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Commons Chamber

Volume 490: debated on Thursday 12 July 1951

House of Commons

Thursday, July 12, 1951

The House met at Half past Two o'Clock

Prayers

[Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair ]

Oral Answers to Questions

Education

School, Croydon (Closing)

asked the Minister of Education whether he has considered the objections forwarded to him in connection with the proposal to close the British School, Scarbrook Road, Croydon, at the end of the summer term; and what action he proposes to take in the matter.

Yes, Sir. I have decided to approve the local education authority's proposal to close the school.

Is the Minister aware that his decision will cause great misgivings in Croydon and that this school has a record of 140 years' continuous valuable service to the borough? Will he not reconsider his decision in view of the difficulty of accommodating these pupils without overcrowding in comparable schools in the vicinity?

I have gone into all the circumstances very carefully. Unless something other than what the hon. and gallant Member has just said can be brought to my attention, I cannot see any possibility of reviewing it.

Department of Ceramics. Stoke-on-Trent

asked the Minister of Education what progress has been made in the provision of the National Ceramic College; how many students are to be catered for; and what arrangements are to be made to link the college with the needs of the industries, science, art and the North Staffordshire University.

I assume that my hon. Friend is referring to the proposal of the local education authority for Stoke-on-Trent to build a new department few ceramics for their technical college. I hope to approve some building for this proposal in the 1952–53 programme. The department is expected to provide for some 300 full-time students for craft training, some 70 full-time advanced students and, in addition, some 300 part-time day students and 400 evening students.

Both sides of industry are, and will be, represented on the governing body of the college, and the local education authority have already discussed their proposals with representatives of industry and of the University College of North Staffordshire.

Technological Training

asked the Minister of Education what steps he is taking to ensure that the numbers of those receiving technological training is sufficient and their training adequate to secure the best results for this country when atomic power is ready for industrial purposes.

Courses in atomic energy engineering are being instituted at certain university institutions. The Atomic Energy Organisation, under my right hon. Friend the Minister of Supply, will continue to co-operate with the universities and with my Department in considering what further provision should be made for courses of training such as my hon. Friend has in mind, but it is too soon yet to say what will actually be found practicable or desirable.

Does my hon. Friend agree that there is some uneasiness about this matter? In view of the fact that Britain—Trafford Park and Rugby in particular—led the world in the development and perfection of these processes, and so that we can be ready to launch out on a large scale, will my right hon. Friend give an undertaking that the maximum and best possible attention will be given to this matter so that we shall have sufficient men ready for when the launching takes place?

Is the Minister aware that many people think that at present we are not going forward with technological education? Will he really press forward with it, or does he think that merely to obtain a report from a committee is sufficient?

I think we are pressing forward with it. It does not always follow that what somebody else thinks is the fact is what we are actually doing.

asked the Minister of Education what action he proposes to take to improve facilities for technological education in this country.

I hope that it will soon be possible to make a comprehensive statement on this matter, but I cannot yet add anything to the information given to the House by the Parliamentary Secretary last March.

Will the Minister find it possible, before we rise for the Summer Recess, to make a statement on this matter? Does he realise that we have waited a very long time for some action on his part in regard to the recent report on technological education?

Yes, I will try. I am looking at the matter but a great many bodies have to be consulted on a great many facets of the question and it is much better that we should make a right decision than that we should make a quick decision.

Chemical Engineers (Awards)

asked the Minister of Education the number of chemical engineers trained with Government assistance in 1946 and 1950; and the number being trained at present.

Twenty-eight students in 1946–47 and 151 students in 1950–51 were following university courses in chemical engineering with the help of awards given directly by my Department.

In view of that fact that in industry it is admitted that there are great possibilities of economic development in electro-chemicals and by-products from them, and in view of our serious economic position, will my right hon. Friend give an undertaking that the Ministry will give their maximum attention to the needs of these industries?

I think that the progress that is being made and the numbers quoted show that we are alive to that necessity.

Burnham Committee (Wage Scales)

asked the Minister of Education what provision exists in the constitution and rules of the Burnham Committee for the negotiation of fresh wage scales within a period of three years from the last agreement.

It is laid down in Section 89 (1) of the Education Act, 1944. that it shall be the duty of the Committee to submit to me, whenever they think fit or whenever they may be required by me to do so, such scales of remuneration for teachers as they consider suitable.

Is there not something in the rules of the Burnham Committee which prevents fresh recommendations being submitted within three years?

No. There is nothing in the rules which prevents recommendations from coming in if it is decided to make them.

Graduate Teachers' Salaries

asked the Minister of Education if he will consider increasing the pay of graduate teachers in grammar schools, so that the maximum salaries are comparable with those of similar persons in Scotland and Northern Ireland.

This is a matter which would be for consideration by the Burnham Committee in the first instance. The scales now in force give local education authorities wide discretion to make special allowances to teachers in cases where they deem it to be appropriate to do so.

Is the Minister aware that even that discretion does not permit local authorities to bring the salaries of graduate grammar school teachers up to anything like the amounts in Scotland and Northern Ireland, and that there is great dissatisfaction on this matter?

I am quite aware that the Burnham Committee have known what were the figures in Scotland and Northern Ireland and it is no use to them to be told what the differences are here.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware, as I can tell him as chairman of a grammar school, that it is extremely difficult to get teachers and that the situation has got worse since the Burnham Committee reported because the salaries offered are not comparable with those in other employment?

I would like to know what is the "comparable employment" which it is suggested is in competition with teachers.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that if he gives his mind to the matter he will soon find out what is comparable employment?

If it is suggested that industry is comparable I would agree, but if the noble Lord means employment in the teaching profession. I would not agree.

Does the right hon. Gentleman not put the same value on education in England as in Scotland and Northern Ireland?

Of course I do, but in England we have a Burnham Committee and we leave that Committee, which has been carrying on for a number of years, to carry on with this work.

Salaries

asked the Minister of Education when teachers will receive the salary increases recommended by the Burnham Committee and approved by himself to date from 1st April, 1951.

Adjustments of salary to comply with the new Burnham reports will date from 1st April last. Most teachers will already have received a payment at the increased rate to which they may be entitled, or anyway at a provisional rate, but the new reports call for much detailed work by the local education authorities and precise adjustments may be delayed in some cases.

Technical Colleges

asked the Minister of Education if he is satisfied that there are a sufficient number of technical colleges to meet requirements; and whether, in considering increased school accommodation, he will make further provision for these important colleges.

I am certainly not satisfied that there is sufficient technical college accommodation to meet all requirements, and I am, for that reason, pressing forward with a large and increasing programme of new building in this part of the educational field.

Can the right hon. Gentleman assure the House that the recent announcement by the Chancellor will not make the suggestion in the right hon. Gentleman's answer not work out properly?

No, Sir, the programme to which I have referred has already been sanctioned.

asked the Minister of Education how many people over 30 years of age are at present attending technical colleges.

The information is not available since students over 21 years of age are not asked to state their age on admission to establishments of further education.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that quite a large number of older people are taking advantages of these colleges and that it is highly important that as much accommodation as possible should be provided to enable such people still to have an opportunity of improving their technical knowledge?

Yes, but the same colleges are available and for the last date for which figures are available of the more than two million students in institutions giving further education more than half were over 21 years of age.

Secondary Schools (Equipment)

asked the Minister of Education if he will give an assurance that new secondary schools are not too lavishly equipped as compared with schools generally throughout the country.

Will the Minister do his best in future to see that secondary school equipment is kept down to the Eton and Harrow standard of amenities, in order that the available money can be dispersed over a far larger number of schools? There are two new schools in my county which have the most ridiculous and extravagant equipment.

If the hon. and gallant Member has any particular school in mind I shall be glad to receive details and go into the matter.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that in these days of a Labour Government most teachers feel that Eton and Harrow standards are much too low?

Will the right hon. Gentleman ensure that the teaching at these schools is at least as good as at Eton and Harrow?

If the right hon. Gentleman is in any doubt, will he consult the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Financial Secretary to the Treasury?

New Schools (Storeys)

asked the Minister of Education how many of the new schools erected since 1945 are single storey and multiple storey, respectively.

I regret that this information is not available. I can say, however, that for various reasons new schools are increasingly being planned to consist of two or more storeys.

Will the right hon. Gentleman make sure that there is no appalling waste of available building land through the construction of more single storey schools?

Elementary Education (Cost Per Pupil)

asked the Minister of Education what was the cost of education per child in elementary schools in the year ended 31st March, 1951; and in the year ended 31st March, 1939.

The estimated cost per pupil (including ancillary services such as school milk and meals, etc.) in maintained primary schools for the year ended 31st March last is about £26. The cost per pupil in public elementary schools in the year ended 31st March, 1938 (the last pre-war year for which statistics are available) was £15 16s. 0d.

Will my right hon. Friend give us the comparable figures for Eton and Harrow?

Could the right hon. Gentleman say what the cost of the etceteras was?

Grammar Schools (Leaving Age)

asked the Minister of Education what sanction is applied if a parent, having signed an agreement to keep a child at a grammar school until 16 years of age, does not fulfil that agreement.

This would be a matter for the local education authority concerned to consider with its own legal advisers, having regard to the terms of the actual agreement.

Since, on 10th May, the right hon. Gentleman told us it was not a matter which could properly be dealt with by legislation, but on 21st June the Parliamentary Secretary said there were nine such private Acts, can the right hon. Gentleman tell us whether action has ever been taken under any of those Acts and whether it has been effective?

There was only one case, I think in Huddersfield, which was upheld by the court. I do not know what was upheld, but a penalty had to be paid. That is the only case of which we know.

School Medical Officers, Durham

asked the Minister of Education how many vacancies there are at present for assistant school medical officers in County Durham; on what conditions those posts have been offered; and how many applicants there have been for them.

The local education authority have at present vacancies for four assistant school medical officers. So far as my information goes, the conditions attaching to these posts are those stated in the advertisements, namely, three years' experience in practice and the possession of the Diploma of Public Health. One application has been received.

Is it not also included in the advertisement that the salary offered is £150 less than that indicated in the Industrial Court's award in December?

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the closed shop resolution still applies to the post of assistant school medical officer, in addition to the failure of Durham County Council to implement the award of the Industrial Court?

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that that condition obtains still, or is he going by the advertisement? Is he going to leave the children without medical attention?

If a gentleman appointed to one of these posts was invited to a certain garden party would he have his salary docked if he went?

Pakistan (Commonwealth Defence)

asked the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations what discussions have taken place with the Government of Pakistan on the subject of Commonwealth defence.

Defence questions of common concern are under frequent discussion between the United Kingdom and the Pakistan Governments.

Was the Pakistan Government represented at the recent discussions on Commonwealth defence?

No, Sir. I gave an answer on this matter on 7th June which was rather carefully phrased and I hope that the noble Lord will look at that answer.

Yes, but will the right hon. Gentleman give an undertaking to the House that if the Pakistan Government ask for closer discussion with His Majesty's Government in these matters His Majesty's Government will not give them a refusal on the ground that they are not entering into similar discussions with India?

Persian Oil Dispute (Commonwealth Consultations)

asked the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations if he will give an assurance that His Majesty's Government has been in the closest touch with the Governments of India, Pakistan and Ceylon during the course of the Persian oil dispute, in view of the economic threat to this part of the British Commonwealth of Nations if there is interference in the supply of oil from Persian sources; and whether he is satisfied that the full benefits accruing from co-operation and united action have been obtained.

We have been in the closest touch with these Governments, who have adopted a very helpful attitude.

Does the right hon. Gentleman realise that events in Persia constitute the greatest opportunity and challenge that the British Commonwealth of Nations has probably ever had? Are the Government taking every opportunity to develop the unity between the Commonwealth which it should now be showing?

Yes, Sir. We are, of course, in very close touch on this matter with all Commonwealth Governments.

So that proper recognition should be paid to those who have helped, will the right hon. Gentleman let the House know sometime exactly how the Government of India have helped in these difficult troubles?

I should like that question, if it is intended in its full meaning, to be put on the Order Paper. Mr. Nehru and Mr. Liaquat Ali Khan have both sent messages to Dr. Mossadeq urging the need for a peaceful settlement, and those messages have been very helpful.

The Minister said that the Governments of these three countries had adopted a helpful attitude. Has that attitude been identical in each case?

Would it not be possible to give greater publicity to the messages which have been sent, so that people may be more fully aware of what the Empire is doing in this matter?

They were, of course, reported in the Press at the time. It is not for us to write to the newspapers.

Tshekedi Khama (Bamangwato Kgotla)

asked the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations if he will announce the names of the hon. Members selected to attend the kgotla being held to consider the future of Tshekedi Khama.

asked the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations what arrangements have been made for observers to attend the proposed kgotla of the Bamangwato tribe which is to discuss the question of Tshekedi Khama's return to the Bamangwato Reserve.

Since the Opposition parties have been unable to agree that any members of their parties should go to Bechuanaland to attend the proposed kgotla as observers, it has not been possible to arrange a Parliamentary delegation. His Majesty's Government has, therefore, invited Mr. H. L. Bullock, last year's President of the Trades Union Congress; Mr. D. L. Lipson, Member of Gloucestershire County Council and ex-Independent Member of Parliament for Cheltenham; and Professor W. M. Macmillan, Director of Colonial Studies, University of St. Andrews, to go to the Bamangwato Reserve to attend the kgotla which the Government will invite the tribe to hold, and to report on the attitude of the tribe to the question of Tshekedi Khama's return to the Reserve as a private person.

I am glad to say that these invitations have been accepted. The party will leave for the Bechuanaland Protectorate as soon as the necessary arrangements can be made, which should be within a fortnight. Preparations for the kgotla, including the question of Tshekedi Khama's and his followers' attendance, will be discussed with tribal representatives in the Reserve in the presence of the observers immediately after their arrival. The observers have agreed to remain in the Reserve until the kgotla is held.

I should like to ask two questions. First, is it not very surprising that, notwithstanding the repeated pretentions of the Opposition parties to be interested in seeing that justice is done, they should have declined to let anybody be nominated as observers? Second, will my right hon. Friend give an assurance that these independent persons who have accepted invitations to go out will be given the fullest facilities to see that the kgotla is conducted strictly in accordance with native law and custom?

Yes, Sir. I cannot, of course, answer for the Opposition; but I can certainly give an assurance, in reply to the second part of the question, in an unqualified manner.

In view of the acute anxiety on all sides of the House, and outside too, will the Minister see that Tshekedi Khama does get a fair hearing and that he gets what we call a "square deal"? Is it possible for Tshekedi Khama to have someone at the preliminary meeting to see that things are fair and square and to ensure that he does get what we all desire—a fair hearing in the event?

These matters come up in other Questions on the Order Paper, and I would sooner answer them then.

Has not the right hon. Gentleman communicated with Tshekedi Khama's advisers this morning? Does it not amount to the fact that these observers are to go out within a fortnight; that a meeting is then to be held with representatives who, apparently, are the opponents of Tshekedi; that they will decide whether a meeting will be called, when it will be called, how it will be called, whether Tshekedi Khama can return or not return, and whether he will have any freedom or fair play?

Questions about this are also on the Order Paper; but what the right hon. and learned Gentleman said does not represent the facts. When these observers arrive in the Reserve, they will, of course, make a very great difference to the whole situation. There will be these three independent gentlemen there who can watch and satisfy themselves about the fairness of any proceedings. It is, of course, necessary to find some way of discussing with the tribal representatives. The preliminary meeting for holding the kgotla will be as representative as possible. There is no other way of holding a kgotla. The observers will be present and all discussions will be with representatives. The advice and views of the observers will be very important.

As the right hon. Gentleman also referred to the attitude of the Opposition in regard to the sending of observers, is he not aware that there is a widespread fear that the case may be prejudiced in advance, and that it seemed to many of us that an essential prerequisite, before observers should be agreed on, should be an assurance that the kgotla would be convened and conducted according to native custom?

Why does not my right hon. Friend call upon the resources of another place to get people who have Parliamentary prestige behind them?

Naturally, in consultation with my colleagues, I have given great attention to what I thought would be the best deputation—the best party of observers. I think that these three gentlemen are extremely good. They represent different sections of our society and different sorts of knowledge. I think that it would be very difficult to find a better three.

May I ask whether the first part of the supplementary question of the hon. Member for Islington, East (Mr. E. Fletcher) did not contain imputations against the motives of the Opposition parties? May I ask whether that was in order?

Can my right hon. Friend give an assurance that these three independent observers will be accorded the same degree of freedom and independence to make a full report in public—to the House if necessary—as independent Members of Parliament would have?

Yes, Sir. They are going out to form their own views on the views of the tribe on the question of Tshekedi Khama's return as a private individual. On that matter they will have absolute and full liberty to report. I shall, naturally, make their report known to the House.

asked the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations who will preside at the proposed Bamangwato kgotla to be called in connection with Tshekedi Khama; and what steps have been taken to ensure a fair hearing for all points of view.

This is one of the questions that can only be settled after the arrival of the party of observers in the Reserve and in consultation with representatives of the inhabitants in their presence. Every endeavour will be made by discussion with tribal representatives to secure as president an impartial person whose appointment will reasonably accord with established custom.

I have instructed the High Commissioner and his officers to take all posible steps to ensure a fair hearing at the proposed kgotla for all points of view.

When the right hon. Gentleman says that all possible steps will be taken to secure a fair hearing, and so on, is he making that a condition of the holding of a kgotla and does he intend to watch this matter very closely himself to make certain that no unfair kgotla is called together?

