is not a very good advertisement for our development, quite apart from the fact that it hinders people from visiting the Colony and going to Georgetown.

To turn to technical education, I believe that in British Guiana and almost all over the West Indies it is far too difficult for the young people to get an adequate technical education. It is fairly easy for them to acquire the right degree of education if they want to be lawyers, but that is not enough. We need to teach the people in the West Indies that there is honour in showing skill with their hands and that it is the producers who will matter so much in life. At the moment very little technical education is available in British Guiana or elsewhere in the West Indies. We need to give the men technical skill to enable them to work better and produce more so that the increased quality of their work and their increased output will give them the opportunity of earning the higher wages which we need to give them.

I believe that those things are most important, and I hope that our attempts to deal with these problems will progress in a practical way, because the possibilities in the West Indies are great. I remember once talking with a very prominent coloured West Indian. I spoke of the work which we had done for them in constitutional development, and he replied, "You do not understand. It is impossible to feed our people on a constitution. We want work and the means to work." I urge that those things be given to them.

5.13 p.m.

I am very sorry that my time is so short, but I shall do my best to say what I have to say within the 10 minutes allotted to me.

At the outset I want to say, that, although I have always been disappointed with these debates on colonial Affairs, this is the most disappointing debate I have ever heard. We have not for years had an inspiring Colonial Secretary. The only one we have had in recent years was the late Oliver Stanley. He was a perfect gentleman and was always prepared, if the evidence was put before him, to change his mind even though he had expressed an opinion previously on Colonial Office official advice. I must pay that tribute to one who, although a political opponent of mine, was at least a gentlemanly opponent and a personal friend and was not afraid at any time to acknowledge any faults that he had.

I am very disappointed with the debate and especially disappointed with the speech of the Colonial Secretary. I intervened to ask about officials going out to the West Indies and asked if they were to be English officials. That was changed into a charge against me, sub rosa, of making an insinuation and introducing the question of colour prejudice and whether the officials should be West Indian or British.

My hon. Friend misunderstands me. I was thinking at the time about the tropical agriculture colleges, and I understood that he was asking me about the staff and not the officers going out. My reference was to those stationed out there in the tropical agriculture colleges.

I know all about that. For years I have known all about the tropical agriculture position. The way in which my right hon. Friend handled that question gave me a certain impression, rightly or wrongly. I want the House and the British people to understand definitely that the people in the West Indies have for much longer than we realise wanted the right to decide their own fate for themselves with the approval of the British Government to whom they have been intensely loyal all these years, whether they have been treated well or disgracefully. Surely I can say that in a debate like this?

I must confess that I have an interest in this matter. I was born in the island of Grenada. I lived in that island as a poor boy, and my people were poor and many a night as a small boy I went to bed without a dinner. There was not then porridge to waste in the West Indies as I have sometimes seen it wasted in Scotland. Ten years ago I went out to the West Indies to give evidence before the Royal Commission of 1938–39, but I was asked to come back on a medical mission to try to save the life of one of the commissioners. The British Medical Association did me the honour of selecting me as their delegate to attend the Caribbean medical conference in December and January last.

I want the Committee to understand my feeling and my enthusiasm for the West Indies and my hurt when I hear a disappointing debate in which men are making flimsy remarks about people who really have the power, the wit and the intelligence to govern themselves. Yet the constitutional issue is being left aside and only a passing reference is being made to the possibilities, and there is some talk about federation as if it were something new, whereas federation was being talked about when I was a boy of six or eight. I was brought up in the atmosphere of federation. We have been waiting all these years to see some constitutional change in most of the islands but, practically speaking, we have not seen it yet.

The West Indies are howling for the right to govern themselves, but in place of that they are given British exploitation. The oil development in Trinidad has been very well done. I would not say a word against the Trinidad company, for it is doing a fine job of work and doing it well according to the British capitalist system. In the small island of St. Kitts, sugar is the main monopoly, although sugar is not a monopoly in many other islands, including Grenada.

For almost the last 20 years the St. Kitts Sugar Company, London, with money originally loaned by local British governments, has been making a profit. I say this now challenging the Colonial Secretary to refute my statement, for his advisers sometimes do not believe me. In this small island this company has been making a profit for nearly 20 years of 1,000 per cent. per year, in spite of all the destitution in the West Indies. These figures cannot be disputed. Why cannot we nationalise the monopolistic sugar factory in that small island? Why cannot we do to it what we did to the railways here, for it is a monopoly?

The company is making 1,000 per cent. per annum. Is the hon. Gentleman trying to tell me that the St. Kitts sugar factory has a monopoly of brains in sugar production?

Will not the hon. Gentleman agree that, in his firm's activities, Lord Lyle has done a great deal for Jamaica?

Surely the hon. Gentleman will answer my question, for he knows a great deal about Jamaica?

Will not the hon. Gentleman say that Lord Lyle's company has done a great deal for Jamaica?

I will not be diverted by questions which have no relation to what I am saying. I am talking about a particular item and I am giving a particular example. While I was giving that example the hon. Member put forward an entirely different example about Lord Lyle. I know Lord Lyle personally, better than the hon. Member does. I have played tennis with him in the old days. I know all about Tate and Lyle, but what I am talking about is the West Indies.

There one finds a system of poverty and destitution. Have the Committee any idea of the state of sanitation in the West Indies? Do they know that in Grenada, where the riots took place and Gairy was called a Communist because he roused the people to a sense of injustice of the system under which they lived—their wages, organisation, poverty, disease and malnutrition—every night in the principal town there the excremental nocturnal cortege passes on its way through the town to the sea, where the excrement is deposited. There is no sanitation of any kind, and what I have described is a nightly occurrence in one of the principal towns in the island where I was born. The cortege I have described passed the house where I lived until I left to come to Great Britain at the age of 17. It is something that goes on even now.

I wish to ask this House really to let these people have the right constitutionally to be joined together, not to give them an unelected federal constitution. Federation is not a new issue; it has been debated for years. I repeat that these islands wish to be joined together. Do not let them be joined by importing British officials from the Colonial Office or elsewhere. There has not yet been a West Indian Governor appointed. Has any West Indian been appointed or any West Indian interest been represented? The hon. Member for Carlton (Mr. Pickthorn) can be made a professor of history in Cambridge University, but men like him are not fit enough to be appointed governors in the West Indian Islands; it is always an Englishman who has never been heard of.

The case has been mentioned of the Governor against Colonel Donald. I met one of them almost immediately before the riots and in an emergency I would rather have a Donald at my side than any Arundel. I do not wish to say anything against him; he has his own views and his own methods. I do not wish to be personal but this question came up, and I say what I have said as one who looks at every problem psychologically. Gairy is no Communist. He pointed out the conditions in the island and he said to the labourers, "Are we recognised? Look at your pay, look at your huts, look at your food. How are you treated?" The evidence was there for them to see. But unfortunately he got his people to take action when they should have taken it in the constitutional way.

I am sorry that I have not the time to continue, but I have promised to keep within a 10-minute limit. I have not spoken in this House for six months. I am surprised that when a colonial debate takes place that it should take place in an afternoon. We should have three days for a colonial debate, and we should not have a nearly empty House but a full one. These people are our responsibility —their lives and their education. How many scholarships from the primary schools to the secondary schools in the different islands and how many scholarships from the secondary schools to Great Britain are given to the deserving and meritorious boys in the West Indies? Have Members thought of that? Can any Member tell me anything about many of the names of the islands or principal towns of our great Colonial Empire in the West Indies?

I can only deeply regret having to say that I was so deeply disappointed with the speech of the Colonial Secretary and the first speaker on the opposite side of the Committee. Almost every speech that has so far been made today has been disappointing—without knowledge, without hope, without any intimacy with the problem which is before us. At some time or other this House of Commons must arouse itself to an intense—and I mean intense—interest in the Colonies of the British West Indies. There is capitalist North America at their side and totalitarian dictatorship South America, on which Russia has her eye, below in the south.

I ask the Committee to consider this question as a serious problem from the point of view of the intelligent inhabitants of the West Indies who are capable of leading their illiterate population to something better than the Colonial Office and the mercies and the ignorance generally of the British population with regard to the Colonies which come under their jurisdiction.

5.25 p.m.

I do not take the same view of being disappointed with the debate as the hon. Member for Warrington (Dr. Morgan) does. I was not only informed and inspired by my hon. Friend the Member for Winchester (Mr. Peter Smithers) but I would pay to the Secretary of State the tribute that I thought the outline he gave was adequate and suitable. He strikes me as an urbane and sympathetic administrator and his speech this-afternoon enhanced that impression.

I join issue with the hon. Member for Warrington when he talks about the enormous mortality and death rate in the West Indies. What is his answer to the right hon. Gentleman, who says that the problem is not one of the death rate but the ever-mounting birth rate? Not for the first time Marx seems likely to be defeated by Malthus.

I have risen to deal with a very narrow point of the attitude of the colonial administration to these officers, the personnel who are joined with the West Indies in the important business of government; and the importance of the quality of that personnel. I wish to ask the Minister whether he is satisfied with the methods of selection. How are officers-selected and what method is followed, and is such method of selection satisfactory?

My reason for asking is that I wish to draw the attention of the Committee to the riots in Grenada. The officer who was appointed there in the police administration—and this will please the Undersecretary—is a Scotsman from Inverness, with which he and his family have been associated for many years. Colonel Donald was trained in the Army, in which he served for many years, and subsequently in the police. He had an important career in the Army and commanded the guerillas in Burma for three years. It was a career that the Under-Secretary would regard as respectable and honourable. He served in the Indian police and was invited to become Inspector-General of Police in Grenada. He was appointed chief of police. I wish to ask the Undersecretary whether he is satisfied with the emoluments paid to officers holding posts of that responsibility.

My information—and I am open to correction if it is inaccurate—is that he was appointed to the position of chief of police at a salary of under £700 a year. If we are to have co-operation between His Majesty's Government and the West Indies, let us have co-operation on an adequate basis. I should like an answer to this question: Is it right to appoint an officer of that standing to a position of that importance at a salary of less than £700 a year?

The riots took place. He was alone, in charge of the situation, the Governor being absent and the Deputy-Governor, Mr. Green, being in complete collaboration with him. In the absence of the Governor, he took certain action and in the opinion of many dealt adequately with the situation. What was the consequence? The Governor came back. I I do not know what his military service is; he is designated as brigadier. He was able, probably like the labour officer, to sum up the situation very quickly. After a few days, his method of dealing with the situation was to appoint a deputy-chief of police, whom he had brought to the island and who was a former colleague of his, I think, in Abyssinia. He decided to appoint the deputy in succession to Colonel Donald, and Colonel Donald was dismissed.

My hon. Friend the Member for Winchester related that the Governor did not in a manly way say, "You have failed in your duty. These are the reasons. Here is the time and place when you failed in your duties." Instead, he said, "My dear Colonel, your wife is not very well. I think she needs a rest. Do you not think that you should resign and take your wife home and give her a rest?" That is how it is reported to me, and I should like a denial that that is the way in which His Majesty's Governor treated his subordinate officer. What, in effect, he said is, "Make a pretext of your wife's nonexistent, alleged illness and go home."

Colonel Donald, if I am rightly advised, very properly said, "No. You may treat in a spirit of expectant surrender gentlemen like Mr. Gairy, who rebelled against law and order, but you will not treat me in that fashion. If I have failed in my duty, give me the reasons. Tell me where I have failed, and then dismiss me." But that was not the method of the Governor, who said, "I will give you no explanation of how you acted. Here is your notice, and 30 days' pay in your hand. Leave the Island forthwith."

These are the statements that have been brought forward to me, and I want to know whether they are true. If they are true, they are a discreditable blot on colonial administration. If we want public servants to discharge their duties in an honourable and proper fashion, the Colonel Donald case must be investigated. Colonel Donald's career is finished. His career in the Indian Army and police is thrown away after 10 months' experience in the island, unsupported by the Governor and unsupported, apparently, by the Minister.

When the Parliamentary Secretary replies, I want some observations from him on the quality of the civil servants who are representing His Majesty's Government in the West Indies. Is their remuneration adequate, and what terms go with it? How many of them are liable to a month's notice? Not even a trade union secretary would accept dismissal, without appeal, at a month's notice, and yet this officer of His Majesty's Government is so discharged. I want to know what are the general conditions of the Colonial Service in the British West Indies. If the Colonel Donald case is an exception, there is every ground for the Government to institute a proper inquiry. If this officer has failed in his duty, there should be appropriate publicity and punishment, but if he has not failed in his duty he should be reinstated and recompensed.

5.34 p.m.

The hon. Member for Winchester (Mr. Peter Smithers), who opened the debate, began by saying that it was the duty of any Government to provide the prime means whereby development may take place and not to provide the actual details of that development. With that I venture to agree, but I do not agree with the hon. Member when, having laid down that general rule, he proceeded to depart from it by discussing the very details which he suggested we should ignore.

In the Report which is now under discussion, the Government have done, and are doing, much to provide the means whereby development may take place, and I welcome this opportunity of saying so, but I deprecate some of the party points—small and petty points— and party speeches, like that to which we have just listened, which have been made in this debate. The Colonies and the Empire are a very large conception and are worthy of large treatment, rather than of being dealt with in the petty way in which the hon. Member for Edinburgh, South (Sir W. Darling)—

I will not give way to the hon. Member. I have said what I have to say about him and he may get another opportunity of replying if he wishes to do so.

Colonial problems should be approached in the Committee not in a party or partisan spirit but in a scientific way, realising the great human issues which are involved. The aim should be to consider the history and potentialities of the Colonies and their respective states of development in the Empire of which they form part. The aim should not be criticism for criticism's sake or for the sake of party advantage. Instead there should be a careful analysis of the problems involved and constructive suggestions should be made towards a solution. That is what is done in the Report which is now under discussion, and, notwithstanding what was said by my hon. Friend the Member for Warrington (Dr. Morgan), I think it was also done by my right hon. Friend the Minister in his careful, diligent and exhaustive speech.

I did not interrupt my hon. Friend when he was speaking, and I beg him to have the patience and courtesy to listen to other Members, particularly on his own side.

The West Indian problems adumbrated in this long and detailed Report are many and diverse, but I do not propose to deal with any of them except one. I shall touch only on the political development of the West Indies, which to use a phrase used by the hon. Member for Winchester, involves the prime means whereby the development of the Colonies may take place.

The political development of the West Indies is today of outstanding importance.

There are many reasons for this, but I shall mention only four. One is the size and distribution of the population of the various islands, which may be very powerful as a federated unit but which may be very weak in their divided state. The second reason is that it is said authoritatively that the population is growing so rapidly that its estimated increase in the next 10 years will be at the rate of 25 per cent. Therefore, it has not only great potentialities, but great rights and duties as well.

The third reason I put forward is the legitimate human rights of the people to indigenous services, giving them full facilities of their own choosing for education agreeable to them, social services useful to them, housing suitable to their climate, technical training for West Indian avocations, and an economy which will provide them with full employment and a decent standard of living.

The fourth reason which I venture to put forward why the political development of the West Indies is of urgent importance in the world today is the geographical position of the West Indies, between the two Americas and Europe, in a world of conflicting ideologies backed by unprecedented force for good or evil.

It should be recalled that there is a vivid contrast between the past and present of the West Indies, which is too often forgotten or ignored. It is not very long since the West Indies suffered from periods of severe economic depression, were exposed to the bleak doctrines of laissez faire, with little constructive—

—with little constructive aid from British Governments. The hon. Member for Southgate (Mr. Baxter), who has not yet spoken in the debate, may possibly be fortunate enough to catch your eye, Major Milner, and therefore—

Is it in order, Mr. Chairman, for speeches to be read in this Committee, without even a pretence of not reading them?

It is not usual, but I did not grasp that the hon. and learned Member for Aberdeen, North (Mr. Hector Hughes) was reading all his speech.

I have yet to hear the hon. Member for Southgate, who has made that point of order, delivering a speech without notes and I would point out that my notes such as they are, were prepared largely during the speech made by the hon. Member for Winchester, who opened this debate.

I was saying that it is not long since the West Indies suffered periods of severe economic depression when they were exposed to the bleak doctrines of laissez faire with little constructive aid from British Governments. Wealth was extracted from them with little regard to the rights of the indigenous population, who suffered accordingly, and I suggest that the Committee will take the view that that was very wrong.

But today we have a British policy which is different. Twelve months ago the present Secretary of State, who was so adversely criticised by my hon. Friend the Member for Warrington, declared what that policy was, and in view of what has been said by my hon. Friend the Member for Warrington, I feel that I should quote the policy as set out by the Secretary of State on that occasion. He said:

Legislatures of a number of the West Indies have expressed their approval. Contrary to the pessimistic observations of the hon. Member for Edinburgh, South —who, I see, is not in his place and seems to have left the Committee—I think the Committee will agree that the aims put forward by the Secretary of State in his speech 12 months ago are well on the way to being implemented. My right hon. Friend also said:

5.45 p.m.

If there is any other Member of the Committee who, like myself, by virtue of his occupation has had the privilege of visiting most parts of the Empire, I think he would agree that the importance of this debate cannot be over-emphasised and I agree with my hon. Friend the Member for Edinburgh, South (Sir W. Darling) that it really is a shame that more hon. Members have not found time to attend this debate, because there has never been a time in the history of this country when our overseas possessions have been so vital strategically and economically to this country as well as to the Colonies themselves.

I make the suggestion to the right hon. Gentleman that it is sheer ignorance on the part of many people in this country—and that applies also to many hon. Members—that there is not more realisation of the importance of the things we are trying to do in the British Empire today. I make a suggestion that one of the most handsome investments the British Government could make would be to allow every hon. Member to visit some part of the Colonial Empire at least once in the life of a Parliament.

I am in deadly earnest about this because that is the one way in which people can best understand what is happening in these places and see something of their potentialities and possibilities, and it is of vital importance that Members of the House of Commons, of all people, should have a clearer understanding and more vivid interest in our Colonial Empire.

I think it also a great pity that people do not seem to realise that this is a vast subject which we are discussing today. The West Indies are an enormous area and it is quite impossible for any of us who have been there and know something of the place to discuss many of the things which are of great importance and which hon. Members ought to know or be informed about.

In order to keep to my time limit, I will refer to the speech of my hon. Friend the Member for Winchester (Mr. Peter Smithers), who I do not think could have made a more frightening indictment of the fundamental weakness of the position in Grenada today. It is a really alarming thing to consider the incalculable damage which that sort of outbreak there and in Jamaica can do to all the things we hope to do and to encourage other people to do in these Colonies. The vital importance of the first task of Government being law and order cannot be over-stated.

Whatever the long-term prospects may be for federation—and I am not even sure that that is the necessary and the urgent thing which it has been indicated to be today—there is no question that nothing but good can come of proposals for unification of customs and currency and the standardisation of public services in these places. I believe the right hon. Gentleman will find that that may be one of the answers to the problem regarding some of the things that have happened in Grenada.

His Majesty's Government have been exceedingly generous to the West Indies in many ways and, of the £74 million allocated to Colonial Development and Welfare, something like £16 million has been allocated for grants to the West Indies. I have seen a great deal of the work they are doing, and we all expect and hope great things from it. I do not think anyone who goes out there will fail to realise that in the West Indies, of all places, industrial development is a matter of vital importance. Whatever we say about new constitutions, wider enfranchisement of the voters and grandiose schemes for welfare, the first and most important thing is development. The accent must be on development rather than welfare.

Whatever hon. Members opposite may feel about the functions of Government towards this, private enterprise must do most of the work. Colonial Development and Welfare and the Colonial Development Corporation can help, but the risk must be taken by the adventurous man who is prepared to go out to British Guiana or Trinidad and start up a small brickmaking plant or a bottling plant or other industry. As the right hon. Gentleman said, this has been done in Trinidad in an extensive way. Private enterprise is doing this and must continue to do it. One of the most outstanding West Indians of today, Professor Arthur Lewis, said quite recently that the most urgent matter for the British Government and the Colonial Governments is immediate co-ordinated action on the part of both Governments to encourage industrial development.

This action has been forthcoming on the part of many of the Colonies, which have made all kinds of tax concessions and customs reliefs, but His Majesty's Government here have done the opposite by prohibiting the transfer abroad of the management and control of United Kingdom companies. I do not know what goes on behind the scenes in the Socialist party but, knowing the ardent interest of the right hon. Gentleman in these matters, I like to think that he has had a few rows over it. The business man who wants to transfer a business to the Colonies has to get permission from the Treasury. He may or may not have the luck to find an official there who understands many of the complicated things about colonial conditions. That is an effective bar to transferring abroad the management and control of businesses, thus preventing what I consider to be the most important thing of all in Colonial industrial development—partnership between colonial capital and British capital in this country.

Colonial projects received no priority in the memorandum which the Chancellor sent to the Capital Issues Committee. Furthermore, there is no assistance whatever in the form of tax concessions for colonial projects parallel to those which are being made in the West Indies now. In fact, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, as the tax collector, simply appropriates any tax concessions which the colonial Governments are prepared to sacrifice in the interests of encouraging industrial development.

A quotation from the election manifesto in the Gold Coast Election by Mr. Nkrumah is perhaps symptomatic of the effect which this is having. It was said that one of the unwritten laws of Imperialism is to keep the colonial people poor in mind, body and soul, the better to exploit them. A lot of people in the Colonial Empire think it is the deliberate policy of the British Government to discourage industrial development and the present barriers to the encouragement of capital development in the Colonies is bound to reinforce that point of view. These things are discussed, for there is no lack of intelligent understanding in the West Indies, and I think the right hon. Gentleman must go for the Chancellor on this question some time.

Granting new constitutions is all very well, but what the people want out there are jobs, equality of status and opportunity. If we can provide these things by wise action here, there is no country that will benefit more than Britain. That is one thing which is not understood here, that it is in our own interest as well as in the interest of the Colonies. That is why it makes me so sad to see so few hon. Members here today. I do not think the majority of hon. Members regard this as important to Britain, or realise that without our overseas possessions the future of Britain would be indeed depressing.

Now I want to refer to one Colony, the least known, the least developed, and what one day may well be one of our greatest colonial possessions—British Guiana. There is a great deal of misunderstanding about it. It is a vast country, approximately the size of England and Wales combined. About 90 per cent. of its people live in a little strip along the sea, 15 miles across, most of it from four or five feet below sea level. There are no glittering coral beaches, no blue seas to bathe in, and it has a bad reputation as regards climate fostered perhaps by some of its neighbours for reasons of their own. Dutch skill in building sea walls and British pertinacity have reclaimed and saved some of the richest alluvial lands in the world.

Behind that strip is a grand, wild country of rivers, waterfalls and mountains. We do not know for certain what is inside the country, but there is gold, bauxite and diamonds. And there is an adventurous class of men called "pork knockers" who go prospecting for gold and diamonds in this largely unexplored and undeveloped country. Traces of tungsten, molybdenum and other metals have been found by these men. It may be another E1 Dorado, or it may not be, but there have been many disappointments and I am not at all sure that the optimistic and exaggerated statements about the present possibilities of the gold and other minerals may have done the country far more harm than good.

One thing is clear to anybody who knows British Guiana, that we should set about a vigorous and imaginative development of the known resources there. There we cannot go wrong. There is no part of the West Indies more dependent on sugar and sugar products; than British Guiana but, as the right hon. Gentleman said, they have done great things out there in developing rice. British Guiana has succeeded in growing on a large scale one of the best varieties of rice in the world. There is the Maihicony-Abari rice scheme which has produced amazing results, and soon we hope that British Guiana will be exporting rice on a large scale.

Then there is the C.D.C. venture into timber. The late Chairman of the C.D.C. escaped a good deal of trouble in British Guiana which he deserved. Fortunately for him, although he paid three times what he should have paid for the C.D.C. timber concession against the advice of his financial advisers, still the timber is there—unlike the eggs in Gambia. We hope eventually that the C.D.C. will get by large-scale development and mechanical extraction the magnificent Guianese greenheart, mora and wallaba for which there is undoubtedly a market all over the world.

Besides these natural resources, it has an extremely healthy climate—another thing which people do not know about British Guiana. Its active, energetic population is increasing rapidly but there is no great pressure of population there. The Evans Report gave an impression that there are great possibilities for immigration from other parts of the Caribbean but we are not so sure about that now. Nevertheless, for those content with a subsistence level, there is plenty of room for expansion of population.

Will the hon. Gentleman allow me to interrupt? I hope we shall not be too optimistic about this because, as we clear the timber, we are discovering that the soil is a little sandy and it is not what we would like for agriculture. Has the hon. Gentleman heard anything on those lines?

It must be realised that this is an enormous country. The sandy soils where the wallaba trees grow are not, as a rule, suited to agriculture. But that does not necessarily apply to other areas. I am sure that even the agricultural officers themselves could not give a specific answer, because the country varies so much. One must realise that although British Guiana is a rich and prosperous country, the wealth created there is only enough to maintain the subsistence level. The administration have to spend hundreds of thousands of pounds a year on maintaining sea walls. Sources of revenue such as the tourist trade are closed to them.

Therefore it is vital for British Guiana to develop secondary industries such as brick-making, tile manufacturing or bottle works, and other industries of that kind.

That can best be done by private enterprise and not by the C.D.C. When we criticise the right hon. Gentleman, we are directing our criticism at his head rather than his heart. We all feel that the right hon. Gentleman has the welfare of these Colonies very much in his heart, that he loves these people and that he would like to see their conditions improved.

But we must not lean one way or the other. In the House of Commons on colonial matters we should try to stick to the middle of the road. One may feel very strongly about trade unions, private enterprise, or nationalisation. The only way in which these places will be developed is by private enterprise assisted by the Government in every possible way. Everybody in the West Indies knows this in his heart of hearts. One does not find very many people there who regard these vast Government projects with very much confidence.

They are much more likely to look to the big sugar people and to the big traders. In British Guiana the sugar people have in many ways done a splendid job. On some of the estates there are the finest social service arrangements and the finest housing facilities to be found in any Colonial Territories in the world. A great deal of the credit for the reduction of the incidence of malaria in British Guiana is due to Dr. Giglioly a very remediable malariologist who is employed at the sugar estates.

As a result of the work done by Government and private enterprise, a new kind of people are growing up in the Colony. They are healthy and vigorous men and women and who can work for five or six days a week rather than the three days a week which sugar workers used to work several years ago. Fifty per cent. of the people are East Indians. That is another problem which must be dealt with in British Guiana and elsewhere in the West Indies. We ought to encourage Guianese nationalism. We want the people to regard themselves as Guianese first and Indians second.

Everybody who takes an interest in colonial affairs feels that there is not nearly enough understanding and appreciation of the vital importance of the British Empire to our economy and strategy. I am sure that there is a wide area of agreement among all parties in these matters. We want to do our best for these people.

That can only come with greater understanding in the House of Commons. I hope that on another occasion we shall have an opportunity of ranging much more widely over this vast subject.

6.4 p.m.

I join with my hon. Friend the Member for Warrington (Dr. Morgan) in expressing regret that the time for this important debate on colonial development is limited. During the short time in which we have been debating this problem, I have found that there is a fundamental difference between both sides of the Committee. There has been just as much difference as there is when we are dealing with home problems.

My right hon. Friend stated that the greatest problems in our Colonies were economic ones. I want to deal with the question of the trade union movement in Malaya. I want to express my opinion on the development of this important problem in the Federation of Malaya and Singapore.

On a point of order. I am loth to interrupt the hon. Gentleman, but I think that by general agreement it was arranged that this discussion should be limited to the West Indies. It was the hope of both sides that that should be so. A profitable debate can only ensue if that agreement is scrupulously followed.