The phrase "all possible steps" means using all necessary police power, and so forth, to make sure that there is no intimidation. From this end I cannot, of course, determine every detail in these matters without taking into account all the views expressed out there: but every possible step will be taken to secure a fair hearing for all sides.

Does my right hon. Friend consider that it is fair that the arrangements for this very important meeting should be made, as far as native opinion is concerned, exclusively with those who are well known to be traditional opponents of Tshekedi Khama? Cannot my right hon. Friend arrange that Tshekedi Khama himself, or his accredited representative, should take part in this preliminary discussion, which will settle the fate of this person? If it is not possible for this to be done in Serowe, would he consider the suggestion that a preliminary meeting might be held in Mafeking, which is outside the present region of disturbance, and where Tshekedi Khama might himself take part in the discussions?

I think this question is one of those which I cannot absolutely settle just by decision at this end, but I think it would be right that Tshekedi's representative should be present at these discussions, and that view, which is the view of the Government, will be conveyed to the tribal leaders. I have considered, I am considering and will continue to consider, alternative arrangements for a meeting at Mafeking or Serowe or anywhere else.

If the tribal leaders do not consent, apparently Tshekedi Khama will not be allowed to be present. Is that so?

Can the Minister say, approximately, how many days would elapse between the arrival of the three independent people and the holding of this meeting? I think the Minister said, earlier, "almost immediately," which means that there would be no chance of making sure that the arrangements were going forward fairly.

A lot of these supplementary questions are covered by later Questions on the Order Paper, and I would prefer to answer them then.

I think the right hon. Gentleman will agree that it is the desire of the House that this matter should be conducted as fairly as possible. How can it be left to local arrangements to ensure that, without Tshekedi Khama himself taking part in making the preliminary arrangements, because it is upon that that a free decision really depends?

I did not say that it would be left to local arrangements. I said that I could not, here and now, agree to local arrangements without taking account at all of the views expressed. It must be remembered that the independent observers will themselves be present, and will have to satisfy themselves that any measures taken or any steps proposed are, in their view, fair and proper. Therefore, the situation will be greatly altered by the presence of these observers.

Could the right hon. Gentleman say to whom these observers will actually report—to the House or to the Government?

They will report to me, and I will convey their views to this House.

In addition to the observers, could my right hon. Friend say whether it will be possible for Tshekedi Khama to be accompanied by the Rev. Michael Scott, who has been advising him?

Is it not a fact that Tshekedi Khama's case is already prejudiced? What is the use of holding the kgotla at all? Has not his case been prejudiced by the correspondence which has taken place?

May I ask the Minister under whose authority this kgotla is to be convened—himself, the District Commissioner or the tribal leaders?

It will be convened by the District Commissioner, who is the native authority in a technical sense.

asked the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations on what date Tshekedi Khama may return to the Bamangwato Reserve.

asked the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations what reply he has returned to the representations made to him by Tshekedi Khama concerning the arrangements for the forthcoming kgotla and the alleged attempts to prejudice the question of his banishment.

I have notified Tshekedi Khama that arrangements for the kgotla that the Government will invite the Bamangwato people to hold, including the question of his entry into the Reserve and attendance at the kgotla, will be discussed with tribal representatives as soon as the observers from the United Kingdom have arrived in the Reserve, in about a fortnight's time.

I have advised Tshekedi Khama, and will inform tribal representatives, that the Government's intention is that during the period from the date on which a decision is taken to hold a kgotla, attended by him, Until the date on which the kgotla is held, he should be at liberty to be in the Reserve. His representations about the interval which should elapse between these two dates will be carefully considered and made known to the observers. I have suggested to Tshekedi Khama that, to avoid any subsequent delay, he would be well advised to be in the Protectorate at about the same time as the observers arrive there, and the cost of his return journey will be met by the Government, as arranged before he came to London.

I have also informed him that the Protectorate Administration has made and will make clear that the sole purpose of the proposed kgotla will be to determine the views of the tribe on the question of his return to the Bamangwato Reserve as a private person who has renounced all claim to the chieftainship.

As to the difference of time which will elapse between the time that a decision is made and the actual holding of the kgotla, is that not a matter in which the right hon. Gentleman must reserve to himself the ultimate responsibility for seeing that there is complete fairness? Is it not clear, from reports reaching this country from time to time, that, in the absence of Tshekedi Khama, it is very unlikely that he will ever be able to put his case properly?

The responsibility, of course, rests with me, but I shall be guided in this matter by the views of the observers.

As the right hon. Gentleman quite rightly says, the responsibility eventually rests with him. Is it a fact that, at recent official kgotlas held at Serowe and at another place, it was said that Tshekedi Khama was returning to claim the chieftainship? If so, will the right hon. Gentleman deny the accuracy of the statements, made, I am afraid, on his behalf?

The hon. Member is totally misinformed. There have been no formal kgotlas. This remark is said to have been made by members present at the kgotla, but certainly not by any Government official. It is not for me, and I do not think it will be suggested that it is for me, to dictate to people what they should or should not say at kgotlas. I am not prepared to deny that remark, but will deny that it was said by the Government or anybody representing them. It was a remark made just as anybody in this House can say what he likes, whether it is true or not.

Will my right hon. Friend explain to the House exactly what steps the Administration have taken to make it clear that Tshekedi Khama had renounced the chieftainship and was returning as a private person? What steps have been taken to dissipate these continuous rumours?

To give a complete answer to that question I should like to see it on the Order Paper. It was made clear at the original kgotla, at which the Government decision about Tshekedi Khama was announced, and it has been made clear to tribal representatives quite recently, and I specified—

I wish to know precisely, because I have been accused of giving inaccurate information last Tuesday.

In view of the great interest shown by both sides of the House in this matter, would the right hon. Gentleman consider publishing a White Paper for the information of hon. Members showing the respective political back- grounds of the pro and anti-Tshekedi parties? It would be of great value to the House.

I will certainly consider that, but it is important that we should do nothing that would prejudice the outcome.

Was my right hon. Friend quite right when he said that the expenses of Tshekedi Khama in going back to Bechuanaland from this country would be borne by the Government?

I said that the cost of the return journey will be paid by the Government, just as his expenses in coming here were paid by the Government.

Does the right hon. Gentleman not realise that the offer he has made in his letter to Tshekedi Khama is not in accordance with the statement he made in the House during the debate on this matter?

asked the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations what date has been fixed for the kgotla at which Tshekedi Khama is to attend.

asked the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations whether he can now announce arrangements for the kgotla which is to consider the return of Tshekedi Khama.

When the party of observers from this country arrives in Serowe, discussions will be held with tribal representatives in their presence about detailed arrangements, including the date, for the kgotla which the Government is inviting the Bamangwato Tribe to hold. I am afraid that I cannot, at this stage, give further details about the arrangements for the kgotla. I must await the outcome of these discussions and the views of the observers.

It will be made clear to tribal representatives that it is the Government's desire that a kgotla shall be held which Tshekedi Khama and his followers shall attend. I hope that the kgotla can be assembled within about three weeks of a decision to summon it.

On a point of order. As it seems to me quite clear that we cannot adequately discuss this important matter by means of Question and answer, I beg to ask leave to move the adjournment of the House in order to discuss a definite matter of urgent public importance, namely, the acts of violence now taking place in Bechuanaland, and their connection with the proposals for the return of Tshekedi Khama?

We cannot do that now. One has to wait until the end of Questions before one can submit a Motion of that kind.

Would the right hon. Gentleman assure the House that, among the arrangements for the kgotla will be included arrangements for Tshekedi Khama and his supporters to be present in good time to organise and arrange this election? Will the right hon. Gentleman bear in mind that he would think it very unfair if, at his own election, he only was to be excluded from all the preparations that take place a few weeks in advance of the election date?

This is not an election, of course, but it will be made absolutely clear that the Government's view is that Tshekedi Khama should be present at the kgotla. I did indicate, in answer to earlier Questions, that it is our intention that he should enter the Reserve directly the decision to call the kgotla had been taken, and should remain there until the kgotla took place

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that in connection with the arrangements which he has already announced, to the effect that the cost of the return journey to Bechuanaland will be paid, will not that be prejudiced if there be a return journey to Bechuanaland and back again to London? Does the right hon. Gentleman mean that, or only the return journey in the ordinary sense?

I mean the return journey to the Protectorate, which is what I arranged with Tshekedi Khama before he came over here.

Seeing that this kgotla is to be held in order that Tshekedi Khama can be present, is it not rather unfair to make him pay for the journey back to this country if he wants to come here?

It was eight or more weeks ago when I first made this arrangement, and it was agreed that we should pay his passage to this country and his passage back if he wanted to go gack. I am merely carrying out that promise.

May we take it that the observers will have the services of an official interpreter from the moment of their arrival, because I do not think that any of them know the language?

asked the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations under what authority recent meetings of Bamangwato tribesmen have taken place to discuss the return home of Tshekedi Khama.

No special authority is required for the holding of informal meetings by any persons who so desire to discuss current affairs in the Bamangwato Reserve. It is customary amongst the Bamangwato and other tribes of the Bechuanaland Protectorate for leading people to meet daily on the kgotla ground to discuss current affairs of interest to them. Any member of the tribe may attend such informal meetings.

Although such meetings are often described as being "in kgotla" in the sense that they are held on the kgotla ground, they must be distinguished from the assembly of the whole tribe in formal kgotla which under present circumstances requires the authority of the Resident Commissioner. A formal kgotla is normally called to discuss a particular subject. The Government's duty is, while maintaining peace and good order, to ensure full liberty of expression for all views.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that however pertinent that may be to other discussions, it can hardly be considered a satisfactory description of the meeting on 5th July, 1951, which Tshekedi Khama described as a chiefs' kgotla and an official assembly in the official place, and not a mere casual meeting over which the District Commissioner might not have had jurisdiction?

It was not an official meeting although it was held in an official place. Meetings are held daily in the kgotla, which is like the village green. People go there and talk. It was in no sense an official meeting, which has to be summoned by the native authority.

In view of the unsatisfactory nature of the Minister's answers, I beg to give you notice, Mr. Speaker, that at the end of Questions I shall ask your permission to move the adjournment of the House so that we may discuss this matter further.

Trade and Commerce

Utility Goods (Prices)

asked the President of the Board of Trade how many applications are before him for increases in the price of utility goods.

Twenty-eight applications for increases in the price of utility goods are at present being considered in my Department.

When does the right hon. and learned Gentleman expect the fall in world prices of raw materials to be reflected in lower prices of utility goods? When that comes about, will he see that the same publicity is given to lower prices as has been given to the continued increases?

I am obliged to the hon. Gentleman for his suggestion. I will certainly do my best to see that due publicity is given to the reverse movement which, I hope, will take place shortly, although I would not like to fix a specific date. The trend now is for world prices of raw materials to come down again, and I hope that it will shortly be reflected in costs.

Will my right hon. and learned Friend give an assurance that he will make a most vigorous examination of costs of production before he permits a further increase in prices?

Yes, I readily give that assurance. That is the practice at present. We have a most careful costing investigation.

Can the Minister say whether any of these increases affect the eight related schedues which we shall be discussing on the Prayer tonight? Are there going to be any differences, because, if we are to discuss the matter tonight, it would be useful to know whether these are out of date or not?

Is it not a fact that there is very serious doubt in the minds of many people, not only about the wisdom, but also the justice of some of the recent increases in maximum prices allowed by the Board of Trade? Should not there be, if possible, a more rigorous examination of this matter before more prices are allowed to be increased?

This is a matter which I have now under the closest personal review. I do not think it is at all right to say that any prices have been permitted to be increased without a very careful examination by accountants. Whether that examination could be made more stringent than at present is one of the matters I am considering.

Will the Minister make it clear that these are maximum or ceiling prices and that some utility goods have been and are being sold very much below the maximum prices agreed between his Department and the interests concerned?

Yes, that is true. The prices fixed are maximum prices, but in a great many cases goods are being sold below those prices.

Would the right hon. and learned Gentleman make it quite clear to the House that the manufacturers of utility goods would welcome any rigorous examination of their costings provided he would also apply the same rigorous examination to the higher costs charged by nationalised industries?

Would my right hon. and learned Friend undertake to publish in a White Paper, or place in the Library, a list of the places at which utility goods can be bought at less than the maximum prices?

If my hon. Friend will go to any boot shop in London he will find that is so.

S.S. "Ben Vorlich" (Tyres)

asked the President of the Board of Trade on what date the s.s. "Ben Voriich" sailed from London docks in June; what was the destination of the ship; and what licences were granted for shipment of heavy-duty tyres on this ship.

The s.s. "Ben Voriich" sailed from London Docks on 22nd June for Port Said, Singapore, Hong Kong, Manila and Cuba. The only heavy duty tyres that are known to have been exported on this ship were destined for Hong Kong, but as shipment was made prior to 25th June, no licence was required for export to this destination.

Jamaican and Cuban Cigars

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he will adjust the rates of preference on Jamaican cigars in order to safeguard the interests of the colonial producers.

An increase in the rate of preference, which is presumably what the hon. Member has in mind, would be contrary to our obligations under the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade.

What is the justification for having signed an agreement on tariffs which makes such an adjustment impossible for the benefit of our own Colonies? Also, what is the justification for importing Cuban cigars, presumably for dollars, when Empire cigars are available?

Both those questions are really different from the one on the Order Paper in the hon. Member's name. This, of course, was only one element in a multilateral tariff bargain which was initiated with other countries, and which, on balance, we considered procured considerable advantages for this country as a great exporting nation. That General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade was fully debated and approved by the House several years ago. The question of the importation of cigars is a matter which is still the subject of negotiations.

As the Question relates to the rates of preference on Jamaican cigars, may I ask whether it is not a fact that the rate of preference before the war was 23 per cent. and is now only a little over 4 per cent.? As the duty of the right hon. and learned Gentleman's Department is to promote trade, does that not also extend to the trade of the British Colonies?

It is certainly the desire and intention of my Department to promote trade between the different sections of the Commonwealth to the fullest possible extent, but it must be remembered that the Commonwealth is not entirely self-supporting. We also have to develop our export trade, and that is a consideration to which I cannot close my eyes.

When Columbus went to the West Indies, he found the aborigines enjoying these cigars, and they are still as good as ever. Is my right hon. and learned Friend aware that 13,000 people are employed in Jamaica in the making of these cigars which is equivalent to 468,000 people working in the cotton industry in this country? Many women are employed in these cigar factories, and it is an industry which is vital to their economy. Will my right hon. and learned Friend please look at this matter again?

This subject has been under very careful consideration for a time long preceding that when I was appointed to my present office. It is a little idle to ask me to look at it again because I have been looking at it continually for the last three months. But, as I have said, the consideration to which I have to have regard is the necessity for increasing the export trade of this country, particularly to the dollar countries.

asked the President of the Board of Trade what is the quantity and value of Cuban cigars which he proposes allowing into this country under the Cuban trade agreement.

The question of a trade agreement under which a limited quantity of Cuban cigars might be imported into this country is at present under discussion with the Government of Cuba. It would not be useful for me to indicate the details whilst these negotiations are going on, but if a trade agreement is concluded I shall obviously inform the House of the details.

Is the Minister not aware that the importation of any Cuban cigars at all is certain to mean further factories closing in Jamaica and more unemployment in that Colony? Is it not Government policy to help the Colonies? If so, how can they reconcile such a policy with importing Cuban cigars under any agreement?

It is quite impossible to consider the problem of Cuban and Jamaican cigars in isolation. One has to look at the whole picture of our commercial relations and our exports to and imports from different countries of the world. I can assure the hon. Member that we shall conclude no agreement with regard to this matter unless we think that, on balance, it is to the advantage of this country, our Colonies and the Commonwealth.

While preserving the most advantageous preference and improving it for Jamaican cigars, will the right hon. and learned Gentleman bear in mind that no cigar in the world is as good as the Havana cigar, that this art should not be lost and that Havana cigars ought to come here to compete with Jamaican cigars and keep them up to scratch?

I am able to take an objective position in this matter because I do not smoke either Cuban or Jamaican cigars. The question I have to consider is whether we are to have permanently and for ever a ban on the importation of cigars from all other countries but Jamaica.

Commercial Treaties (Most-Favoured-Nation Clause)

asked the President of the Board of Trade if he is aware that the Economic Commission of the European League for Economic Co-operation has recommended that the most-favoured-nation clause should cease to be applied in commercial treaties; and if His Majesty's Government will adopt this recommendation.

I assume that the hon. Member is referring to the proposal contained in the pamphlet dated 28th April, 1951, entitled "Observations of the Economic Commission of the European League of Economic Co-operation on the British Section's Preliminary Report on Trade Relations between the Commonwealth and Europe." This proposal was, I understand, further considered at the conference convened by the League at Brussels at the beginning of June last but was not entirely endorsed by that body.

The most-favoured-nation principle, as it is embodied in the commercial treaties and agreements to which this country is a party, has been and continues to be of great assistance to our export trade and accordingly His Majesty's Government are not prepared to abandon it.

Is it not a fact that the most-favoured-nation clause is sometimes a great hindrance to the reduction of tariffs. Would it not be much better to clear it out of the way, and allow countries to make reciprocal arrangements with one another?

No, Sir. I think our general export policy has been assisted by the maintenance of the most-favoured-nation provisions in the commercial treaties into which we have entered. It must be remembered, of course, that the provision with regard to most-favoured-nation treatment is always conditional upon the maintenance of rates of Imperial Preference.

Rubber Exports (U.S.S.R.)

asked the President of the Board of Trade if he is aware that a declaration has just been received in the London market covering a fresh amount of rubber shipments to the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics of £3,000,000; and, in view of his decision two months ago to stop such shipments why this further shipment was permitted.