The hon. Gentleman is out of order. If he looks at the Order Paper, he will see that the Motion is limited to services connected with the West Indies.

I understood that we were discussing three Votes and that among them was the Vote under which comes the Federation of Malaya and Singapore. If I am wrong, I will reserve my remarks until we discuss that question.

6.6 p.m.

The unexpected windfall of being called to speak now is welcomed by me with extreme delight and I give thanks to my hon. Friend the Member for Bristol. Central (Mr. Awbery).

We have heard of our indebtedness to the West Indies. We have heard all about the sugar, the bananas and the tobacco which we get. I thought that during the debate we might also have had some mention of our indebtedness to Randolph Turpin who, I believe, is one of the products of the area under discussion. I take it that the references to sugar are not references to his opponent.

I pay my tribute to the moving speech of my hon. Friend the Member for Warrington (Dr. Morgan). He painted a somewhat different picture from that painted by the hon. Member for Bury St. Edmunds (Mr. Aitken) who referred to what private enterprise might do in the West Indies. My hon. Friend the Member for Warrington gave us a truer picture of the conditions under which profit has been extracted from this area in days gone by and under which profit is still being extracted.

I want to put three points to my right hon. Friend. I agree with him that our chief problem in the West Indies is that of population. Professor Arthur Lewis has stated that the agricultural economy of the West Indies can, at the most, sustain 64 people to the square mile. In Jamaica today there are 300 people to the square mile and in Barbados there are 1,100 people to the square mile. In that fact resides all the trouble and discontent which the Tories evidently want to crush, as they sought to crush it in this country, by forceful means. They have the same solution every time when they come to face problems which arise from economic discontent.

I will not give way. I should like to give way, but I cannot because I fear that the hon. Gentleman would bring me into conflict with the Chair. We are seeking to alleviate these economic difficulties. We have heard about many schemes today. I want to raise three matters which so far have not been touched on.

First, I should like my right hon. Friend to say what has been done to carry out the recommendations of the Evans Commission in dealing with these problems. Hon. Members on both sides of the Committee will recollect that the Evans Commission recommended, amongst other things, that we should have a banana industry and a sugar industry in British Honduras, and that we should have a forestry scheme embarked upon in British Guiana. I want to say that the only single recommendation of the Evans Commission which has been implemented is that in regard to the British Guiana forestry scheme, which absorbs the labour of only 1,400 people, I should like to know why the banana scheme and the sugar scheme for British Honduras have not been proceeded with.

The second point that I want to raise concerns the relationship of the Colonial Development Corporation to the peoples of the areas in which they operate. It is no secret that the C.D.C. is regarded now in the West Indies as merely a new form of Imperialism.

My hon. Friend the Member for Swindon (Mr. T. Reid) may think that it is rot.

Look where my hon. Friend gets support. If those are his pals, I am willing to hear him call it rot, but I am reporting what is said by people in the West Indies. If my hon. Friend the Member for Swindon calls that rot, then of course, he is not disturbing the truth of what I am saying. I am reporting what I have been told and what has reached me in letters, and it is my business to bring the attention of the Committee to that frame of mind and to see what we can do to remove it.

I am not saying that I believe it to be true, but the reason that attitude of mind is growing in the West Indies is that there is no co-operation between the C.D.C. and the peoples concerned. In Section 7 of the Colonial and Welfare and Development Act, which authorises their operations, it is laid down quite clearly that the C.D.C. ought to form liaison committees which will act between them and the peoples of the territories where they promote development schemes. So far, the C.D.C. has not created one single committee in the West Indies, and the consequence is that the Corporation is lacking co-operation. The people are taking the attitude that this is just another attempt to exploit them, though perhaps in a more up-to-date fashion.

My third and final point deals with the cigar industry. Recently, one or two hon. Members—I suppose there is no secret about this—met people who are interested in this industry. We met them in the House, and we found that they are very perturbed about the possible effect of what I will call the alleged agreement which has been come to, or is about to be come to, for the importation into Britain of Cuban cigars. [ Interruption. ] I hope I am not giving anything away, and I am not in any way castigating the hon. Member for Edinburgh, South (Sir W. Darling).

At the present moment, Jamaica is sending us 10 million cigars per year, and, under the agreement which the Jamaicans fear has been reached, we are going to take two million cigars every year from Cuba. Because of the different setup in the Cuban cigar industry, which has become a machine industry, while the cigars produced in Jamaica are handmade, the fear is that the two million cigars from Cuba will mean that there will be two million cigars fewer from Jamaica every year, that their industry will suffer as a result and that consequent unemployment will descend upon their people.

Is it not a fact that, since 1947, unemployment in the cigar industry has gone up by more than half, and, at the same time, the duties on imported cigars have also gone up by half? Will the hon. Gentleman not ask his right hon. Friend to make representations to the Chancellor of the Exchequer?

I realise that these things, have happened. As a matter of fact, 25 million cigars were coming into this country at one time, but that figure has fallen to 10 million. There are different reasons for that, and in this short speech I cannot possibly enter into them.

I want to emphasise that this proposed arrangement with Cuba to bring in two million cigars is striking fear into the heart of the industry in Jamaica and that it will mean a reduction in their output. We shall take fewer cigars from Jamaica and there will be more unemployment. We are here today trying to improve conditions in these areas but under this arrangement, we may become the instrument of preventing the very thing that we are seeking to do. I hope that my right hon. Friend will give me some assurance in regard to these three points.

On a point of order May I ask you, Major Milner, whether, when the Votes are put to the House, we shall be voting on the West Indies Vote only or on the Colonial Office Votes 9, 10, and 11?

I am in agreement with the hon. Member for Tradeston (Mr. Rankin) on only two observations which he has made. Firstly, I share very largely his views on the proposed new agreement with Cuba, and I hope that an early opportunity will arise of giving vent to the widespread alarm which is felt on both sides of the House, in this country and the whole of the Colonial Empire on some of its possible implications.

Secondly, I entirely agree with the hon. Gentleman in paying tribute to Randolph Turpin, the very distinguished British citizen who was born here in the United Kingdom and who is the son of a father who was himself born in British Guiana. I welcome the hon. Gentleman's tribute to Mr. Turpin, and I hope that the fact that he made a very large sum of money by way of profit from his victory will not lose him the support of hon. Gentlemen opposite.

I am sorry that this is such a short debate, but I would say to hon. Members opposite that almost every colonial debate which we have had in the last six years has come about at the request of the Opposition and has taken place on a Supply Day and in Opposition time. If, as I quite agree with hon. Members opposite, it is desirable to discuss these subjects more often, surely the Government should find the time, and we should not be left alone to provide Supply Days on which to discuss, for example, the multitudinous reports from the West Indies, to which we cannot possibly do justice in a short period of time.

That is not true. We have raised this matter from these benches at least a dozen times on the Motion for the Adjournment.

A 25-minutes debate on the Motion for the Adjournment is of very little use in dealing with such immense questions as these. The Opposition feel that, instead of having short general debates on the whole Colonial Empire, it would be desirable to try to arrange a debate for a particular area on a geographical basis. This is the explanation of limiting the scope of the debate, which I know must, of course, cause some disappointment to hon. Gentleman opposite.

I hope that this debate, short as it is, will still further convince our friends and fellow citizens in the British West Indies of the abiding interest held by the House of Commons in their development and welfare, and of the lively pride that we take in our joint associations in the British Empire. Some of us hope to visit the West Indies during the Parliamentary Recess—indeed, the hon. Member for Warrington (Dr. Morgan), judging by his dress, looks as if he is already there. It is very difficult indeed to get to the West Indies save by air travel, which makes it prohibitive for large numbers of people. I feel that on both sides of the Committee we ought to face up at any early date to the shipping situation between the United Kingdom and the Caribbean. In the Annual Report of the Colonial Office this year there are references to shipping inadequacy.

The passenger routes, we are told, are a little improved. A French line has introduced a reconditioned ship. There is a hope that there will be two new French liners ready, one in the latter part of this year and another in 1952, and, of course, as we all know, there is a very efficient Dutch line as well. France has 600,000 people in her Caribbean possessions; Holland has 275,000, and we have 3 million and an area three times as large as the French Caribbean Empire. It really is not good enough that we should wait on the possible introduction of ships by foreign lines for this much needed new service.

I know it is a grave problem—the losses in the war we all realise—and the fact that this trade is seasonal and often unprofitable must be faced up to. I do not pretend to know what the solution is, and it will no doubt outrage some of our convictions, on whichever side we sit, whatever form it might take. It might involve subsidies, although I know the hostility of many shipping lines to that question. It might involve the use of the Colonial Development Corporation for paving the way. But it is surely urgent that something should be done. If we are determined on that, then a way out of the difficulty will be found.

Having got to the West Indies, however difficult it may be, all travellers will find the first and most important problem of all is the steadily rising cost of living in all the West Indian islands. In a short debate of this kind, I do not want to go into the figures in any detail. It is very difficult to get these figures or to make a comparison between one island and another, so varying are the conditions. The Committee may be surprised to know that, taking the 1939 cost of living figure as 100, the Jamaican authorities believe that figure has risen annually, in 1940 to 116, in 1941 to 129, in 1942 to 140, in 1943 to 155, and in 1944 to 159, until this year it stands at 278. In Trinidad over the same period the figure has jumped from 111 in January, 1938, to 233 this year.

This is a problem which will face any Government, from whatever party it may be drawn, and it is a task to which we must direct ourselves. But, having said that, I hope I will now be allowed to make a few observations on the question which I realise is in part linked with this cost of living question, that of labour relations on the various islands, and the question of the paramount importance of maintaining law and order. I hope none will think that because Opposition speeches have dwelt in some detail on this question we rejoice in the use of force or have a preference for talking in martial or police terms. It is nothing of the sort. It is only our conviction, bred from a good deal of experience, that the maintenance of law and order by any Government must take precedence over everything else.

I think that the most excellent speech which the Committee heard from my hon. Friend the Member for Winchester (Mr. Peter Smithers) will have convinced most people that in Grenada and Antigua, anyhow, the troubles of this year and last year were in no sense industrial disputes, and much bitterness might have been saved in Grenada, for example, and much misunderstanding here if this had been made clear at the start. The trouble was not an industrial dispute. It was a definite attempt to challenge the duly constituted Government—a struggle for control between the duly constituted Government and demagogues relying on mob appeal and mob pressure.

The hon. Member for Warrington knows much better than I the situation in Grenada, but he knows too, I imagine, and I am sure he will confess it, that over the years, almost centuries, there have been friendly relations there between all races and all classes. Of the 74,000 people living in Grenada, some 19,000 are landowners, in however modest a way, and that is a very revealing and a very satisfactory figure. Into this island suddenly came somebody who had no further employment available to him in the Dutch island of Aruba, and on 19th February this year, at the height of the sugar, cocoa and nutmeg season, without any warning of any kind to employers, and without any trade dispute being announced or any demands made, a general strike was called.

There is little doubt—and all the evidence proves it—that in the first week, at any rate, the overwhelming majority of the people in Grenada were against the strike, but intimidation did its deadly work, and within a fortnight or so there was apparent unanimity. The first point, therefore, which I want to make quite plain is that in our view this was not a strike, and although I would not criticise Government officials who cannot answer in the House—and in this particular case I think the gentleman concerned and I were once associated in the Ministry of Labour—I think that the use of the word "strike" maddened a number of employers in Grenada who realised that it was not a strike at all.

That is true of Grenada, and it is equally true of Antigua, and I will give only two quotations to justify that charge. In the Governor's own statement on 14th February, he said: Therefore, I think it is established that these were in no sense industrial disputes.

In regard to these disputes and these troubles, my hon. Friend the Member for Winchester referred to the paltry sentences that have been passed in Grenada on the large-scale receivers of stolen property. I read a broadcast made by the then new Chief of Police on 17th March in which he threatened people who were taking stolen property. He said:

Before I leave the troubles of Grenada, I should like to reinforce what has been said about Colonel Donald. We did not at the time challenge the use by the Governor of his quite proper power to remove the Chief of Police. It was the view of the Opposition that in moments of danger like that we had to trust the Governor to do the right thing. But all the evidence that has accumulated since seems to suggest that Colonel Donald has had very shabby treatment, and I hope that the Government will look again into his particular case to see whether something cannot be done. While it is important to preserve the overriding authority of the Governor, it is almost equally important to preserve British tradition for justice and fair play.

To sum up these troubles in these two lovely islands, I hope I have made a case, which I profoundly believe, that these were not industrial disputes, and I also hope that I have established that some of the punishments meted out afterwards to people behind these crimes were really ludicrous. I hope the Government will take this opportunity of looking into the whole question of the organisation of the police force in the Caribbean. I believe there was a conference lately of chiefs of police of all British Colonies held in Brighton. It would be interesting to know whether the question was raised of an inspectorate general of police in the West Indies and in the Far East—[An HON.MEMBER: "Federation."]—it is an argument for federation—so that these and other problems could be really given top-level consideration.

I wish to enforce the plea made by other hon. Members that the Government will look again into mobilising the large number of loyal people in the West Indies in a re-formed West Indian Regiment, and I hope that the Undersecretary of State will be able to tell us something about that when he replies.

The last point about the preservation of law and order turns on the question of the recognition or non-recognition of trade unions. I should like to develop that point, but time does not allow it and I may appear to telescope the arguments I wanted to deploy. I have not given him much warning, but I hope that the Under-Secretary of State will be able to give some information about a document which, I am told, has arrived in London from the Labour Commissioner for Kenya. I mention it because of its possible application to the troubles in Grenada. It has been suggested to us that there has been sent to the United Kingdom for advice a Bill drawn up by the Labour Commissioner for Kenya which might be considered seriously for application to the West Indies and other parts of the British Empire where the need for trade unions is recognised but the need to have responsible trade unions is recognised as well.

I understand that under this proposal there would be a probationary period for trade unions seeking recognition. It would be within the discretion of the registrar of trade unions to refuse recognition. If he refused the union could appeal to the law courts and the decision of the courts, of course, would be final. I understand that in the same Bill recognition is to be provided for lesser bodies than trade unions, for workmen's associations and staffs in the hope that within their crafts and industries natural leaders may arise who will guide the trade union movement along happy and co-operative lines.

I have left myself very little extra time to mention other great issues in the West Indies. Overshadowing everything else is the question of closer association. The Opposition have made their position plain in earlier debates. After all, it was the despatch of the late Mr. Oliver Stanley in March, 1945, that gave the lead in the West Indies for closer association. My right hon. Friend the Member for Warwick and Leamington (Mr. Eden) spoke about it in the House on 12th July, 1950. He said:

I should like, finally, to make some observations on the fundamental problem in the West Indies of the economic development and growth of the Territories. I think we have all read with the greatest interest the two recent Reports of the Controller of Development and Welfare in the West Indies. They are most interesting documents. They stress the need for new investment in the West Indies and the need for law and order to be established before that new investment becomes possible. They also stress the urgent need for new industries as well as new investments. I am delighted at the tributes paid to Professor Lewis, himself a most distinguished West Indian, for his contribution recently in his capacity as the Stanley Jevons Professor at Manchester University. According to him, some £130 million of new capital is needed in the West Indies if we are to give that basic employment which will be necessary to provide within the next 10 years jobs for some 400,000 new people.

This vast capital investment requires first the restoration and securing of law and order. Secondly, it demands some generous and imaginative approach by His Majesty's Government to the question of a tax holiday and tax relief. I commend very seriously to the right hon. Gentleman the speech made recently in another place by Lord Lyle, who has no personal interest in this matter because no one would call sugar in the West Indies a pioneer or infant industry. He hoped that some relief of taxation could be given to pioneer industry in the West Indies. The Government have not been helpful under Clause 32 of this year's Finance Bill, and here is a chance to make up for the harm the Chancellor of the Exchequer may well do by that Clause.

I would remind hon. Members that not only is tax levied on money that is brought here from the West Indies, but that if the company is registered in England English tax is levied on the money that remains out in the West Indies. That surely is a great disincentive to the production of the £130 million capital we all desperately want to see ploughed into these Colonies. At present any tax relief given by the West Indian Governments is taken away by the British Government. The right hon. Gentleman commended the action of the West Indian Governments in his speech, but his colleague the Chancellor is undoing all that they are doing.

The need for investment is partly to provide employment for the vastly, increased population in the West Indies. It is also necessary because of the dangerous reliance on sugar which characterises life in the Caribbean. I hope that an opportunity will arise for us to discuss the way in which negotiations on sugar are conducted on behalf of British Colonies. I feel that half the trouble about the proposed pact with Cuba might have been avoided if representatives from the West Indies had been present at Torquay along with those from Haiti and Nicaragua and knew something about what was happening to their own destiny. Those people representing sugar and tobacco interests would have had a most useful contribution to make.

During the last three years employment figures in the cigar industry in Jamaica have dropped from 13,000 to a little over 5,000, and this is at a time when we are trying to attract new industries. At the same time, the Preference we are allowed to give to Jamaican cigars coming into this country has dropped from 22 per cent. in 1939 to 4.3 per cent. today and it now represents ¾d. a cigar.

Our hands are tied by our international commitments—added to by our commitments in Torquay—from helping our colleagues further. We have responsibility to them not only for direct United Kingdom trade with the West Indies, but also in our capacity as honest brokers between the West Indies and the Dominion of Canada. It is the fear of the loss of markets in Canada that worries them more than the threat to their markets in the United Kingdom. Of course we understand the problem facing the Canadians. They bought last year from the West Indies goods worth some 67 million dollars and the West Indies only bought 30 million dollars' worth in return. Whose fault is that? It is not the fault of the West Indies. The West Indies are part of the sterling group, and it is our limited allocation of dollars to the West Indies that prevents the West Indian Islands from buying from dollar sources.

The best way to help the West Indies is to help them to stand on their own feet. I would far rather see them become more prosperous by hard work done by themselves, by dollars that they have earned, than to dole out subsidies or reliefs from the United Kingdom. We have to face the fact that if we refuse to allocate the dollars to the West Indies, Canada is almost bound to take reciprocal action and to cut down her purchases from the West Indies, and then we should either have to find markets elsewhere for West Indies products or we should have to face up to large-scale subsidies. I feel that the latter would be a most deplorable solution, and I hope the Government will look again at the question of these dollar allocations.

I hope the result of the whole debate will be to convince our friends in the West Indies that their interests and our interests are the same and that at any time we are only too anxious to do all we can to promote their happiness and prosperity.

6.41 p.m.

I am sure that in the time at my disposal I shall not be expected to reply to every detailed point that has been raised, but I do assure hon. Members who have raised those various points that we will send them the necessary replies in due course. I welcome this debate on the West Indies and, like a great many other hon. Members, I regret that it is a bit short; but none the less, so far as I can recollect, this is the only debate we have had on the West Indian territories—

Well, it is the only one we have had for a long time. I feel it is a great pity that so much stress was laid on the events in Grenada, and I will explain why. Grenada and Antigua are only a small part of the Caribbean area which goes to make up the West Indies—

I concede that. I am not attempting to reduce in any way the importance of Antigua and Grenada. I am only trying to relate the situation which developed in Antigua and Grenada to the general picture of the West Indies. The situation was very disturbing, and it still is. I will deal with it at some length because I felt that this matter would be raised during this debate.

It was fundamentally a labour dispute in Grenada, and it may be as well if at this stage I give the facts of the dispute which developed in Grenada and Antigua, and incidentally deal with the very lucid comments of the hon. Member for Edinburgh, South (Sir W. Darling), who made a plea which appealed to me as a Scotsman—we do have in the West Indies the Malthusian theory in actual operation.

The Committee will not expect me to recapitulate the whole history of the Grenada strike. I would, however, recall that the major cause of the strike was the objection of the Grenada Mental and Manual Workers' Union to an agreement between the producers and another union which, until then, had represented the workers in the agricultural industry, except sugar. As a consequence of this, widespread strikes started on 19th February, and it was not untl 19th March that there was a general resumption of work. In the meantime legislation had been passed to set up wage-fixing councils.

Subsequently direct negotiations took place between the employers and the union under the chairmanship of a retired Chief Justice of the Leeward and Windward Islands.

As a result of the direct negotiations, agreements were signed between the parties concerned for ( a ) an increase in wages with effect from 1st January, 1951; ( b ) holidays with pay; and ( c ) the setting up of a Reference Board under the chairmanship of the Labour Officer with representatives of both sides, to promote good will and to determine disputes. This board will meet quarterly and if necessary at special request. That is an agreement concluded with the Grenada Mental and Manual Workers' Union and also with the Grenada Trades Union Council. So here we have an agreement arrived at after negotiation between the two sides of industry.

There have been a number of prosecutions for various offences committed during the strike. In the magistrate's court 221 persons have been convicted, and 52 are also being charged at the current criminal session for more serious offences. As the Committee knows, troops were brought into Grenada from Jamaica early in May, but this measure had no direct connection with the strike. It was considered necessary as a precautionary measure, in view of the state of public morale, to preserve as far as was humanly possible law and order. As a result of the prosecution of Mr. Gairy, the leader of the Mental and Manual Workers' Union for uttering threats at a public demonstration on 27th April, we felt it would be in the interests of the preservation of law and order to send troops there.

Reference has also been made to the Antigua stoppages, and these are the more regrettable because the annual negotiations on wage rates in the sugar industry early this year went very smoothly, and written agreements were concluded between the Antigua Trades and Labour Union and the employers. On 2nd March, however, the cane cutters stopped work. The main point of division was the objection of the workers to the form of contracts of tenancy offered to the employees leasing land from the estates. A resumption of work was achieved pending exam- ination of an offer by the estates to lease or sell the land held by the tenants to the Government.

A second stoppage started on 8th May on account of friction between the employers and the workers on a number of issues. Work was resumed on 24th May. The Government offered to appoint a board of inquiry to inquire into the causes of all the stoppages during 1951. As a result of the feeling aroused by certain court cases, the Governor decided as a precautionary measure to ask for military assistance, and two platoons of British troops were flown in from Jamaica on 14th June. The situation subsequently improved materially and they were withdrawn on 28th June.

Can the hon. Gentleman give the Committee an assurance— because I think this would help hon. Members a great deal—that the troops were not withdrawn because the Government here in any way objected to the Governor having called them in?

If the hon. Gentleman will let me finish, I think I can satisfy him on that point.

It is not a question of sticking to the brief. If the hon. Gentleman wants me to make my speech extempore in a short time, it would be quite simple to do it. I have been involved in this matter and steeped in it for the past eight months. If the hon. Gentleman wants it that way I am willing to do it. It is not very smart to say these things. [An HON. MEMBER: "It was a joke."] It was a joke in not very good taste.

It was not possible for the board of inquiry to proceed with the inquiry while the troops were in the area, but they will resume their sittings on 16th July. It is my right hon. Friend's earnest hope that as a result of the setting up of this board it will be possible to clarify the causes of tension in the island and to take such measures in co-operation with the employers and workers alike to secure industrial peace and stability. There should be industrial peace and stability in Antigua because the unions are well organised, the employers are well organised, and all that is required, is a bit of common sense for them to get together in a Joint Industrial Council.

After all, these troubles are very bad for the island; indeed, they are bad for the territory because they do equal damage to the employers and to the employees. It is easy to have a strike—too easy at times, but there comes a reckoning. I hope that the two sides will consider the possibility, in Antigua in particular, of getting together and forming this Joint Industrial Council, so that when the board of inquiry reaches its findings some solution along those lines may be put forward.

I should say something about the security aspects of the recent events in Antigua and Grenada. The preservation of law and order in these small West Indian islands must always present a very difficult problem, as the Committee will recognise. [HON. MEMBERS: "Why? "] I will go on to say why. One could produce the finest police force in the world in these little islands; but there is the question of cost, there is the question of training, there is a whole galaxy of reasons for attempting, in so far as one can, to improvise the facilities as the situation develops. A single island cannot maintain a force capable of dealing with exceptional situations such as that in Grenada last year. As the Committee has already been informed, the Governor considered that even within the available resources in Grenada, the best use had not been made of the police force. That no doubt aggravated the inherent difficulties of the situation.

I regret very much that Colonel Donald's name has been dragged in by hon. Members during the debate. I think it is a pity, but nevertheless it has been brought in. The Governor, as the Secretary of State pointed out, lost confidence completely in Colonel Donald, and he took the course that was open to him. Colonel Donald was on a short-term agreement. He terminated the agreement with one month's pay and free passages, and the Legislative Council gave him £500 ex gratia. It is true that Colonel Donald went to the West Indies with a good reputation. We have never sought to take that reputation away. There is no question of disciplinary action at all— none whatever. But in the situation which developed in the territory it was felt that in that testing period Colonel Donald just did not measure up to what the Governor thought was required. I am being perfectly frank and fair about this, because I feel we should be quite honest about it.

The hon. Member for Edinburgh, South raised the question of the method of dismissal. The Governor tried to be kindly in the whole situation in order to protect the interests of Colonel Donald. It may be that he was wrong in that and that he should have gone straight to Colonel Donald and said, "Look, this is the situation; you are finished." But he did not; he chose another method, for very good reasons—in the interests of Colonel Donald himself.

Ignore the hon. Member for Edinburgh, South (Sir W. Darling).

I said, and I say quite clearly to the Committee, that the Governor acted with a sense of dignity and decency which did him credit. We have to accept the advice of the Governor, who is the man on the spot, and who saw the situation which had developed. He was alive to the situation, and, indeed, cut short his leave to go back.

Would the hon. Gentleman help us a little further there? I do not think we necessarily agree that Colonel Donald misconducted the situation, but will he say this: that the Governor having lost confidence in him, at any rate there is no stain on his reputation or his honour in this dismissal— no stain whatsoever?

There is no stain on Colonel Donald's character at all. As soon as the position became clear to the Governor, as I said, he terminated his appointment and replaced him by another officer.

Since then the force has been strengthened and it is being organised to ensure the better policing of certain areas, and more important still, improved mobility and patrol activity and intensive training in dealing with disorders. A scheme for the creation of a special police reserve has been submitted to the Legislative Council. [ Interruption. ] I wish the hon. Member for Edinburgh, South, would be quiet. Nevertheless, for the reasons indicated, these forces of Grenada and the other small Colonies cannot be expected to deal unaided with exceptional situations. In fact, important police help was given by Trinidad and St. Lucia. The guarding of essential buildings was undertaken by His Majesty's Navy. Recently the threat of further trouble was met by bringing in a small body of troops from a United Kingdom battalion in Jamaica.

The same considerations apply in Antigua. As the Committee knows, the Governor recently considered that a situation might arise which would impose too great a strain on the local police force and, at his request, some troops were sent temporarily to that island as a precautionary measure. I think it is clear that one of the main needs of the Wind-war Islands and Leeward Islands police forces is improved facilities for training, but this is obviously beyond the resources of the individual islands. My right hon. Friend is exploring, with the Governor, the possibility of establishing a joint training centre.

That is the background to the situation in Grenada and Antigua. I hope that with the steps we are taking we shall get a much more sensible approach to these problems of discipline in the interests of the islands and the people who live and work there.

Is the hon. Gentleman being quite fair to the House? We know that as far back as 1948 Sir Alan Burns, the distinguished West Indian ex-Governor, said there was growing contempt for law and order in the Leeward Islands. This is not a new occurrence. The situation has been building up for a long time.

On the contrary, one of the main problems in Antigua and Grenada has been that they have been trouble-free for so long—particularly Grenada—so that when this thing hit them they did not know what it was all about.

The Under-Secretary knows more than the hon. Member for Billericay (Mr. Braine).

We will leave it at that. The hon. Member for Mid-Bedfordshire (Mr. Lennox-Boyd) raised the question of a report which had come from the Labour Commissioner in Kenya. I think I had better tell the Committee what this means. This is not a very serious leakage.

I want to make it quite plain that there is no question of leakage. This was a statement in the Kenya Press which came in the ordinary course of events to well-informed Members of Parliament.

As a matter of fact, it is not a document sent from Kenya to here. In fact, the Secretary of State's Colonial Labour Advisory Committee have for the past eight months been working on the lines which the hon. Member for Mid-Bedfordshire mentioned. We have worked for a long time on the question of a new trade union policy and a new approach to it, covering all the points he raised. I am quite certain he will be glad to know that this is well under way and is being considered by the Governors.

I have one other point to make on this subject. We had the advantage of the presence of some of the Labour Commissioners who were on leave in this country during the course of the discussion of this subject by the Colonial Labour Advisory Committee, and it may be of interest to the Committee to know that we are having a full conference of all Labour Commissioners in London during the autumn. That will be in order not only to have full, free and frank discussions on the document, but also to get an interchange of opinion and an exchange of ideas about what might be done in the exceptional situations that arise in the various territories.

The hon. Member for Mid-Bedfordshire showed a very keen interest in the question of a West Indian Regiment. There have been preliminary discussions with the Departments concerned here. My right hon. Friend is on the point of consulting with local Governments on the issue. I am quite certain that the hon. Gentleman will not want me to go any further than that in the circumstances. I take it he will be reasonably satisfied with that answer.

I had wanted to touch on shipping, and on the economic development of British Guiana, but my time is up. The hon. Gentleman the Member for Blackpool, South (Mr. R. Robinson) raised the question of the road to the aerodrome, and I want to say on that issue that there are very good schemes going on at the moment, and we do not consider that this road is of such vital importance as some of the roads for opening up agricultural regions.

Many of us have raised points that are not unimportant in our estimation, and I should like to know if my hon. Friend will give us written answers to some of these points.

Motion, by leave, withdrawn.

National Health Service (Payments to Chemists)

Motion made, and Question proposed,

That a further sum, not exceeding £20, be granted to His Majesty, towards defraying the charges for the following services connected with Payments to Chemists under the National Health Service, for the year ending on 31st March, 1952, namely:

Civil Estimates, 1951–52

£

Class V., Vote 5, National Health Service, England and Wales (Revised Estimate)

10

Class, V., Vote 14. National Health Estimate)

10

Total

20

[ Mr. Hannan. ]

7.2 p.m.

It is one of the interesting features of the House and of this Committee that it can turn its attention from one subject to another with great rapidity. We have been discussing problems very far removed from this country, and now I am inviting the Committee to focus its attention on problems entirely on the home front. The Estimates which we are considering are those relating to the pharmaceutical service in England and Wales and in Scotland. I have not been concerned with all the negotiations and discussions which go on between the Ministry of Health and the chemists, but, as hon. Members of the Committee know, I do happen to be Secretary of the Pharmaceutical Society, and to that extent I have an interest which I ought to disclose to the Committee.

The situation which the Committee is asked to examine has been a little complicated in the last day or two by the publication of revised Civil Estimates, and these Civil Estimates in respect of dentures we are considering now are, on the face of it, very substantially out of step with the Estimates which were originally put before the Committee in February this year. In February, for example, the Vote for England was £28½ million; in July it is £35½ million. For Wales it was £2½ million; it is now £2½ million. For Scotland it was £4 million and is now £5½ million.

In other words, the sum of money which was asked for in February of £34½ million is now on paper increased to £43½ million, which is an increase of £9 million. It is true that that increase has been offset by savings on the hospital services of £250,000, on denture services of £3,750,000, and on the ophthalmic services of £4 million, making at any rate a notional saving of £8 million. I call it notional because it is, in fact, a saving which is effected by levying charges upon the users of spectacles and the users of dentures.

The background against which we are looking at these Estimates tonight is that the Minister is now asking for £1 million more than he was asking for five months ago, and it is interesting to see that the total is now £399 million, which still apparently brings him within his total of £400 million, which he had proclaimed as the ceiling of the Health Service. He is now estimating within an accuracy of something like a quarter of 1 per cent.— an accuracy on which, I think, the Committee would like to congratulate him.

The discrepancy in the Estimates with which we are concerned for England and Wales and Scotland between February and today is explained in the Introductory Note as being due to the fact that in February the Departments were not quite certain whether or not there were to be charges made upon users, and consequently they spread the savings which were likely to be effected by those charges over the pharmaceutical, dental and ophthalmic services. A decision was taken by the House in the 1951 Act to make no charge for prescriptions but to make a charge for dentures and spectacles. The result is that in these new Estimates that sum has to be reallocated, and is, in fact, represented by charges to be made for dentures and spectacles of roughly £8 million.

I think, however, that it is appropriate that we should ask the Minister to give the Committee an explanation, which, I think, I can best ask for by reference to page 13 of the revised Estimates, of how it is that the items are broken down into their different headings. We find that he is asking in the case of dispensing fees for £10½ million, whereas for dispensing fees before he was asking for only £8½ million; in the case of ingredients he is asking for £20 million, whereas before he was asking for £16¼ million; for overheads there is a sum of £3 million, whereas before the sum was £2½ million. The other item, I suppose, it would not be in order to refer to. It seems to me that if the only reason for the discrepancy between February and July is that in February the Government had not made up their minds whether charges were to fall it must have been extremely artificial to put before the Committee subdivisions of this Vote into headings which had no relation to any charges that might subsequently be made.

There is one general question relating to these Estimates that I should like to put to the Minister before I come to the points with which I am specially concerned. Could he say whether there is in these Estimates a figure which is representative of any increase in the case of the pharmaceutical service that may be necessary in England and Wales as a result of the arbitration award in Scotland? That arbitration award in Scotland is bound to have repercussions on the whole service, and is reflected in the increase in the Scottish Estimates. I wonder if any consequential provision has been made in the Estimates for England and Wales.

Having said that by way of introduction I want now to deal with the breakdown in the arrangements for presenting prescriptions since the beginning of the National Health Service. I am not particularly concerned with the question of the chemists' remuneration, or the Minister's indebtedness to the chemists at the present time, which is merely consequential upon the breakdown in the present system. What I have to say in the way of figures will, I think, most conveniently be confined to England and Wales, as we only introduce confusion by bringing in the Scottish figures.

The starting point which I invite the Committee to consider is this. So far as my calculations go, just before the National Health Service came into force 90 million prescriptions a year were being dispensed in chemists' shops in England and Wales; that is private and National Health Insurance prescriptions together. By 1950, 225 million public and private prescriptions were being dispensed in roughly the same number of chemists' shops. That is an increase of two and a half times, and any number of morals can be drawn from those figures. On the whole, I think that they are shocking rather than anything else. They are at any rate a testimony to the belief of our fellow countrymen in the efficacy of the bottle of medicine.

The point I want to bring to the notice of the Committee on those figures is that the chemists' shops of this country have shouldered that burden with, so far as I know, no complaints, and certainly with no breakdown. That is an achievement of which they have every right to be proud. It is all the more remarkable because it has been passed by in silence. Had there been a breakdown we should have heard all about it. Because there was no breakdown the thing has rather been taken for granted. Now that was done by the private chemists, as I know from personal experience, by looking ahead, by using capital in order to prepare their shops for the new demand which they knew was coming, by enlarging their dispensaries, and getting ready by an increase in their staffs, and so on.

I think we are entitled to make a comparison between the preparedness and achievements of what I might call the private enterprise side of the pharmaceutical operation and the breakdown which has occurred in the Government side of that operation, namely, in the Government pricing offices. Those offices had the same, or even better, opportunities of knowing what the burdens were likely to be, yet, whereas the private enterprise section was able to shoulder those burdens the Government section has, quite frankly, collapsed under them. That is the more unfortunate because the right hon. Gentleman's predecessor estimated in 1949 that in that year they were likely to have to deal with 140 million prescriptions. That was an estimate before the Health Service started. In fact they had to deal with 187 million that year, but that is not so far from the estimate made in the Department as to excuse the breakdown in the Governmental part of the machine.

I would not suggest for a moment that there is any desire on the part of the Ministry or the Minister to delay the payment of chemists' accounts, or anything of that kind. Indeed, I am quite certain that nothing would give him more pleasure than to be able to hand out punctually on the first of the month the appropriate cheque. But I do think that this is a classic example of the friction and the inertia in a big Government Department, and of the inability of a Department to take the right decisions and the right action at the right time, and it is of that that I complain.

If the Committee would bear with me for a moment, I think it desirable that I should explain to them extremely briefly the system of pricing prescriptions so that they can understand how the trouble has arisen. The pricing system is this. The chemist collects his prescriptions together at the end of the month and divides them into two bundles, those apparently worth over 5s. and those apparently under 5s. He then sends the bundles off to one of the 41 Government pricing offices which are scattered round the country. In those offices they price the over 5s. bundle completely; they price 20 per cent. of the under 5s. bundle, and on that 20 per cent. pricing they average the value of the remaining 80 per cent. In fact, therefore, altogether they price 36 per cent. of the prescriptions.

Having prepared their totals they certify to the executive council, in respect of each chemist, how much the Minister owes him. Well, although they are pricing only 36 per cent. of the prescriptions, it is significant that in the pricing offices they have now completed only the prescriptions up to about June of 1950. The pricing offices are roughly one year behind in their work. I hope that the Minister, who may have more recent information than I have, will be able to tell the Committee that they are now improving on that figure, but over the

country as a whole they are a year behind in their pricing.

According to my information, the lour best offices are doing four weeks' prescriptions in two and a half weeks; the worst office is taking between eight and ten weeks to do four weeks' work. The average today is about four weeks in four weeks. In other words, they are just keeping pace with what one might call current work, although it is a year behind, but they are making no attack on arrears. Now the Minister must be careful that he is not carried away by the results of the pricing in the summer months, because the prescriptions now being priced are prescriptions which were written in June, July and August of 1950, which are months of good health and months of a small number of prescriptions. They are only just able to keep pace in the summer time, but when they come to tackle the winter prescriptions I think that they will once again find themselves falling behind.

I recognise the difficulties with which these pricing offices have to contend. It takes two years to train a pricer, and it is monotonous work. The last year for which I have figures shows that 165 resigned out of a total staff of 941 for all the offices, and at the moment only 46 per cent. have over two years' experience. The Minister is therefore faced with an extremely important staff difficulty—a staff difficulty which I think can be overcome only by looking at the terms of service, and seeing that the pay is sufficiently attractive to hold the girls until they get accustomed to the job.

The Minister, of course, has not been content—nor, indeed, would the chemists have allowed him to be content—to be one year in arrears with his payments, and that situation has been met by a system of payments on account. Since the breakdown in the pricing, which occurred as early as 1949, the aim has been to pay 90 per cent. of what is owing not more than four weeks late. That 90 per cent. has to be calculated on something. It is being calculated on the prescriptions last priced for that particular shop. In other words, the 90 per cent. is being calculated on the value of the prescriptions of a year ago.

As a result of that, it became apparent that as soon as payments on account were started they were not in fact going to achieve 90 per cent. of the 1951 value. That was due partly to the fact that illness varies from year to year. One can imagine, for example, that when the smallpox epidemic was current in Brighton, chemists were providing calf lymph in hundreds of prescriptions, and a year later they were probably providing no calf lymph in prescriptions. A comparison of these amounts in two subsequent years would not give a true comparison, particularly when the rising cost of drugs is remembered.

The price of drugs has gone up steeply over the last 12 months. Although one may aim at 90 per cent. as the average for the whole of the contractors, to get that average one may have very substantial extremes, and what is happening today is that a limited number of people are being paid 100 per cent. or something more than 100 per cent., and a few of them are having to refund, but a number of people are being paid substantially less than 90 per cent.—somewhere in the region of 70 per cent. Very real hardship is being caused to some people by this delay and by the lack of adequate payment on account.

As some indication of the extent of the breakdown, I have here no fewer than 11 variations of the manner of payment on account. Attempts which have been made since August, 1948, to make repayment on account approximate to 90 per cent. of what is owing to the chemists. If one had time and the Committee had the patience, it would be amusing, if it were not so tragic, to go through the systems as they were, three months later, six months later, and a year later of supplementary payments on account in order to try to do justice to the chemists. One can recognise and applaud the attempt to treat the chemists fairly, but basically all these attempts only emphasise the deficiency in the machine.

The actual financial position at the present time, so far as my calculations go, is that the Minister owes to the chemists about £4 million, which is an average—and an average does not mean much; it is the extremes that matter— of about £300 to each chemist's shop. Of course, there are wide fluctuations. The Minister is in fact getting about six weeks credit from the chemists of the country, apart from the breakdown of the machine and in spite of his attempt to pay up to 90 per cent. He is getting six weeks' credit from people, many of whom can ill-afford to give him that credit. These people find that the manufacturers with whom they are dealing are much less inclined to give them six weeks' credit, whereas they are compelled to give six weeks' credit to the Minister.

I hope that when the Minister comes to reply, he will tell the Committee whether, once he has put his pricing machine in order, he is going to be content with six weeks' credit. Supposing that he is able to pay up to 100 per cent., is he always going to be six weeks behind? In my view that is not good enough; he really should aim at running at not less than four weeks behind.

I recognise that delay is inevitable in pricing, but I think that some payment on account made in one month—it may be an average of £100 per chemist's shop —once made would put the chemists in credit to that extent, so that even if the cheques were six weeks behind the chemists would always have a certain sum of money corresponding to a couple of weeks' payment in hand. I think that if the Minister could do that by putting this on a monthly basis and, if necessary, by putting the chemists in credit for a fortnight, it would be most helpful in getting the good will of his contractors.

There are one or two other comments which I should like to make. When one is dealing with over 200 million prescriptions a year and not a very large number of chemists' shops, it might seem attractive to extend the system of payment by averages; to say, given enough prescriptions, one can price 20 per cent. multiplied by five and that would give, in the long run, an average payment. Not only, I think, would that be gravely suspect by the contractors, but it would emphasise one of the greatest weaknesses of the present system.

Until we can come back to something like detailed pricing, the Minister is never going to be in the position to check the small number of doctors who are over-prescribing, nor the small number of the public who are grossly abusing the service by making unnecessary demands upon it. The essential part of the efficient running of the pharmaceutical and general practitioners service is going to be a return to accurate and early pricing which will enable the Minister to put his hands on the doctor who over-prescribes or the member of the public who abuses the service.

There is one general comment which I should like to make which, although almost a platitude, is worth making whenever one gets the opportunity in connection with this Service. Thirty-five and a half million pounds is a lot of money, and between 200 million and 300 million prescriptions is a lot of medicine. I cannot believe that is the best way of investing money for the benefit of the health of the people of this country, and I am sure that these figures must be a perpetual stimulus to the Ministry and everyone else concerned to wean the public away from their desire to take medicine and to try to get them to understand at least the rudiments of maintaining health by other means.

As I see it, the task of the Minister at the moment is to get his offices functioning properly, and I hope that he personally will have a look at the scales of payment to the pricers because I believe that is at the root of much of his trouble, and then come to an arrangement with the chemists which will wipe off these arrears of prices. The staffs of the present offices are at the moment, I am sure, psychologically overwhelmed by the mass of paper that is waiting in the offices to be tackled. It is necessary, if only from that point of view, to get these arrears wiped off so that everybody can start properly.

The situation then is that the Minister is one year behind in determining the final accounts. He has been forced to adopt very clumsy devices to keep faith with his creditors. He is running a £4 million credit, and he is discouraging and getting on the wrong side of a group of people who have served him well. The pharmaceutical service is functioning more smoothly than probably any of the other services caught up in the new National Health scheme and is shouldering immense new additional burdens. I hope this sort of mistrust and suspicion can be cleared up by more vigorous action in the near future.

7.30 p.m.

The Committee has listened to the hon. Member for Putney (Mr. Linstead) with some interest, realising that he speaks with authority due to the official position which he holds in the Pharmaceutical Society. The point I should like to follow up is the one which he said was not relevant to his main case, and that was with regard to excessive prescribing. I have had representations made to me by a constituent in one case associated with a chain of dispensing chemists, and I think that this is typical of what is going on.

The hon. Member referred to this matter only in passing, and I should like to do the same. I hope that the Minister will try by every means to carry out a sort of educational programme for the public to let them realise that a great deal of harm can be done to the Service and possibly to themselves by taking an unnecessary amount of medicine, which certainly increases the cost of the Service to the public in a way which is far more than was ever anticipated.

In the particular case to which I have referred it was suggested that there are many doctors who, perhaps because of a lack of time, do not prescribe in detail. They may say that so much cotton wool is required or they may not even state the quantity, leaving it to the chemist who then may give out rolls of the stuff instead of the small amount which might be required in the particular case. That is a simple illustration. Another is where a small bottle of a certain liquid would be required and actually a large bottle is dispensed for the patient.

I wonder if the Minister could give some consideration to the making of films for the newsreel or some such public film showing, produced in an imaginative way. because it needs to be done with imagination, otherwise it will not make any impression on the public as to the urgency of the matter. I believe that it would result in economies and, therefore, it would be worth while financially doing it. It would assist in educating the public to use the Service in a right and proper manner.

I intervened in this debate to give one illustration, which happens to come from another of my constituents. I believe it is typical of what is happening, and I offer this illustration to my right hon. Friend with a desire that it will help in the sympathetic consideration which we know he will give to the matter. It is a case of an average dispensing chemist. He may be perhaps a little more busy and a little larger than some, but in the main I am informed it is an average case.

He tells me that the old system was working reasonably well, because it had had a number of years in which to settle down. Under the old system prescriptions were sent forward to the pricing office in the district. They came back rapidly and in due time payment was made. Under the new system, in the first instance prescriptions up to 2s. 6d. were the ones that were averaged in the way that the hon. Member for Putney described.

It was found, however, that that was causing an excessive hold-up in the Department, and it was increased, without, I believe, actual consultations with the chemists but by the decision of the Minister, to 5s. 0d. Although the hon. Member did say that in some cases the pricing offices were now level-stepping with the requirements, the pricing office in some districts is falling behind badly in the job of pricing out even those prescriptions which are in excess of 5s. 0d. It appears that the whole system requires to be looked at very carefully to see whether something can be done to hasten the procedure.

I understand that interim payments are now made to the chemists up to 95 per cent. of their monthly accounts. For example, the case given to me shows that in June, 1950, this chemist sent in his bill for £514. Interim payments were made to him and there was a balance of some £42 outstanding which was not paid until 28th April, 1951. In a similar case in July, 1950, the amount was £515 and the balance left outstanding was £94, which was not paid until 29th June, 1951.

It may be that the Minister, in his reply, will say that the interim payments now being made are brought further forward so that the hardship is lessened, but I do not think that this meets the case, because it still means that such a chemist as this one I have quoted finds that accumulated balances are due to him from the Minister totalling up to £1,000. That for a small man is no mean figure to have to find in addition to his normal business finances. He tells me that before the new Health Service he was then advancing £1,000 normally to customers as credit, and it means that he has now to double the amount of money he requires to finance his credit customers. That is an onerous burden for a small man to bear, and I believe in the case of Boots, the chemists, who are amongst the largest undertakings, the total amount outstanding is something like £1,700,000.

I have just been shown a letter which was published in the "Pharmaceutical Journal" of June, 1951, which refers also to previous letters on this subject and says:

It is, in fact, a tremendous extra cost to industry and commerce that such things as Purchase Tax are imposed on the retailer. I do not want to go into that now, because it would be quite inappropriate, but it is right that such matters as the financing of Purchase Tax and of the back payments due from the National Health Service impose additional burdens not only on the cost of the Health Service but on the cost of living generally in a way which nobody ever really intended. I am sure that the Minister would not wish to pick out this section of the community—the small chemists— for such unfair treatment as this.

A further indication of the weight of the problem falling on the individual is shown by additional evidence from this case I have just quoted. This chemist had an Income Tax demand which he had to pay and he felt quite a sense of injustice—I think with some reason— when he found that the Government were owing him on the one hand £800 to £1,000 and another Government Department were demanding prompt payment. He thought it would be a perfectly fair thing to suggest that he ought to pay his Income Tax by instalments over a period of four months. This he started to do. In January, February and March, he paid the instalments. Before the end of April he received a final notice which contained a threat of prosecution. He sent this to the Minister of Health, who dealt with the letter personally, sympathetically and promptly. After checking the position, my right hon. Friend arranged for payment of an additional £350 out of arrears of some £1,000 which were outstanding.

The Income Tax collector evidently rather resented this procedure—the following incident can be interpreted I think only in that way—because before the end of April, when the promise had been made to pay and when the final instalment was not overdue, a policeman walked into this chemist's shop with a summons in order to enforce payment. I do not think this is the sort of thing in which the Health Service ought to involve a chemist. If one Government Department breaks down in the performance of its job, it means that other Government Departments who are asking for money must give reasonable consideration to the hardships which are being inflicted.

We know that the Health Service was introduced for humane reasons, but it would be an awful travesty of good sense and good feeling if the sort of incident which I have cited, and the hardships which flowed from it, were to be the result of this very Service. It would mean that those who are trying their best to cooperate in helping to make the Service work smoothly are harshly dealt with. It points to the need for special consideration and attention to the methods and procedure employed.

In regard to the Income Tax demand, was that the demand which had just been received or was it for the previous year?

That is a fair point. We all know that Income Tax demands are made on the previous year's profits. My point is that to pay Income Tax in the circumstances I have described would require ready cash, which had not come to hand due to the delays in the Service.

7.43 p.m.

We greatly welcome the reinforcement to the case we are making in regard to the arrears of payment to chemists from the hon. Member for Middlesbrough, West (Mr. G. Cooper). I applaud the ingenuity of the particular chemist he mentioned in sending the final demand for payment of Income Tax to the right hon. Gentleman the Minister of Health. I am wondering whether the success which that method achieved will be followed by others who find no other way to obtain their just payments under the system as it now prevails. It really is disgraceful that the system should prevent final accounts being made until 12 months after the transactions have taken place.

In regard to that figure of 12 months, on 28th January my hon. Friend the Member for Portsmouth, South (Sir J. Lucas), asked a question about the average period elapsing between transactions and final settlements. The Minister of Health replied that the approximate average delay in authorising final payment was nine months. I have here a letter from a chemist in my constituency, written in June, telling me that only in that month was the final settlement made for June, 1950. If this case is typical of others, as it presumably is, at least in that area I find it difficult to see how the average period can be nine months.

Now a word about the payment of accounts. As I understand it, the method by which the 90 per cent. is arrived at is to take the prices prevailing roughly a year ago and to add 5 per cent. and then to calculate 90 per cent. of that figure and make a payment on account. The 5 per cent. is a rough and ready estimate to take care of the increased prices which have been incurred. That 5 per cent. is inadequate to deal with the change in the situation.

Let me quote one or two examples of the changes in prices which have taken place during the last 12 months. Cotton wool has gone up from 4s. 6d. to 8s. a lb. White lint from 6s. to 12s.; boracic lint from 3s. 3d. to 6s. Similar

figures could be given for such substances as bismuth and glucose. The result is that quite apart from the effect of averaging there is totally insufficient regard for the increases in prices since a year ago.

The chemist whom I mentioned a little earlier has been good enough to supply me with the actual figures of how the system is working out. I would point out to the Minister that from the figures I am going to give to the Committee the idea that we are achieving 90 per cent. is not borne out. In June, 1950, in this particular instance the average cost of prescriptions was 4s. 1d. Since that time the shop has dealt with 6,819 prescriptions and there was due to the chemist the sum of £1,392.

As a result of the system of payment on account he has received by now £984. The result is that there is still owing no less a sum than £408. If the system entailed merely the four weeks' credit to which reference has been made, the chemist would not have due to him more than £100 at the most. The result is that there is at least £300 additional working capital required, which is a very serious burden to individuals of the standing of the chemist to whom I am referring.

Where there is a limit, as there is in many cases, to the resources available, this system has the effect of preventing the chemist from maintaining stocks at that level which he would like to do in a period when prices are rising. Not only is the interest on his overdraft something which this chemist will never get back, but he is precluded from taking advantage of his own foresight in keeping adequate stocks in a period of rising prices. Therefore he is hit twice in circumstances such as that.

I do not think that in this case it can be said that the chemist was precluded from paying his Income Tax on account of the money that was due to him by the Minister, but what is certain is that he could not make up his Income Tax account. He does not know what were his figures for last year until the final payment is made. It is most unsatisfactory that one Department of the Government should so arrange its affairs as to make it impossible for the preceding year's accounting to be submitted to the proper authorities dealing with this matter.

What strikes me as one of the most alarming features of the situation, quite apart from the hardship which undoubtedly prevails, is that there is no sign whatever of any inroads being made into the arrears of payments. On 28th June I put a Question to the Minister. J asked:

It is not enough merely to say, "Of course all that trouble and difficulty which we are having arises from the great increase in the number of prescriptions demanded by the public." That situation could perfectly well have been foreseen, and ought to have been foreseen. I had the privilege of visiting New Zealand a few years ago shortly after a National Health Service had been introduced into that country. If there was any doubt on the part of the Ministry here as to what would happen, they had ample chance to learn from the experience in New Zealand of the kind of things which could be expected here.

I was left in no doubt that one of the most significant effects of the new Health Service would be a very large increase— in one case, a figure of seven times the existing turnover was quoted to me—in the number of prescriptions which would be required once the erroneous idea got about that people were getting what the Yorkshireman calls "Summat for nowt." Apparently no steps were taken to establish a proper pricing system to ensure that when the great increase in the number of prescriptions arose, the machinery for dealing with them would be adequately provided.

The Government stand completely condemned for their utter lack of foresight in this matter, and the Committee must not be content until we can be assured that not only are the past arrears being overcome, but that the position is being brought back to a reasonable period of delay, which, I suggest, is not more than the four weeks which has been suggested by my right hon. Friend.

7.54 p.m.

My hon. Friend the Member for Putney (Mr. Linstead) opened the debate with what, I think the Committee will agree, was a lucid and moderate Speech, in which he exposed not only the difficulties, but also the complexities, of the present form of payment. He concluded his speech by referring to the underlying problem of the growing cost of the pharmaceutical service. Indeed, some of the difficulties with which the Minister is confronted, and some of the complaint which is levelled against these delays in payment, is due, of course, to the enormous increase in the amount of work that is falling on the pharmaceutical service.

In the revised Estimate, part of which the Committee are now discussing, the figure for Great Britain—I wish that the authors of the Estimates would include a calculation for this island as a whole, and so save one a good deal of arithmetic —under the heading of pharmaceutical services is £43,000,610. In 1948–49, the cost under the same heading was £17¾ million. In 1949–50 it grew to £35⅓ million. In 1950–51, perhaps due to the arbitrary reduction in the "on cost" element, it went down to £32 million; and now, for 1951–52, the revised Estimate is no less than £43,000,610. Incidentally, the general practitioner service as a whole costs about £48 million, and drugs and appliances are costing this colossal sum of £43 million.

The particular significance with which the Committee, and later the House, will be concerned is that, as my right hon. Friend pointed out, the Minister in this revised Estimate is within relatively few pounds of the ceiling of £400 million. If this element in the Budget continues to rise as it has risen from last year to this year, this additional money—if the ceiling is sustained—will have to be found by corresponding reductions in other parts of the Service.