There has been no decision to stop exports of rubber to Russia. These exports are, however, subject to export control and we are watching them closely. The guiding principles of our policy in this have regard to what we obtain in return for such exports and to the importance of keeping the latter at a figure which corresponds to normal exports in past years. Exports of rubber to Russia for the first five months of this year from the United Kingdom and Malaya together are so far much less than for the same period last year.

Why export any rubber at all to a country which is trying to crush us? Will the Government prove clearly that they will do something really serious to uphold prestige and safety of our country? Will they realise that it is deeds and not words that we want?

The safety and prestige of our country in part depend on our economic stability. One-third of the coarse grains required for our agricultural industry and one-fifth of the timber required for our housing and re-armament programmes are imported from Russia. We have to take these matters into consideration in deciding what we export in return.

Can the Minister say to what extent the export of rubber to the Soviet Union has increased since exports to China have been prohibited?

They have not increased. In fact, the rate of export at the moment is less than it was last year when, of course, exports to China were not prohibited. We are watching that aspect of the matter and we do not intend to see them increase.

Taxicabs, London (Fare Increases)

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department what consultations he had with associations or persons representing the owner-drivers of London taxicabs before he agreed to the recent increase in fares.

The Motor Cab Owner-Driver's Association informed me on 8th May that in their view a substantial increase in the fare tariff was vitally necessary to continued and efficient taxi-cab operation in the Metropolis, and that prompt action was of paramount urgency.

Metropolitan Police (Strength)

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department what was the effective strength of the Metropolitan Police on 1st January, 1951 and 22nd June, 1951.

On 1st January, 1951, the effective strength of the Metropolitan Police was 15,830 men and 329 women, and on 22nd June, 1951, it was 15,551 men and 339 women.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that the reduction of almost 300 in a short time in the strength of the Metropolitan Police is causing great concern? What steps is he taking in view of the very serious discontent in the Police Force due to the length of time which is being taken fully to discuss working conditions in the Force?

This is a matter of great concern to me as well as to other people and I am meeting a committee of the Police Federation this afternoon to discuss it.

In view of the many occasions on which the hon. Lady the Member for Liverpool, Exchange (Mrs. Braddock), and myself and others, irrespective of party, have raised this question and the fact that, to put it bluntly, we have not got any further forward and the Police Force are almost worse off than they ever were in point of numbers, will the right hon. Gentleman consider—I do not ask for an answer now—whether there should not be appointed immediately a committee of investigation, not composed of officials, to find out what is wrong with the Police Force? The situation is really calamitous.

I would not adopt quite the attitude of the noble Lord, but it is very serious indeed. We have had the Report of the Oaksey Committee, all of which has not been implemented owing to difficulty in persuading the local authorities to accept some of the recommendations. But I am now having the most urgent negotiations conducted in regard to pay though I am inclined to think that in addition to pay there will have to be some very careful consideration of the general conditions in the Force.

Is it not a fact that my right hon. Friend made an attempt, within the past few days, to appoint three independent people to go into this matter with this committee, and that the Association of Municipal Corporations' Police Committee refused to have anything to do with the matter or to make any appointment in order to discuss it? What does my right hon. Friend intend to do?

I would have preferred to make a more considered statement on these negotiations, because it is very delicate to discuss the relationship between this Association and the Police Council. I am profoundly disappointed by the attitude that was adopted by the Association referred to by the hon. Lady, and I am taking steps after this afternoon's meeting to bring this matter to a head in a way which will enable negotiations to go forward.

Japan (Draft Peace Treaty)

( by Private Notice ) asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he has any statement to make on a Japanese peace treaty.

Yes, Sir. I have to inform the House that the text of a draft peace treaty with Japan, which is being released simultaneously in London and Washington, has been published as a White Paper, of which copies are available in the Vote Office.

Following upon the talks which took place in London with Mr. Dulles early in June on the main provisions of the treaty, discussions continued through the diplomatic channel on various points in the draft, and Commonwealth Governments were kept informed of these exchanges. Last week the text was communicated jointly by United Kingdom and United States representatives in Washington to other Governments principally concerned in the war against Japan, and the comments of these Governments have been invited. The text was not, however, communicated either to the Nationalist Government or to the Central People's Government of China. The text will also be communicated to other Powers who were at war with Japan. At a later stage I understand that it is the intention of the United States Government to issue invitations for the signature of the treaty with Japan to take place in San Francisco in the first days of September.

A peace treaty with Japan is now of great importance. Our efforts since 1947 to make peace with Japan have failed because of disagreement between the Powers concerned on one point—whether or not the great Powers should have a veto at the peace conference. Six years after Japan's acceptance of our surrender terms, which she has scrupulously carried out, we do not consider that we should continue to postpone a peace treaty which would materially aid a settlement in the Far East, simply because a small minority are not prepared to negotiate a treaty unless the veto is retained.

Conversations on the Japanese peace treaty, therefore began in Washington almost a year ago. Japan has every reason to expect a settlement, and if it should be withheld after 10 months of negotiation this would have a deplorable political effect not only in Japan but, I believe, throughout Asia.

A further difficulty has been the question of the Government entitled to commit the Chinese people to a peace treaty with Japan. This is a difficulty which has not been resolved. If a treaty is not to be indefinitely delayed the only alternative has seemed to us to be that China should not be invited to sign the present treaty. The interests of the Chinese people are, however, safeguarded by the provisions in the draft which is being published today. Once the treaty has been signed and Japan becomes responsible for her own foreign relations, it will be for Japan herself to decide her future relations with China.

As to the security aspects of the treaty, Japan accepts the obligation of Article 2 of the Charter of the United Nations. At the same time, she retains the right of self-defence implicit in Article 51 of the Charter. The defence of Japan against aggression is expected to be assured by an arrangement consistent with the purposes and principles of the United Nations between Japan and the United States. In relation to general security in the Pacific, as the House is aware, special arrangements are contemplated in a pact to be concluded between Australia, New Zealand and the United States.

There is one other question connected with the treaty which I know causes anxiety in this country. My right hon. and learned Friend the President of the Board of Trade will be referring to certain economic aspects of the draft treaty in a Written answer to a Question by my hon. Friend the Member for Wallsend (Mr. McKay) today. With her rapidly increasing population, Japan is under the strongest economic compulsion to develop her exports.

On 19th March my right hon. Friend who was then the President of the Board of Trade told the House that His Majesty's Government at present extends most-favoured-nation treatment to Japanese trade in goods, but is not prepared to enter into any formal undertaking to continue to do so. We feel that we must for the present retain our freedom to protect our economy if necessary against abnormal and injurious competition.

We believe, however, that in an expanding world economy it should be possible for Japan to achieve a reasonable standard of living for her people without menacing that of other countries and at the same time to help to satisfy the growing need of consumers in the underdeveloped countries; and we believe that those objectives can be greatly assisted by consultations between the industrial interests in the various countries concerned on the lines of the Anglo-American Cotton Textile Mission to Japan in 1950.

For my part I would wish to withhold any comment until there has been an opportunity to examine the text of the draft treaty, which, I understand, the right hon. Gentleman said is in the Vote Office. Meanwhile, could I ask him this question? Was I right in understanding that not only has this text been discussed with the Commonwealth Governments but, also, that they are in full agreement with the terms which are now available in the White Paper?

There is a great deal of agreement—not universal; in any case, the Commonwealth countries will have a further opportunity for the discussion of the treaty at a later stage, so that their position is fully protected, but we have kept them fully informed all the way along.

May I be quite clear about this? This draft which is before us now is, therefore, subject to modification; is that so?

That is so. It is subject to possible modification at the subsequent discussions.

Is any reference made in the draft Treaty to the Motion which was passed in this House on 10th May relating to compensation for Far Eastern prisoners of war, and which represented the view of the House of Commons?

Yes, Sir. The Treaty provides that Japan's assets in neutral and ex-enemy countries will be transferred to the International Committee of the Red Cross for distribution at its discretion among those prisoners of war who suffered at Japanese hands.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether the draft Treaty deals with the status of Formosa?

Under the draft multilateral peace treaty—which is the one I was discussing, in the White Paper—Japan renounces its sovereignty over Formosa and the Pescadores Islands. The Treaty itself will not determine the future of these islands.

Does not my right hon. Friend agree that the first act of open aggression started years before the actual opening of the last world war, and was the attack by Japan upon China who has, therefore, been at war with Japan longer than anyone else? Is it not in the highest degree unfortunate that a Far Eastern settlement, which is impossible without a settlement between China and Japan, should be held up by reason only of the United States' refusal to recognise the facts about the Government of China?

This does not pretend to be a complete and comprehensive Far Eastern settlement. I would, naturally, have been happy if we could have had a tidier solution about the Chinese situation, which was impossible in the circumstances of the case. There is a difference of view which is well known, and, therefore, we thought we had done pretty well by leaving that question open.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say how much money will go to the Red Cross and will be available for distribution amongst ex-prisoners of war?

The sum, I am afraid, will not be very substantial, which I think was rather hinted at by my right hon. Friend the Minister of State. I cannot be sure about the sum, but I think it will be in the region of £5 million, which has to be shared out among a considerable number of people.

May I have a little further elucidation of the answer in reply to the point made by the right hon. Member for Warwick and Leamington (Mr. Eden)? As I understand it, my right hon. Friend has told us that the draft treaty is subject to possible modification. Does that really mean that the Powers concerned will have the opportunity of making amendments to the draft treaty by agreement? It seems to me that that is of very great importance, as the treaty has so far been formulated exclusively, as I understand it, by the United States, in consultation with His Majesty's Government. Since there are, of course, a large number of Powers very closely concerned with this matter, is not this question of possible amendment very important? Would my right hon. Friend make representations to the Leader of the House to have a debate in the House on this matter at the very earliest possible moment?

I understand that arrangements may emerge from the later announcement by the Leader of the House about a debate on foreign affairs. On the earlier point, we have negotiated this agreement with the United States, and I think it is satisfactory that we have been able to come to an agreement with the United States; but this is not the last word. I do not want to over-encourage substantial alterations to this treaty, or the idea of them, but there will be further diplomatic exchanges with other countries and there will, moreover, be a conference. This need not, therefore, be assumed to be the last word, because other countries will have a chance to argue.

I do not say that the procedure is wrong, but I think the right hon. Gentleman would agree that it is very unusual to present a treaty in this form. Would it not have been more satisfactory if we and the Commonwealth countries could have agreed on this draft before it was made available so that we knew more or less where we were, because we shall be discussing this draft without any knowledge of the views of our Commonwealth partners on it?

This draft treaty represents the views of His Majesty's Government. It does not follow that we shall not listen to anybody in the course of further discussions, but this represents substantially the view of His Majesty's Government. I agree that the procedure is perhaps not altogether usual, but this is not altogether a usual situation, and it was found to be the best that we and the United States could do in the situation.

In view of the fact that the right hon. Member for Woodford (Mr. Churchill) declared in the House on 16th August, 1945, that his understanding with Marshal Stalin was that Russia would declare war on Japan three months after the defeat of Germany, and in view of the fact that three months to the very day Russia came into the war, would not my right hon. Friend think it worth while to take the initiative in calling together the Far Eastern Commission, in view of the situation created by the treaty? The right hon. Member for Woodford said it was "no mere coincidence" that Russia did this,

"but another example of the fidelity and punctuality with which Marshal Stalin and his valiant armies always keep their military engagements."—[OFFICIAL REPORT. 16th August, 1945; Vol. 413, c. 80.]

Is it not a fact that even after the peace treaty has been concluded the links between Japan and America, both economic and military, will remain extremely close? In view of that, does it not mean that the decision as to which Chinese Government should be recognised—which, I understand, is left to the Japanese Government—will be an American decision? Would it not have been better, therefore, for us to have reserved our right to re-open this matter and to have a say in it at a later stage with a view to having our point of view accepted?

Persia ("Daily Telegraph" Correspondent)

( by Private Notice ) asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he has any statement to make on the action of the Persian Government which has resulted in the virtual expulsion of Mr. Colin Reid, the "Daily Telegraph" special correspondent from Abadan.

I have seen a Press report to this effect, but have no official confirmation. I await a report from His Majesty's Ambassador in Teheran, who has meanwhile been instructed to protest to the Persian authorities if appropriate. I have since been informed by the "Daily Telegraph" that Mr. Reid's permit has now been extended for 12 days.

Notwithstanding that last report, in view of the fact that no specific charge has been made against this correspondent, who, I think, has been there for 14 weeks; and in view also of the immense importance of free reporting in Abadan just now, without intimidation—and I stress that—will the right hon. Gentleman request our Embassy in Teheran to do all they can to influence the restoration of full and free facilities to this correspondent in Persia?

I have indicated the course that I have taken and will take, and I think that is satisfactory, together with the latest information from the "Daily Telegraph." But I deprecate a tendency, which seems to be growing, to expect me to take decisive and official action based solely on newspaper reports. I must get official information about these things.

Has the Foreign Secretary received any representations from the "Daily Telegraph" for armed intervention on behalf of their correspondent?

I do not think that the right hon. Gentleman will regard this question as controversial. Would the right hon. Gentleman consider entering into discussions with the Government of the United States to see whether the freedom of correspondents, both from this country and from the United States, can be safeguarded? Is he aware that many people in both countries are perturbed at the fact that a number of European and Asiatic countries think that they can turn out British and American correspondents without any harm coming to them at all? [HON. MEMBERS: "They can."] There ought to be a most vigorous joint protest. Will the right hon. Gentleman give favourable consideration at any rate to holding conversations on the subject? [HON. MEMBERS: "Answer."] Surely that is a reasonable question. In other words, the right hon. Gentleman is not prepared to do anything. They will be very pleased in America.

May I ask the Foreign Secretary why official information is apparently so slow in coming? Does it take longer for the right hon. Gentleman to get information from Persia than it does for a great newspaper?

Business of the House

Yes, Sir. The business for next week will be as follows:

MONDAY, 16TH JULY—Second Reading of the Consolidated Fund (Civil List Provisions) Bill, and Committee stage of the necessary Money Resolution;

Second Reading of the Isle of Man (Customs) Bill. Report stage of the Navy, Army and Air Expenditure, 1949–50; Committee and remaining stages of the Forestry Bill [ Lords ]; Consideration of the Motion to approve the Agriculture Act (Part I) Extension of Period Order; Lords Amendments to the Courts-Martial (Appeals) Bill, which are expected to be received from another place today; Motions to approve the Fertilisers (Charges) Order; and the Greenwich Hospital Accounts.

TUESDAY, 17TH JULY—Supply (21st Allotted Day)—Committee;

Debate on the Persian Situation.

WEDNESDAY, 18TH JULY—Supply (22nd Allotted Day)—Committee;

Debate on Agriculture in England and Wales;

Consideration of the Motion to approve the Draft Gas (Staff Compensation) (Amendment) Regulations.

THURSDAY, 19TH JULY—Committee and remaining stages of the Consolidated Fund (Civil List Provisions) Bill;

Debate on the Report of the Broadcasting Committee.

FRIDAY, 20TH JULY—Committee and remaining stages of the Isle of Man (Customs) Bill; the Tithe Act, 1936 (Amendment) Bill [ Lords ], and the Rag Flock and Other Filling Materials Bill [ Lords ].

During the week it is hoped that there will be an opportunity to take the Second Reading of the Guardianship and Maintenance of Infants Bill, which is expected to be received from another place today.

With regard to the very wide and general menu for Monday, does the right hon. Gentleman really think we can take both the Committee and remaining stages of the Forestry Bill that day? I think the Government themselves have put down some 40 Amendments since we began to look at this, with a view to seeing what arrangements could be made. That seems rather a lot to take in addition to the other variegated items.

I am quite willing to discuss that through the usual channels to see how far it is possible to go.

When does the right hon. Gentleman expect that it will be possible to provide an opportunity for discussing the draft Japanese peace treaty?

Arrangements have been made through the usual channels for discussions on foreign affairs in the week after next.

Could the right hon. Gentleman now say when the Indemnity Bill in connection with Statutory Instrument No. 413 will be introduced? It was promised before the end of June.

Yes, Sir. I think it will be presented on one day early next week, either Monday or Tuesday.

Can my right hon. Friend give us any hope that there will be some discussion on the excellent report made about town and country planning quite recently, in view of the wide interest which is taken in the subject, and the questions which the report itself arouses?

I can see no chance of that, unless that subject is selected for a Supply Day.

There is one question I am sorry I forgot to ask about Thursday's business. It is about the debate on the Report of the Broadcasting Committee. Can the right hon. Gentleman tell us what form that debate will take? Will it be on a Motion? If so, what Motion?

The Government will table a Motion asking the House to take note of the Report.

With regard to my right hon. Friend's reference to a debate on foreign affairs in the week after next, can he say whether it is contemplated that that should be a two-day debate? In considering that matter will he bear in mind that there is a large number of questions which hon. Members may very well wish to discuss before we disperse for the Summer Recess, and that there are a number of Questions and Motions on the Order Paper touching on foreign affairs?

Discussions have been proceeding regarding the length of the debate to be provided for foreign affairs. I think it is quite likely that it will be for two days.

Will the right hon Gentleman bear in mind that it has got to come out of our time, and that we are a little bit interested in that matter?

I understood that it was generally known that one of the days for the foreign affairs debate would be provided by the Government.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say when the House will be invited to approve the new scheme for the herring fishing industry?

In view of the overwhelming mass of public opinion in the country against the ban on the broadcasting of football matches, can an early opportunity be provided for debating the Motion which I put down on 4th June last?