My hon. Friend referred to the apparent increase of £9 million and referred also to the explanation in the preliminary note. All I would say on this heading is that it is interesting that between February and 10th April, the dates between which the decision was reached as to where the new charges should fall, the choice was between the pharmaceutical service, the dental service, and the supplementary ophthalmic service. It was contemplated on 16th February, at least, that it might fall under any one of those headings. Bearing in mind what was said about the slapdash character of such charges, the interesting thing is that the decision was very hastily reached between those two dates.

The particular point to which I want to draw attention is the general question of the cost of the pharmaceutical part of the Service as revealed by the revised Estimates. Five prescriptions are being given each year for every man. woman and child in the country. Since the inception of the Service, 20 million appliances have been prescribed. It is remarkable that every other member of the community—man, woman and child, old and young—has had an appliance under the Service since its inception in 1948. The cost of prescriptions—the most important factor, of course, in the increase in the aggregate cost to which I have referred—doubled between 1947 and 1950 as a result of the increased cost of ingredients.

Behind this problem of pricing is the same general problem as lies behind the overall cost of the pharmaceutical service. The Minister has endeavoured in a number of ways, with the aid of the Cohen Committee, to tackle the problem of practitioners prescribing and, with the aid of that Committee, he has gone a long way and there is not one of the steps he has taken with which I would express disapproval. He has maintained the fundamental principle of the freedom of the individual practitioner to prescribe what he believes to be necessary for his patient and, at the same time. through the Cohen Committee has given a number of pieces of advice which, as and when adopted, will have the effect of bringing down the cost of this Service.

We have to accept the fact that at present the majority of people of this country like the medicine bottle. I agree entirely with the hon. Member for Middlesbrough, West (Mr. G. Cooper) that the long-term solution of this problem lies in successful health education directed to an attitude of mind based on a positive attitude towards health, an attitude of mind based on a determination to preserve health and not to rely on the medicine bottle—

Examining, and forgetting the customary intervention of the hon. Member for Warrington (Dr. Morgan), who has just arrived at this debate, and has not yet the faintest idea of what it is about—

On a point of order, the hon. Member for Luton (Dr. Hill) is quite mistaken. I know what the debate is about. It is about the pricing of prescriptions and issues arising there from and the hon. Member need not think, as he is sometimes tempted to think, that he is an omniscient Member of the House.

If we look at the basic problem, bearing in mind that its real solution can only lie in a different attitude towards health on the part of many people, the immediate problem we must face is the fact that a large number of people in this country are determined to have their medicine one way or another and the practical problem which concerns us is what part of the cost shall fall on the State and what proportion shall fall on the individual citizen.

It is sometimes said that a great deal of medicine is useless. The fact is that a proportion of medicine while pharmacologically useless is not without an effect on the human body because of the faith so many people repose in its curative qualities. While it is easy to condemn a good deal of the medicine that is consumed on the ground that it has not been proved to be of value, very many people feel very much better after taking medicine which is condemned as scientifically impotent, or therapeutically useless.

This vast expenditure on medicine is an expression of an attitude of mind which cannot easily be changed, but which I am afraid has been encouraged to develop and relish its liking for medicine by the possibilities which have been presented to it of getting all medicine, both major and minor, at the expense of the Service. We must sooner or later grapple with the attitude of mind that lies behind this mounting bill.

Before the hon. Member leaves this very important point, will he say that it is a fact that the only medicine that we could pay for through the National Health Service is the medicine which doctors have prescribed, so that the responsibility is not this demand of the public for medicine but the prescribing by the doctors?

I am glad that the hon. Member for Southampton, Test (Dr. King) has raised that point. I hoped I had made that clear. Such is the belief, such is the confidence which is reposed by a large number of people in the curative qualities of medicine, that the doctor, genuinely seeking to make his patient feel better, will—and will properly —order medicine which in fact will not have a profound effect upon the patient's tissues, but will improve the well-being of the patient. What is the result when a man visits his doctor and is told that he is perfectly well and does not need a bottle of medicine? It is not in every case to send him tripping lightly down the stairs with a gleam of satisfaction in his eye. Sometimes it is to fill him with a determination to change his doctor and find one who will give him a tonic to take away. I may appear to be putting this forward lightly—

On a point of order. I have listened and the Committee have been listening, to the hon. Member for Luton (Dr. Hill) for 11 minutes, but I cannot remember one occasion on which he has addressed any remark relevant to the Motion before the Committee.

Further to that point of order, I understand that before the Committee is Class V, Vote 5, of the National Health Service and in the Motion are the words:

I wish to make a reference to the control of practitioners, or the surveil- lance of practitioners' prescribing. The hon. Member for Middlesbrough, West, made reference to it and the hon. Member for Test referred to it obliquely in his intervention. I want to refer to it, as it is closely associated, as my hon. Friend the Member for Putney pointed out, with the technique of pricing prescriptions.

In National Health Insurance days the procedure was roughly as follows. An estimate was made of the average cost per prescription of a particular practitioner. That average cost was compared with the average cost of all the practitioners for his area and where the individual practitioner's costs were appreciably higher than the average cost of the whole of the practitioners in the area, he was called upon to explain the disparity. That system worked well because it did not deal with an occasional expensive prescription by a particular practitioner, but because his average costs were an expression of his prescribing habits.

I believe that the only really effective way of dissecting out and discerning such excessive prescribing as exists is to return to that system of the pricing of prescriptions and the calculation of the individual average cost so that it can be compared with the area costs. But to return to the procedure is impossible until we get back to the state of individual; costing of prescriptions.

Would the hon. Gentleman agree that at that time there were some restrictive practices in operation and the medical practitioner was rather restricted in what he could prescribe under that system? I remember being concerned with a local authority where we had an open choice system for the P.A.C. and followed the practice of the panel system, but it was restrictive as far as I remember.

I do not recall the difficulty arising, but I can make this general statement: under the National Health Insurance system there was no restriction upon the practitioner regarding the drugs or medicaments he prescribed.

It may have crept into the open choice of the public assistance system which was adopted in different parts of the country, but in National Health Insurance there was no such restriction. There is no such restriction under this Service, and there should be no such restriction. There were certain other limitations, but I am not now referring to limitations in the ophthalmic and dental field. I am referring to the individual right of the practitioner to prescribe what he thought to be necessary for his patient. There was no such restriction then and there is no such restriction now.

We have to face this question of the mounting cost. Whether it be due to the increased cost of drugs, to the increased number of prescriptions or to the increased—and properly increased— use of newer and more expensive drugs, the fact remains that if there is to be a ceiling on this Service, any increase over and above the present level will have to come from some other part of the Service. Again, even though the increase is found to be justified by the increased cost of drugs, it is necessary, for the health of the Service and to put the Minister in a position to resist charges of extravagant prescribing, for there to be established a machinery which will enable the prescribing of each and every practitioner to be compared with the average for his area.

So I urge that we seek at the earliest possible moment, for the purposes which my hon. Friend has in mind—for the purpose of paying the chemists promptly, for the purpose of checking excessive prescribing where it may occur; I believe it occurs very little—and in the interests not only of the administration, but of practitioners, of the public and of the taxpayer generally, a machinery by which assertions on this subject can be judged.

The sooner we get back to individual pricing, the better. The problem is clearly one of staffing and the training of staff. Let us face it. It may involve an increased number of persons engaged on the laborious work of pricing. It may involve some reorganisation. The right hon. Gentleman may feel tempted to throw back across the Floor of the Committee that this is a request for more civil servants. Well, if so, let it be, for there must be fairer treatment for this professional group whose case is being deployed tonight. There must be the most careful scrutiny over what at first sight would appear to be a most extraordinary high cost and an astonishingly steep growth in the cost of pharmaceutical services.

8.15 p.m.

I came to listen to this debate because I have a great deal of sympathy with the fact that chemists are left in arrears over longer periods than any of us want or like. I did not intend to intervene because, unlike the hon. Member for Luton (Dr. Hill) I am not competent to express an opinion; but the debate is not being confined to the subject under discussion which is why I now desire to intervene.

The hon. Member for Aylesbury (Mr. Summers) complained that, because of being in arrears, the chemists were not able to build up their stocks and were now in an unfavourable position because prices had risen. Although I am not justifying the arrears, it was unfair of the hon. Member to blame the Government for that. So far as the hon. Member for Luton is concerned, I hesitate to question what he has said because he is an authority—

Because someone does not practise a profession, I do not accept the suggestion he knows nothing about it. Sometimes those outside a profession are often more competent to express an opinion. For instance, it disturbs me that we get so much legal talk in the House. Some time a House of Commons will say to the lawyers, "You had better use simpler terms and produce legislation Which can be better understood than the confused phrases we have had to put up with for centuries."

The hon. Member for Luton made a justifiable criticism. He was alarmed, as we should all be, at the large increase in the price of prescriptions. I think he gave a figure of £43 million, which is nearly three times the cost at the outset. The observations of the hon. Member for Middlesbrough, West (Mr. G. Cooper) were in some measure justified when he said that there was over-prescribing. When I have talked to medical men on this matter they have suggested to me that it is better to over-prescribe than to be too mean about it. It may be, as the hon. Member for Luton said, that there is a psychological value in a bottle of medicine. I know that a lot of folks will have medicine when they would be better without it. That factor any medical man has to contend with. However, it is not fair to suggest that because the Government introduced the Health Service they are to blame for the increase in costs.

It may be that we are paying too much. It may be that there are more proprietary brands prescribed by the medical profession than ought to be the case, but the hon. Member for Luton might have mentioned that we are today using much more costly drugs—

I did not catch it— I may not have been listening closely enough. That is a factor largely responsible for the enormous increase. It represents roughly between 15 per cent. and 20 per cent. of the total cost of the Health Service. This is a costly matter and we must watch it closely. I do not know whether it is the intention of the Opposition to suggest that we should be less careful. The time-lag of nine months is too long. Even if it is necessary to recruit further staff, the work should be done more quickly. At the same time, we ought not to be indifferent in this matter. The costing ought to be done as carefully as possible. We should not overpay.

The rewards for the professional services rendered under the scheme have not been ungenerous. There is a feeling among some people that the former Minister of Health was very generous with the professions in order to get their cooperation and consent to join the Service. The professional people are not justified in complaining about the costliness of the scheme when the professions are really responsible.

It is not fair to accuse the Government of being responsible for the high cost of the pharmaceutical service. I am not alarmed about it. If it is necessary that prescriptions, costly or otherwise, should be given, then I do not think that there should be any quibbling. What is the good of having the best professional advice if those concerned cannot get the tools to complete the job? For that reason, I do not think that we should criticise the Government. However, I urge the Government to be careful, to speed up the payments if they can, but not in any way to reduce the Service at the expense of the patients.

8.22 p.m.

Most of us agree with the closing sentence of the hon. Member for Kirkdale (Mr. Keenan), but I think that he has misunderstood the gist of some of the remarks made by my hon. Friends on this side of the Committee. In fact, they were not questioning so much the amount as the fact that, with such a large amount involved, dissatisfaction was being caused among those who were carrying out a very important function in the Service as a whole. I think the hon. Gentleman would agree that the greater the amount with which we have to deal in this Committee, the more important it becomes that we should ensure that the amount is correct and is reasonably quickly distributed in the right way. As far as I am concerned, that is the main purpose of this debate. I was most impressed by one aspect of the speech of my hon. Friend the Member for Putney (Mr. Linstead). I could not help feeling that he, possibly for very good reasons, was being almost too bashful in the case he was putting forward when he talked about the pharmaceutical service as a whole. I can only imagine that he is a very bashful man. I think that too much of the service given by chemists today is taken for granted by the public. Until one goes into the question of the amount of work thrown on a busy chemist today, one does not realise that it is so large. I, as a layman, not being a chemist, and not knowing anything about the matter until a few months ago, have been staggered by the overwhelming amount of work caused to these hard-working people in order to keep pace with the demands put upon them. It is a tragedy that that being the position they are then denied any reasonable terms of payment because of the system now in force. The whole country should be extraordinarily grate ful for the immense amount of work done by chemists, and for the easy way in which the public are able to have their demands met. We owe the chemists a very great deal.

I was also most interested in the speech by the hon. Member for Middlesborough, West (Mr. G. Cooper). It is striking that both hon. Members who have spoken from the opposite side of the Committee have insisted that something should be done to speed up the method of assessment and payment. The hon. Member for Middlesborough, West, quoted a letter from the "Pharmaceutical Journal." That letter was sent to that journal by a constituent of mine. I know a lot about the facts in that case, but I do not think that by any means the whole picture was conveyed in that letter.

My hon. Friend the Member for Putney, in talking about the national position, claimed that something like £300 was overdue in payment to each separate chemist in the country. He warned the Committee that to give an average figure of that nature was not by any means to give the picture as it affected every individual chemist. Not only in the case of my constituent does the figure of £300 bear no relation to the facts of the indebtedness of His Majesty's Government, but in other cases in my constituency the same sort of trouble has arisen.

I know that the examples throughout my constituency fall within one of the areas which the Minister admits to be most backward hi the question of payments—namely, the Bristol area. I do not press that point, because some areas are better than others and some are worse. The Minister, as he admitted at Question time recently, would like to do a great deal more to speed things up in that area. I am very pleased that he agrees that one area, at least, needs special treatment. I am sure that he will do everything he can to bring about that special treatment, but we should remember when talking about average figures that we must weight that average very considerably by the area in which the chemist is situated, by the figure which is overdue and the amount that that overdue element represents compared with the amount which is outstanding on a percentage basis.

We find that the average figure of indebtedness of £300 rises very considerably

indeed. First, we have the time-lag, and, secondly, the time-lag superimposed on a figure which is not the real figure, but a fictitious one. I am not claiming for a moment that it is an easy thing for the Ministry to fix a nominal or fictitious figure as a basis. I understand that an effort is being made to find an even fairer figure than that on which the Minister is working now, and I hope that some improved basis will be found which will be acceptable to everybody and understood by everybody.

Even then, supposing that we do get a better assessment than the fictitious figure, we cannot really improve the position unless something far more drastic is done to overtake the time-lag in payment. Do we not really come down to the question that the time-lag in payment can only be a matter of a fault in the machinery of the system itself, or, at least, in the system itself, whether it is due to the machinery side or not? I wonder whether the right hon. Gentleman, in replying to this debate, will give us a perfectly frank statement as to whether, now that he has had a chance of examining the picture which he inherited, he thinks the system itself, apart from the machinery of it, is the right one or not. I personally begin to doubt it.

After all, let us remind ourselves once more that a very large sum of money is involved in this measure. I doubt whether it is as much as the sum of money involved during the re-armament programme before the last war, or when that war was in its early stages. I do not know if the right hon. Gentleman remembers, but I most certainly do, the sort of troubles which arose at that period in paying sub-contractors, who were supplying main contractors, who were manufacturing the armaments, whether they were aircraft, guns or anything else. Surprising though it may seem, at that time there was no system of progress payments to sub-contractors, and no system of advancing credits.

I think the right hon. Gentleman has that at the back of his mind, and I wonder whether he can pull something out of the knowledge then gained and apply it to this system of time-lag payments. He has fixed his fictional figure, but then he is always involved in the question whether that figure is the right one or not. Is there not some easier or possibly rule-of-thumb method either of fixing or applying some form of credit payments to meet at least a part of the pounds, shillings and pence difficulty in this matter?

We should really ask the Minister also to say something on the machinery side, quite apart from the system itself. When one is building up a large system of this kind, industrially or in any other way, surely, what most people do is to take steps to train the staff which they propose to engage or have engaged for the expansion of that particular department of their works, and, in fact, to carry it far beyond the recruiting element, and give as full a training as they possibly can before the staff are taken on for the actual job.

I wonder if the way of doing it is not rather like the system that used to be followed in Scotland when somebody wanted to do something on a road. What happened in those days was that, when a great deal of work had been done on the road, the contractor came along under the order of the county council, threw down some enormous rocks on the road, and said, "Get on with it," and the poor wretched inhabitants and visitors used to have to drive the rocks into the road and try to make a reasonable surface on it, ruining the tyres and springs of their motor cars. At the end of this process, the contractor came along again and gave the finishing touches to the job, but everybody would have been much more pleased if the contractor had carried the construction of the road one stage further and had provided at least a reasonable surface over which they could travel.

I cannot help wondering whether the Ministry has examined any system for the recruitment and training of those clerks who are required for this job before they are actually incorporated in the system. It is a monotonous job, and one which requires a considerable amount of accuracy, but there are systems of training people, and the Minister knows that better than most people in this country. I wonder whether that aspect of the matter is receiving quite the amount of study which I believe it deserves if we are to treat this vast expenditure in the right way, the most economical way and the quickest possible way. T know that at least one hon. Member opposite was inclined to think that we were trying to find excuses for attacking the Government on this issue. I am not doing that at all; I am trying to put forward the case of constituents of mine, and to see that they get their due in a reasonable way.

What has happened? I think we are bound to blame the Government. First of all, there was a considerable underestimate of the demand that would be made upon this branch of the service for drugs and prescriptions of all kinds. Let us be quite honest about that. The demand was far greater than had been thought likely.

I see the Minister agrees with that. Are we not, possibly, continuing to make a mistake in the opposite direction? I should like the right hon. Gentleman to be quite frank about this also when he replies. Are we not making the mistake of over-estimating the drop which will take place when what one might call the novelty value of this Health Service has died down? I think we are making a very big mistake there. I do not believe for one moment that the novelty value is as high as has sometimes been guessed. I think that a very high proportion of the population do not consider that they are appealing for the help of this Service for its novelty value; I believe they think they need it, and propose to continue to make use of it.

Assuming that there is going to be a great drop in the demand for drugs and the pharmaceutical service to supply the needs of the population, is it not time that stronger steps were taken to reinforce, to enlarge and to equip all the machinery of that service in order to cut out these delays, and to see that prices are properly fixed and paid at the right time through the right people? Nobody on this side of the Committee or, indeed, opposite, is asking that more than their due should be paid to anybody at all. But what I am asking on behalf of some of my constituents is that what is their proper due should be paid to them as quickly as possible, and I ask the Minister to treat this matter with the seriousness it warrants.

If these sort of difficulties continue, I do not think we shall entice into that service and profession as many people of the right sort as the Minister would like to have. After all, the people must be served. That is what we are here to ensure. This great Service has been started, and it is our job to see that those who benefit from it and who make demand on it have their demands properly met. I ask the Minister, therefore, to give an assurance that he will take the necessary steps, and, at the same time, to say something rather nice about those chemists who have been doing a very good job indeed.

8.39 p.m.

I am astonished to hear this discussion. The Vote is a very plain one; it simply says that chemists should be paid within a reasonable time for the money they have expended in bringing the doctor's prescription to its proper conclusion. The debate has drifted along the coast of prescribing by the doctor, and that is the point with which I am chiefly concerned. An extraordinary number of people have taken part in this debate, who, of course, can have no knowledge of the value of certain drugs and the poor value of others prescribed by doctors in the treatment of diseases.

For examples, the hon. Member for Luton (Dr. Hill) who writes very loose articles in the Press—I am sorry he is not in his place because I should have liked him to hear what I have to say—

No, it is not my fault, but perhaps I ought to have let him know what I proposed to say. As I was saying, the hon. Member for Luton, who writes, let me say, such extraordinarily brilliant loose articles in the Press on every conceivable subject, from medicine to dungaree clothes, has, so far as I know, never practised medicine. Some of us have practised in every phase of medicine, in general practice, research, consulting practice and on industrial diseases, to obtain some proper knowledge of the environment of medicine, and I speak of environment in the wider sense of the term. Towards the end of the doctor's training is the Materia Medica course in which the doctor must know about drugs and how to use them.

Is it not a fact that the Materia Medica course is taken in the second year?

It is taken in the third year and sometimes it is now postponed to the fourth year. The point I am making is that some doctors who criticise over-prescribing have never been in the midst of medical practice as it concerns both patient and doctor. The cost of drugs have gone up considerably in price in recent years, and the number of drugs that can be used and prescribed has increased considerably. One hon. Member spoke rather disparagingly of proprietary medicines, but the British Pharmacopoeia is based on colossal experience of past medicine which it is thought necessary to put in any national formula that can be recognised everywhere.

All these items have to be taken into consideration. Many of these proprietary medicines are a result of very recent research and some have not come into use among doctors. Some of them have been discovered after doctors have started to practise; and doctors, having read modern articles on them naturally think it quite right to prescribe those medicines, which are expensive drugs, for the benefit of their patients under the National Health Service. They are quite justified in doing that.

If the prescribing of proprietary drugs is to be reduced, what items are to be cut out? For instance, as the right hon. and gallant Member for Kelvingrove (Lieut.-Colonel Elliot) knows, the standard prescription for rheumatism contains sodium salicylate. One cannot omit it from the treatment.

The hon. Member must not discuss that unless he relates it to the cost of the Health Service.

I am relating it, because I say that sodium salicylate is a form of treatment for rheumatism, whether acute or chronic, and it must be left to the doctor to prescribe a suitable drug under the Health Service, whether it is costly or not, for the treatment of any case. This is a most feeble debate. This alleged over-prescribing cannot be proved. It is a hollow charge to make against the doctor or the chemist. I hope the Govern- ment will not stand for it and that they will stand only for the fact that the chemist should be paid as quickly as possible for the money he has expended in following the doctor's instructions. That is the basic thing. It must be done to enable the chemist to keep working.

This is a national scheme in which for the first time curative medicine is realty going to have full scope as against preventive medicine, and since curative medicine is increasing in use and in value I urge that this Vote should be passed freely without further discussion.

8.45 p.m.

; I hope the hon. Member for Warrington (Dr. Morgan), to whom I have listened twice today in this Committee, will excuse me if I do not follow him in his remarks. In opening this debate my hon. Friend the Member for Putney (Mr. Linstead) referred in glowing terms to the fact that the chemist has not failed in his duty in providing medicines in spite of the increased number of prescriptions. I wish to speak solely about Scotland and about the difficulties which the Scottish chemists have had to overcome, and especially of the events between 22nd March, 1950, and 5th June, 1951—a series of experiences which is unparalleled in my own experience.

The chemist contractors in Scotland entered the National Health Service in July, 1948. They came in on a provisional contract, and one condition of that contract was that as soon as possible they should be considered to have a claim for increased dispensing treatment. At that time the dispensing fee was fixed at 1s. 3d. per prescription, and 2½d. for the container, which very shortly, on 1st October, 1949, was reduced to a 1¼d.

The chemists never agreed to this scale of fees and they had great difficulty in proving their case because, as everyone knows, the pricing bureau machinery had broken down. Although the chemists were certain that their fees were too small, they could not prove it. So they asked Professor Annan to produce a report, and those who have read the report know with what care and attention he prepared it, dealing as it did with the cost of prescriptions and the number of prescriptions which could be dealt with in a certain time.

On 22nd March, 1950, the chemist contractors informed the management of the Whitley Council that their claim for a dispensing fee was nearly complete. A few days later the management side suggested, not that the dispensing fee should be increased or should remain the same, but that it should be reduced. [An HON. MEMBER: "Hear, hear."] They suggested, on the other hand, an increase in the on-cost allowance. The effect of that proposal was to reduce the dispensing fee from 1s. 3d. to 11d. I hope the hon. Gentleman who said "Hear, hear" will wait until I have finished the story.

On 20th April, at a meeting of the Whitley Council, the chemist contractors rightly refused to accept the proposal, and on 8th May they submitted their claim for an increased fee. That was the first chance they had of putting their claim in. On 19th May, a fortnight later, the chemist contractors received from the Whitley Council another memorandum, and in this they were asked to agree to an 8 per cent. cut in their total remuneration with effect from 1st June, 1950. That is what was suggested.

In the afternoon of that day the chemist contractors refused to agree and referred the matter to the Pharmaceutical General Council. At a meeting of the Pharmaceutical General Council some days later, by a majority of two it was agreed that they would not accept the remuneration, but they agreed to continue in the National Health Service and they also agreed to proceed with the negotiations.

On 25th May at a meeting with the hon. Lady the Joint Under-Secretary of State for Scotland, the chemists pointed out that, owing to the lack of time, they had been unable to assess the full implication of the proposed reduction. They had no time to contact and consult their chemist members. They asked the hon. Lady, and she agreed to put this off from 1st June to 1st July. That was the first of the delays which occurred. Then, on 29th May—all this is happening within a fortnight—the contractors passed a resolution, which I think should be put on the record:

Lord Mackintosh, in what I think is known as a Declaratory Order, advised that, pending the determination of the issues, the proposed cut should not be put into effect. The Government of course, as they were able to do, clarified the issue by making Order 1345 of 1950, giving the Secretary of State powers to amend the drug tariff after consultation with chemists, irrespective of whether or not the price of materials or drugs had fluctuated. So the cut was finally imposed on 1st September, having been originally proposed for 1st June and then put back to a month later.

On 31st August the Scottish chemists gave notice of their intention to withdraw from the National Health Service scheme. The Pharmaceutical General Council, I think, had very good grounds for taking up this very harsh attitude. I will give the grounds. First of all, they considered that the Secretary of State for Scotland had not been fully informed, and subsequent events proved that to be correct. Secondly, that the chemists had entered the service on a provisional arrangement —as was the fact—that their fees should be increased. Thirdly, that the machinery set up by the Government had been deliberately by-passed, and that the Secretary of State had in fact been guilty of that same action which the Government strongly condemn in trade unionists who do not use the proper negotiating machinery.

The Pharmaceutical General Council, having made all these perfectly legitimate complaints, still welcomed arbitration, and after their own statesmanship had averted a strike of the chemists, which had seemed likely, the arbitration award was announced, after the appointment of a tribunal. The arbitration award, very briefly, was this: that an average dispensing fee of 1s. 6d. per prescription and 25 per cent. on the cost of drugs and appliances without limitation should be paid from 5th July, 1948. I will not relate the whole of it, because I am sure the hon. Lady knows quite well all the details.

The Pharmaceutical General Council have stated—and this is the position today —that it is not possible to assess the implications of the award so far as it affects back payments, but so far as future payments are concerned—and this is what I want the hon. Gentlemen opposite, who said "Hear, hear," to note—chemist contractors, by this arbitration award, stand to gain probably by 2d. per prescription in excess of the figure which was laid down before the eight per cent. cut was imposed.

I will finish, as I began, by saying that the chemists in Scotland are to be congratulated that with all these difficulties, with all these annoyances—and so many of them unjustified—they have continued to give the Scottish people the service they have the right to expect.

There are two further points with which I should like to deal. One is in relation to pricing. It has always seemed to me that chemists could do more to price their own prescriptions and help in that way in overcoming the arrears of payments. At the moment only 17 per cent. of the chemists in Scotland are pricing the more expensive drugs. When I happen to prepare my Income Tax returns the Government leave it to me to prepare them, and they have opportunities of checking them. I cannot see why it is absolutely essential for the Government to do all this pricing for the chemists, especially of the more expensive drugs, and I ask that this means of overcoming the difficulties of prices should be explored.

In view of the lateness of the hour, I shall conclude in a moment, and so I will not quip the hon. Lady the Joint Undersecretary of State for Scotland about the price bureau in Scotland and the moving of those tons of paper from Glasgow to Edinburgh unpriced. She has gone some way towards overcoming the difficulty of accommodation, I am glad to hear.

Emphasis has been laid from both sides of the Committee on the fact that if we are to help the doctors to control the amount of money spent on prescriptions we must be able to check up through the price bureau. There is a great deal of waste of money going on. Reference has been made to the increase in the price of drugs. For the record I would mention that in April, 1949, the average cost of prescriptions was 46.4d. In April, 1950, the cost was 50d. Let us hope that the cost does not go up very much higher, for if it does the difficulties of the hon. Lady will be increased.