[ That this House deplores the action of the Football League in raising the price of admission from 1s. 3d. to 1s. 6d. and in banning broadcasting during the progress of matches in view of the fact that this increase will debar the majority of old age pensioners from enjoying one of the national pastimes; and, as it is the duty of welfare committees of local authorities to provide comforts for the aged and the blind in the winter of their lives and to this end they have provided wireless sets, regrets that the Football League have decided, without warning, to deprive these people and all those in hospitals of what to many has been one of the highlights of their lives. ]

On a point of order. I have the good fortune to have the Motion for the Adjournment on Monday night for that subject. Does that not mean that it is pre-empted?

I think not. That is an unofficial Adjournment debate—to arise without official or formal notice. Therefore, it does not preclude a question in advance. Were the matter the subject of a Motion on the Order Paper, then the Rule about anticipation would apply.

I was going to say that my hon. Friend the Member for Ardwick (Mr. L. M. Lever) may have a chance of getting in on the debate on Monday night.

Is the right hon. Gentleman yet able to tell the House when the Government intend to introduce the Measure pertaining to supplies and services, which, he will recall, was forecast last October as the principal legislative proposal for this Session?

Tshekedi Khama (Bamangwato Kgotla)

I beg to move the adjournment of the House to discuss a definite matter of urgent public importance, namely, the decision of the Government, as stated in a letter dated yesterday, written on behalf of the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations, to hold meetings within a fortnight in the Bamangwato Reserve which will decide the future of Tshekedi Khama, his family, and his place of residence; which meetings will not be in accordance with the undertaking given to this House by the Secretary of State on 26th June, and will not be in accordance with fair play or justice.

I am afraid that this Motion does not come within the ambit of Rule 9. To start with, the occurrence must be a somewhat sudden emergency. This matter has been going on for some time. The only new thing is the letter which was received on 11th July. Second, no adjournment can be moved when the facts are in dispute. The facts whether the meetings will not be in accordance with the undertaking, and so on, are in dispute. One may have one's own views about them, but those facts are in dispute. Therefore, they rule the Motion out. Third, I have to take into account whether there is any chance of debating this matter in the near future. Between now and the end of July there are six Supply Days and there are two days for the Consolidated Fund Bill, which is exempted business. There is certainly a chance, therefore, to debate the matter in the normal way. Therefore, on those three counts, I must rule that this Motion does not comply with Rule 9.

May I say, Sir, with regard to the first count, that the letter upon which this Motion was based was received only this morning, so that this is the first opportunity on which one could have raised it? It does lay down definite methods which the Government propose to use with regard to the future of Tshekedi Khama. This is the first opportunity one has had of raising this definite matter of urgent public importance.

I agree that the right hon. and learned Gentleman has used the first opportunity to raise the matter, but that does not mean that I must necessarily accept the facts as stated. I am afraid that I must continue to hold that this does not fall within the Rule. There will be other opportunities later.

May I, with great respect, Mr. Speaker, since you have referred to impending debates on the Consolidated Fund Bill, remind you of what some of us think was the very unfortunate occasion a year or so ago when the Closure was moved during a debate on a Consolidated Fund Bill, when a somewhat analogous debate was taking place? Would it be in order, therefore, to ask you, Mr. Speaker, if you will be good enough to indicate whether you will not be disposed to accept a Motion for the Closure should a debate occur on this subject on the Consolidated Fund Bill?

I will not. I shall always use my own judgment in these matters. I shall not say in advance whether I shall accept or whether I shall not accept a Closure Motion, but I trust that I shall do my best to be fair.

Bill Presented

Consolidated Fund (Civil List Provisions) Bill

"to complete the charge on the Consolidated Fund of the provisions made by the Civil List Act, 1937," presented by the Prime Minister; supported by the Chancellor of the Exchequer and Mr. Jay; read the First time; to be read a Second time Tomorrow, and to be printed. [Bill 132.]

Orders of the Day

Supply

[20TH ALLOTTED DAY]

Considered in Committee.

[Major MILNER in the Chair]

Civil Estimates, 1951–52

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a further sum, not exceeding £20, be granted to His Majesty, towards defraying the charges for the following services connected with Scottish Agriculture, for the year ending on 31st March, 1952, namely:

Civil Estimates, 1951–52

£

Class VI, Vote 20, Department of Agriculture for Scotland

10

Class VI, Vote 21, Department of Agriculture for Scotland (Food Production Services)

10

Total

£20"

—[ Mr. Hannon. ]

Agriculture (Scotland)

3.58 p.m.

I am sure that I shall be expressing the feelings of hon. Members in all parts of the Committee when I say how much we regret the absence owing to ill health of the Secretary of State for Scotland from this our second Scottish Supply Day, when we are to discuss agriculture. We all sympathise with him in his illness and hope he will soon be back at his job.

This time last year, when I had the privilege of beginning the discussion of the Estimates for agriculture, I suggested to the Committee that two main problems confronted the agricultural industry. The first was how to obtain constant production in face of ever-rising prices for the things farmers have to buy while at the same time maintaining wages fixed by statute. The second was how best and most economically we could develop the resources of production still available to us in our country. A year later, I think everyone will agree, those two problems still remain our major concern.

Apart from disastrous weather conditions, rising costs have again been the main feature of the farming year. Feedingstuffs, fertilisers, fuel, freights and machinery, farming overheads—all have gone up in price. We have had an increase in wages. Certain State subsidies have been withdrawn. Demands for fresh capital are reflected in record figures from the banks and from other sources of loans. All this comes at a time when sacrifices have to be made by everyone to meet the cost of re-armament.

Accordingly, when commodity prices were more at this year's Price Review, it was clear that the British farmer himself, notwithstanding the guaranteed prices, would have to shoulder part of the £89 million of increased costs since the last Price Review. From what I have been able to gather from the figures that have been published, he is doing this in a full year to the extent of some £46 million, or just over half the total increased costs involved. These figures are published in the White Paper.

The farming industry has therefore been asked to do two things: not only to make a major contribution to the national economy by reaching a target set in 1947 in this food expansion programme, but also to take its share of the economic burden due to re-armament. It is important that this should be properly understood, in case there are any foolish people who are contemplating making speeches of the "feather-bed" variety.

There is no doubt that, in the present circumstances of uneasy peace, costs are bound to keep on going up, and I think that is a very serious feature. I consider that this is the most acute internal problem facing the farming industry and the nation, and I personally am of the opinion that the danger point has not only been reached but has been passed.

I do not want to quote a great list of figures this afternoon, because they are always boring, but it should be realised that the humble plough, to be found on every farm probably throughout the whole of Great Britain, and bought by the smallest men, has risen in price by 80 per cent. since 1945. Superphosphates, our main general manure, also used on practically every holding throughout the country, has risen in price since 1945 by 75 per cent. During the past few weeks a further announcement has been made that superphosphates are to go up by a further 82 per cent., the reason being that the second half of the fertiliser subsidy has now been withdrawn. In the realm of feedingstuffs, linseed cake, the main feedingstuff, has risen by 218 per cent. since 1945.

But what worries me most in this business of rising costs is the crippling effect of increased freights on the Scottish farming economy. We are in a peculiar position, because by and large the farms of Scotland are located at considerable distances from points of supply and, in turn, from consuming centres. An increase of, say, 22½ per cent. or 25 per cent. may not seem a crippling thing where the haul is short, but it is a knock-out when the haul is long. I know that this factor also applies to other industries, but it is particularly crippling to agriculture because so many of our holding are in outlying areas.

The conclusion must be that unless something is done, and done soon, to reduce these transport costs, the position of many of our small farmers will be untenable, in that they will not be able to compete with people who are more favourably placed. This is to me a most serious problem, which demands the urgent attention of the Government. I know perfectly well that other industries are involved, but so also is the agricultural industry, and I take a very serious view of this question.

The farmer's only weapon in this battle against inflation is greater output and increased efficiency; but it is a losing battle, because the time comes, as it has now come, when increased costs outweigh the advantages and economies that flow from increased technical efficiency. Now that that time has come, what the Government intend to do about it is for the right hon. and learned Gentleman to say, and especially what is to be done about freight charges, which have a definite bearing upon the cost of producing our food. The point is that, whatever happens, in the meantime none of us can escape its effect on the cost of producing our food.

Behind these disturbing monetary adjustments there lies, to me, a wider anxiety—and I want this afternoon to go as widely as possible. The problem of feeding the world's fast-growing population is becoming more and more acute. Today the President of the Board of Trade put his finger on it. Exportable surpluses of grain and meat become more uncertain every year. Recently we have depended on the Argentine and Russia for most of our coarse grain imports, but can anyone say that either of those sources is reliable and dependable?

Today, as we all know, world meat production falls far short of demand, and for what meat we can get we pay ever higher prices. The recent Argentine agreement for 230,000 tons of meat, 30,000 tons of which is canned or corned meat, sounds a lot, but if it is measured out it is only equal to 10½ weeks' supply at our present ration level. Looking back, we must come to the conclusion that the annual wrangle with M. Peron, if it is not as exciting, is at least as certain to come as the Cup Final.

For this country, as indeed for all other countries greatly dependent upon imported food, especially meat, the outlook is far from promising. Clearly, if our standard of living is to be maintained, let alone improved, we can make up the deficiency only by increased production at home even beyond the standard of 1947, by better cultivation, by better grassland management, by exploiting to the full the huge areas that we have of hill and marginal land, and by so doing increasing our stock carrying capacity for livestock production of cattle, sheep and pigs.

If anyone were to ask me to put in a single sentence what I thought the farmer's job was today, I should say that his job is to maximise livestock production. The Government's job is to see that it is made possible for him to do that by ensuring that the needs of the industry for capital, for raw materials and, last but by no means least, and very important, for confidence in the long-term future are adequately met. That is the background I want to establish before we discuss a few of the details in front of us.

What sort of progress are we making in Scotland? What can we do to increase the pace of expansion? Can we really afford to permit the continued existence of large areas of undeveloped land in our country, in face of the external factors to which I have referred, including the prospect of a meagre and uncertain meat ration for many years to come, if we are to believe the Minister of Food himself? The other day the Minister of Food said that he was not so much worried about this year as about the next five years. If I were him I should be worried about the next 10 years. These are three ques- tions, although there are many others, which I think are worthy of the attention of the Committee this afternoon.

At first glance this excellently compiled and comprehensive Report of the Department—and I compliment whoever is responsible for writing it—would seem to indicate substantial progress towards the 20 per cent. increase aimed at since the inauguration of the expansion programme. We are told on page 8 that at the end of the third year Scottish output was estimated at 13 per cent. above the 1947 level. That is commendable. But the Report goes on to say:

Last year I suggested that there were three main reasons for this. I put forward these reasons from my own experience. The first is the natural inclination of farmers, because of the fear of soil exhaustion, to nurse their greatest asset, the land, after an exhausing war. The second is their hesitation to cultivate in the face of the ever rising cost of cultivation, especially in regard to labour and fertilisers. The third is the lack of confidence over prices in the long-term field.

Farmers find it very difficult to understand the Government's policy in calling for the increased production of coarse grains on the one hand, while, on the other, they press down the minimum price of barley for the 1950 harvest. Then the Government persisted in their refusal to remove the reservation placed upon oats by the Minister of Agriculture in 1947 when he indicated that the price guarantee for oats in unlimited quantity would be revised in 1952.

What struck me was that, considering that the proportion of home-grown grain last year was only 30 per cent. in the case of barley and 43 per cent. in the case of oats of total supplies distributed, no wonder the home farmer was surprised at the Government's refusal to go a little further. The Government at long last, in the case of oats, as with wool, has come into line with the policy of the Opposition. They have now in the White Paper on Farm Prices just published given an assurance that oats, which are the Scottish main crop equal in acreage to all the other crops put together, are to enjoy equality of treatment with other cereals.

The Conservative Party guaranteed both of these commodities in the Agriculture Charter of 1948, and my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Richmond, Yorks (Sir T. Dugdale), who has honoured us today by coming to listen to our Scottish debate, will remember the arguments which were put forward. I think that he will confirm that this main crop was the key to Scottish farming. Its importance was beyond question, and therefore we found it necessary to put it into our schedule of guaranteed prices. I think that it was a pity, when the Government launched out with the 1947 programme, that they did not take that decision then. Confidence was shaken.

I know that the Parliamentary Secretary took the view last year that it would not have made an iota of difference if that reservation had been removed. If that is so, it is rather strange that the National Farmers' Union of Scotland at its Council meeting this year said:

Before I leave cultivation, I want to ask the right hon. and learned Gentleman a question of considerable importance in regard to cultivation. We have heard about the sulphur position. I ask the right hon. and learned Gentleman whether he can tell us what is going to happen in the 1951–52 period in regard to the supply of fertilisers because of the sulphur position. Two of the main fertilisers are superphosphates and sulphate of ammonia, both of which are produced from sulphuric acid. I believe that it is true to say that the major use of sulphuric acid and conceivably, therefore, of sulphur is in the production of fertilisers.

Can the right hon. and learned Gentleman say what is to be the reduction, if any, in the supply of fertilisers for Scotland and give the percentage, and whether any substitutes will be available and, if so, what? It is useless to call for increased cultivation unless fertilisers are available in sufficient quantities, even though they are at inflated prices. The farmers should know the position now so that they can plan ahead and respond to the Government's call for increased tillage in 1952.

I want to refer now to livestock production, which is our major concern, with particular reference to meat because of its vital importance to the nation at this time. When I get on to the subject of meat, I am always conscious that the hon. Member for Ayrshire, South (Mr. Emrys Hughes) is casting a suspicious eye on me. He is afraid that I am going to say something damaging to the milk industry. I have anticipated this, and I am going to put myself right with him by telling him that, although I am concentrating on meat production today, which is of vast importance to this country and to Scotland, I applaud wholeheartedly the efforts of the dairy farmers, particularly in Ayrshire, because Ayrshire has given an extraordinary performance. Ayrshire can now claim to be the greatest county in the whole of the United Kingdom for the production of graded milk. They have produced far more than the 12 other counties of Scotland put together. I think that is an excellent performance.

The hon. Member will remember that, when he interrupted me some years ago, I told him that I was all for milk being produced in the right places. That is what is being done in the County of Ayrshire. The milk is being produced in the right way, in the right place—

and efficiently. What we want now is meat produced in the right place and in the right way. We want the same effective drive for meat as we have had for milk, and if this debate contributes nothing else but a step toward the increase in the meat ration, it will have been well worth while.

What are the facts about meat? I am not going to quote a lot of figures, but I will instance these figures as coming from the Minister of Food himself. The Minister of Food, when he recently addressed an important meeting in Bradford, showed that although the world production of meat since 1939 was slightly up by some 10 per cent., supplies to European countries, of which Great Britain is the major importing country, were 227,000 tons, or 11 per cent., less than pre-war. At the same time, the population of Great Britain has risen by three million. That means that even if we reached the pre war total of imported and home-grown meat of 2,100,000 tons, we should still be short of our pre-war position by no less than 400,000 tons per annum because of our increased population.

I say, therefore, that meat production should form part of our defence programme. After all, men cannot howk coal, build tanks, or work long hours in the fields without meat, nor will the public easily tolerate any avoidable failure to produce it. In any event, we should be considering what would happen if an emergency arose. Would we have any meat stocks worth mentioning to fall back upon without Russia's coarse grain imports coming in? I do not think so. I do not think we would find any meat at all in the country if we got into an emergency.

I want to examine for a few minutes what sort of progress we are making in Scotland in the sphere of livestock. Omitting milk, because I have dealt with that, compared with 1939—it is not a very good comparison—beef cattle are stated to be up in numbers by 23 per cent. I only hope that they are genuine beef cattle, but I am doubtful. At any rate, we must accept these figures.

Sheep are down by 8 per cent., reflecting the effect of the disastrous storm of 1947; and unfortunately, as we all know, when this year's returns are received, they will show a further very serious reduction. I have with me figures, covering 8,000 ewes in my part of Perthshire, which show the complete results we have had since marking our sheep. Although these results are very serious indeed, they are not quite as bad as I expected, but there will be another very serious fall this year.

The present number of pigs is just under the pre-war figure, and, thanks largely to our friends in Orkney, poultry are up by 30 per cent. Considering that farmers have had less than half of the pre-war volume of feedingstuffs, these figures are quite encouraging. But are these increases great enough today? Are we going fast enough with the job? Can we do any more to accelerate the pace?

Anyone who studies the question of quick meat production thinks immediately in terms of pigs, which, of course, produce meat far more quickly than anything else. If we cared to do so, we would cover Scotland with pigs, but they have one snag. Although they are the quickest, they are not the safest, way, because if war comes the pigs, which depend entirely on imported feedingstuffs, vanish. But sheep do not depend upon imported feedingstuffs, and cattle are dependent upon them only very little. Therefore, sheep and cattle are the sheet anchors of meat production, and it is with them that I want to deal.

We have some 155,000 more beef cattle than in 1939. Again, that sounds quite a lot, but in terms of meat on the plate it means only some 46,000 tons, or about a couple of weeks' supplies for the whole country at the rate of the present low ration. That must be borne in mind. In our vast Highland region—I speak not of the seven crofting counties, but of the agricultural Highland area covering, I believe, the six counties—an area aggregating many millions of acres, we have an increase of 47,000 head, but when we examine the other parts of Scotland we find that there are far fewer beef cattle in this vast Highland region than in either the North-Eastern or Eastern regions.