8.56 p.m.

I became interested in this aspect of this problem only quite recently when a friend of mine sent me the annual report of the company called Boots (Cash) Chemists— [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh."] — which prompted me to ask a Question, because, according to the Chairman's speech, on 31st March this year there was no less a sum than £1,170,000 owing by the Minister to this very well-known firm. I am not a shareholder in Boots (Cash) Chemists. [An HON. MEMBER: "HOW the hon. Gentleman wishes he was."] I am only an occasional customer, when I go to buy the drug salicylic acid, that the hon. Gentleman the Member for Warrington (Dr. Morgan) was talking about, and which is better known to the ordinary human being as aspirin. I only call it by the popular term because one recognises how uninstructed hon. Members, especially those on the opposite side of the Committee, are.

Oh, yes, I am delighted to get the diary free of charge. The interesting thing is that Boots (Cash) Chemists was formed under that title by the late Jesse Boot, afterwards the first Lord Trent, because they did not give credit, and they thought that if they did not give credit they would be able to charge their customers rather less than other chemists because, apparently, pharmacists in those days were in the habit of giving very extensive credit, and for that reason their prices were rather higher. It is a startling thing that this company, formed for the purpose of selling these goods for cash rather cheaply should be creditors at 31st March of the right hon. Gentleman in his official capacity to the tune of £1,170,000.

That indicates to me that there must be a considerable amount of maladministration. That is what, in other words, we are discussing tonight—the common subject of debate in this Committee—the incompetence of His Majesty's Ministers. [HON. MEMBERS: "No."] Certainly. I do not want to get out of order, but anyway it is almost impossible to get out of order on such a Motion as is before us tonight. We are asked to vote an extra £20, but if hon. Members will take the trouble to look they will see that these revised Estimates cover 58 pages of text and cover a wide range of expenditure.

Even the group of Votes we are discussing covers a wide range of expenditure, and I should be in order to go on to other subjects, including National Assistance. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh!"] Certainly, because that is the Motion under consideration. There are here £355 million of expenditure, covering a wide range of subjects, and it is in order to discuss them tonight.

I think it is quite monstrous that traders' bills should not be paid promptly. I think it is equally monstrous that those traders' bills are so high. That is not their fault. It is the fault of the bad administration of what I now call the "National Death Service." When we get the statistics of the deaths up to 30th June of this year and compare them with the three previous complete years— during each period we have had two very bad winters—hon. Members will be very disturbed to find an increased mortality rate in the neighbourhood of 100,000.

They are dying because they are not getting proper medical attention. [ Laughter. ] Hon. Members opposite may laugh, but they never bother to look at what is happening. On Saturday last I was in the Midlands not very far from the constituency of the hon. Member for Bilston (Mr. Nally)—

Well, it used to be. I know it very well. Part of it used to be in what is now his division, and part of a constituency which just missed electing me. I have been diverted by an unnecessarily stupid interruption, as the hon. Gentleman is well aware.

I had a most interesting talk with a doctor carrying on practice not very far away from the area, and he told me of a very interesting experience he had had in prescribing for drugs. A lady came to see him one day to be prescribed a pint of olive oil; she had not consulted him about any disease from which she was suffering, so he asked "What do you want it for?" and she said "To fry the chips."[ Laughter. ] This is quite true. He quite properly declined, because he felt that it would be a misuse of public funds if he assented to give that prescription. The result was that she decided to change her doctor.

The hon. Gentleman represents a Midlands constituency and I should be quite willing to give him the full name of the doctor if he wants it. Do not just jeer at what is a perfectly serious statement. The lady transferred her custom to another doctor, as she was entitled to do, and the other doctor prescribed the olive oil. It was only when the two doctors met that the second doctor knew that he had been led up the garden.

Now that kind of thing is happening to a very large extent. There are masses of people today who are stealing from the public till. [ Laughter. ] After all, the cost of this is about double what was expected, although hon. Members opposite may laugh at the fact that people are completely abusing their rights under the National Health Service.

The person responsible is the Minister, who is in charge of the scheme. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh."] Certainly he is responsible. He is in charge. If a man is in charge of something and it goes wrong at any level, it is that man's fault. Let us see where the real abuse is taking place. Why is there this vast bill for drugs? Any chemist will say that a great deal of stuff is being supplied without any justification.

I am not accusing the doctors. I wish hon. Members opposite would occasionally take the trouble to listen. It is not a bad idea occasionally to listen. It is good fun interrupting, and hon. Members know that I do not mind, but it is sometimes worth while listening to a serious argument. I discussed this problem with this doctor, and I found that in the first three years of the National Health Service he and his partner who kept very careful records, have had 98,000 visits; not necessarily 98,000 separate persons, but on 98,000 separate occasions somebody has been to see them or they have been called out to their patients' houses. That is a very large number of visits.

They kept a very careful record and analysed those visits into three classes. The cases where there was no justification of any kind for the visit was rather more than half. The really justifiable cases were only 3,000 out of 98,000 cases—only 3,000 were people really needing any medical attention. Why is it that the person who is really ill cannot get an overhaul? It is because the doctors are so cluttered up with unnecessary visits that they cannot really look at the people who want a thorough overhaul. They take the easy way out of giving a prescription. That is a fact. It is either an aspirin or a dose of salts or something like that, because that is what people are most in need of.

This thing is an outstanding abuse. Millions of pounds of public money are being wasted and great masses of people are being deprived of the medical attention which they ought to get. Every hospital today has a waiting list of anything up to 10 times as great as that of three years ago. These lists consist not only of the people who need to go into hospital but of people who are referred to the hospitals because the doctors have not the time to make an overhaul and prescribe for them the domiciliary treatment which they ought to have. [ Laughter. ] Hon. Members opposite may laugh, but that is the truth. The number of deaths is increasing because people are not getting adequate medical attention.

If the hon. Member will remind me tomorrow morning, I will let him have a statistical statement.

A year or so ago the figures were published in the public Press. If any hon. Member wants the facts I will send them to him.

The hon. Gentleman is making a very challenging statement. He knew that he was going to make it. Why did he not substantiate it with figures?

If the hon. Gentleman challenges my statement, he can go into the Library and ask the librarian to show him the "Statistical Digest," as I think it is called. It is published once a month, and once a quarter it publishes the figures supplied by the Registrar-General of Births and Deaths. If he will look at those tables over the past three years prior to the introduction of the National Health Service and the two years and nine months since the National Health Service has been in operation— the June figures are not published—he will find that the mortality rate has gone up. An hon. Member does not bring every statistical table with him when he takes part in a debate.

Has the hon. Gentleman looked at the age groups? There is increasing longevity in this country which started long before the National Health Service. He will find that a study of the longevity in the age groups will destroy his argument.

I am familiar with the question of the ageing of the population. The hon. Gentleman was in Parliament in 1944, and if he will read the speeches which I made on the Beveridge scheme and on the housing scheme, he will find that I took into account the ageing of the population. He should also take into account that, despite the ageing of the population, over many years up to 1948 the mortality rate was falling. Instead of the health of the nation improving as a result of this Service, it has in fact worsened. If the hon. Member will look at the same volume of statistics—they are only 30 yards away from him—he will find some very informative education in addition to the Pharmacopoeia Britannica, to which reference has been made.

On a point of order. May I draw your attention, Sir Charles, to the fact that this is not the first time in an important debate upon an important point of comparative precision when we have had this sort of thing from the hon. Member. I should like to ask you, for the guidance of those who are to follow, whether it is in order, in a discussion on the delay in payments by the Minister to chemists for prescriptions, for us to discuss the increase or decrease in the death rate and general health conditions. If it is, it will be helpful for those of us who wish to follow the hon. Member.

Class V, Vote 5, and Vote 14, deals with the National Health Service and the Votes are very wide.

That was a very stupid interruption by the hon. Gentleman, and this is the second time he has tried to do it. I got up to speak on the subject of the delay in the payments to chemists. Surely it is quite in order to consider the whole range of payments considering—

On a point of order. A previous Ruling was given in this Committee that when Members were speaking they were not allowed to depart in any way from the subject on the Estimate, and I want to know if this Ruling is now being broken, because previously we were prevented from speaking in that way.

I beg the Committee's pardon. I gave too wide a Ruling, for I see that the Civil Estimate has to do with payments to chemists. The discussion must be confined to that.

Am I to understand, Sir Charles, that, although my suggestion may have been far too wide, I was right in assuming that it is not in order at this stage to debate that to which the hon. Member for Croydon, East (Sir H. Williams), is referring, that the debate for the last four hours has been properly concerned with the subject of payments for prescriptions, and that further the hon. Member for Croydon, East, is seeking by a legalistic advantage to get round that subject?

I think I have made the position clear. I am sorry that I made a mistake in my first Ruling.

It might help if I read out what we are discussing. It is on the Order Paper and it says:

"That a further sum, not exceeding £20, be granted to His Majesty, towards defraying the charges for the following services connected with Payments to Chemists under the National Health Service, for the year ending on 31st March, 1952, namely:—Civil Estimates, 1951–52—Class V, Vote 5, National Health Service."

It then goes on to allow £10 for Scotland and £10 for England and Wales. It will thus be seen that it is payments to chemists and not delays in payments to chemists with which we are dealing, and anything that can give rise to a payment to a chemist, including a doctor's prescription, quite clearly comes within the scope of this debate. I am not one of those who ever seeks to speak out of order. Occasionally I go a little wide of the debate because of totally unnecessary interruptions, and surely it is in order to reply to an interruption if that interruption is in order. I am one of those who tries to keep within the bounds of order.

A certain amount of time has been wasted through unnecessary interruptions, and I was led to draw attention to the fact that, because people go to the doctor, he often gives them a prescription on the slightest information. He might give them something to relieve indigestion or constipation and what they are suffering from is neither. If they are suffering from anything serious they do not get an overhaul. There is a vast amount of prescribing of unnecessary medicine, because of the whole system under which this Service is being run.

On a point of order. It is a reflection on the medical profession that they are not doing their duty, and I submit it has nothing to do with the Vote. I ask you, Sir Charles, to consider that the point of view being advanced is a reflection on the medical profession. It is said they are not making a proper examination.

If hon. Members opposite would only have the patience occasionally to listen to me, it would help. Having addressed a vast number of public meetings over the years, my experience is that whenever I make a good point Socialists in the audience always interrupt. I have taken up more time than I intended, but it was not my fault. I have tried to draw attention to the fact that there are certain points in this Service which would require very much closer examination than has yet been given to them by hon. Members opposite.

9.15 p.m.

I rise now because I understand that the hon. Lady, the Joint Undersecretary of State for Scotland wishes a few minutes to reply on the Scottish points. I am most anxious that she should have the opportunity, and that the Minister should not be in any way limited in his reply.

We have had a close and interesting examination of this problem, which is in itself of importance and has implications of even greater importance. The case as to the payment of arrears has been put by speaker after speaker, and it is obvious that the Committee feels a good deal of uneasiness about the position in which chemists have been placed. I do not wish to put it higher than that. But there have been speeches quite as vigorous from the other side of the Committee as from this side on that point.

The Minister and the hon. Lady have a heavy case to meet. The hon. Lady will have to reply to the brief, but important speech of my hon. Friend the Member for Govan (Mr. Browne). The position of the English and Welsh chemists is difficult. That of the Scottish chemists is not only difficult, but has recently been vindicated, as against the Secretary of State, in an interim decision and a declaratur in a court of law, and subsequently in an arbitration award, which undoubtedly has made a very great difference to the finances of the Vote which is before us for consideration.

These increases which we find in the new Estimates bring the payments very close up to the financial ceiling. It has been said more than once that we are discussing great sums tonight. I do not know whether the Committee fully realise how great those sums are. We are not merely discussing £350 million for England and more for Wales, there is also £40 million odd for Scotland. The fact is that we are discussing a budget of the order of £400 million, with a ceiling on it under the agreement and the insistence both of the Chancellor of the Exchequer and of the Minister of Health.

This is the difficulty in which we are placed. If, owing to inefficient pricing or the lack of an adequate check, undue expenditure takes place in this sector, then in some other sector expenditure will have to be diminished. The Minister said that on 24th April, when he was introducing the Measure which made it possible to impose the other charges which are budgeted for in this Estimate. He said:

There is no doubt that there has been a certain amount of waste in these matters. The hon. Member for Warrington (Dr. Morgan)—my hon. colleague, if I may call him so—spoke with some vehemence against any such suggestion, but he is directing his remarks to the wrong address. He should address them to the Prime Minister. It was the Prime Minister who said that there had been excess. What is more, he informed the House that it had caused the most serious perturbation in the mind, not merely of the Secretary of State for Scotland, but in the mind of the late Minister of Health. Anything that causes serious perturbation in the mind of the late Minister of Health is a subject well worthy of attention of hon. Members in all parts of the House, and, if I may say so, more particularly in the minds of hon. and right hon. Gentlemen opposite.

The right hon. and gallant Member can be assured that whatever else perturbed the former Minister of Health, he himself certainly never did.

The hon. Member for Bilston (Mr. Nally) has already, by means of interruptions, prolonged the debate for a considerable time, and I think that he might venture to contain himself during its remaining stages. The purpose of a charge formerly proposed, said the Prime Minister on 24th October. 1949,

For instance, the chemists in Scotland have received an award which produces an £800,000 payment to them. What is the position of the English chemists? The right hon. Gentleman said on a previous occasion, quite recently, that there would, of course, be a repercussion upon the English chemists. How does that stand? What is the size of the repercussion to be expected, and how does it affect the vital question of the ceiling? How does it affect the scanty manoeuvring ground which the right hon. Gentleman has left himself—it was said by, I think, my hon. Friend the Member for Luton (Dr. Hill) —in that they have by the new Estimates brought budgeting in this Service to within one-half of 1 per cent.?

I think that the Minister is exaggerating if he believes that he can maintain his balance at that very narrow level. If he does not maintain it at that very narrow level, what becomes of the whole argument which he and the Government set before the House, the argument on which they justified the charge for dentures and the charge for spectacles? We said then, and we say again, that these were slapdash decisions, not come to after a full review of the field. Indeed, we are more than justified by the words in the covering Memorandum:

Let hon. Members in all parts of the Committee consider whether that is the way in which they wish the Health Service Votes to be administered. It has been said, and I do not need to dilate upon it as time is short, that the figures for medicine, for the pharmaceutical service, have shown a vast increase. That is going on now. It is going on rapidly. Every second person in the land has some appliance prescribed under the National Health Service, and of the figure for expenditure on medicine the ex-Minister of Health said in a picturesque phrase, which I would not attempt to better, that cascades of medicine were pouring down the throats of the British public. No attempt is being made to deal with that by a system of Health Education. Until some measure of reform is instituted here the impact of this expenditure on the other services—for that is what we are facing tonight—will be greater and greater.

I am compressing my remarks within the narrowest possible limits because I am anxious that adequate time shall be given to the Minister to reply. He has to answer on the specific points of the arrears in prescribing, when it is thought these arrears will be cleared off and to what extent it is possible to re-introduce some system of scrutiny.

The hon. Member for Warrington (Dr. Morgan) twitted my hon. Friend the Member for Luton on not having been engaged in general practice. For what it is worth, I have taken some little part in general practice and served for a considerable time under a system of State medicine. I am sure that it is not always the way to satisfy a patient to tell him to go away; to tell him that there is nothing the matter with him and he would be much better to go and dig in his garden than to ask the doctor for some powerful purgative.

One can say that sometimes in the Army—in State medicine—a couple of No. 9's and medicine and duty and that was a familiar prescription in that rather rough and ready system. But the ordinary doctor in civil life is not in a position to administer that sort of rough justice. He is under continual pressure brought upon him from all sides including, I regret to say, some Government spokesmen who should know better, and is being forced more and more into the position of the servant and not of the counsellor of the public.

We all know that to be true, and on many occasions he has to give prescriptions against his better judgment which he knows are not really necessary.

The hon. Member for Warrington certainly knows well enough the long and difficult struggle which was needed to build up the old service under the societies. He knows well how very difficult the position of the doctor often was then. In some cases it is a thousand times worse now.

The Minister will have to answer the questions which have been asked on the arrears of prescriptions, the rate at which he is overtaking them and the possibility of bringing into force an adequate pricing system. He will also have to answer the general question of how these changes he is bringing before us are affecting the position of the whole Service. We shall listen with great attention to what he has to say.

What has been said by the right hon. and gallant Gentleman is quite unfair to the profession. I have been in general practice, and in consulting practice too, much longer than either he or the hon. Member for Luton (Dr. Hill), but never once have I allowed any pressure from a patient to affect my judgment in giving the prescription which I considered advisable. I am sure that hundreds and thousands of doctors are using their own judgment in that way.

That may well be but, if I may say so, all doctors have not the robust and even the aggressive personality of the hon. Member for Warrington (Dr. Morgan). All doctors do not have alternative sources of interest, not to say of revenue, which are open to the hon. Member for Warrington. If all doctors were like the hon. Member for Warrington, it would no doubt be a much more aggressive Service, but I do not know if it would have gained such a great reputation for human sympathy and tolerance as it certainly has done.

We shall listen with the greatest interest to what the Minister has to say, and we shall, of course, hear him before we decide upon our action. But we shall have to consider our position after we hear what he has to say.

9.32 p.m.

I intervene in this debate only for a few minutes to deal with the points raised by the only hon. Member who has dealt purely with Scottish affairs. The hon. Member for Govan (Mr. Browne) accused our Department, the Secretary of State and myself of making the 8 per cent. cut and giving no chance of negotiation to the chemists. But it was clear from the beginning that the cut was provisional pending either negotiation or arbitration.

There was a most important reason for the step that was taken. There was no other way in which the Exchequer would be enabled to operate retrospectively a settlement that might have proved unfavourable to the chemists. That point was made very clear at the beginning, and yet it was not mentioned at all by the hon. Member. The award has proved favourable to the chemists and the chemists will be having returned to them what was provisionally deducted.

In dealing with the pricing bureau and with the backlog in payments, the hon. Member made only one suggestion for improvement. His suggestion was that the chemists might do their own pricing, and it seemed to be received with acclamation by many hon. Members. But through negotiations in Scotland the Scottish chemists were given, if they wished, the opportunity to price their own prescriptions, and about 18 per cent. opted to do so. From the information we have at present, it is understood that some of the chemists who were originally anxious to do this work for themselves would now be happy to see it taken over by the pricing bureau.

It is true that in Scotland as well as in England and Wales we have had great difficulties over pricing. We have had difficulties in getting appropriate premises. The hon. Member spoke about the cartloads of paper moved from one place to another, but that was inevitable owing to the difficulty we had in getting premises.

I want to deal for one or two minutes with the position at the present time as far as the payments to the Scottish chemists is concerned. There has been much negotiation between the chemists and our Department and, indeed, with the Ministers on occasion. From the information which we have, we believe that at present our Scottish chemists are being paid 98 per cent. of what is due to them each month. Indeed, we believe that after the payment was made in February of this year, not more than £50,000 of arrears remained outstanding for prescriptions dispensed up to the end of 1950. That works out at perhaps a little more than 1 per cent. Over all the chemists in Scotland, it would be an average of £30. But averages do not always show a true picture. It may be that some chemists have due to them far more than £30.

That is the average for England, not Scotland. After negotiations with the chemists in October and November of last year, a final settlement was agreed. This settlement was negotiated with the profession. This final negotiated or agreed settlement has meant in effect that the backlog up to the end of 1950 has been cleared for 85 per cent. of the chemists in Scotland. The arrears for 1951, as far as we can estimate at present, are not substantial. Expensive prescriptions are fully priced and paid currently, that is, within six weeks of their reaching the pricing bureau. It is true that the expensive prescriptions cover only 20 per cent. of those issued. The fact that they are expensive means that the figure is greater than 20 per cent. of what is due to the chemists each month.

The chemists and our Department have tried to work very closely together in Scotland. We have put in our pricing bureau an official of high rank from our Department. We have also supplied two other officials in an attempt to further the work of pricing. It is dangerous on this question to give a definite time and perhaps I should not put it any higher than to say that we are a bit more hopeful than we were a few months ago on this question of pricing.

While I agree with her perfectly fair summing up, would not the hon. Lady agree that, had there been greater forethought in the early stages two years ago, many of these troubles would not have arisen.

I am sorry. My right hon. Friend the Minister of Health has to intervene. I am afraid that I cannot agree with the hon. Gentleman and, if I had time, I would give my reasons.

9.39 p.m.

I agree with the right hon. and gallant Gentleman the Member for Kelvingrove (Lieut.-Colonel Elliot) that this has been an interesting debate—at least, it was until the irrelevant and inconsequential interruption of the hon. Member for Croydon, East (Sir H. Williams), who has now left the Chamber. I need not say any more about his speech, because I am sure that the right hon. and gallant Gentleman will convey some severe stricture to him for wasting the time of the Committee tonight.

So little time is left that it will be rather difficult for me to give that complete answer to the chemists and to the Committee which I think both the Committee and the chemists have been expecting from me. I was asked, first, to say whether the revised Estimates published yesterday alter our belief that we can carry on the National Health Service this year, maintaining the hospital, the general practitioner and, other essential parts of the Service at a reasonable level within the ceiling of £400 million.

The answer is that this does not change our belief. The revised Estimates were necessary because, as I explained at the time, we were obliged to put the first Estimate forward when we had not made up our minds precisely where the charges were to fall. We knew that we had to make charges in order to sustain and maintain the essential parts of the Service, because we knew that we could hardly envisage going beyond the total net expenditure of £400 million, and we spread those anticipated charges over the pharmaceutical, as well as the dental and ophthalmic, services. Later, when we made up our minds, for reasons which I have already explained, not to make a charge on the pharmaceutical side, we adjusted our charges on the optical and dental services so as to take account of the necessary saving for the hospital service.

The revised Estimates make no difference to our estimate of the saving that we shall get in that way. It is true, of course, that there has come along a new arbitration award for the pharmaceutical service in Scotland, and it is quite true that we expect to have repercussions from this in England and Wales. Of course, that has not been taken into account in the details of the estimate of the pharmaceutical services, since we did not know about it at the time. It was not possible to estimate it, because we did not know about it, and it has yet to be seen what its effect is. Discussions are going on at the moment, and I cannot possibly, in this short debate tonight, deal at length with that subject. I think we must wait for any decision that may be made about that.

The main object of this debate was to discuss why there were arrears in the final payments to chemists, and how far there was a prospect of overcoming or getting rid of those arrears, and how far the system of the pricing of prescriptions was satisfactory. The debate has shown clearly, and I hardly need repeat it, that the main cause of the difficulty with which we have been confronted has been the enormous increase in the volume of prescribing.

The National Health Insurance scheme used to require about 70 million prescriptions in a year, and today the level of prescribing is running at well over 200 million prescriptions a year. It was expected when the National Health Service was started that the figure would be something in the region of 150 million, and I still cannot think that that was a foolish estimate. Since 70 million prescriptions were needed for 16 million insured people, it seemed not unreasonable to suppose that, when availability of free prescribing was extended to cover a substantial part of the rest of the population, 150 million prescriptions might be about the mark. It is certainly true that that has turned out to be a mistake, but I do not think it was a foolish mistake at all.

What is certainly not true is to say, as the hon. Member for Aylesbury (Mr. Summers) did, that no steps were taken to prepare for a heavy load falling upon the pricing system. That is not so. Steps were taken before the Health Service was established to build up a larger and more effective pricing organisation. Responsibility in this matter rests with a Joint Pricing Committee, which organises the work of 14 pricing bureaux. It is the Joint Pricing Committee, operating through their bureaux, who recruit, appoint and pay the staff, and they are not bureaucratic civil servants, but experts in this particular job. Thirteen of them are appointed by the executive councils, and the executive councils already have representatives of the medical, pharmaceutical and other parts of the practitioner side of the Health Service. Four are appointed by the Minister after consulting the pharmacists, and one is appointed by the Minister after consulting the doctors.

It is true that in doing this the committee act as my agents, and I am not trying to shirk my responsibilities; I am only trying to explain to the Committee that this service is run by a Joint Pricing Committee, which does know the business. It is not a lot of amateurs coming into it for the first time, nor a lot of civil servants trying to take over some new job of which they have had no experience.

The hon. Member for Croydon, East, referred to the great firm of Boots. Perhaps he would be interested to know that the vice-chairman of this Joint Pricing Committee who has given such very valuable service is himself a member of Boots' staff. That is the sort of person who is giving his time to this work, and I am very grateful indeed to the chairman and vice-chairman, particularly, and to the other members of the Joint Pricing Committee for the efforts they have made to grapple with this admittedly difficult problem of suddenly having to price more than 200 million prescriptions when it was expected that they would only have to price 150 million.

It took this Committee a long time to build up its staff. It is perfectly true, as the hon. Member for Weston-super-Mare (Mr. Ian L. Orr-Ewing) said, that the staff employed on this rather detailed and dim-cult matter must be a trained staff. The staff do, in fact, receive six months' training before being put on the job, and it is reckoned that they need another six months of practical experience before becoming completely expert at it.

The Committee was faced with difficulties in finding premises. They had to use disused chapels, old houses, and unsuitable premises of that kind. But, fortunately, they have recently been able to establish a new bureau in Newcastle, a town where there is some availability of female labour of the kind required. The staffing of the other 14 bureaux which they have has now reached pretty satisfactory proportions. In 1948, in England, they had 490 people in these bureaux; by 1949, they had 828, by 1950, they had raised that number to 890, and today, I am glad to say, it is over 900.

Until recently these bureaux were not able to price prescriptions as fast as they received them. Therefore, arrears of payment did accrue, as I have told the House many times in answer to Questions, and as has been quite accurately repeated tonight by the hon. Member for Putney (Mr. Linstead). But these bureaux have now reached the point—and this I am sure, is something which the Committee and hon. Members interested in this question will be glad to know, as I am—where they are, in fact, pricing at the rate of receipt, that is to say, they are now taking no longer than four weeks to price four weeks' prescriptions.

Does the right hon. Gentleman's statement cover all the bureaux in question?

I should hardly think so because, quite clearly, as has been said already, they cannot all be equal. But they have reached that rate quite recently—

No, I think this is an average for the whole country. In some cases there may be an improvement, and in others a lagging behind. On average, they have reached this point of equivalence, so it is safe to say that for the country as a whole the arrears are no longer accumulating.

That does not mean, of course, that the chemists have been without any payment all this time. They received £11,300,000 in the last six months of 1948, £30,200,000 in 1949, and £14,700,000 for the first five months of 1950 in payment of their bills. The payments have been made, and they are, of course, substantial. They are very large because the number of prescriptions increased so greatly. Therefore, the total amount of money received by the chemists from the State has itself very largely increased. In saying that, I wish to join with other hon. Members in paying tribute to the work which the pharmacists have done. I have talked with many pharmacists and I know very well that a large number of them are well-qualified, devoted members of their profession who do this job of dispensing prescriptions very well indeed and work hard at it. It would not be fair to regard them as merely shop-keepers selling a lot of proprietary articles. They are anything but that.

Although most of these chemists have not received a final payment for the last nine months, they have received very considerable advances. As I have said, the period of arrear varies between eight and ten months and averages round about nine months, and that is taking into account the fact that when National Health Insurance existed the normal delay in payment, not then regarded as unsuitable or unjust, was six weeks. One hon. Member said the period ought to be four weeks. In saying that the average delay now is about nine months one is taking into account the fact that a reasonable delay might be six weeks.

I know that the right hon. Gentleman will appreciate that in the case of the National Health Insurance the proportion of the chemist's total business represented by that was very much smaller than is the case today under the National Health Service.

I do appreciate that, and I intend to say something about it before I sit down. The Committee must realise that there are regular monthly payments supplemented from time to time by special payments. The payment on account to the individual chemist is 90 per cent. of the estimated cost of prescriptions calculated on the number of prescriptions sent in by the chemist multiplied by the average cost of that chemist's prescriptions in an earlier month. I cannot see, therefore, how it can possibly be said that some chemists somewhere were getting as little as 70 per cent. or 80 per cent. That was said by an hon. Member whose constituency I cannot recall, but if he has examples of that kind I shall be glad to know of them, because I cannot see how they can arise.

In June, 1951, the last figure available for this calculation of the monthly advances was the actual payment made in May, 1950. It was recognised that between those two dates there had evidently been a rise in the price of ingredients, so the average May, 1950, cost was loaded, as already stated, by 5 per cent. But as this was 5 per cent. on the whole cost of prescribing, including the dispensing fee and the container allowance, it represents very much more than a 5 per cent. increase in the cost of the actual ingredients. Therefore, I think that 5 per cent. loading is a much more generous advance payment than the mere use of the words "5 per cent." might suggest.

In addition to that, there have been other supplementary payments. In June.

1951, an advance was made at the rate of 7½ per cent. of the payments on account of prescriptions dispensed in the period from September, 1950, to April, 1951. inclusive. That cost between £1,300,000 and £1,500,000. In addition to the general payments in advance, plus supplementary payments spread over the whole field of chemists, there have been special supplementary advances to individual contractors whose circumstances disclose hardship.

My hon. Friend the Member for Middlesbrough, West (Mr. G. Cooper) quoted an example. Let us not deny that it was a hard case, but surely the importance of what he contributed to the debate was the fact that came out that when attention was drawn to this hard case the hardship was rectified. Whatever the Income Tax collector may have done in that case is not my responsibility at all, and I do not propose to go into that. When individual hardships do exist let us know about them by all means. Nineteen such advances were authorised in the month of June, 1951—that is, last month. The payments on account are made within three weeks of the end of the month in which the prescription itself was made. That is three weeks earlier than payments used to be made under National Health Insurance. The result has been to put the chemist in the same position as he would have been if pricing were completely up-to-date.

The hon. Member for Putney gave a figure of £4 million as being the amount owing. If pricing were completely up-to-date there would still be nearly £3½ million owing. We are not, in fact, very far from paying the chemists regularly as much money as they would have got if the pricing system had been completely perfect. I am satisfied that no grave injustice has been done to the chemists as a whole. If hon. Members can produce to me individual examples of special hardship I will certainly look into them, and I add that I am quite willing to discuss an improvement of this system of advances on account. Indeed, the chemists were told so before this debate took place, but I repeat it now. The method of doing that could be discussed between the chemists organisations and my Department.

I say that because I have sympathy with the argument which the hon. Member for Putney mentioned just now in an interjection, that when so large a proportion of the chemist's total work comes from the Health Service it is fair to see that a shorter period than six weeks should be aimed at. I aim at a period of four weeks. We have now reached a position where we can price a month's prescriptions in four weeks. Let us sit down with the chemists and find out a way whereby we can eliminate the whole of the arrears. Of course, it will be necessary to use a method of averaging, subject to the approval of the Government Actuary, but if we can do that with the chemists we can wipe out the arrears and go forward with some confidence under a system in which we shall be only four weeks in paying the chemists for a month's work,

which is an entirely satisfactory commercial position to arrive at.

9.58 p.m.

It is clear that the Minister has by no means satisfied the Committee with the explanation he has given. In particular, the suggestion that he is only now about to consider these solutions is totally unsatisfactory to us on this side of the Committee. This should have been done long ago. Consequently, I beg to move, "That Item Class V, Vote 5, National Health Service, be reduced by £5."

Question put, "That Item Class V, Vote 5, be reduced by £5."

The Committee divided: Ayes, 233: Noes. 257.

Division No. 167.]

AYES.

[10.0 p.m.

Alport, C. J. M.

Dodds-Parker, A. D.

Johnson, Howard (Kemptown)

Amery, Julian (Preston, N.)

Donner, P. W.

Jones, A. (Hall Green)

Amory, Heathcoat (Tiverton)

Douglas-Hamilton, Lord Malcolm

Joynson-Hicks, Hon. L. W

Arbuthnot, John

Drayson, G. B.

Kaberry, D.

Ashton, H. (Chelmsford)

Dugdale, Maj. Sir. T (Richmond)

Kingsmill, Lt.-Col. W. H

Assheton, Rt. Hon. R. (Blackburn, W.)

Duncan, Capt. J. A. L.

Lancaster, Col. C. G.

Astor, Hon. M. L.

Duthie, W. S

Law, Rt. Hon. R. K

Baldock, Lt.-Cmdr J. M

M Elliot, Rt. Hon W. E.

Leather, E. H. C.

Baldwin, A. E.

Fisher, Nigel

Legge-Bourke, Maj. E. A H

Banks, Col. C.

Fort, R.

Lennox-Boyd, A. T

Baxter, A. B.

Foster. John

Linstead, H. N.

Beamish, Maj. Tuftor

Fraser, Sir Ian (Morecambe & Lonsdale)

Llewellyn, D. T.

Bell, R. M.

Gage, C. H.

Lloyd, Rt. Hon. G (King's Norton)

Bennett, Sir Peter (Edgbaston)

Galbraith, Cmdr. T. D. (Pollok)

Lloyd, Maj. Guy (Renfrew, E.)

Bevins, J. R. (Liverpool, Toxteth)

Galbraith, T. G. D. (Hillhead)

Lloyd, Selwyn (Wirrall)

Birch, Nigel

Garner-Evans, E. H. (Denbigh)

Lockwood Lt -Col J. C

Bishop, F. P.

Glyn, Sir Ralph

Longden, Gilbert (Herts, S. W)

Boles, Lt.-Col. D. C. (Wells)

Gomme-Duncan, Col. A

Low A. R. W.

Bossom, A. C.

Gridley, Sir Arnold

Lucas, Sir Jocelyn (Portsmouth, S.)

Boyd-Carpenter, J. A

Grimond, J.

Lucas, P. B. (Brentford)

Boyle, Sir Edward

Grimston, Hon. John (St. Albans)

Lucas-Tooth, Sir Hugh

Bracken, Rt. Hon. B.

Grimston, Robert (Westbury)

McAdden, S. J.

Braithwaite, Sir Albert (Harrow, W.)

Hare, Hon. J. H. (Woodbridge)

McCorquodale, Rt. Hon. M. S.

Braithwaite, Lt.-Cdr. G. (Bristol, N.W.)

Harris, Frederic (Croydon, N.)

Macdonald, A. J. F (Roxburgh)

Bromley-Davenport, Lt.-Col. W.

Harris, Reader (Heston)

Mackeson, Brig. H. R.

Brooke, Henry (Hampstead)

Harvey, Air Cdre. A. V. (Macclesfield)

McKie, J. H. (Galloway)

Browne, Jack (Govan)

Harvey, Ian (Harrow, E.)

Maclay, Hon. John

Buchan-Hepburn, P. G. T.

Hay, John

MacLeod, Iain (Enfield, W.)

Bullock, Capt. M.

Headlam, Lt.-Col. Rt. Hon. Sir. Cuthbert

MacLeod, John (Ross and Cromarty)

Bullus, Wing Commander E. E.

Heald, Lionel

Macmillan, Rt. Hon. Harold (Bromley)

Burden, F. A.

Heath, Edward

Macpherson, Major Niall (Dumfries)

Butcher, H. W.

Henderson, John (Cathcart)

Maitland, Cmdr. J. W.

Carr, Robert (Mitcham)

Hicks-Beach, Maj. W. W

Manningham-Buller, R. E.

Channon, H.

Higgs, J. M. C.

Marlowe, A. A. H.

Clarke, Col. Ralph (East Grinstead)

Hill, Dr. Charles (Luton)

Marshall, Douglas (Bodmin)

Clarke, Brig. Terence (Portsmouth, W.)

Hill, Mrs. E. (Wythenshawe)

Maude, Angus (Ealing, S.)

Clyde, J. L.

Hinchingbrooke, Viscount

Maudling, R.

Colegate, A.

Hirst, Geoffrey

Medlicott, Brig. F.

Conant, Maj. R. J. E.

Hollis, M. C.

Monckton, Sir Walter

Cooper, Sqn. Ldr. Albert (Ilford, S.)

Holmes, Sir Stanley (Harwich)

Moore, Lt.-Col. Sir. Thomas

Craddock, Beresford (Spelthorne)

Hope, Lord John

Morrison, John (Salisbury)

Cranborne, Viscount

Hopkinson, Henry

Morrison, Rt. Hon. W. S. (Cirencester)

Crookshank, Capt. Rt. Hon. H. F. C

Horsbrugh, Rt. Hon. Florence

Mott-Radclyffe. C. E.

Crosthwaite-Eyre, Col. O. E.

Howard, Gerald (Cambridgeshire)

Nabarro, G. D. N.

Crouch, R. F.

Howard, Greville (St. Ives)

Nicholls, Harmar

Crowder, Capt. John (Finchley)

Hudson, Sir Austin (Lewisham, N.)

Nield, Basil (Chester)

Crowder, Petre (Ruislip—Northwood)

Hudson, W. R. A (Hull, N.)

Noble, Cmdr. A. H. P

Cundiff, F. W.

Hulbert, Wing Cmdr. N J

Nugent, G. R. H.

Cuthbert, W. N.

Hurd, A. R.

Nutting, Anthony

Darling, Sir William (Edinburgh, S.)

Hutchinson, Geoffrey (Ilford, N.)

Oakshott, H. D.

Davidson, Viscountess

Hutchison, Lt.-Com. Clark (E'b'rghW.)

Odey, G. W.

Davies, Nigel (Epping)

Hutchison, Col. James (Glasgow)

Ormsby-Gore, Hon. W. D.

Deedes, W. F.

Jeffreys, General Sir George

Orr-Ewing, Charles Ian (Hendon, N.)

Digby, S. Wingfield

Jennings, R

Orr-Ewing, Ian L. (Weston-super-Mare)

Osborne, C.

Shepherd, William

Tilney, John

Peake, Rt. Hon. O.

Smithers, Peter (Winchester)

Touche, G. C.

Perkins, W. R. D.

Smithers, Sir Waldron (Orpington)

Turner, H. F. L.

Peto, Brig. C. H. M.

Smyth, Brig. J. G. (Norwood)

Vaughan-Morgan, J. K.

Pickthorn, K. W. M.

Snadden, W. McN.

Vosper, D. F.

Pitman, I. J.

Soames, Capt. C.

Wakefield, Edward (Derbyshire, W.)

Powell, J. Enoch

Spearman, A. C. M.

Walker-Smith, D. C.

Price, Henry (Lewisham, W.)

Spens, Sir Patrick (Kensington, S.)

Ward, Hon. George (Worcester)

Prefumo, J. D.

Stanley, Capt. Hon. Richard (N. Fylde)

Ward, Miss I. (Tynemouth)

Raikes, H. V.

Stevens, G. P.

Waterhouse, Capt. Rt. Hon. C.

Rayner, Brig. R.

Steward, W. A. (Woolwich, W.)

Watkinson, H. A.

Redmayne, M.

Stoddart-Scott, Col. M.

Webbe, Sir H. (London & Westminster)

Remnant, Hon. P

Strauss, Henry (Norwich, S.)

Wheatley, Maj. M. J. (Poole)

Renton, D. L. M.

Stuart, Rt. Hon. James (Moray)

White, Baker (Canterbury)

Roberts, Emrys (Merioneth)

Summers, G. S.

Williams, Charles (Torquay)

Roberts, Maj. Peter (Heeley)

Sutcliffe, H.

Williams, Gerald (Tonbridge)

Robinson, Roland (Blackpool, S.)

Taylor, Charles (Eastbourne)

Williams, Sir Herbert (Croydon, E.)

Robson-Brown, W.

Taylor, William (Bradford, N.)

Wills, G.

Rodgers, John (Seveneaks)

Teeling, W.

Wilson, Geoffrey (Truro)

Ropner, Col. L.

Thomas, J. P. L. (Hereford)

Winterton, Rt. Hon. Earl

Russell, R. S.

Thompson, Kenneth Pugh (Walton)

Wood, Hon. R.

Ryder, Capt. R. E. D.

Thompson, Lt.-Cmdr. R. (Croydon, W.)

York, C.

Salter, Rt. Hon. Sir. Arthur

Thorneycroft, Peter (Monmouth)

Scott, Donald

Thornton-Kemsley, Col. C. N.

TELLERS FOR THE AYES.

Mr. Drewe and Mr. Studholme.

NOES

Acland, Sir Richard

de Freitas, Geoffrey

Irvine, A. J. (Edge Hill)

Adams, Richard

Deer, G.

Irving, W. J. (Wood Green)

Albu, A. H.

Delargy, H. J.

Isaacs, Rt. Hon. G. A

Allen, Arthur (Bosworth)

Diamond, J.

Janner, B.

Allen, Scholefield (Crewe)

Dodds, N. N.

Jay, D. P. T.

Anderson, Alexander (Motherwell)

Donnelly, D.

Jeger, George (Goole)

Anderson, Frank (Whitehaven)

Driberg, T. E. N.

Jeger, Dr. Santo (St. Pancras, S)

Awbery, S. S.

Dye, S.

Jenkins, R. H

Ayles, W. H.

Ede, Rt. Hon. J. C.

Johnson, James (Rugby)

Bacon, Miss Alice

Edwards, John (Brighouse)

Johnston, Douglas (Paisley)

Baird, J.

Edwards, Rt. Hon. Ness (Caerphilly)

Jones, David (Hartlepool)

Balfour, A.

Edwards, W. J. (Stepney)

Jones, Frederick Elwyn (W. Ham S.)

Barnes, Rt. Hon. A. J

Evans, Albert (Islington, S.W.)

Jones, Jack (Rotherham)

Bartley, P.

Evans, Edward (Lowestoft)

Jones, William Elwyn (Conway)

Benn, Wedgwood

Evans, Stanley (Wednesbury)

Keenan, W.

Benson, G.

Ewart, R.

Kenyon, C.

Beswick, F.

Fernyhough, E.

King, Dr. H. M.

Bevan, Rt. Hon. A. (Ebbw Vale)

Field, Capt. W. J.

Kinghorn, Sqn. Ldr. E.

Bing, G. H. C.

Finch, H. J.

Key, Rt. Hon. C W

Blenkinsop, A.

Fletcher, Eric (Islington, E.)

Lee, Frederick (Newton)

Blyton, W. R.

Follick, M.

Lever, Harold (Cheetham)

Boardman, H.

Foot, M. M.

Lever, Leslie (Ardwick)

Booth, A.

Forman, J. C.

Lewis, Arthur (West Ham, N.)

Bowden, H. W.

Fraser, Thomas (Hamilton)

Lindgren, G. S.

Bowles, F. G. (Nuneaton)

Freeman, Peter (Newport)

Lipton Lt -Col M.

Braddock, Mrs. Elizabeth

Ganley, Mrs. C. S.

Longden, Fred (Small Heath)

Brook, Dryden (Halifax)

Gibson, C W.

McAllister, G.

Brooks, T. J. (Normanton)

Gilzean, A.

MacColl, J. E.

Broughton, Dr. A. D. D.

Greenwood, Anthony (Rossendals)

McGovern, J.

Brown, Rt. Hon. George (Belper)

Greenwood, Rt. Hn. Arthur (Wakefield)

McInnes, J.

Brown, Thomas (Ince)

Grey, C. F.

Mack, J. D.

Burke, W. A.

Griffiths, David (Rother Valley)

McKay, John (Wallsend)

Burton, Miss E.

Griffiths, Rt. Hon. James (Llanelly)

McLeavy, F.

Butler, Herbert (Hackney, S.)

Griffiths, William (Exchange)

MacMillan, Malcolm (Western Isles)

Carmichael, J.

Gunter, R. J.

MacPherson, Malcolm (Stirling)

Champion, A. J.

Hale, Joseph (Rochdale)

Mainwaring, W. H.

Chetwynd, G. R.

Hall, Rt. Hon. Glenvil (Colne Valley)

Mallalieu, E. L. (Brigg)

Clunie, J.

Hall, John (Gateshead, W.)

Mallalieu, J. P. W. (Huddersfield, E.)

Cocks, F. S.

Hamilton, W. W.

Mann, Mrs. Jean

Coldrick, W.

Hannan, W.

Manuel, A. C.

Collick, P.

Hardy, F. A.

Marquand, Rt. Hon. H A

Collindridge, F.

Hargreaves, A.

Mathers, Rt. Hon. G

Cooper, Geoffrey (Middlesbrough, W.)

Hastings, S.

Mellish, R. J.

Cooper, John (Deptford)

Henderson, Rt. Hn. Arthur (Tipton)

Middleton, Mrs. L

Corbet, Mrs. Freda (Peckham)

Herbison, Miss M.

Mikardo, Ian

Cove, W. G.

Hewitson, Capt. M

Mitchison, G. R

Craddock, George (Bradford, S.)

Holman, P.

Moeran, E. W.

Crosland, C. A. R.

Holmes, Horace (Hemsworth)

Monslow, W.

Cullen, Mrs. A.

Houghton, D.

Moody, A. S.

Daines, P.

Hoy, J.

Morgan, Dr. H B. W

Dalton, Rt. Hon. H.

Hudson, James (Eating, N.)

Morley, R.

Darling, George (Hillsborough)

Hughes, Emrys (S. Ayrshire)

Morris, Percy (Swansea. W.)

Davies, A. Edward (Stoke, N.)

Hughes. Hector (Aberdeen, N.)

Mort, D. L.

Davies, Harold (Leek)

Hynd, H (Accrington)

Moyle, A.

Davies, Stephen (Merthyr)

Hynd, J B. (Attercliffe)

Mulley, F. W

Murray, J. D.

Rogers, George (Kensington, N.)

Ungoed-Thomas, Sir Lynn

Nally, W.

Ross, William

Usborne, H. C.

Neal, Harold (Bolsover)

Royle, C.

Vernon, W. F.

Oldfield, W. H.

Shackleton, E. A. A

Viant, S. P.

Oliver, G. H.

Shurmer, P. L. E.

Wallace, H. W

Orbach, M.

Silverman, Julius (Erdington)

Watkins, T. E.

Padley, W. E.

Silverman, Sydney (Nelson)

Weitzman, D.

Paget, R. T.

Simmons, C. J.

Wells, Percy (Faversham)

Paling, Will T. (Dewsbury)

Slater, J.

Wells, William (Walsall)

Pannell, T. C.

Smith, Ellis (Stoke, S.)

West, D. G.

Pargiter, G. A

Smith, Norman (Nottingham, S.)

Wheatley, Rt. Hon. John (Edinb'gh, E.)

Parker, J.

Snow, J. W.

White, Mrs. Eirene (E. Flint)

Paton, J.

Sorensen, R. W.

White, Henry (Derbyshire, N.E.)

Peart, T. F

Soskice, Rt. Hon. Sir. Frank

Whiteley, Rt. Hon. W.

Popplewell, E.

Steele, T.

Wigg, G. E. C.

Porter, G.

Stewart, Michael (Fulham, E.)

Wilcock, Group Capt. C. A. B

Price, Joseph T. (Westhoughton)

Strauss, Rt. Hon. George (Vauxhall)

Wilkins, W. A.

Price, Philips (Gloucestershire, W.)

Stress, Dr. Barnett

Willey, Frederick (Sunderland)

Proctor, W. T.

Summerskill, Rt. Hon. Edith

Williams, David (Neath)

Pryde, D. J.

Sylvester, G. O.

Williams, Rev. Llywelyn (Abertillery)

Pursey, Cmdr. H

Taylor, Bernard (Mansfield)

Williams, Ronald (Wigan)

Rankin, J.

Taylor, Robert (Morpeth)

Williams, Rt. Hon. Thomas (Don V'll'y)

Rees, Mrs. D.

Thomas, David (Aberdare)

Williams, W. T. (Hammersmith, S.)

Reeves, J.

Thomas, George (Cardiff)

Wilson, Rt. Hon. Harold (Huyton)

Reid, Thomas (Swindon)

Thomas, lowerth (Rhondda, W.)

Winterbottom, Ian (Nottingham, C.)

Reid, William (Camlachie)

Thomas, Ivor Owen (Wrekin)

Winterbottom, Richard (Brightside)

Rhodes, H.

Thorneycroft, Harry (Clayton)

Woodburn, Rt. Hon. A

Richards, R.

Thurtle, Ernest

Wyatt, W. L.

Roberts, Goronwy (Caernarvonshire)

Timmons, J.

Yates, V. F.

Robertson, J. J. (Berwick)

Tomlinson, Rt. Hon. G

Robinson, Kenneth (St. Pancras, N.)

Tomney, F.

TELLERS FOR THE NOES:

Mr. Pearson and Mr. Sparks.

Original Question again proposed.

It being after Ten o'clock, and objection being taken to further proceeding, The CHAIRMAN left the Chair to report Progress, and ask leave to sit again.

Committee report Progress; to sit again Tomorrow.

Holy Trinity Church, Lambeth

10.10 p.m.

I beg to move, the movement of population, and partly due to shortages of man power in the church.

I think that everybody sympathises with the broad scheme of the arrangements which are being made by the Church of England to economise their clerical manpower and ensure that clergy are available in the parts where they are most urgently required. In London, particularly, as a result of the movement of population from, for example, inner London, one often finds that churches have become redundant, and it is very desirable that provision should be made on the periphery of London where populations are now springing up in new housing estates and so on.

Quite a number of schemes for reorganisation of this kind have been put forward by the Ecclesiastical Commissioners and carried into effect. In the Diocese of Southwark alone, with which we are concerned tonight, there are already some 40 or more such schemes, of which quite a number have already been carried out. The significant thing is that practically everyone—and there have been, I think, some hundreds of schemes throughout the country already carried into effect—has been done by consent; that is to say, without any opposition. What normally happens is that at some convenient point, when an incumbent is about to retire, two parishes are merged, and perhaps one priest takes over the administration of two contiguous parishes.

Equally, it is desirable in a great many cases that churches which have suffered war damage or been destroyed in London should not be rebuilt; it would be a mistake to do so, because it is more necessary to build churches elsewhere. The case with which we are concerned tonight, however, is one in which—and I think it is the first of its kind—the proposed scheme of re-organisation has not only not been carried through with the consent of all the parties concerned, but has met with the most strenuous opposition from those who are most directly concerned.

This scheme is one with which some hon. Members may be familiar, and involves, broadly, the unification into one parish of the present parishes of Holy Trinity, Lambeth, Emmanuel, Lambeth, and St. Mary, Lambeth—the latter being the parish church. No question arises in connection with Emmanuel, Lambeth, which is not open and was affected by war damage. But Holy Trinity, Lambeth, was not destroyed by enemy action. In fact, it suffered very little war damage, it survived the blitz, and has continued to serve the people of that parish.

The proposal in the scheme which I am inviting the House to disapprove this evening, is that this church of Holy Trinity, Lambeth should be closed, should be wholly demolished, and that the site should be sold, let or exchanged by the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, and the furnishings of the church should be removed and sold and the vicarage should also be sold, let or exchanged by the Ecclesiastical Commissioners.

This proposal has aroused the most strenuous objection on the part of the vicar of Holy Trinity, Lambeth, the churchwardens, the parochial church council, the congregation who attend the church and a large number of the parishioners who are not regular churchgoers but who go there sometimes, and who are aware of the valuable church work which is being done by the vicar.

The circumstances are a little unusual. The church itself may be known to certain hon. Members. It is almost within a stone's throw of this building. It is the parish church opposite the river which one can practically see from the Terrace. St. Thomas's Hospital is in the parish, and the remainder of the parish lies just behind the hospital. It is rather a backwater off the main road and consists largely of working-class tenement houses.

The church has a particularly localised and not very large congregation. The parish consists of some 2,000 people, apart from the inhabitants of St. Thomas's Hospital, comprising another thousand people or so, including the resident and nursing staff. The church itself has a sizeable, constant and regular congregation. It is organised in close association with the church school which adjoins it. The vicar takes a leading part both in conducting classes in the church school and in organising games for the boys and youths who attend the school In fact, it is a church with a distinctive, corporate Christian life integrated with a school of a particular kind.

It is said by those who put forward this scheme that no great hardship will be done to the parishioners and to the congregation who attend the church, because it will be quite easy for them to go to the parish church of St. Mary, Lambeth, with which, if the scheme goes through. Holy Trinity, Lambeth, will be amalgamated. The crucial objection to that is that it is very doubtful whether the existing congregation would go there. St. Mary, Lambeth, is a rather different type of church. It is a more fashionable and well-to-do church. It has services of a different kind. One of the specialities, if I may so use the word, of Holy Trinity, Lambeth, is that it has a regular service of its own at 9.30 a.m.—what is called a "Parish Communion" service—to which people of all ages go, and it is the one central service on Sundays.

The service is held at the rather unusual and untraditional hour of 9.30. but it serves the needs and requirements of that particular parish. It does not by any means follow that the congregation of Holy Trinity, who go there very largely because of the association with the vicar and the school, would necessarily migrate to St. Mary. There was, when this scheme was originally put forward some 10 years ago, the idea that if the church of Holy Trinity were closed and demolished and the vicarage were closed and demolished, it would provide a very convenient site for a new Church of England school.

If it had been possible to carry out that scheme and put up a brand-new Church of England school, such as is wanted in many parts of London, I think that those associated with this church might have been disposed to make the sacrifice required to enable that scheme to fructify. Unfortunately, since then the education authorities have not found it possible to pursue that scheme. It is, therefore, no longer incorporated in the educational plan, and there is no prospect of a new school being built there for at least some years.

Is it proposed to close the church school as well as the church?

As I understand it, there is a great deal of uncertainty at the moment about the educational proposals for that part of London. One would hope that when the full prospects of the educational scheme for London can be implemented, it will be possible to do something on this site by closing the existing school, and then using whatever land, including that of the vicarage and the gardens, for a new school. But for the moment, unfortunately, the educational system in that locality is condemned to remain as it is, which means that the school will remain. Therefore, as long as the school remains there is a good deal to be said for allowing Holy Trinity to remain.

All we are asking this House to do is to grant this church a reprieve. What the situation may be in 10 or 15 years, no one knows; and if this scheme is disapproved it will not prevent the Church Commissioners from producing a new scheme in a few years' time. Conditions may change. Nobody knows about the future of St. Thomas's Hospital, which has its own chapel. There may be further depopulation in that part of London, but at the moment the people of Holy Trinity, Lambeth, are asking this House to protect them from the destruction of their parish church.

There is no issue here between Church and State. The House is not being asked to encroach upon the purely domestic concerns of the Church of England. The procedure which enables this House and another place to be the final body which decides a matter of this kind was laid down in the 1944 Act put forward by the Church Assembly itself.

That is all I want to say on the merits because other hon. Members who are interested may have a word to say from their own local knowledge. It might well be said that it is inconvenient for the time of the House to be taken up with a matter of this kind, and that there ought to be some other form of injury which enables people who feel as strongly as do the people associated with Holy Trinity to put forward their views. There is a body for that purpose and I want to refer to it, because this is the first case of its kind in which a scheme of re-organisation has produced such violent objections that it has been necessary to carry out the procedure open to those who object to a scheme of re-organisation.