Dr. Fraser Darling, who, I think, is considered to be a pretty high authority, has shown that whereas the ratio in the West Highlands ought to be one cattle beast to four sheep, the present figures are more nearly 1 to 40. We come to the logical conclusion, therefore, that there is clearly room for a great expansion in this region and in other upland areas not scheduled as the Highland Region.

A lot has been said about raising cattle on our hills, and the experiments by Mr. Hobbs, a very remarkable man, Lord Lovat and others are frequently quoted. It is a great mistake to belittle these experiments. After all, someone has to show the way, and the question is, which is the right way; which is the way that can be followed by the ordinary Highland farmer, the way that will give a fair return and, at the same time, will add substantially to our meat supplies? For that is the aspect which has to be examined.

It is dangerous to be dogmatic, and to say this, that, or the other, and I should be the last to do so, but I have a little experience in this and I believe that the right way to do this job is through what we call the dual-purpose grazing system of both cattle and sheep. That means that the sheep remains master of the mountain, but the establishment of a permanent herd of hill cattle brings into condition for sheep land that would otherwise be lost to them, and at the same time adds greatly to our meat supplies.

The rough herbage disappears, as does the bracken, and even in some areas where no sheep whatever are kept—these areas are legion in Scotland and amount to thousands of acres—cattle can come along and open up the way for them. It is a combined operation. To remove all sheep and to put the cattle on alone may be all right in some areas, but I question whether by doing so there would be a net gain in meat—and that is what the nation wants. In any case, as the right hon. Member for East Stirling (Mr. Woodburn) said some time ago, it is quite true that distilleries are hard to come by.

Figures are often quoted about the number of cattle in the Highlands 150 years ago. I cannot tell whether they are accurate, because I do not think there were any Departmental statistics in those days and I cannot make any check; and in Parliament we have to be rather careful in giving figures. But what we do know is that as recently as 50 years ago, vastly greater numbers of cattle were raised in that region than are raised there now. In 1950, over the whole of Scotland, under the hill cattle scheme, 103,000 cows was the number for which the subsidy was claimed. But when one compares with this the figure of 10,790,000 odd acres of rough grazing in Scotland, it means only one cow to about 104 acres. I have for years been convinced that there is here a great field for expansion and a great opportunity for Scotland. Why is not progress quicker? Is the difficulty biological or economic?

There is, of course, the formidable problem of wintering. At lower levels, that problem is fairly easy of solution, because silage and hay can be made, but even so the rising costs of labour are making even this a difficult job. But higher up in the hills—and a vast proportion of the rough grazings in Scotland are high up—the wintering problem can be met—I have some knowledge of this; by purchasing relatively small quantities of fodder—hay and straw—and feeding it to the hill cattle from January until May.

One thing that is preventing expansion is the high cost of getting the stuff where it is wanted. Once more, we come back to the awful question of transport, especially in the west. I know of herds for which selling off is contemplated, because even when farmers can get the stuff, the transport rates seem to be a large proportion of the cost of the commodity. If assistance were given where abnormal transport rates exist—claims could be examined and approved, if need be, by an agricultural executive committee—I am quite sure that at small expense a big dividend would result in the form of meat.

There is one other question, but I do not know the answer to it. If only we could get straw into our hills, a great many problems would disappear. Think of the wastage with the use of the combine harvester. This marvellous invention is leaving masses of straw to go to waste all over England. I do not know how to get hold of that straw, but if something could be done to form some kind of organisation to pick it up, to bale it and to give it to us more or less for nothing, we would soon produce a lot more meat in Scotland.

But broadly speaking the wintering problem is largely economic. I know of a wholly out-wintered large hill herd in the central part of Perthshire running up to 3,000 ft. which survived this year's storms with no loss when hardy black face sheep perished by the hundred. That was done with the aid of hay and straw. There are some areas, such as in Caithness and Sutherland, where there is no natural shelter, no corries for the cattle to use. Such examples provide a specific problem in the long wintering period. There is a strong case there for a relaxation of the grazing period to meet those particularly difficult conditions. We pressed that when the Livestock Rearing Act was being debated in the House. I gathered from the Minister that the Department were to consider it. I do not know whether they have done so and whether he can give an answer today.

Before I leave this question, there is the question of capital outlay and confidence. Foundation cattle are extremely expensive to buy today, but for hill cattle depreciation is very low and attestation is easy, so that there are good things about it. But it is confidence in the long-term future of this business which is lacking today. It takes a long time to build up a hill herd and get a return. Policies changed, as in the case of pigs, and as now in the case of milk and eggs. That is what shakes the farmers. I do not think we shall get the answer to this question of increased production of cattle until we produce a long-term policy for meat that will make the future more permanent and more secure, not for a few years as is the case today, but for 15 years. We have done that for Australia; why not for our own people?

There must be a long-term meat policy with some kind of permanence if people are to be made really enthusiastic. If we really want meat we have to wipe out the impression that as soon as a certain figure has been reached the producer who has launched out boldly and has sunk considerable capital will be left in the air, which is the impression being created today by certain current changes in Government policy in the way of damping down prices As a result of those changes we shall probably find next year that milk will be in short supply.

I think that the Government are making a mistake by removing the calf subsidy from 1st October, 1951. I do not think that many people realise that that is what is to happen. I heard farmers talking at the Highland Show about it and they did not seem to realise that it was being removed as from 1st October this year. I dislike the method of the direct subsidy. I prefer a realistic price for the product, but when store animals are sold by auction a fixed price cannot be guaranteed.

This method has proved to be successful in building up our stock of cattle, and we can see that that is greatly due to the incentive of that scheme, particularly to the small man, both low down and in the uplands, when this subsidy was put into operation. Many of these small farmers rear several calves per cow. They wean their own suckled calves at two-and-a-half months and substitute another lot. I have known eight calves reared per cow by that method. The calves come from dairy herds where beef bulls are kept—dairy herds supply a large part of the store cattle in Britain—and from the small farmer who sells milk locally and one of his calves at the same time.

Small farmers all over the country buy up these calves and rear them into beef. They cannot rear them economically today if the Government subsidy for these calves is not paid. If they are not bought for rearing into beef they will be lost to the nation as meat because they will be sold for slaughter as what we call bobby or slink calves at an early age. The Government should think again about this question if they are really in earnest about meat. They should think again in terms of the Livestock Rearing Act, under which they decided to exclude cattle dealt with under that Measure from the hill cattle scheme. I will not go into that detailed argument. I know it costs a little but we have to look at this question from the view of a firm guarantee also.

Every one of us wants to see results on the plate, but the fact remains that while we have greater numbers today than in 1939, we are still producing in Scotland 5,000 tons less beef than pre-war. Our cattle are taking longer to finish. One reason, but not the only one, is that winter fattening has now become uneconomic. I do not think that the winter fattening of cattle will ever return because it requires protein feedingstuffs, and even if they were available they would be too dear. If they were reasonably cheap beef cattle would rank lowest in priority for them. Milk would come first, pigs next and then poultry.

I do not see us getting back to wintering cattle. It is the quickest way I know to lose money. That has been proved by the Economics Department of the East of Scotland College, which proved that over a vast range of experiments money was lost on nearly every occasion. We cannot found a meat policy on such a rickety basis as that of fattening cattle in winter in order to make dung.

We could vastly increase our numbers of cattle from our hills and uplands, but to finish them our pastures should be our mainstay. Yet today the Government step down the price off the grass because they cannot deal with what is called the autumn glut. Last year they had to go to the N.F.U. and ask for their help in order to cope with even the limited flow coming to them.

Surely a glut at any time when we are in the middle of a world meat famine is an absurdity. Today our grass is lightly stocked and unless it is being grazed by dairy cows, many fields are being topped by the hay mower this year, and our pastures are not turning out anything like their maximum extent. We should intensify our grassland management and encourage, not discourage, grassland fattening. If there is a glut, let us cold store it and turn round to M. Peron with a full larder behind our backs, not an empty one. We discovered what it meant to have an empty larder when we bargained with him last year.

The phenomenal success of the Milk Marketing Board as a producers' board cries out for a similar organisation for meat. If we had one it would evolve a policy which would cope with the magnetic attraction of the monthly milk cheque which keeps the milk producer going, although he would be willing to turn to beef production. We should see a greater recognition of quality. At the moment quality is not receiving proper recognition so far as Scotland is concerned.

I wish to end by asking the Minister a question which has a direct bearing on future meat production. I refer to the statement made by the Chancellor of the Exchequer in his investment policy statement on 21st June. When referring to the cut that he intended to make in investment building, he made a reference to agricultural production and said:

There are many other questions that will be raised in this debate, including that of horticulture, to which I understand some of my hon. Friends may refer. There is the question of the egg position, about which I should have liked to say a few words. But we were kept very late this afternoon before we were able to begin this debate and I do not wish to take up too much time. There is the question of land settlement in the Highlands, to which I think there will be reference.

I want to conclude by paying a tribute, which we are all willing to give, to our fine body of farm workers. There is no doubt that their effort has been really superb. We have had no strikes and very few grumbles. Long hours have been willingly worked in the field, and our farm workers deserve the very best we can give to them.

One is struck, however, by the fact that the drift from the land is still going on. It is not wages. It is a question of amenity. Something more should be done, for example, to get supplies of electricity to our farm cottages. I was staggered when I found that in the area of the North of Scotland Hydro-Electricity Board, covering three-quarters of Scotland, only 4,000 farms out of 42,000 are connected, and that 38,000 of them have no electricity at all.

This is one of the main reasons for depopulation. Hydro engineers run distribution lines, but the unfortunate people who do not happen to be on those lines are denied a supply of electricity because of the tremendous capital expenditure involved in supplying them. Something on the lines of the Land Drainage Act will be required before those farms are connected to the electricity supply. What we shall get if we do not attend to this matter is a further drift away from agriculture.

Many of the means to efficiency are outside the control of the farmer, but to compare agricultural results in 1939 with those of 1951 is as absurd as to compare a hurricane with a jet. Mechanisation is now making light of many agricultural problems, including some of the heaviest jobs on the farm, such as the spreading of farmyard manure. There are vaccines for almost every disease of cattle and sheep. Steady progress is being made and will continue to be made so long as there is confidence in the future.

But the nature of the soil and the vagaries of the weather will always determine what can be done. We had snow last week in some parts of Scotland. I will not say that the losses in the hills are the worst we have ever had, because the figures are slightly better than I expected, but they are very severe indeed. In many cases known to me, not even the increased price of wool will bridge the gap. The farmer's greatest fear is not that he will be asked to do too much but that he will not be asked to do enough.

4.45 p.m.

We have listened to a very interesting speech by the hon. Member for West Perth (Mr. Snadden) who has a long agricultural experience which he brings forward in his contributions to our debates. I thank him in parenthesis for the kindly remarks he made with regard to the Secretary of State for Scotland. I am sure that his sentiments will be echoed on all sides of the Committee.

I was struck by one significant fact. The hon. Member posed quite a number of problems, but, as the official spokesman for His Majesty's Opposition, he did not present any constructive policy as an indication of the line that would be taken by His Majesty's Opposition if they were in charge of the agricultural policy of Scotland. I propose to deal briefly with the four constructive proposals which he put forward and I trust I shall be able to deal with some of the questions that he asked.

He first suggested that we should develop a dual-purpose policy with regard to cattle and sheep. The Government are already encouraging and pursuing that policy. The two examples which the hon. Gentleman gave of the people who are making large experiments in Scotland, Mr. Hobbs and Lord Lovat, do not show the value of that proposition because they are cattle farmers and are not developing sheep.

In proposing a further subsidy for farmers in addition to the subsidies which they are already receiving, the hon. Gentleman did not define the nature of the subsidy, nor say how it should be distributed, or what relationship it would have to other costs in the industry. It was passing strange to find a self-confessed opponent of the direct subsidy, advocating a new subsidy, and the continuation of an existing one, and in both cases, the subsidies are direct.

What I am trying to advocate here is that attention be paid to the enormous costs of transportation. I had in mind a rebate on the high transport rates.

A transport subsidy is none the less a subsidy, in the proposals put forward by the hon. Gentleman. His fourth constructive proposition was that we should give longer-term guarantees. In the existing guarantees we have fixed minimum prices for four years ahead. I am not sure that the hon. Gentleman thinks that anything more than that is required.

It may seem a little odd that a Law Officer should be involved in an Estimates debate on agriculture. Apart from the exigencies of the situation which have caused my appearance at the Treasury Box today, I can pray in aid the fact that one of my earliest duties as Lord Advocate was to help to pilot through the House the Agriculture (Scotland) Act, 1948, and since then I have had rather a deep interest in agricultural matters. We must recognise that legislation is one of the most important vehicles of policy, and the 1948 Act certainly marks a new legislative milestone in the approach to a sound and efficient agricultural policy in Scotland.

One of our duties today is to pass a proper verdict on the policy of His Majesty's Government in the period under review. It is perhaps fitting to measure it briefly against the background from which it developed, because in this sphere, as in other spheres, it is not sufficient to pose—as was done by and large during his speech by the hon. Member for West Perth—the problems and the difficulties which still exist, although I frankly agree that an appreciation of these problems and difficulties is always necessary to ascertain what still has to be done and the manner in which it is to be achieved. But the measure of the success or failure of any policy is not solely to be gauged by what has yet to be done but must also take into account what has been done in the time available against the background of the industry.

The background against which the Government set out in their post-war agricultural policy was certainly not an easy one. The problems they had to face were not merely the problems of finance and the mechanics of the industry, but included broad human problems. I am sure that, as a result of his wide experience, the hon. Member must agree with that. Agriculture had progressively waned since 1890, subject to a short respite during the 1914–18 war and the period immediately following it. Unfortunately, in 1921, within six months of their being fixed, guaranteed prices were taken away from farmers, and agriculture sank from that date onwards into a slough of despond from which it emerged only in 1939 with the onset of yet another war.

The Government were determined that this great basic industry should not only get its proper place in the scheme of things when the necessities of war demanded recognition but that it should be a substantial, integral and important part in a progressively developing peacetime economy designed to produce economic independence in our country. The keynote of this new policy was stability, efficiency and security for all persons in the industry, calculated to lead to better and greater production.

Some of the greatest problems initially to be solved were the broad human problems. There was the problem of the farmer who, by virtue of the uncertainty in the industry in the past, was unwilling and often afraid to launch out on a long-term capital expenditure on a long-term programme. Inter-linked with that was the fear of the tenant farmer of dispossession. We can claim that by legislation and adminstration these fears have been allayed during the past six years.

The farm workers, who constitute the largest single industry in our country, were for long, as the right hon. and gallant Gentleman the Member for Kelvingrove (Lieut.-Colonel Elliot) will broadly know in view of his wide knowledge of literature, eulogised in song and story, but until recently they did not find their worth reflected in material returns for their contribution to the industry, and, just as farmers were unwilling to branch out into larger spheres, so, too, were the farm workers unwilling to continue, or have their families continue, in this Cinderella of industries.

So significant changes have taken place in this sphere as well, and it is illuminating to note the improvement in the wage conditions for farm workers. The minimum wage of a farm worker in the years immediately preceding 1939 ranged from 32s. 6d. to 37s. 6d. a week. Today the basic minimum wage is £5 a week, and only 30 per cent. of the farm workers are on this rate, the other 70 per cent. being specialists earning higher wages. Even at that, many of these workers earn more than the basic rates, not merely through working overtime but by virtue of the higher wages that they can attract by reason of their individual skill.

I submit that the solving of these human problems and the breaking down of the psychological barriers were important factors in the development of our agricultural policy, but, of course, there were other important factors. The granting of guaranteed prices and guaranteed markets for wheat, barley, rye, potatoes, fat cattle, fat pigs, fat sheep, milk, eggs and wool gave security and confidence to our farmers, a security and a confidence which they had not had before.

I agree with the hon. Member for West Perth that we have now put oats on a par with other cereals, but I could not quite follow his argument—nor I am sure, could the hon. Member for Aberdeenshire, East (Mr. Boothby)—when he said that the fact that oats were not on a par with the other cereals in the past had produced a drop in the production of oats. If hon. and right hon. Gentlemen opposite will look at the figures, they will find that the decrease in respect of oats is substantially less than the decrease in respect of wheat and barley. Whatever the cause may be, it certainly does not appear to be that in the past oats were not on a par with the other cereals.

The curious thing is that the products in respect of which we now have guaranteed prices and guaranteed markets account for four-fifths of the gross agricultural output. Security of tenure, the granting of subsidies and the confidence which the farmer now has to indulge in long-term as well as short-term expenditure have assuredly played their part in the progress which has been achieved and for which the farming community as a whole and the Government can both take full credit. It is perhaps not unfitting for me to say at this stage that in return for these benefits the Government expect efficiency from all engaged in the agricultural industry, and time is proving the sound conception of the powers conferred upon the Secretary of State in the Act of 1948 to take effective steps to secure that efficiency is maintained.

In the post-war agricultural policy, the contribution required from agriculture was, particularly, an increase in the production of commodities for which we have been very considerably dependent upon other countries. Despite the great achievements which have been made by all sections of British industry since 1947, events, particularly since 1947, have only served to emphasise the critical need for increases in home production of food. Recent difficulties in obtaining meat supplies from abroad have stressed the vital importance of a rapid increase in our livestock population; equally, difficulties in obtaining supplies of animal feedingstuffs from overseas have underlined the urgency of raising to the highest possible level the production of feedingstuffs from our own land.