In the Measure itself it is provided that, after the Church Commissioners have made their proposals to the bishop and they have been notified and advertised in the usual way and after a scheme has been propounded, what is called a special committee shall examine the matter. The committee is constituted in a special way, some of the members being nominated by the bishop, others by the House of Clergy and others by the House of Laity. It is then provided that the special committee shall hold something in the nature of an impartial judicial inquiry at which the objectors can be heard, and to which they can put their arguments.

Such a special committee was convened in this case and, in accordance with the Measure, they held an inquiry in the parish. Unfortunately, many of the people who attended, hoping to be able to give evidence, did not do so. I do not want to impugn the impartiality of the special committee, but from the point of view of its fulfilling its quasi-judicial function the procedure which it adopted left a great deal to be desired.

The vicar was notified and was requested to indicate how many witnesses he would like to put forward. He gave a list of 36 people who expressed their desire to be heard, but, after 15 or 16 of them had been heard, the committee, I gather, indicated a great deal of impatience at what was being said, with the result that more than half of those who attended for the purpose of indicating their views were not allowed to give evidence.

The hon. Gentleman has said that people who wanted to give evidence were not allowed to do so. That is a serious charge against the committee, and he ought to expand it and tell us how it came about.

I think I can expand it from the information which has been given to me. I do not know whether any of the special committee had judicial experience or not. Those who were promoting the scheme first indicated their reasons for it. Then the vicar and some dozen or 15 people gave their objections. I gather that the special committee indicated that if the others merely wanted to repeat what had been said before, there was no need for them to do so.

The best thing I can do is to read from letters which were written to the vicar after the meeting. Here is a letter from Miss Florence Mitchell, of the Family Welfare Association, who gave evidence. She says: number of letters, all of which indicate the great depth of feeling there is in this parish about the immense value of the work being done there and about the loss to the Christian life of the community which would occur if the scheme for the demolition of this church were to be allowed to go through.

10.31 p.m.

I beg to second the Motion.

I agree with what my hon. Friend the Member for Islington, East (Mr. E. Fletcher) had to say about the Reorganisation Areas Measure, 1944. I think all of us associated with this Motion agree with the principles of that Measure, but I submit that when there is the slightest reason for doubting the wisdom of these ecclesiastical Measures, it is right that the matter should be discussed on the Floor of this House. My hon. Friend has dealt fully with the legal and constitutional aspects of this problem, and I should like to deal briefly with what I might call the general and humane aspects of the problem.

If proposals of this sweeping nature are to be put into effect, we ought to be certain on two counts: First, the scheme should be sound in conception and in timing; and secondly, we should be convinced that when the scheme goes through as proposed, no one will suffer from any sense of injustice. I submit that the second consideration is of special importance in a parish of the kind to which we are referring.

My hon. Friend has given a fair description of it. It is not smart or wealthy; there are no rich houses, no big shops, no fashionable churches. It is exclusively a working-class parish and most of the 2,000 souls who live in it are railway men or office cleaners. The houses in which they live are small and drab. Throughout the parish there are desolate areas cleared by bombs. In spite of all this, anybody who goes to that parish will be convinced, as I have been, that it is a real neighbourhood unit with a life and tradition of its own, and a good deal of that tradition centres round the Church of Holy Trinity, which it is proposed to amalgamate with the parish church of Lambeth.

Architecturally speaking, the church of Holy Trinity is far from being remarkable. It is a poor building. Some of the windows are broken, the paint on the doors is peeling off and dry-rot has affected the roof, which is held up by steel stanchions. Yet I do not believe one could fail to be impressed by the atmosphere of poverty and devotion which pervades the church. If my reference to poverty is interpreted as showing any lack of vitality on the part of the church, I would only say that in the three years after the war, the parish raised the sum of £500 towards the diocesan reconstruction fund and it was, I understand, the first church to reach its target.

Doctrinally, the church tends to be High Church, and that is a fact which distinguishes it from other churches in the neighbourhood. Another significant factor is that there are no other places of worship, either Roman Catholic or Free Church, within the parish. And I believe it is some evidence of the affection which the residents of the parish have for the church that of the 2,000 parishioners, 1,500 have signed the petition asking for the retention of the church, including Roman Catholics and Nonconformists.

Whatever one might think about the architectural or liturgical merits or demerits of the church, no one could help being impressed by the atmosphere of devotion which makes the church a real symbol of a living faith. Like my hon. Friend, I believe that to extinguish that church at the present time, however desirable ultimately it may be would be doing a grave injustice to the men and women who worship there. I said "however desirable ultimately it may be," because I do not think that either my hon. Friend or myself, or the vicar or the parochial church council, would disagree that ultimately it will be desirable to amalgamate it with the neighbouring parishes.

As my hon. Friend has told the House, when the proposal was first mooted after the war the vicar and the parochial church council warmly supported it. They did so on two grounds—one of which, as my hon. Friend has said, was that then it was to be used for a magnificent new school facing southwards over Archbishop's Park. The second was that St. Thomas's Hospital was buying up ground rents in the parish for the purpose of extending the hospital buildings and various ancillary nurses' homes.

But since that time the hospital has found that it has been necessary to buy a site—the site of Field's Soap factory, now the Festival car park—for the purpise of re-housing people to be evicted. There is no possibility of the population of the parish being reduced for a considerable time to come, but I know that the vicar and the parishioners will agree to the extinction of the parish if the school, or the expansion of the hospital really comes within distance of achievement.

Until then they want to retain their church and the corporate fellowship they have created and to continue to worship in no other. They do not want to be driven away from the church their fathers built 100 years ago and forced to worship in one which, though geographically accessible, is socially and spiritually remote from them. My hon. Friend mentioned letters he had received. I only want to quote from one letter from a working-class woman, and the very simplicity of her wording adds point to the views she expresses. She writes.

10.39 p.m.

We are in rather a difficult position in dealing with this subject which we are unaccustomed, and perhaps some might say particularly unqualified, to handle. I feel that I personally am in a difficult position, but I hope I can invite the House in general to have confidence in the machinery which is established by the Church for dealing with this problem. Not that I would ask the House to rubber stamp and endorse whatever a diocesan authority might say.

We should, therefore, try to deal with this question which comes before us for the first time as seriously as we may. I can only put before the House the position as it is seen by those responsible for the work of the diocese. My hon. Friends have concentrated solely upon the needs of this one particular parish. They have not invited the House to look at the problem against the background of the whole diocesan problem. Unless they do that, they are only showing one small part of the picture.

The authorities of the diocese have to contend with two facts. There is the reduction in the number of ordained men, which is 664, or 27 per cent. fewer than it had in 1938. On top of that, it has to deal with a large shift in population away from the parishes which congregate up to the north of the diocese against the River Thames and out towards the perimeter area, as at Coldharbour, where there are new populations for which there must be provision of both men and church. Therefore, the diocese must attempt to reorganise its resources of men and money so as to meet the needs of these growing perimeter areas.

Next—and I want to be frank about this—it is the view of the Diocesan Reorganisation Committee, put before the Diocesan Conference in 1947 and accepted by that conference, that up and along the area against the River Thames, in the northern urban heart of this diocese, it is no longer possible to sustain a small parish of 2,000 people. The diocese stretches to the borders of Sussex, down to the Green Belt, where one comes into the rural areas which have scattered populations. It is a decision of the Diocesan Conference that a parish of 2,000, or fewer, can no longer be sustained.

The parish in question is a small one. I can only give this figure of its area by having measured a map with my ruler, and I think it is one-tenth of a square mile, though it may be one-fifth. The population has gone down to 1,850. That is according to the latest Parliamentary Register, with the addition of 33¼ per cent. for those under age, which has been checked in a neighbouring parish and found to be accurate to within one or two per cent., plus or minus.

This may be a hard thing to say, but I think I ought to say that the congregations, as shown or returned by the bishop's visitation, and in the register, at the service to which my hon. Friend referred, which has such merits, is in the neighbourhood of 20 to 30. That is about the figure at which it runs. Therefore, this is one of the small parishes where one man works alone. I think that almost every one who has studied the problem of the organisation of the Church of England will feel that one of its great psychological weaknesses is the isolated man who works on his own in a parish. Almost everyone who has studied this problem earnestly recommends, as a matter of Church policy, that wherever possible teams of men and women should work at their task together.

In rural areas, this objective cannot always be achieved, and one has to leave one man in one parish and one in the next. But again, it is a deliberate decision of the Diocesan Conference that this whole area, the northern centre of the diocese, shall as far as possible be organised into parishes in the neighbourhood of 10,000 to 15,000 people. If the proposed new amalgamation policy in this scheme goes through, it will very closely coincide with the neighbourhood units of L.C.C. planning, and these 10,000 to 15,000 population parishes will be served by a parish priest and a team, bearing all the circumstances in mind. It might be one curate and two women workers, or it might be two curates and one woman worker, but it would be a team of permanent workers in the parish to make a job of it. That is the way in which it is believed this diocese should best be organised.

Five or six schemes coming from this diocese have already gone through. My hon. Friend the Member for Islington, East (Mr. E. Fletcher), who moved this Prayer, made some points arising from what he described as the very large number of schemes which had gone through, and said that this scheme was the very first in which any violent objection had been raised. It is important to correct his figures. Only about 30 schemes for all Britain had gone through as yet. Five or six schemes have come from this diocese, because it is a diocese where the problem of re-organisation is particularly acute. But, this is not the first case in which there has been objection. In four previous cases objection has been taken up with the special committee, but this is the first case in which the objectors did not accept the verdict of the special committee and brought their case to the Diocesan Conference.

There are 26 other schemes, in various stages of preparation within the diocese of Southwark. When these schemes have gone through, and if they are not objected to successfully in this House, there will not be, in the urban parts of the diocese of Southwark, any parish with anything like so few parishioners as 2,000. If the House rejected this scheme and asked us to bring it back in 10 years' time, this parish would be for that 10 years a complete secession from the general diocesan plan, a plan which, perhaps, the diocese would not put into operation if it could have everything in the world that it wants, but a plan which is forced upon it by the two inescapable facts facing it.

I hope, at least, that this House will let the diocese make a plan of this kind and—

I wonder whether the hon. Baronet appreciates the difficulty in which this House is placed. As I understand it, no copies of this scheme are available in the Vote Office. I understand there is a copy in the Library and that the scheme appears in the list of Statutory Instruments. Can he deal with the issue as to how this House is to decide upon the merits of the scheme when those responsible for putting it forward have not provided copies for hon. Members to consider?

I appreciate that that is a serious difficulty which, perhaps, the authorities of the House and of the Church Assembly and Church Commissioners will have to consider in case a future scheme of this kind comes forward. If there had been any indication that one copy in the Library was insufficient for those hon. Members who wished to master the details and look at it, it would have been possible to provide further copies.

If I was at fault in not finding out whether one copy was sufficient, and if there has been a queue in the Library waiting for the one copy, I apologise for my discourtesy to other hon. Members, and I agree with the hon. Member for Kingston-upon-Thames (Mr. Boyd-Carpenter) that he is raising a point which deserves the serious consideration of the House. Perhaps we shall have to go to the expense of printing copies in the same way as White Papers are printed for the use of hon. Members. Nevertheless, I felt that my two hon. Friends put the case for the Prayer in a way which enabled hon. Members to grasp what that case was, and I hope I am doing the same for the diocese. At any rate, we must do our best now and use this experience as guidance for the future.

In the interests of accuracy, may I correct one figure which the hon. Baronet gave? I am told by the vicar that the average number of those who attend on Sunday mornings is not 20 or 30, as he said, but about 50.

The figure I gave was that which was in the reply to the bishop's visitation and in the register itself. I was saying that when the 26 similar schemes go through there will not remain a parish as small as 2,000 or anything like as small. This is a policy imposed upon the diocese by the hard necessities of the circumstances in which they work and it is one in which I hope the House will support the diocesan authorities.

Of course I know perfectly well that a policy of re-organisation of this kind cannot be carried through without heartbreak to many of the individuals concerned. When they embarked upon this policy, the diocesan authorities knew perfectly well that that was bound to be so. Hon. Members, particularly on this side of the House, must surely be aware that one cannot be driven from the old to the new without causing deep distress to some people who prefer the old to the new.

When, in the course of carrying out this policy, it appears that a parish can no longer be sustained, there will always be some people in the congregation about whom one can say that if we break their association with a church to which they are accustomed, it is doubtful whether they will go to any other church. It has been said that this congregation is particularly localised. I think every con- gregation likely to be affected is localised. Nevertheless, this is the view of the diocesan reorganisation committee of the bishop, of the rural dean—and he knows this area fairly locally and fairly intimately—and of the special committee set up to hear objections.

When we have a committee presided over by Sir Kenneth Swan, K.C., Sir Arthur Page, K.C., in attendance, even though there are three ordained ministers and three laymen also on the committee, I think we may be sure that the standard of fair play to witnesses and that sort of thing will be beyond reproach, even though the committee says, quite rightly, "If you are only able to repeat what has been said, it is not necessary for you to come before us." I know that such a statement would cause bitter resentment on the part of somebody who feels strongly all the pangs we are bound to arouse in some people when changes of this sort are made.

I want to make three points about churchmanship. The vicar of St. Mary, Lambeth, has given a definite undertaking that he will consider most sympathetically the question of arranging his service at 9.30 if there is any demand for it. I am informed that there is not a great deal of difference between the. if I may so put it, levels of churchmanship in Holy Trinity and in St. Mary. That is my information.

My hon. Friend shakes his head. But suppose that he is right; suppose that there is a significant difference. Then I would say to him, with all respect to the very strong feelings which I know he holds on these matters, that arguments of that kind might have decisive importance in a rural area if the church were being closed, in a place where people could not find, perhaps within five or 10 miles, any other church which gave them the kind of service to which they were accustomed. If we were dealing with that kind of area, a rural area, I would feel that there was a very strong point in that argument.

But of London I would say that, if anybody will put a pin anywhere into the map of the City of London within a five-mile semi-circle south of this House, across the other side of the river, either by chance or deliberately picking his place, I will undertake to show him that within 20 minutes' journey, on foot or by ordinary normal public transport such as is running on Sunday morning, he will find every level of churchmanship from sky-high to subterranean low. Therefore, I cannot feel that within the boundary of London the argument based upon churchmanship is such an important one.

If there be other points which any other hon. Member would wish me to answer, I could do so, of course, given the leave of the House later on, but seeing that time is getting on, and presented with the situation as seen by the diocese, I hope that the House will feel that there have not been brought forward such exceptional circumstances as to cause the House to offset the view which the diocese and the special committee have taken on this matter.

10.57 p.m.

Two points have arisen, I think, which I suggest to my hon. Friend, who replied on behalf of the Church authorities, might induce him possibly to withdraw or suspend this scheme and take it away, and enable the House and the Church authorities to look at it again, and then, if necessary, bring it forward again. The first is a remark in his own speech, in which he said—I think I am quoting him correctly—that this was the first scheme to which violent opposition had been taken.

The first scheme to which opposition had been pressed to the point of coming to this House. In other cases the objectors, though they may have been violent—I would not know about that—always accepted the decision of the special committee, I think in four cases.

That merely strengthens what I want to put to my hon. Friend, because since the objectors in this case have taken the perfectly proper step of approaching their Member of Parliament, and perhaps other Members of Parliament, in making their representations known still further to this point, surely it is desirable that, whenever possible, these schemes should be agreed by all parties, because it will be a real uprooting and a real upheaval in the parochial life which has been described to us by my hon. Friends who moved and seconded this Prayer.

The second point, which I think is even more relevant to this context and this Chamber, is the point made in an interruption by the hon. Member for Kingston-upon-Thames (Mr. Boyd-Carpenter). It seems to me we should have an opportunity of obtaining this scheme from the Vote Office like any other order, regulation, document or White Paper that is the subject of debate in this House, so that we can read out extracts or quote from it during the debate. That we cannot possibly do if it is resting in the Library. Therefore, on that ground alone, I would suggest most earnestly to my hon. Friend the Member for Gravesend (Sir R. Acland) that he should inform us, by whatever procedure is possible, that he will suspend this scheme, or at any rate allow it to remain in suspension until a White Paper can be drafted and laid, showing the scheme, so that we can have it in this House when we are actually debating.

On the merits of the argument on the general issue, I would say that there is considerable need for caution before we can approve schemes of this kind, because, after all, the Church authorities have been very seriously mistaken before in their plans for demolishing churches in central London in order to bring about very necessary and desirable extensions of Church work in new housing estates in the suburbs and elsewhere.

I need only refer, in passing, by way of illustration, to the notorious scheme—I think I may call it—of a late Bishop of London before the war for demolishing some of the finest Wren churches in the City of London. That scheme has been forgotten by now. Indeed, the irony of history is such that one of these churches, which a former Bishop of London tried to pull down, and which was partially demolished by bombs during the war, has been recently restored, and re-opened and re-dedicated by the present Bishop of London. That is St. Magnus the Martyr in Billingsgate, which everybody now would regard it as an act of vandalism, if for no other reason—

Would the hon. Gentleman describe the church in this scheme as falling within the category of these fine churches to which he has made reference?

No, I do not think my point was quite taken. I was merely say- ing that a certain amount of caution was needed before we accede to schemes for demolition of churches on grounds that churches are very much needed in the suburbs, because the Church authorities in London have been shown to be in error before. I would not try to suggest—and I do not think my hon. Friends are suggesting— that there is any very great architectural merit in this particular building. I hope the hon. Member and my hon. Member for Gravesend will look inside the church and notice the very interesting reredos, consisting of four elaborate and delicate Corinthian pillars. I wonder if it will be possible to move them without damaging them if and when the church is demolished? I should like some assurance on that artistic aspect.

To return to my main theme, we should be careful before we consent to the demolition of any churches in the centre of London merely on the facts that have been advanced, because the Church authorities have shown themselves mistaken before.

The other main point I should like to make is the rather delicate and difficult one that has been touched on once or twice today, about what the hon. Baronet called the levels or degrees of churchmanship. It is one of the marks of the Church of England that there are two or three clearly marked and distinctive traditions within that Church. Many people regard that as a specific glory of the Church of England. It is an extremely difficult and painful thing that, through an operation of the kind which is now proposed, the congregation of a church that follows one particular tradition should find itself without a spiritual home. It is as it were scattered. If it is not actually obliged to go to one particular new place of worship, it is at a loss to know where to go when the habits of perhaps a lifetime have been brought to an end. All of us, whatever our particular views, would judge this aspect of the case quite objectively, and I personally should feel the same about it whether it were an Evangelical, or what my hon. Friend called a "subterranean Low" Church, or an ultramontane High Church.

I think it is a great pity that these traditions should have to be disturbed so abruptly. I cannot share my hon.

Friend's views about Holy Trinity and St. Mary's. He has been entirely wrongly informed when he states that there is practically no difference, or very little, between the level of Holy Trinity and St. Mary's. It is simply not a fact. I visited both this afternoon to check up. It is very good of the vicar of St. Mary's to undertake a 9.30 parish Communion, but I doubt whether he could conscientiously provide many of the other things to which the congregation of Holy Trinity are accustomed.

Incidently, although I can quite see the point of the argument that this particular issue is more important in a rural area, the case he made would be a complete justification for the closing down at once of one or both of two very famous churches in central London—All Souls, Langham Place, and All Saints', Margaret Street. Both are within a hundred yards of each other. All Souls' has a definitely Evangelical tradition, and All Saints' has a definitely Catholic tradition, with not merely not 2,000, but practically no parishioners at all, because Margaret Street is a tiny parish consisting of wholesale garment-making workshops.

Is my hon. Friend suggesting that Holy Trinity has the same kind of eclectic congregation as All Saints', Margaret Street, and has the same distinctive witness going beyond the boundaries of the parish?

I am not suggesting it has the same kind of eclectic congregation, but I was saying that the arguments used by the hon. Baronet—since he based it in a rather hard and fast statistical way on a resident population—would justify the closing of All Saints', Margaret Street. I equally agree that there are other considerations that apply, but I do not think you can judge this kind of issue by mere statistics alone.

This church is bearing a distinctive witness in a very difficult sort of South London parish. My hon. Friend quoted some figures which—although I know he meant it kindly—were rather derogatory. The Easter Communions at this church, which is the test accepted by various books of reference, are 55. The average Sunday Communions—not the average Sunday attendance—and that may account for the misunderstanding between my hon.

Friends—are 36. The attendance may well be substantially larger. Fifty-five and 36 are very small, but I do not know that we can judge by mere statistics alone, and 55 out of a nominal resident population of 2,000, although it is pitiably small, compares, if not favourabty. at least just compares with many parishes elsewhere in England.

My hon. Friend referred repeatedly to the hard fact—which has brought about the regrettable necessity, as it seemed to him—of the grave reduction in the number of ordained men. I do not think that fact in itself is sufficient to justify the closing and demolition of this church. In the country districts it often happens that where there are not enough clergy to go round, parishes may be united and more than one church served by the same clergyman. I should have thought that as a compromise it might have been possible, while merging the parishes and benefices, to maintain the different phases of worship and the distinctive tradition of Holy Trinity. That is merely an incidental and passing thought. It seemed to me that this argument about the number of clergy did not in itself justify the closing.

I am sorry to have detained the House so long, but I earnestly beg my hon. Friend to tell us that he will at least advise the Church authorities to hold this matter in suspense till the House has had an opportunity of debating it with the full text of the scheme before us.

11.10 p.m.

I agree with my hon. Friend the Member for Kingston-upon-Thames (Mr. Boyd-Carpenter) that the House is in a difficult position in not knowing the details of this scheme. One could go to the Library and read it, but I think that hon. Members ought to be supplied with further details before these matters are brought to the House. The scheme only sets forth a number of figures, but it would be a great help to know what the scheme is. The two hon. Members who moved this Motion have simply put the case—quite rightly—for the retention of Holy Trinity and have not gone into very much detail about the rest of the scheme.

The hon. Baronet explained to the House the whole idea of these schemes which are being put forward from time to time. The number of ordained Minis- ters is 150 less than before the war, and while there is something in what the hon. Member for Maldon (Mr. Driberg) has said, there would still be objection from the rector of Holy Trinity if he were given a post in another part of the country and his church taken over by somebody else. As the hon. Baronet pointed out, people are drifting away from central London, which makes a bigger demand on outlying parishes, and therefore something has to be done by way of re-organisation. It is true that this parish had 6,000 members before the war and has gone down to 1,850, a very big reduction. The idea is to build up parishes between 10,000 and 15,000, which can be looked after by the parish priest and his assistants.

While I agree that there may be many objections to many of these schemes, we have to face the position as we find it today. The mover or seconder of the Prayer said that these schemes should not be brought forward unless they were agreed. Few schemes would be brought forward if they had to be agreed to unanimously, because in most cases there would be someone who would have to move and churches would have to be closed, and naturally there would be objections. When these schemes are completed, no parish will have anything like so few parishioners as 1,850. Much as we sympathise with the present rector of Holy Trinity and those who have been working with him, we must look at the broader aspect and consider the position of the diocese as a whole. The children of Holy Trinity will still be looked after by the parish priest, but not by the present rector.

The scheme now before the House has passed through many stages before coming to the House in its present form, and I suggest that those who have not had time to give much study to it should trust the impartial people who took part in the earlier discussions. The incumbents, the parochial church council, the rural dean and the local planning authorities were all consulted about this scheme, and the Minister of Local Government and Planning has agreed to it after consultation. I understand that the bishop sent the proposal to the Church Commissioners, who then prepared a draft scheme. This draft scheme was again discussed by all interested parties and by the Minister of Local Government and Planning. So that before being placed before the House, it has been thoroughly discussed by all interested.

The hon. and gallant Member is being very fair, but would he tell us exactly what is the interest of the Minister of Local Government and Planning?

These re-organisations cannot be carried out except with the approval of the Minister. Why, I do not know. It is laid down in Section 7 of the Measure, but I do not know why it has been laid down. In this case, objections were received to the scheme and they were referred to a special committee, as the hon. Baronet explained. I am informed that there was a full attendance at that special committee, which turned down the objections and supported the scheme now before the House. Therefore, in spite of the speeches made by those who have moved and supported this Prayer, and in spite of the feeling of the rector and some of his parishioners, I suggest that we should trust the people who have been consulted at every turn in the scheme and allow the scheme to go through.

11.13 p.m.

Some comment has been made about the population of the parish concerned. I should like to ask my hon. Friend the Member for Gravesend (Sir R. Acland) if a direct approach for information regarding the housing programme was made by the Diocesan Reconstruction Committee to the London County Council as planning authority. I am informed that that is not so, but I should not like to imply any doubt of the information they eventually received, except to say that I am informed that, whatever the post-war population may be, there are signs that it will shortly increase because of the rehabilitation of houses and flats in the parish.

I can answer straight away, if the hon. Member will allow me. The Borough of Lambeth Housing Department have been approached and their answer was:

"I have to inform you that it is not the intention at the present time of my Council to embark on any scheme for providing housing accommodation in the area set out in your letter."

That does not answer my question. I am informed that certain flats are being rehabilitated.

I come to my second point. If I may with humility, I should like to read an extract from a speech I made when the Pastoral Reorganisation Measure was being considered on 1st June. 1949. I said then:

11.22 p.m.

I hope that the House will reject this Prayer, which I rather regret having been moved in this particular case. It has been moved on the ground of special pleading which, if I may say so with respect, is attractive and influential and ought to have been put to the special committee which has been going into these matters in detail.

The hon. Gentleman, in moving this Prayer, spoke of strenuous opposition which this proposal had received in the parishes concerned. He then went on to say that, with regard to the parish of Emmanuel, one of the parishes which is being reorganised out of existence, there was no opposition at all. I do not think it is putting a fair balance before the House to give the impression that the scheme as a whole received strenuous opposition from all the parishes concerned. After all, the parish of Emmanuel is one of 4,500 persons and that of Holy Trinity, on whose behalf almost solely we have been receiving special pleading tonight, has only 1,800.

If I may interrupt the hon. and learned Gentleman, is it not possible that the tradition of Emmanuel is more similar to that of the parish Church of St. Mary?

I should think it is most unlikely. The parish Church of Emmanuel is being split into two. Half is going to one church, half to another, and the churches in that area are not on an identical level.

The next point made by the hon. Gentleman who moved the Prayer, and borne out by the hon. Gentleman who seconded, was that if the purpose of the demolition of Holy Trinity was to build a new school, there would be no objection at all. Surely that undermines the whole basis of the argument that this church is essential to the central spiritual life of the parish. If the parishioners are prepared to see the church go for one purpose, surely they can be prepared to see it go when it is considered in the interests of the diocese as a whole, by their own representatives, to be the best thing that could happen.

The best thing which the hon. Member for Rossendale (Mr. Anthony Greenwood) could say in his appeal to the House was that there should be a reprieve for five years. This matter has already been under discussion for many years, and the question of time is surely one which can be, and should be, left to the ecclesiastical authorities.

There is no opposition, according to the hon. Member, from the parish of Emmanuel. I am told that in fact the parish church has been closed for a number of years, and is occupied by organ constructors.

That does not necessarily mean that there will be no opposition from the parishioners. I was quoting the phrase of the Mover of the Motion, so the hon. Member should take that up with his hon. Friend. What I wish to impress upon the House is that this is not a matter which has come before us without consideration. Let me briefly remind the House what the machinery is. There is, first, the appointment of a diocesan reorganisation committee. That committee is appointed where there is war damage, or war planning problems, in the diocese. That committee reports to the bishop if, in its opinion, there is a case where reorganisation is necessary. If the bishop agrees, he refers the matter to the Church Commissioners, who then have to agree.

If they feel that there is something in the proposal, they communicate with all the incumbents and all the patrons who are concerned in any possible scheme of reorganisation. The result of that decides the Church Commissioners whether they shall get out a draft scheme. If they do so, that draft scheme is submitted to the reorganisation committee. From them it comes back to the bishop. When the draft scheme has been agreed between the reorganisation committee, the bishop, and the Church Commissioners, it is sent again to all the incumbents, to all the patrons, and to the rural dean. Then the planning authority is given an opportunity to object as well.

It is only then, if there are objections which cannot be reconciled, that the Church Commissioners refer the scheme, with the objections and with the replies from the bishop which have already been sent to the objectors, to the special committee. That is an impartial tribunal consisting of a chairman and vice-chairman appointed by the Archbishop of the Province, four clerical members nominated by the Standing Committee of the House of Clergy, and four lay members nominated by the House of Laity. One could not get a more impartial or practical tribunal to hold an inquiry and investigation. They have power to make their own investigation, as well as to settle the form of their inquiry.

The hon. Member is making the well-informed speech which we always expect from him on these matters, but are we not tending to overlook the fact that the parishioners want to retain their parish?

I do not think that we are losing sight of that. That is clearly one of the important factors which is taken into account by these committees when they sit. In fact, there have been, under this Measure, four occasions upon which objection has been carried to the point at which the matter has been referred to a special committee. On two of these occasions the special committee accepted the objectors' point of view, and threw out the scheme. On the other two occasions, of which this is one, the special committee rejected the objectors' point of view and continued with the recommendation of their schemes. I think that answers the point as to whether the views of the parishioners who are having their church removed are fully taken into account.

I conclude by emphasising what I believe to be the fact, that if the Church is to be able to organise itself so as to give the best service to the population of this country, it must be allowed the opportunity of dealing with these schemes itself. I have not the slightest hesitation in accepting what the hon. Member for Islington, East (Mr. E. Fletcher), who moved the Motion, has said concerning the incumbent of Holy Trinity. I accept that he is a first-class person and that he is doing a first-class job of work; but bearing that in mind, there cannot be the slightest doubt that there is a far greater scope for him and a far greater need for his work and his services other than in a population of 1,800 people. The Church can find plenty for him to do, and I am certain that, as a loyal member of the Church, he will accept what is in the best interests of the community.

11.31 p.m.

It is bound to be extremely difficult for the House to make up its mind about a question of one small parish and one particular diocese, a diocese which hon. Members may not know and which I do not know very well, and of the details of which we may have an imperfect grasp. I have listened to the discussion on both sides, and I have come to the conclusion that there can be no doubt about what decision should be taken tonight.

No case really has been made out, as the hon. Member for Chichester (Mr. Joynson-Hicks) has said, for interfering with the efforts of this diocese, the diocese of Southwark, to tackle what everybody must recognise as a very difficult and onerous charge put upon it, to provide spiritual administration, not to one small section in one particular parish but to the whole of the vast area for which it is responsible.

Some have suggested that this is an exceptional case because it has led to objections. Those who have seen any of this re-organisation going on in their own dioceses know what heartburnings are caused and how in every case there are people who say they will never set foot in church again because they have lost their favourite vicar or church. These difficulties arise, but the important thing is not to be swayed by one particular case which happens to come to the House and to forget the much wider issue which is at stake.

My hon. Friend the Member for Rossendale (Mr. Anthony Greenwood) spoke of the neighbouring parish being spiritually and socially remote. These people are all members of one Church. They are all members of one religious body, sharing a common faith, and if members of a particular parish cannot recognise that they have to some extent to subordinate their own particular spiritual luxuries and desires in order to face the much bigger problem of the wider duties of the diocese, it is not a very satisfactory position.

My hon. Friend mentioned a very moving case of a young lady of 16 years whose spiritual life was going to be interfered with by her having to change her church. Although we feel sympathy with that kind of situation, we have to remember all the young people of 16 in the housing estates who are being brought up as pagans because the Church has neither the staff nor the buildings to provide the spiritual administration for them.

That, from the point of view of the Church, is a more important matter, I suggest to the House, than providing for a small parish a church in the place it wants, and with just the type of services it wants. If we had the men and the buildings to provide for everyone, we could afford to provide these specialised services for certain people, but the House should not forget that the Church is in a grave situation at the moment. It is most difficult for the Church to meet the challenge offered to it by the growth of the new towns and the development of housing estates. It is most difficult for it to perform the duty which it has of providing these people with the spiritual ministrations they require.

If the diocesan authority, having looked at the problem as a whole, having heard evidence for and against, having inspected the parish, having considered the matter most carefully, comes to the conclusion that on balance it is to the best advantage of the Church that this parish should be closed and the resources used elsewhere in the diocese, then this House should think long and hard before it ventures to alter that decision. It is not fair to ask the Church to carry out the duties placed upon it by God if, at the same time, we interfere with and deprive it of the freedom and self-government it needs to carry out those duties.

11.37 p.m.

I am afraid that I disagreed with my hon. Friend the Member for Chichester (Mr. Joynson-Hicks) when he took exception to the way this subject has been brought before the House this evening. I think it is entirely right that the House should have been given an opportunity of discussing the matter fully. I am not passing judgment on whether the Act of Parliament should stand as it does at the moment, but so long as it is enacted that a re-organisation scheme of this kind must be laid before Parliament, then it is wholly right that if there is strong objection, on however small a scale, to a re-organisation scheme, this is the ultimate place where that objection should be ventilated.

The hon. Member for Islington, East (Mr. E. Fletcher) has done a service by bringing the matter forward in the way he has done. Nor can I find it in my heart to criticise him for having put the case of the objectors exclusively, because, if I may say so respectfully, that is what he is here for.

I have listened to the whole debate very carefully, and I am one of the hon. Members who managed to furnish themselves with a copy of the scheme beforehand. One good result which has come out of the debate is this: if ever a Motion to annul one of these schemes is put down in the future, it is clear that the hon. Member for Gravesend (Sir R. Acland) should make certain that, without delay, sufficient copies of the scheme are made available to hon. Members. We do not wish to put the Church authorities to great expense in having prepared large numbers of copies of schemes which are known to be wholly agreed, but in a case like this it is not fair for the House to have to come to a decision when many hon. Members have not been able to acquaint themselves thoroughly enough with what the scheme is about.

I am aware that the Leader of the Opposition on the London County Council cannot speak for the Council, even though on other occasions I may endeavour to do so, but I think I have sufficient knowledge of this area, which is close to County Hall, to be able to give a general indication of what is likely to happen in that neighbourhood. So far as can be reasonably foreseen, the population in the general area of Holy Trinity parish is likely to fall rather than rise as the years go on. The present population, as the hon. Baronet said, is 1,850. It is possible that temporarily it might rise to slightly above that if some residential property were brought back into use, but nevertheless there is little doubt that the long-term trend will be downward.

The future of the church primary school which was mentioned earlier in the debate will, of course, be dependent on that trend. So far as I understand, the intention of the London County Council as education authority is to encourage the keeping open of that school so long as there is in its immediate neighbourhood a sufficient number of children to justify its retention.

But the long-term expectation of the education authority is that a time will come when that school will no longer be needed, and then, if the school and the church have by that time been removed, that might offer new open space which would compensate for existing open space that will probably be required for educational purposes for a secondary school at the other side of Archbishop's Park. The years may falsify what I am saying; we all know what may happen to planning and planning authorities; but I think that that is the general picture so far as any unbiased person can at the present time foresee the future.

In a sense, that fits in with what we have been told, because the mover and seconder of the Motion made clear in their speeches that to them it was a matter of timing. If I understood them aright, they were not maintaining that Holy Trinity Church and parish should remain indefinitely, and that fact may help the House in coming to a decision.

If I may offer them some advice, I think it would be most regrettable if they were to carry their Motion to a Division this evening, because it seems to me that if that were to be done it would give to others, in other parishes liable to be affected by re-organisation schemes, a signal which might suggest to them that the important thing was, not so muck to get their case conscientiously put before the various Church committees and tribunals that have been set up to examine it, but rather to try to get a group of Members of Parliament, irrespective of party no doubt, to raise strong objection when the matter comes before the House. I feel that we should be doing a wrong over a wide field if in this relatively thin House this evening we were to seek to annul completely the very careful work which has been done through the machinery of the Church which the hon. Baronet has described to us.

The hon. Member for Maldon (Mr. Driberg) said that it was very desirable for the House to be cautious unless a scheme came forward that was agreed by all parties. I quite agree, though I hope he, too, will agree that the Church of England must not always be cautious, neither must Parliament. Sometimes we must come to decisions; and it would be an unfortunate thing supposing that we in this House, who are accustomed to coming to decisions on the basis of a majority vote, however small the majority, were so to act in a matter like this as to indicate to the Church of England that in Church matters we in Parliament rather approved of the idea of minority rule.

There is no doubt that this scheme has commended itself to the great majority of those within the Church who have examined it, and it is being stoutly, vigorously and completely honestly opposed by a small minority- Our duty in Parliament, in a situation like that, is to try to get the whole matter ventilated and discussed as thoroughly as possible, and if by some further delay and discussion it is practicable to remove objections, or to prove that one side or the other is unreasonably irreconcilable, then something; will have been gained. But we must not take the attitude here that we will not put the seal of Parliamentary approval on a Church reorganisation scheme unless it comes to us absolutely unanimously.

I have one question on which I should like the help of the hon. Baronet. He put before us forcibly the argument for the proper allocation of the Church's resources. The hon. Member for Widnes (Mr. MacColl) reinforced that in a manner that was indisputable. What I want help over is this: what exactly is going to happen to the resources that will be released if this scheme goes through? What is going to happen to the income of the parish of Holy Trinity? What is going to happen to the vicar of Holy Trinity, to whose work all of us wish to pay tribute?

The scheme contains a provision for a terminable pension or annuity to him. Now, if there is really any suggestion that a man of such value to the Church of England may not be going to have his services utilised elsewhere and may be sent away on pension, then the argument about the use of resources falls down. I should feel much happier about approving this if we knew that the bishop concerned had plans, which might be acceptable to the vicar of Holy Trinity, for giving him a great opportunity in a wider field to practise the skill and to show the personal devotion that he has displayed undoubtedly in this small parish of Holy Trinity.

We want to be able to see a little further into the intentions of the Church authorities. If we agree to this scheme tonight, does it mean that they will start pulling down the church tomorrow? I know it will not literally be tomorrow, but will they feel they have won a victory over the objectors and that all this can be now hurried through, whatever the local feelings are? If so, they will be making a very great mistake. Can the hon. Baronet assure us that, if the scheme is accepted tonight, every possible care will be taken not to destroy the good work that is going on, not to kill the living organism of religion in that part of London? Will the Church authorities do all in their power to preserve it, and to minimise the painful effects of uprooting?

If the hon. Baronet cannot give us that sort of assurance, I feel strongly that we should demand of him that the scheme be held up for a time. If possible we would all like to see the reorganisation, which we all agree to be essential in that part of Lambeth, go through with the greatest possible amount of Christian charity and goodwill. The speeches tonight have been in that tradition. Can the hon. Baronet suggest some way in which effect can be given to the general purposes I have tried to state?

11.51 p.m.

My sole qualification for intervening in this debate is that in the course of my municipal and parliamentary activities I have been associated with Lambeth for some years. When the vicar of Holy Trinity approached me when the critical situation arose as a result of the decision of the Church of England authorities, and asked me to render such aid as I could, in the circumstances I acceded to his request. I should have felt rather mean if I had formulated some excuse for standing idly by and taking no part whatever in the discussion which has now taken place.

I am glad that the hon. Member for Hampstead (Mr. H. Brooke) dealt with the rather serious implication in the argument of the hon. Member for Chichester (Mr. Joynson-Hicks). His argument seemed to culminate in the idea that the parishoners of Holy Trinity, and those interested in their welfare, had done something which was slightly improper in bringing this matter before the House. Hon. Gentlemen may hold different views whether the 1944 Measure has made a proper or suitable provision for dealing with these matters, but the fact remains that with the assent, presumably of the majority of the House, the 1944 Measure lays down that the House of Commons is, in the case of the parishoners of Holy Trinity, the final court of appeal.

There is nowhere else they can go to plead their case. In those circumstances it is quite right and proper that the matter should come before the House so that hon. Gentlemen may exercise the powers vested in them by Act of Parliament. Until that Act is repealed or amended, the responsibility rests upon us to deal with such problems as the one with which we are dealing tonight.

What I think I may say, on behalf of my hon. Friends with whom I am associated in putting down this Motion, is that we are not asking the authorities to abandon altogether the proposals for reorganisation. I think most of us will accept the proposal made by the hon. Member for Hampstead. All we are asking is a reprieve for a period of a few years in which the situation can be more accurately assessed, and in which we can estimate better than at the moment what the population is going to be.

The hon. Member for Hampstead pointed out that, although in the long term, from the point of view of the London County Council as a planning and housing authority, the population of this area will go down, nevertheless it may well be that within the immediate future the population of this parish may go up. I challenge the accuracy of the figure of 1,850 which was quoted as the population of this parish. It is more than that. That figure excludes the resident population of St. Thomas's Hospital, which, by virtue of certain schemes in mind, is likely to rise.

The resident population of St. Thomas's is cared for by their own full-time chaplain.

I am quite aware of that fact. I am also advised that the nurses on the nursing staff who wish to get married in their local parish church go to Holy Trinity for the purpose. It is not so simple as merely saying that because they have their own chapel in the hospital, the resident population are thereby excluded from or have no interest in the spiritual ministrations open to them in the parish of Holy Trinity. I am asking my hon. Friend to be a little merciful; not to depart from the principles of re-organisation and planning that he has laid down, but to grant this parish a period of reprieve.

The third point I want to make—and it was made by the hon. Member for Kingston-upon-Thames (Mr. Boyd-Carpenter)—is that many hon. Members must be in a difficulty in trying to decide what to do. It has been argued that whereas hon. Members have not had the opportunity of studying the scheme, and that necessary documents have not been made available, in future cases these facilities will be provided. But why should the parish of Holy Trinity be the victim of what hon. Members have said is a hardship in this particular case? I suggest that is an argument for delaying any immediate action until some time has elapsed, and until hon. Members interested in these matters have an opportunity of considering the scheme in all its aspects.

If the House is to be asked to decide on this tonight, I suggest that hon.

Members are not really in a position to decide in full knowledge of the circumstances that should be brought to their attention. Therefore, I beg my hon. Friend to pay some regard, not to what I have said—that is perhaps of little importance, and may carry no weight with many hon. Members—but to the cogent arguments which have been brought to his notice by others, and to allow the people of this parish to carry on a little longer, and in that way to remove what I fear may create a feeling of bitterness and resentment if the immediate carrying out of this scheme is insisted on.

By leave of the House I will answer one or two of the points that have been raised. I thought the point raised by the hon. Member for Maldon (Mr. Driberg) about the reredos and other valuable properties of this church was one that I tried to answer before. I think I can give him the assurance that the Church Commissioners have a high reputation in dealing with property and ornaments of that kind, and if it is technically possible to remove and make use of these ornaments in another place, that will be done.

I am in a somewhat difficult position in relation to the hon. Members who ask me to give an undertaking about this, that or the other. I am not a Minister in charge of a Department. I am here only as a spokesman with the duty of presenting the views of the Commissioners and it is they who would have to give undertakings one way or the other. I cannot speak in a way which commits them. Subject to that, I shall do the best I can.

In answer to the hon. Member for Hampstead (Mr. H. Brooke), there is no doubt at all about the willingness of the Church to employ Mr. Gedge. The Church is very anxious to retain his services. We appreciate how strongly he must feel over this, which has unfortunately affected his parish so deeply, and appreciate that he may not find it possible to continue in the service of the Church, but we hope he will not feel bound to take that view. Providing he is willing, there is absolutely no doubt at all about the willingness and anxiety of the Church to give him scope to employ his gifts on what we earnestly believe to be a larger and more valuable scale.

The hon. Member for Hampstead also asked what the financial effect of this scheme would be. I think I am right in saying that the net financial effect would be to strengthen the financial position of those who remain in the parishes to be amalgamated, and on top of that it would release a net figure of £425 a year which would become available for the use of the diocese in the work of expansion they have to do, expecially in the perimeter areas.

In spite of what I have said about my difficulty in giving assurances, I can give the assurance that the vicar of St. Mary and all his staff will put themselves to the utmost pains to make sure in every way that the inevitable heartache which must be associated with a change of this kind is eased and that every consideration is given and every sympathy and understanding shown to those in the parish who naturally cannot wholly welcome the change. I am sure they will go out of their way to do that. If the House approve this scheme, it will come into force 28 days after it is sealed and that will not be a long time hence. The arrangements about the disposition of the funds will begin to operate within a short time.

This is an important and new point. The hon. Baronet a moment ago said he could not give any assurance about what the Commissioners may or may not do. Now he is telling us that the scheme will come into operation in 28 days. There is no necessity for that whatsoever. If the scheme goes through the House, it is perfectly open for the Church Commissioners to wait one, two or five years before bringing the scheme into operation. Is the hon. Baronet now telling the House that with out making any attempt—

I wish my hon. Friend would allow me to finish. It is not possible for me, standing in my position, to give an assurance on behalf of the Commissioners about what they will do, because I am not, like a Minister, the heavyweight of a Department. I am simply a spokesman. So far as assurances are concerned, the House will have to make its judgment on the assumption that the financial provisions will begin to operate within quite a short time.

The closing of the church is something which would not be done unless and until it was ordered by the bishop. A further assurance I can give is that the views which have been expressed by hon. Members, asking that some time should be allowed to elapse and that we should not rush in with demolition gangs to pull the church to pieces in five weeks' time, and that time should be allowed so that the changeover may be softened, will be conveyed to the bishop, and I am quite sure will be considered by him. But in my present position, it is not possible for me to give further assurances than those, which I hope will seem reasonable and satisfactory to my hon. Friends.

I think the House appreciates the rather peculiar personal difficulty in which the hon. Member for Gravesend (Sir R. Acland) finds himself, but it is equally embarrassing for the House. It puts us in a difficulty. The House has shown great concern about the scheme and equal concern about taking any step which appeals to challenge the jurisdiction of the Church to order its own affairs. Fortunately, there is a compromise solution which I think could quite easily be adopted.

The technical position is not quite as the hon. Baronet put it. If, in deference to the wish expressed that, notwithstanding objections to this scheme, there should be reluctance to embarrass the Church in a matter concerning its domestic affairs, and if the House takes no action, the position would be that the scheme would become law but would not come into operation until the Commissioners confirm and seal it. Under the Measure it is open to the Commissioners, either by the same or separate orders, to appoint different dates for different purposes and different provisions of the scheme.

I understand what my hon. Friend said about the financial provisions, but it would be possible for the Commissioners, if they so desired, having read the speeches which have been made by many hon. Members on both sides of the House, to say that that part of the scheme which relates to the closing and demolition of Holy Trinity should not come into operation for a period of, say, five years, or until there had been further inquiry or until suitable arrangements had been made.

I feel a grave responsibility in advising my hon. Friends whether to take this matter to a Division. I feel a good deal of reluctance to advise them to do so, and I am also embarrassed by the fact that the hon. Baronet feels that he cannot give any undertaking. If matters of this kind are to be discussed, I hope he will fortify himself in advance with some measure of ability to give assurances, if required. I am prepared to ask the House not to divide—and I hope my hon. Friends agree —and to rely upon the good sense and good will of the Commissioners in paying heed to the views which have been expressed by a great many hon. Members on both sides of the House.

Question put, and negatived.

Ex-Police Constable (Disability Pension)

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House do now adjourn."—[ Mr. Pearson. ]

12.11 a.m.

I seek to raise with the Home Office the case of Police Constable Dance and I am very grateful to the Under-Secretary of State for having indicated to me not only that he will deal with this case but also that he proposes to deal with it in a not unsympathetic manner.

Mr. Dance, a man of 53 or 54 years of age, joined the Navy at the age of 18 and, after 4½ years' service, joined the police force at the age of 22½ and served in the police force from 1920 to 1949—nearly 28½ years. At the end of that period he was discharged as being physically unfit as a result of injuries received in the execution of his duties. It is with that reason for his discharge and what followed it that I wish to deal today.

He was injured several times during his 28½ years' service, for the most part in a very minor way, but in 1942, as a result of injuries received in the execution of his duty, it was necessary for him to be X-rayed. His spine was X-rayed and, although the X-ray plates are no longer available, there is in existence a report on them which reveals that they showed the condition of his spine to be normal. There was no abnormality present. Unhappily, he suffered further injuries in June, 1947. He was injured in a fracas with some intoxicated persons and his injuries were manifold. The serious injuries were to his spine, but unfortunately there was a delay of five months before his spine was X-rayed. The injuries were inflicted in June; the X-ray was not carried out until November. I regard that delay of five months as being, to put it mildly, extremely unfortunate.

I have raised this case by correspondence with the Home Secretary on at least two occasions and on each occasion I made it quite clear that my complaint was based upon the fact that Mr. Dance was not X-rayed, despite his previous complaints. In neither of the Home Secretary's replies did he dispute the fact that Mr. Dance had complained during that period. It was not until I put a Parliamentary Question to him on 14th June that he disputed the point. The words he used were rather peculiar. He said:

If there are no records of the earlier complaint, there is, at least, a record of the last complaint contained in a report submitted by Mr. Dance on form No. 728. I hope, upon investigation, that that report can be found. I think, therefore, it is fully substantiated that Mr. Dance did complain, and it is upon that basis that I contend that the delay of five months was extremely unfortunate because, when the X-ray was carried out, serious injuries to the spine were discovered. They consisted of a fracture of the posterior neural arch, some forward displacement of the spine, and sub-luxation of the fourth lumbar vertebrae on to the fifth.

Various treatment followed and eventually in March, Mr. Dance was discharged. The reason for discharge was given as injuries received, and the injuries were those I enumerated when I was describing what had been disclosed by the X-rays. Mr. Dance, as was his right, appealed, and I have here a copy of the report of the eminent authority who considered the appeal. I want to make it clear that nothing I say casts any reflection whatever upon the ability of the very eminent medical authorities who have considered this case. This particular specialist said that what was wrong with Mr. Dance was something known as spondylolisthesis, something which Mr. Dance had never heard of before. He discovered, to his surprise, that he had had it all his life.

I want to suggest very strongly that the existence of spondylolisthesis is entirely a matter of conjecture, whereas the existence of the injuries, to which I have already referred, is substantiated up to the hilt. There are several very significant points in the report. One sentence reads:

I submit that that is not in accordance with the usual principle which governs these cases. If there is any doubt whatever, the man is given the benefit of that doubt. In this case, the man has been discharged on the basis of supposition. The facts, not the supposition, of the injuries he received in 1947, the fact that there was a delay of five months before an X-ray was taken, and that when it was taken it showed specific injuries, none of which was spondylolisthesis, are ignored. I suggest that that is not in accordance with the principles which govern the rulings in this case. I ask the hon. Gentleman to review the case. I hope that he will agree to do so and that the result will be a greater measure of justice to Mr. Dance.

12.22 a.m.

Mr. Dance was a good man. He gave good service to the Metropolitan Police, and I very much regret that his health does not allow him to serve today. My right hon. Friend naturally has been into this case very closely, because it was raised first by the hon. Member's predecessor; then, when the hon. Member was elected to represent the Division in which Mr. Dance lives, he raised it again with the Home Secretary on more than one occasion.

My right hon. Friend is satisfied that Mr. Dance has been treated as laid down by Parliament, and treated with great consideration. There is no way legally in which this matter can be reopened. Parliament has laid down a procedure in the Police Pensions Regulations. These were approved by this House by an affirmative Resolution, and the law is there and has been followed on every point. The procedure has been followed, and there is no way in which this matter can -be reopened, except on one point— that is, whether the disability has increased since the examination by the medical referee.

The police authority, in this case the Home Secretary, because it is the Metropolitan Police which is concerned, could oppose an application, if Mr. Dance made one, for another medical examination. The procedure laid down by Parliament is that if the police authority opposes such an application, the matter shall go to quarter sessions. I can say tonight that should Mr. Dance ask for another medical examination, the Home Secretary, as the police authority in this case, would not oppose it in any way, and that a medical referee would be appointed to consider his case and examine Mr. Dance.

There is one question I want to raise. Would it not be open to Mr. Dance, if he felt disposed, to take action in the courts and challenge this decision?

No. A procedure is laid down and it is a procedure which this House has set up to safeguard the policemen themselves. The very fact that the medical referee's decision is final and that there is no discretion to the police authority is there for the protection of policemen. That is why it is so strictly laid down in the Pension Regulations relating to the police.

It is a fact that in any police force, especially a police force such as ours in which the men are unarmed, there are comprehensive and very carefully set out rules relating to pensions covering men injured on duty. The 1948 regulations are there. The procedure has been followed. Mr. Dance was injured in June, 1947; he was treated during that year, and until March, 1949. It was at that time that the consultant surgeon to the Metropolitan Police examined him and found him unfit to continue, and assessed his disability at 60 per cent.

In accordance with the procedure laid down by Parliament, Mr. Dance appealed against that decision. Accordingly, a medical referee was appointed. The medical referee examined Mr. Dance, found that he was unfit, and assessed his disability at 60 per cent. Under Section 48, that is final and binding. That, read in conjunction with the undertaking I gave at the beginning that the Home Secretary would not oppose an application by Mr. Dance for another medical examination, is the answer.

Since there is a minute or two available, I feel that, although they are not relevant to this, I should deal with the allegations as to delay and neglect during the summer of 1947, which the hon. Gentleman mentioned. The fact is that Mr. Dance was treated with great consideration. That is the evidence that I have before me. We can find no evidence at all that Mr. Dance complained about his back until 3rd November, 1947, and he was X-rayed, as the hon. Gentleman knows, on 5th November. We can find no record in the Charing Cross Hospital, no record in the Metropolitan Police Nursing Home, no record in the Police Convalescent Home, and no record in the Metropolitan Police medical records.

The wording in the Home Secretary's answer to the hon. Gentleman's Question, to which he drew my attention—that Mr. Dance made no complaint which would have made an earlier X-ray examination advisable—is not mysterious if we consider that Mr. Dance made many complaints, but they were not such as would have made an earlier X-ray examination advisable. His complaints were—and understandably so—in relation to his head and his abdomen, because he had been injured. He also, I am told, made many other complaints during this period which were investigated and, happily, it was found that there was nothing fundamentally wrong. All the reports bear out that he was—and I think we should appreciate his position—very worried indeed about his own health during that period.

As I have said, the Home Secretary very much regrets that Mr. Dance's health does not allow him to continue to serve; he is satisfied that the procedure laid down by Parliament has been followed; and in fact he has no discretion whatsoever to vary the finding of the medical referee in this matter; but, as I said at the opening, if Mr. Dance takes the next step and asks for another medical examination—

If Mr. Dance follows the procedure; he will know what to do. It is quite an easy one. If Mr. Dance takes that step, the Home Secretary will not oppose it.

Will Mr. Dance appeal to the referee who has already formed an opinion?

The medical officer is appointed for the purpose by the Home Secretary, and, of course, he will not be the same medical referee.

Question put, and agreed to.

Adjourned accordingly at Half-past Twelve o'Clock a.m.