The programme visualised concurrent increases in livestock numbers and in the acreage under crop, particularly cereals. The goal in 1947 was a 20 per cent. increase in total output by 1952. According to the latest available estimates, Scottish output has increased by about 15 per cent. over the 1947 level and, which is very remarkable, over 40 per cent. above the pre-war level. From the figures given in the Report referred to by the hon. Gentleman, this represents an increase of about 2 per cent. on subsequent revision with fullest information. In this connection it must be recognised that the higher the percentage increase goes, the more difficult it is to achieve the results. Broadly speaking, I think we can claim that this marks relatively satisfactory progress.

Now, in gauging how far we have progressed, it is perhaps desirable to make some comparisons. I wish now to compare the 1950 figures with the 1947 figures—because that year marked the beginning of the expansion programme—and the figures for 1939. The cattle population at 4th June, 1950, was 1,616,390 as compared with 1,458,604 at 4th June, 1947, an increase of 10 per cent. The 1939 figure was 1,348,643.

Breaking down these figures between beef and dairy cattle, we find that in 1950 the beef cattle population was 763,737 as against 644,123 in 1947 and 607,901 in 1939, while the dairy cattle population was 852,653 in 1950 as compared with 814,481 in 1947 and 740,742 in 1939. So that there has been, as compared with 1939, a substantial increase in the cattle population, and quite a marked increase in the three years following 1947.

The sheep population rose from 6,024,688 in 1947 to 7,337,269 in 1950. Now it is true that the sheep population in 1939 was higher at 8,007,134, but we must bear in mind—and I think the hon. Gentleman did give credit for this—not only the severe winter of 1947, which had a devastating effect on our sheep, but also the diminution in the sheep population during the war. The increase between 1947 and 1950 in our sheep population was of the order of 21 per cent.

Turning now to pigs, because I think these figures give an indication of the measure of development in the short space of three years, the number of pigs in 1947 was 148,288 and this rose to 250,830 in 1950, an increase of 69 per cent. in three years. I am pleased to inform the Committee, and I am sure that the hon. Gentleman will be pleased to know, that at the present time the pig population is over the 300,000 mark and accordingly higher than it was in 1939. The Committee will remember that in the recent debate on Highland development, my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Scotland indicated his keen interest in encouraging pig production in the Highlands, and it can be confidently anticipated that the remarkable increase in the pig population which I have indicated will continue.

Let us look now at the poultry figures. The poultry population in 1939 was 7,710,999. By 1947 there had been an increase to 7,916,803 and by 1950 the figure stood at 10,073,107 an increase of 40 per cent. on the 1947 figures. So that so far as the annual population is concerned, we can claim that there has been a substantial and significant increase since the beginning of the expansion programme in 1947.

Against this, however, it is true that the acreage under cereals fell from 1,225,134 in 1947 to 1,153,863 in 1950. The curious thing is that the corresponding figure for 1939 was 956,725. The tillage acreage—that is for crops of all kinds and bare fallow—which was 1,480,081 in 1939, stood at 1,858,933 in 1947 and 1,768,320 in 1950. So that although there was a drop between 1947 and 1950, in both cases there was a sub stantial increase over the 1939 figure. The potato acreage—

May I interrupt for one moment? The Lord Advocate has given figures which are rather disturbing. Has he no explanation to offer of why this drop has occurred during the last three years?

If the hon. Gentleman will exercise a little patience, I shall come to that. The potato acreage which was 134,333 in 1939 stood at 207,316 in 1947, and was reduced to 189,697 in 1950. Significantly enough the gross produce increased between 1947 and 1950 although the acreage decreased. After all, that is perhaps the true measure at the end of the day.

In my submission the fall in crop acreage to a large extent has been due to a number of factors, some of which were touched on by the hon. Gentleman. First, there was the almost inevitable and natural tendency of farmers to rest considerable areas of land which had been continually cropped throughout and after the war years. To a lesser extent it probably also reflects the trend towards the substitution of dried grass and silage for other crops for animal feeding purposes. That may have quite a definite effect on the figures I have given, but the fact remains—and it has been necessary to emphasise this to the industry—that it is no longer possible to depend on other countries for animal feedingstuffs to anything like the extent that we did in the pre-war years. The shortfall is in the region of between 40 and 50 per cent. as compared with the pre-war years.

There were two other reasons advanced by the hon. Member for West Perth. One was the increased costs. All I can say is that we have no evidence at all that that is proving or has proved a deterrent in the past year. The second reason advanced was of lack of confidence on the part of the farmers. Recent experience in the past few years, however, has shown that the farmers in Scotland have greater confidence in the future than ever they have had in the whole of their history.

The maintenance of an increased livestock population must, therefore, inevitably call for the highest possible level of crop production at home. At the same time, we must get more feeding value from our grassland, and we must develop the practice of conserving our grass for winter maintenance of livestock. Our agricultural colleges, by advocating improved methods of management, more judicious manuring, re-seeding, and new technique in conservation, are already giving a valuable lead in this direction.

From Britain as a whole an increased production of wheat is looked for in order to reduce as far as possible our dependence upon dollar countries. The major contribution as regards wheat, of course, must come from England, and Scotland's task must be to make the biggest possible contribution to national self-sufficiency in coarse grains.

It is true that for many years livestock production has been the main feature of Scotland's agriculture, and Scottish farmers have deservedly gained world-wide repute as producers both of pedigree stock and of prize quality animals. There is no doubt that Scottish farmers on the whole have been anxious to return to animal husbandry after the sustained efforts in crop production which they were called upon to make during the war years.

Every opportunity, however, must be taken to bring home to them the supreme importance of ensuring that the magnificent progress made in livestock production since the expansion programme began in 1947 will not be lost by reason of insufficient production of feedingstuffs. It is particularly important that the farmers themselves should realise this, since they are expected, and indeed, their organisations have pledged them, to achieve the necessary increases in production by their own voluntary efforts.

The need for limiting dollar expenditure led to the necessity of making certain economies in the rations for dairy cows during the early months of the year, and in spite of later substantial dollar purchase, the total supply of feedingstuffs available for the ration pool in the year which commenced on 1st May, 1951, is likely to be rather less than in the preceding 12 months. It has, however, been possible to maintain the ration scales during the present summer at the same level as in the summer of last year, except for a slight reduction in the dairy cow allowances for May, June and July and in the cereal part of the "steaming-up allowance" for autumn calvers.

Existing stocks and supplies in prospect are regarded as sufficient to maintain the present ration levels, but every opportunity is being taken to urge livestock producers to aim at the highest possible standard of self-sufficiency in feedingstuffs, indeed to produce more than they themselves may need, if that is practicable, so that the surplus may go to the national pool for the benefit of others, whose circumstances do not enable them to grow the feedingstuffs they need.

An interesting export development was evidenced during the season 1950–51 in connection with Scottish seed potatoes. Over 400,000 tons of seed potatoes were exported from Scotland during the 1950–51 season; 380,000 tons to England and Wales and 20,000 tons to foreign countries, including countries in Europe, the Americas and Africa. The exports to England and Wales were about 4 per cent. higher than in the previous season, 1949–50, and nearly four times the prewar quantity. Exports overseas were over 20,000 tons compared with 10,000 tons in the previous year.

It is too early as yet to say exactly how the current year's general cropping programme will work out. The unfortunate weather of the early months may have had some effect upon crop acreages, but there is no doubt that since the better weather came farmers everywhere have been doing their utmost to make up for lost time, and it is our earnest hope that, despite all the difficulties which have been experienced, some increase in cropping will have been achieved this year. The broad aim which has been put to the industry by the agricultural executive committees is an increase of 42,000 acres in oats, 21,000 in barley and 7,000 in wheat.

The hon. Member for West Perth was a little worried about machinery on our farms and capital expenditure generally.

It was the Chancellor's statement on the cut in building with which I was concerned. If that were to take place, it would amount to a change in Government policy.

The hon. Member is familiar with the statement of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and it is not for me to enlarge on that statement here, except that I do not think the hon. Gentleman need have any great apprehension on that subject.

That is a very important statement, and while it is not for the right hon. and learned Gentleman to enlarge upon it, he is speaking now for the Government, and I trust he will be able to clarify the position and give us a little more exact definition of that hopeful statement which he made just now.

As my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer said, it was impossible to go into the actual details, and I cannot elaborate upon that, but I have indicated, having regard to the importance of this industry, that manifestly its importance would be taken into account when these matters are considered.

I hope the right hon. and learned Gentleman will go a little further than that. The statement by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, as quoted by my hon. Friend the Member for West Perth (Mr. Snadden), is pretty definite. It was made on 21st June, and includes this sentence:

"It will be necessary also to reduce private building work for agricultural purposes."—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 21st June, 1951; Vol. 489, c. 719.]

If that could be deferred, if not cancelled, it would at least help and it would give considerable encouragement to those who are considering embarking on this work at this moment.

It all depends where cuts in agricultural building are made. We must remember that such things as agricultural colleges and other forms of agricultural buildings not immediately associated with houses for people in agriculture, might very well come under that description. All these things would be taken into account, always remembering the important part which agriculture plays, not only in our general policy, but in the defence programme. Agriculture must be recognised as an integral part of that programme.

Does the right hon. and learned Gentleman mean that the work in agricultural colleges is going to be held up?

What I said was that there was a large variety of buildings which come under the heading, "Agricultural building." If there is to be any impact on agricultural building then, of course, we shall have to consider which branches of the building programme can most easily bear it.

It is the most important thing which the right hon. and learned Gentleman has said yet.

It may be a matter of opinion what is the most important thing I said. Other hon. Members may have different views on that.

I wish now to turn to the question of mechanisation on Scottish farms. The growth of mechanisation is fully illustrated in the agricultural returns, which bring home this fact most forcibly. In 1942 there were 65,620 horse ploughs and 15,280 tractor ploughs. In 1946 there were 23,360 tractor ploughs and 56,070 horse ploughs. By 1950 there were 40,520 tractor ploughs and only 39,574 horse ploughs. Again, in 1942 there were 60 combine harvesters, by 1946 the number had increased to 210 and in 1950 it was 422.

The position of the supply of agricultural machinery remains fairly satisfactory although the impact of the defence programme may have the effect of slowing up the delivery of machinery of certain types such as tractors, but not, however, to such an extent as to prejudice the agricultural expansion programme. It is anticipated that the supply will be sufficient to maintain a high level of efficiency, and to those who express regret at the loss which may be suffered as a result of the defence programme, may I point out that one cannot support a defence programme, as hon. Members on all sides of the Committee do, and at the same time refuse to face up to all the consequences and repercussions of such a programme. Nevertheless, I repeat that we hope to be able to satisfy all reasonable demands, although there may be some delays in delivery.

The hon. Members raised the question of fertilisers. The cut of 30 per cent. in sulphuric acid supplies to the fertiliser industry, resulting from the sulphur shortage, has been met partly by increased imports of superphosphates and partly by an adjustment in the make-up of compounds to effect a saving of approximately one-sixth. In Scotland this was done by agreement with all the interests concerned and I am informed that the production of sulphate of ammonia is being maintained.

While in the early months of this year the bad weather affected the demand for fertilisers, as the weather improved there was naturally an increased demand and a rush to buy. Sales of fertilisers of all kinds in May and June were very much heavier than usual, but it is difficult to assess how much of this was advance buying and how much was stockpiling.

Fears with regard to rush buying are perhaps a little misplaced. I think there are two physical deterrents; one is storage space and the other deterioration. I think both factors would prevent any large accumulation of stocks at the expense of future supplies in the latter part of the year. We have a system in operation at present which is working reasonably well and we have no reason, on the evidence before us, to believe that at present there is any need to change that system.

The hon. Member dealt also with the question of making the best use of our land, and referred to marginal land and land which has not been fully employed. May I remind the Committee that under the Livestock Rearing Act, 1951, further encouragement has been given to the production of store sheep and cattle in our hill and upland areas to match the growing capacity of the lowland pastures and thus increase our supply of meat. This Act has extended the class of land for which improved grants can be made under the Hill Farming Act, 1946, to cover stock rearing land in upland areas, as well as hill farming land. The sum of £20 million, which, if necessary, may be increased to £22 million, has been provided to pay 50 per cent. grants towards the cost of improvement schemes for farms in these areas.

In Scotland, under the Hill Farming Act, schemes have been received in respect of 1,170 hill sheep farms, covering an area of three million acres, the estimated cost of the works being of the order of £4¼ million. Some £3¼ million worth of this work has already been approved and about £1 million worth is in progress, or has been completed. Most of the schemes are spread over a period of five years or so, and it will be a few years before they are all completed, but my information is that so far progress is satisfactory. Since the Livestock Rearing Act was passed, in March last, a few schemes have been received in respect of upland rearing farms. No doubt many more will come forward once the full implications of the Act are realised by the farmers.

I should say a few words in connection with 1951 prospects in relation to harvest labour. As long as the general pattern of agriculture remains on its present lines the difficulty will remain of finding supplementary labour at various times of the year, particularly at harvest time. The Scottish Harvest Help Scheme will operate again this year and volunteers are being enrolled. Twenty-three hostels have been opened and already some 3,000 volunteers have come forward. To those, not only His Majesty's Government but hon. Members in all parts of the Committee would wish to express thanks. This response, judging by our experience last year gives rise to the expectation that the needs of farmers for harvest labour can be met, but, of course, everything depends upon the progress of the crops and the weather.

Similar plans are being made for the potato harvest and, while fullest possible use will be made of all adult labour that can be obtained, the fact remains that without the help of the older school children there is insufficient labour to lift the Scottish potato crop in the few weeks during which the job has to be completed. Children from the towns will be needed as well as country children. It is gratifying to know that, despite their objections on educational and ethical grounds—objections which I think we all share—education authorities have agreed to cooperate in the operation of the scheme this year. They have done so because they recognise that in present conditions in Scotland this is the only practical means of securing this essential food crop, a conclusion which was reached unanimously by the Harvest Labour Committee presided over by Sir Garnet Wilson.

There is no question that the children required will come forward. Everything possible will be done to ensure that they are properly looked after when engaged on this important work. In the interests of the children, I hope I am expressing the views of all concerned when I say that the hope may be expressed that teachers and others will give their help in making the welfare arrangements as satisfactory as possible.

I wish to pay my tribute to some of those people who have contributed to the successful development of our agricultural policy. For their work in securing increased food production and carrying out the functions delegated to them by the Secretary of State under the Acts of 1948 and 1949, including the securing of improvement in husbandry and estate management, the agricultural executive committees are entitled to the thanks of the Government, of the agricultural industry, and of the country as a whole. The members of these committees, it should be remembered, have given their services willingly and without payment. They have carried out their many duties and functions in a zealous and capable fashion—often at the sacrifice of their own interests, for they are all busy men. They have shown clearly—and tribute is freely paid to them for it—that they are animated by a desire, in which I am sure we all share, that Scottish agriculture should achieve and maintain the highest possible level of efficiency and production.

I should also like to pay my tribute to the work done by the research institutes and agricultural colleges. The work of these colleges is being ably supplemented by the 35 agricultural advisory committees appointed under the 1948 Act, rather more than a year ago. The Committees have so far held 130 meetings and are exercising an important and growing influence on the efficient discharge of advisory, demonstrational and experimental functions in their respective areas.

I have already referred to the sterling efforts the farmers have made, and the Government are confident that they will prove equal to the tasks that lie ahead, but, like the hon. Member for West Perth, I should not like to allow the opportunity to pass without adding to what I have said a special word of praise for the steadfastness and splendid work of the Scottish farm workers throughout these years and, in particular, for the way in which they have coped with the arrears of work caused by the exceptionally bad winter and spring.

I submit that from the evidence adduced here today our agriculture has emerged from the slough. Today it is vital and dynamic, playing its important part in our economic reconstruction in the drive towards economic independence. I am confident that it is not only the wish but it will be the endeavour of everyone connected with this great industry, in whatever capacity, that it should continue to be so.

5.30 p.m.

I am sure that we all welcome the incursion of a high legal authority into this debate, though we regret that the reason for it is the illness of the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary of State for Scotland. It seemed to me that the brief of the right hon. and learned Lord Advocate was well supplied with figures to show that the state of agriculture was rosy at present.

I do not think that many people would disagree with his contention that the policy of guaranteed prices and assured markets has served agriculture well. I do not think that we should deny that, at least, the big farmer with an adequate supply of capital, especially if he has a farm reasonably near to the market and on reasonably good land, has had little to complain of since the war. I sometimes think that we are apt to forget that he has to work exceedingly hard and to take considerable risks, but, on the whole, I think we should agree that he has not done too badly.

However, we must bear in mind the whole time that the great majority of farmers in Scotland are not big farmers. Many of them have holdings which are far from being on very good land. Again, I am not concerned to say that this policy has not, in many ways, looked after their interests reasonably well, but I say that the bed on which they lie has by no means always been a bed of feathers.

Today, in the face of rising costs, they are finding that their profit, such as it is, is narrow. Anyone who looks at their accounts will see that it is untrue to suggest that, even a year or two ago, they were making very big profits when one takes into account the hours they worked and compares the accounts with similar details for an industrial concern. The majority of crofters and small farmers have not made big profits as is sometimes alleged.

I do not think that, in a debate like this, we can depart very far from certain well set lines. The hon. Member for West Perth (Mr. Snadden) pointed to two of the main problems which are bound to occupy us today. One is the problem of rising costs. The other is the need to develop all our agricultural resources. The fact that we have developed them very greatly in recent years does not mean that we can afford to rest on our oars. It does not mean that we have not got a great deal more to do and that we should not make every effort to extract a great deal more food, particularly from the more marginal and upland areas.

I wish to confine my remarks largely to the question of land development. Any policy of land development must take three considerations into account. It must take account of the great diversities which exist in Scotland in climate, soil and general farming conditions. It must take account of the great need for capital, and it must take account of the need for communications. The hon. Member for West Perth mentioned the difficulties of farmers in the more remote areas who are faced with rising transport costs and greater transport difficulty. I am certain that he is right in stressing that aspect.

On the first question of the difference between various types of Scottish land, it is obvious that the Lothians differ from the Shetlands and from Ayrshire, but I do not know whether it is always realised that there are great local differences in areas which are sometimes treated as a unit. Crofting in Shetland is entirely different from farming on the mainland of Orkney. If we are to get full value for the capital we spend on farming in Scotland, we must take more account of these differences.

There has been reference to the experiments of Lord Lovat and Mr. Hobbs. I agree with the hon. Member who said that we should not belittle what those people have done, but I must say that what they have done cannot be repeated everywhere. It certainly cannot even be repeated in great areas in the Highlands. We must realise that even within certain counties there are great changes in climate, soil, and general conditions. More time must be spent investigating these differences.

In Shetland, for instance, there is an opening for anyone who will start a market garden to produce vegetables, although the normal view of Shetland is that only sheep farming is possible. We have heard of the prospect of fruit growing in some parts of the Moray Firth and on the West Coast. There is a future for orchards of certain types of fruit on a fairly large scale in some parts of Scotland, but we must be careful not to go on from that to argue that apples or vegetables, or whatever it may be, are the salvation of the Highlands or of any county in the Highlands. We must investigate all the different types of agriculture.

The first criticism I would make of recent legislation is that it inclines to apply the same policy to very different conditions throughout Great Britain. Certainly, in my experience, the value of the Hill Farming Act and of some of the marginal land subsidies is much reduced when efforts are made to apply them in my constituency or in similar conditions elsewhere. It is difficult to administer these subsidies. One farm gets a subsidy which is denied to a neighbouring farm. When one tries to draw up a hill farming scheme in a crofting district it is almost impossible, under the present legislation, to reach an acceptable solution.

The second need is for capital. I think we all agree that agriculture throughout Scotland still needs a considerable influx of capital. There are the great denuded hillsides of the West Coast and the Highlands which could, I think, absorb millions of pounds themselves. A tremendous problem faces us in crofter and cottar housing and in rural housing throughout Scotland. At the moment, because we have more urgent and pressing demands for urban housing, we are inclined to turn a blind eye to conditions in the countryside, but all the time the problem is accumulating.

There is the problem of the houses themselves, which are probably too small and falling out of repair. There is the need for water, lighting and other amenities. There is a formidable capital requirement on nearly all crofts in Scotland, not only on the houses but on the croft lands. It is necessary to supply the crofter with machinery if he is to be able to make a living. Another requirement is for capital for the breaking out of new land; for drainage, and so on.

In Orkney a great deal of money has been spent on byres and dairies for milk production. I think that further sums could be expended in other counties, but it is necessary for the farmer to be able to find the money and also for him to have an assurance that, when he has got his byre and his dairy up to standard, he will continue to have a guaranteed market for milk.

This presents a most difficult problem. We have been told by the Chancellor of the Exchequer that our capital resources are strained, and that we must find capital for the re-armament programme. Also, today everything is done at inflated prices. There is no doubt that we should be thinking in very long terms when we turn to the development of land, at least in the north of Scotland. I think of the possibility of some form of development board. I know that there are great difficulties about the setting up of a Scottish land development board.

There are the difficulties of what its functions should be, how it should be controlled, and so on. There is no doubt, however, that we must pay as much attention to the development of our land at home as we pay to the development of our Colonies. It seems to me that a Board would have certain advantages. It could, I think, take into account those diversities of which I spoke, and it could assure farmers that it was thinking in the long term and was gauging capital projects, not in accord with the temporary policy of a particular Government, but with long-term considerations in view.

In my experience, the grants now given for capital projects, such as drainage and water supplies, while I do not deny that they have been of very great service, have not been entirely satisfactory. They are mostly limited in the total amount, and they are often limited to 50 per cent. of the work in question. That may seem very generous; but, again, it is certainly not my experience in the crofting districts of the Highlands that it is anything like the amount needed to bring the land into good heart and to drain it properly. This may need the laying out of a great deal of money over a number of years, and the persons concerned, crofter, farmer, or whatever he may be, is certainly incapable of finding the balance which, under the present legislation, they would have to lay down.

It may be said that we cannot afford this, but I am not so sure about that. I am one of those who feels that this development of our land in Scotland is in itself a weapon of defence. I only suggest this as one method of making the best use of the money available. We should have a board to consider all these projects and then decide on some kind of priority. We know that some funds are already available, so that it would not be entirely a question of finding new money. The same sort of thing is attempted today by the Government's recent Livestock Rearing Act. The Lord Advocate indicated that very little advantage has been taken of it, and I think that is because, although it is probably a very good Act for certain people, particularly the large landowner who has a big unit to work, it is not so very suitable for the smaller farms, which need a great amount of capital to put them in order.

My third point concerns communications. The second chapter of this very good Report lays great stress on the need to produce feedingstuffs on areas adjacent to hill land, and I certainly agree with that, but it is just that process which throws a very heavy burden on transport. Even on the farm itself a tractor is needed for breaking up the land, and a lorry to move fertilisers. Then, when the product is moved, freights by sea, or road or rail have to be paid, so that we find that the whole process is limited by the problem of transport. Today, transport costs are rising, the cost of tractors is rising, the cost of machinery is rising and the price of petrol is going up, and I suggest that, in Scotland today, this question of communications, and the transport which is absolutely vital to agriculture, is a growing problem.

I do not want to go into the details too far, but there is no doubt that, as we extend our production into the marginal areas, these problems become more and more acute; indeed, a good many farms are experiencing the difficulties of the marginal areas, because they are further away from their markets and their cost of production are very much higher.

I now want to turn to one or two specific topics. This question of rising costs is an extremely difficult one for the farming community, as, indeed, it is for everyone in the country today. The farmers are called upon to bear £50 million of the extra costs of production, the remainder of the increase being taken account of in the February Price Review, but costs are still rising and they are likely to pose a difficult problem for the Government, for everyone, but particularly for the small farmer, who finds himself between the millstones of prices that cannot be raised indefinitely and costs that are creeping up all the time.

Let us take, for example, my own constituency, which relies, particularly in Orkney on fat cattle and eggs. If we produce cattle in the North Isles of Orkney today, we are faced with the problem of rising freight charges to Kirkwell, and, if we feed them at all we are faced with a very considerable increase in the cost of feedingstuffs. I think the cost of calf food has gone up to 105s. per cwt. In the case of eggs, I think the big poultry farms, which grow a high proportion of their feedingstuffs, are still probably, taking the year as a whole, fairly successful, taking the higher and lower prices together, but the smaller man and the domestic poultry keeper are undoubtedly very hard pressed. They are paying 36s. for their feedingstuffs, and we have seen the results in the falling-off in the supply of eggs sent to the packing stations.

I regard the diminution of egg production as extremely serious, because in these days, when meat is short, eggs are particularly important. They are not only very good for people, but people like them, and that is extremely important. They can be served in a number of ways, and they are easy to cook which is a great advantage. Therefore, I hope that the Government will be able to tell us that it is their policy to increase egg production throughout the whole of the Highland area. I think that is something which could be greatly extended in the crofting counties, not only in Orkney but in Shetland, and in all the Highland counties today, and that, thereby, we should be adding a very important protein to the foodstuffs available in this country.

Would the hon. Gentleman say something about the price of eggs?

I agree that the price is very important. I thought the remarks of the Lord Advocate on feedingstuffs were disappointing, and I hope the Government will scrounge round the world for feedingstuffs. I hope that the Crofting Commission will have some useful suggestions to make on helping the crofters to use more modern methods of egg production. As the hon. Member who interrupted knows, there are a great many eggs which cannot be collected in his constituency and mine because the hens have a habit of laying their eggs on the moor.

I want to finish by asking two or three questions. Personally, I have great reservations to make about direct subsidies, unless they are for capital purposes, where we may get a yield on them. Nevertheless, I should like to ask the Under-Secretary if he is really satisfied about the removal of the calf-rearing subsidy at this time. I know that there are reasons for stopping it now in certain places, but is this not another case in which a subsidy has been taken off for general reasons, and where, in certain parts of Scotland, it may have a deleterious effect on some branches of agriculture which we want to encourage?

Secondly, can he tell us something as to the power of the Crofting Commission to deal with the problem of crofter housing, which is extremely important if we want to keep the population in the Highlands, and also how far it has power to make recommendations on land settlement, which is a subject about which in the last year or two we have not heard so much? Perhaps, when he comes to wind up the debate, he will tell us something about the Government's present thinking on this matter, how far they feel that intensive agriculture on smallholdings is a possibility, and what is their present policy in dealing with the obvious difficulties which face that form of farming today.

Thirdly, the right hon. Gentleman is, I know, an advocate of making silage, and, on previous occasions, he has been somewhat critical of my constituency for its failure to make more silage. I would like to join with him in doing all we can to publicise this question. I know that there are some people who prefer turnips, because they are easier to handle, that there are parts of Scotland where silage would be much easier to produce than turnips, and I think that one might escape very many of the grave disadvantages of the Scottish climate if we could use the possibilities of silage-making to a greater extent. I should hope that the right hon. Gentleman will say that he will take all possible steps to encourage it, either by methods of a financial character or by means of publicity.

I would conclude by saying that we shall have to look at our land in future with a careful eye. It is our great asset but it is no good pretending that it is all the same or that we can solve all our problems by this method or that. I am certain that we shall have to break these problems down. Let us develop the peculiar virtues which exist in each district. I do not think we can afford to put our farming into any form of strait-jacket. Above all, we have to bear in mind that the most important crop on the land is the men working it, and that the very highest priority consonant with the demands of defence and urban housing must be given today to rural housing in rural communities so that these men have a reasonable standard of life, or that some promise along those lines is held out to them for the future. We must offer them a life comparable to that in the cities.

I am afraid that we are moving into a period of stringency and that farming among other things in this country must meet difficulties at a time when we are re-arming against a common danger. But I would ask the Government to keep a particularly watchful eye on the hardships of the smaller man. He is the person who feels these difficulties first, and he and his family are the ones who feel them most acutely.

5.51 p.m.

I listened, as I always do, with the utmost attention and respect to the hon. Member for West Perth (Mr. Snadden), because it is a case of listening to a man who knows his job. I am very pleased that the Lord Advocate dealt with the Report of the Department of Agriculture for Scotland and exploded some of the ideas which the hon. Member for West Perth endeavoured to represent.

In the course of his remarks the hon. Member told us, for instance, that the agricultural industry did not like State subsidies. He also told us that there was a drift from the land. In recent weeks I have developed a flair for browsing through old copies of the OFFICIAL REPORT, and I discovered that 25 years ago the same problems as we are discussing today were discussed in the House. I am bound to say that, by comparison, the agricultural industry in Scotland today is far better off than it ever was in my time or during the period which I explored in my excursions through HANSARD.

I found, for instance, that the right hon. Gentleman the then Secretary of State for Scotland, Mr. Tom Johnston, told us in a debate on 9th May, 1927, that, excluding 74,000 Scottish soldiers who were lost in the First World War, 500,000 people left Scotland in the 20 years, 1901–21. The population of Argyll dropped by 21,000 between 1821 and 1921. Inverness lost over 15,000, and Skye showed a decrease of 12 per cent. between 1911 and 1921. Some parishes, including Arderser, lost 41 per cent. Ross and Cromarty lost 8,000 in 70 years. In Caithness and Sutherland, where the parish of Durness is situated, and which has figured largely in agricultural debates in this House, we find that 49 per cent. disappeared in the 100 years between 1821 and 1921. One parish alone of the great County of Lanarkshire suffered a loss of 57 per cent. In Kincardineshire, four parishes lost an average of 42 per cent., and this at a time when Scotland had 1,401,891 unemployed, which is more than the total unemployment for the whole country today. I think that the latest figures show that for the whole country today there are only some 200,000 unemployed on the registers.

When I examine the welfare of the country, I go to the statistical returns. Going through HANSARD. I came across a Question asked by my hon. Friend the Member for Ayrshire, South (Mr. Emrys Hughes) on 20th January, 1948. In reply to his Question, the then Secretary of State for Scotland said that 25 people were adjudged bankrupt in the whole of Scotland in 1947, and that only four of them were farmers. I thought I would look a little further back, and I found that between 1919 and 1939 the annual average adjudged bankrupt was 229, of whom 17 each year were farmers.

We now find a very different state of affairs today. I regret to say that the position in England with regard to bankruptcies was worse than that in Scotland. With regard to tillage, I found that in a Consolidated Fund Bill debate, Sir Archibald Sinclair told the House that 4 million acres of arable land were lost in 50 years in England and Wales alone, and that 400,000 were lost during the same period in Scotland. Sir Archibald himself represented a constituency which suffered a loss of 28,000 acres between 1861 and 1921.

The drift from the land about which the hon. Member for West Perth told us pales into insignificance beside the services rendered to agriculture in Scotland by his own party in this respect. Hon. Members opposite declare that they do not like subsidies. Let me tell them that between 1945 and 1950 this Labour Government gave £46,500,000 by way of straight subsidies to the farming community in Scotland, which figure does not take into consideration the benefits derived through the lump sum of £410,000,000 set aside by the Chancellor or of the Vote of the Ministry of Supply or that of the Board of Trade.

Nor does the policy of the party opposite seem to be very clear as enunciated by their propagandists in Scotland. Two years ago, the hon. Member for West Perth, speaking in Perthshire, said that the farmers feared the day of plenty. Why should they fear the day of plenty? They get guaranteed markets and fixed prices. Is it not true that they are better off today than ever they were? Is it not also true that only six months ago they begrudged the agricultural labourer in Scotland an increase of 10s. a week to bring him up to the level of his English confrere? It does not seem to give us a very good picture of our relationship. One propagandist said: do very well with some assistance. This man went on:

For my own part, I am proud to say that in the broad acres of Midlothian and Peebles we are not doing so badly at the moment under Labour's agricultural policy. In recent agricultural shows held throughout my district our pig breeders cleared the prizes. Our farmers were also in the prize lists for sheep and cattle. With regard to that indispensable little animal without which no hill shepherd could work, the name of James Wilson of Innerleithen is known all over the world. I believe that in this short speech I have given the right hon. and gallant Member for Kelvingrove one or two matters to set right when he winds up the debate for his party.

6.3 p.m.

I should like to say one or two words to the hon. Member for Midlothian and Peebles (Mr. Pryde) on the subject of derating, which is one of some general interest, and is of special interest to me because I happened to be the Parliamentary Private Secretary to the Chancellor of the Exchequer at the time when the Bill was introduced and passed. That Bill was passed on the basis of a principle with which I agreed at the time, and with which I am not yet prepared to dissociate myself.

The principle was that it was not right to tax the capital or plant or the raw materials of production but only the profits arising from their use. That was the principle established then, and I think it is a good principle. It may be, as the hon. Member for Midlothian and Peebles has said, that there are some farmers who feel they can pay rates at the present time. Will that necessarily go on for ever? Industry goes up and down, and there are bound to be trade cycles in the future, although we may do a little better than we have done in the past in smoothing them out.

But once an Act is passed based on a principle that is sound, one ought in principle to stick to it; and I would take a lot of budging from the position that it is not right to tax actual capital, machinery, plant, land or whatever it may be that produces wealth, but is dead right to tax the profits that result from that production. Before they commit themselves intellectually on this rather interesting theoretical point, I ask hon. Members opposite to consider it carefully, and to go back to the speeches made on both sides of the Committee at the time, because we thought we had laid down a pretty good principle when we passed that Act.

I welcome very much the speech from the Liberal Party, which indicated a belated but total conversion to Protection and guaranteed stabilised prices for agriculture, a large step for the Liberal Party to take. I really do not know what theoretical principles now divide us, but no doubt they will find something to justify their separate and independent political existence.

The hon. Member for Midlothian and Peebles had something to say about agriculture in the pre-1914 period. For the parlous plight of agriculture in Scotland and indeed in this country generally I hold the Liberal Party primarily responsible, with their doctrine of Free Trade carried on far too long, and their ridiculous cry of "Your food will cost you more." Indeed, it was a hang-over from that old Liberal nonsense that perpetuated the decline of agriculture between the wars, and prevented my right hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Kelvingrove (Lieut.-Colonel Elliot) from doing all he otherwise would have done to revive agriculture.

He was constantly fighting against this miasma and mirage of "Your food will cost you more." He was never able to take the steps his intelligence prompted him to take, because of that hang-over from the old Liberalism. He was always having to devise schemes that amounted to some form of protection, but did not look so like it that there would be an uproar. However, that doctrine has been totally repudiated through the mouth of the hon. Member for Orkney and Shetland (Mr. Grimond) and I hope that, as far as Scotland is concerned, that is the last we shall hear of this particular form of bunkum from the Liberal Party.

It is, on the whole, true to say that Scottish agriculture is extremely prosperous at the present time. I doubt whether there is any need for anyone on either side of this Committee to deny it. It is not entirely due to the Government. When there is a world shortage of food, agriculture is apt to be prosperous; and I think perhaps that is the basic cause.

I should like to say a word about cereal production. The Lord Advocate drew attention to the fact that it had fallen between 1947 and 1950. He gave some reasons, which no doubt were valid, but it is rather disturbing that it has fallen at all. I think we must try and persuade the farmers of Scotland to realise what they have not yet completely realised, and that is that they are never again going to get feedingstuffs from abroad on the scale they did before the war. As to oats, I can assure the Lord Advocate and the Secretary of State for Scotland that this step they have taken, at this belated stage, to put oats on a parity with other cereal crops will have a great and beneficial psychological effect on farmers in Scotland.

I, as the representative of a great oat-growing district, say that it will make a difference. I have fought this battle on oats, to get where we are now, without letting up for a single moment for a quarter of a century. Now that I have achieved victory, I am sure hon. Members opposite will allow me the satisfaction of saying it will have a beneficial effect on the farmers of Scotland. I very much welcome the step the Government have taken, because farmers will now really believe that oats are on a parity with other cereal crops.

This question of oats was the cause of the only row my right hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Kelvingrove and I have ever had. It was a blazing row, across the Floor of the House, when he said that I ought to go and muck out the byres and that I had never forked a load of hay in my life, which was not true. That row was all because I had said that, if he did not put oats on a proper basis in Scotland, he would fail in his attempt to restore prosperity to agriculture. I was right, and he was wrong. That being the case, I should like to say that I very much welcome the step that the Government have taken, because the farmers will now believe that oats have as assured a future as the other cereal crops, and I can assure the Undersecretary that at any rate a lot of the farmers in my constituency have not been quite satisfied or confident about that.

We had a few words at the beginning of the debate from the Lord Advocate and my hon. Friend the Member for West Perth (Mr. Snadden) on the subject of milk. It is high time that a tribute was paid to the Ayrshires. I do not think any Scotsman could have visited the Cambridge Royal Show, as I did the other day, without feeling a great surge of national pride. There we were, knocking the whole of the rest of the world for six. The Ayrshires have been proved the best dairy cattle in the world, and the Aberdeen Angus have been proved the best beef cattle in the world, without anybody venturing to dispute either of these contentions—sweeping the championships, the Shorthorns gallantly struggling along as runners-up.

Surely the hon. Gentleman has heard of the famous Calrossie herd of Shorthorns in Ross-shire which were not competing?

They did not dare. The Aberdeen Angus were out in full force; how could the Shorthorns hope to compete against them? We know where we stand in this matter. We produce the best dairy cattle and the best beef in the world, and we might as well congratulate ourselves on that fact. We have been judged on it, and we have won, so why should we not acknowledge it?

I do not think there is any need to stress the milk situation to any extent. We have hit our target, and we must maintain it; but, as was said by my hon. Friend the Member for West Perth, there is a need for a considerable expansion of meat production in this country over the years that lie ahead, if the people of this country are ever again to get the meat that they want and, therefore, that they need—because I believe very much in the principle of giving people to eat what they want to eat.

This country is a great meat-eating country, and the people know best in the end—better than all the doctors. The doctors may say that we are all right on brown bread, but the people know better. They have not had enough meat for many years, and I think that is one of the worst things that we are suffering from at the present time. If we are going to get back, in the long run, to adequate meat consumption in this country, we must expand production at home.

We had more meat, and very much better meat in the 19th century, and certainly in the period between the two wars, than we have now. It is true to say that an unemployed family between the wars got more meat than the ordinary working-class family gets in this country today. And it was decent meat, too—meat not only that you could see but meat that you could taste, instead of the bit of gristle which looks as if somebody had spat on the plate, which is all we get now. If the Under-Secretary is going to maintain that the people in this country are getting all the meat they want, then all I can say is that he is going to jeopardise his chances at the next General Election. He must not be too indiscreet, because there really is not enough meat.

I contend that if we are to get the meat that the people require—it is the same with feedingstuffs—we must realise that we are not going to get it from abroad. We are going to get some, but not enough; and we can get what we need only by a considerable further expansion of meat production. How are we going to get it? Various suggestions have been made, and I will certainly not take up the time of the Committee in elaborating any points which have already been made. I should like, however, to throw out one or two suggestions.

First of all, I think we shall do no good by going all out for quantity, and not giving sufficient attention to quality. In the long run, it is quality that we want. In considering the price structure year after year, the question of quality should be given increasing emphasis. It is important that we should maintain the breeding standard of our beef cattle, and I ask the hon. Gentleman not to dismiss that aspect of the matter from his mind.

The hon. Gentleman is advancing a very interesting argument about the relative advantages of bulk and quality. Would he say a word on the combination of the two—whether it would be possible to have both? Would it not be possible to have both with advantage to Aberdeen-shire?

We can get bulk quicker, and cheaper, by breeding large-boned cattle full of gristle and fat, which is not very engaging to eat. On the other hand, if we concentrate on prime Aberdeen Angus, we may get a little bit less of bulk, but we also get a slice of meat that is never forgotten. That is what I am emphasising. We get more value for money, and it costs less to feed the beasts. The meat of the Aberdeen Angus is wonderful.

Incidentally, I have never found where it goes now. We are still breeding some pretty good cattle in this country, but I never see the meat. It goes somewhere. The other day somebody told me that it went to the Argentine, but I can hardly believe that. I should be interested if the Under-Secretary could enlighten us on that point. I still maintain that we shall make a mistake if we do not pay greater attention to quality in the future, because it is what our reputation depends upon, and it provides the best results in the long run.

On the question of undeveloped land, I agree with those hon. Members who have said that there is no general, quick, rough-and-ready answer to this problem. I agree with the hon. Member for Orkney and Shetland, and I think there is something in his suggestion of a development board to consider the different aspects of this problem as it presents itself in different parts of Scotland. The real point was made by my hon. Friend the Member for West Perth, that there is no single or easy solution of the problem of undeveloped land in Scotland because, as the Undersecretary will agree, in every different district the problem presents a different aspect, and is, in fact, a different problem. Therefore, we cannot produce a rough-and-ready solution.

There is one thing, however, that I think we can do. We must do something about freight charges. That applies not only to agriculture but to the general bulk of produce.

I do not mean only fish; I mean produce generally. The Railway Executive must be told to come into line on the subject of freight charges for long distances.

Yes, of course. It means more expenditure. The same goes for electricity as well. The farms of Scotland have not at present got anything like enough electricity. There are many districts all over Scotland which still require electricity. The progress of the Hydro-Electric Board is very slow, even in rich agricultural districts like Angus and Aberdeenshire, where electricity has not been taken to the farms as it ought to have been. We are still behind many countries in the development of electricity. We must spend more money in taking electricity to the farms in Scotland, and we must also spend more money in reducing freight charges.

I would always be prepared in the House to champion such increased expenditure, whatever the circumstances and whatever the re-armament programme, because I believe that the basic answer to inflation is increased production at lower cost, and nowhere is it more necessary than in agriculture. The answer to inflation is more production at lower cost—in other words, greater productivity. If that demands increased expenditure on the part of the State, we should get it back in the form of greater production at lower cost; and it would be worth it, because in the long run it would bring about what we all desire more than anything—a reduction in prices.

6.20 p.m.

The hon. Member for Aberdeen-shire, East (Mr. Boothby), always places me in a little difficulty when he makes his criticisms. They are quite frequently criticisms which I have had very much in mind and am equally anxious to make. As he said when he began, there has been no broad general condemnation or criticism of the Government's agricultural policy by the Opposition in the last few years.

I wish, however, to be equally frank in saying that I agree with certain particular criticisms that he made. They were in the main constructive, as were most of those which the hon. Member for Orkney and Shetland (Mr. Grimond) made. At times it alarms me, and at other times it gives me hope, to find the hon. Member for Orkney and Shetland and I so often seeing eye to eye. Sometimes I fear he may be in slight danger of converting me and, at others, I am filled with the hope that I am converting him. I can only hope that the Liberals may be coming along our way at last.

The hon. Member for Aberdeenshire, East, manages to do that which he would like to see done in the case of Scottish livestock. He manages to combine quality in debate with considerable bulk. I would not be ungenerous about conceding to him his claim to some credit for the oats position in Scotland. He has sown those oats for over 20 years—not wild oats, although they almost be came wild at one time tonight. But I think that he was over-generous in the praise that he gave to the Chamberlain Administration so far as agriculture is concerned. They did not in their performances live up to the expectations which he now seems to have credited them with at that time. He says that they were opposed and retarded in their work by a handful of laissez faire Liberals. It is not fair to try to absolve from blame the great majority of the Chamberlain Government—

Do not let the hon. Member be too modest. I was also held back by the solid opposition of the Labour Party as well.

The right hon. and gallant Gentleman might substantiate that with some facts rather than make a mere general statement, which he has done so frequently; generalities which have not been borne out subsequently. The right hon. and gallant Gentleman should not set himself up as an advocate of agricultural plenty. He himself for years was an advocate of scarcity and high prices. I am not one of those people who would deny to the primary producer a good return for his labour and investment of capital, and skill—there has been too much of that in the speeches of purely consumer advocates. On the other hand, we did move far too much to the other extreme in the days of the right hon. and gallant Gentleman and his successors.

The right hon. and gallant Gentleman could go to a gathering of distinguished scientists and agriculturists and tell them that they were a curse to the country because they were making two blades of grass grow where one grew before. What does that really mean except that he is an advocate of scarcity in the interests of high prices for a small section of the country?

No doubt the hon. Member who is anxious that the facts shall be given, will give one single example of any step I took to reduce production in this country.

In the first place, the right hon. and gallant Gentleman made that comment. I take it that he believed in that statement and that he was an advocate of that policy. He was the responsible Minister in charge of agriculture for England and Wales, and previously for Scotland. He has not denied his statement.

If the hon. Member challenges me on having a sense of humour, I give him that. I think it would be a great pity to make a joke when he was about. He was not about so that I do not blame myself. I asked him for one example where I at any point restricted agricultural production in this country.

I am not at this moment going to give concrete examples or dates or quotations any more than the right hon. and gallant Genetleman will deny that he made that statement of policy.

The right hon. and gallant Gentleman obviously did make it as a statement. I think he must have believed what he was saying. He was addressing not a mob of fools but a meeting of agriculturists and other scientists, and I am sure that he had the same sense of responsibility in office as he now has out of it. To say that it is a terrible thing to grow two blades of grass where one grew before is surely advocacy and acceptance of the economics of scarcity in this industry.

I am willing to go along to the "Daily Express" Office, for example. Lord Beaverbrook is a distinguished Conservative, who criticised day after day for years the right hon. and gallant Gentleman and his friends for putting into practice the economics of scarcity in agriculture, for compensating people for not growing food pigs, for example.

On every point the hon. Member is definitely wrong. I challenge him to substantiate one single statement that I made in the House that will support what he says.

I cannot quote HANSARD without reference. I am willing to do so in the next debate.

Let the right hon. and gallant Gentleman go along to their offices and read in their files their reports on agricultural debates of those years, and their comments. I am not quoting HANSARD because I have not HANSARD here.

Moreover, the right hon. and gallant Gentleman followed a leader, Neville Chamberlain—as did the hon. Member for Aberdeenshire, East—who was criticised by certain people on his own side of the House at that time for his notorious, as they called it, Kettering speech, in which he did not quite, but almost, use the words later used by my right hon. Friend the Member for East Stirling (Mr. Woodburn) when he talked about "agricultural romantic nonsense." Those who were advocating increased agricultural production were stigmatised by Neville Chamberlain as talking a lot of moonshine and nonsense because the Government were not aiming at agricultural self-sufficiency or anything like it.

The hon. Member continues to make statements which do not square with the facts of the quotation which he is giving. The quotation he has just given was to the effect that we should not aim at economic self-sufficiency. No one in this House is aiming at self-sufficiency.

I said agricultural self-sufficiency. That was the burden of the Kettering speech for which Mr. Chamberlain was criticised more on that side of the Committee even than by those on this side. I am sure that the hon. Member for Aberdeenshire, East, criticised him. The hon. Gentleman does agree? I am looking him in the eye but I have not had any shake of the head on that point. Or have I had a nod?

May I turn from politicians to pigs? The right hon. and gallant Gentleman wants more facts—

Had the right hon. and gallant Gentleman produced as many pigs as we do facts, he would have done immensely better than he did in the days when the Tories deliberately restricted production in order that higher profits should be made. We know that that was then Tory policy.

Then there is absolute and reassuring disagreement between the right hon. and gallant Gentleman and me on this point. The Tories do not want to restrict production just now because they are getting guaranteed markets for their products which they did not get then, and they are getting prices now that they did not get then.

I really must interrupt the hon. Gentleman. He says it is Tory policy to restrict prices, and he looked me straight in the face just now when he was saying that the Tory Party were properly critical—as they were—of the Kettering speech. He cannot have it both ways. Whether we agreed with that speech or not, if we did not, we cannot now be accused of believing in the restriction of production.

I am not saying anything like the Tory Party as a whole were critical of the Kettering speech. I did say some of the Tory Party were critical of it. The hon. Member for Aberdeenshire, East, was critical of it. I give him that point. A number of his hon. Friends were, too. The hon. Gentleman has been critical of a good many things that the Tory Party have done—in this Chamber, but not in the Lobbies; in his constituency in the Recesses, but not here in Divisions. I remember things he has said and done as well as he himself remembers his own actions of that period of his independence. He and a number of his hon. Friends were highly critical of the Tory leadership and of the Tory-policy, but the Tory policy was the policy I have described. Give him credit; he does not deny this.

Let me, however, rise again to the subject of pigs. On the last occasion we discussed agriculture, it was involved with the subject of Highland development, and I gave my support to the Secretary of State. I am sorry he is absent today in rather distressing circumstances. I gave support to my right hon. Friend in his advocacy of increased pig production, especially in the Highlands and Islands. I should like to see every crofter not too busy doing other things—equally useful things—keeping a pig or two. It can be done.

A criticism has been made about the Hebrides, that there is not generally a surplus of milk for pig rearing. The fact remains, however, that over a good part of this area individual crofters have a certain surplus of milk which could be used. I am thinking now of pig-rearing in the scattered crofts in the Islands. A lot has been done, I know, in the Orkneys, and more is to be done—though not, I am told, for the very best of reasons. I understand they are now taking more to pig-rearing because of the lack of better prospects for their egg industry. I hope that that is not the only reason for their turning to increased pig-rearing.

I should like the Department of Agriculture not merely to offer—as my hon. Friend the Member for Stirling and Falkirk Burghs (Mr. Malcolm MacPherson) was told the other day it was offering—advice and encouragement, but to give some practical assistance in the breeding of pigs. It is not enough just to encourage people. We ought to assist them adequately. It is not enough, if it is to be done in the Hebrides, to send a letter or to send a lecturer to give advice. I should like to see the pig rearers put on an equal footing with those who are willing to rear calves and to go in for beef production. Pig rearing should be treated equally with beef production. Nowadays we need more food supplies. There is imperative need to get food quickly, and for that reason we should have more practical, direct assistance given to those who want to rear pigs, whether it is done by grants or loans or subsidies, or whatever we may call them.

We could use a considerable amount of fish meal which we can produce in our country to a large extent. It is only a small part of a pig's diet, I know, and one has to stop feeding it to the pigs a few weeks before slaughter or else we get fishy-tasting ham. However, we could use fish meal as one feedingstuff for pigs. Then in most parts of the Highlands there are hotels and some hostels; there are schools, hospitals, private houses from which there is a large amount of kitchen swill which is at present going to waste but which could be used for feeding pigs. I should like to see the Department of Agriculture and others being much more active in saving and using this potential pig food and encouraging pig production more than they have up to the present.

I wish the crofters were regarded by the Government as being human beings, with exactly the same problems of environment and family and home and leisure as have the people living in the towns and cities. The time has come to stop looking at the crofters only as persons living in remote areas on bits of land, keeping cows or hens and growing crops.

They are, in fact, people with not only an interest in agriculture but people also with an interest in all the other things which affect their daily lives as they affect peoples' lives anywhere—an interest in having good homes, an interest in having good transport, an interest in having access by decent roads to and from their villages and their markets, and also by sea—and nowadays by air.

They have an interest in transport not only for themselves and their families but for their products, to get them to the markets. It is a fact—and at this moment it is a very serious fact—that the increased cost of living and the very high freight charges affect the crofters very much more than other citizens in the South.

The hon. Member for Aberdeenshire, East and others have referred today to the question of de-rating. That is a serious question. I can well understand the hon. Gentleman's point, and I have a good deal of sympathy for his position. Both parties were equally involved in that de-rating decision, and to that extent must accept responsibility for accepting the principle of de-rating under the 1929 Act, and accept blame, if blame is to be attached.

I am thinking not so much of Aberdeenshire, which has other and considerable subjects of valuation, but of places like the Islands, and those agricultural counties which are heavily derated and are unable to make a full contribution to the development of their own areas on the basis of the local 25 per cent. county contribution to schemes with the 75 per cent. grant from Government Departments. It is a very serious matter which ought to be taken up at some time, and in the not-too-distant future. But if de-rating is to be considered in the new Crofting Inquiry, it is as imperative and just that the de-rating question should be considered in relation to all land holding and farming; and then that leads to the question of industrial de-rating as well.

It is a broad and difficult subject and a touchy subject. I would agree with the hon. Member for Aberdeenshire, East, on this point, that at a time when there is a growing world demand for food because their is a growing world population, and when there is rightly a demand for an increased standard of living and for more food—a demand for fuller stomachs, and more full stomachs than we have ever had before—it is correct to say that while these conditions obtain we should have a prosperous agriculture. We should, by all logic, equally prosper in our fishing industry—though we do not as yet.

Yes, it is getting a little better, but partly because it has a considerable subsidy, too. Yet we have to have regard in this country to the possibility of a decline at some future period in our agricultural prosperity. Some marginal farmers are saying now in the Highlands and Islands that there are signs of a decline. With the withdrawal of some subsidies and increasing costs, they are not now as prosperous as they were two or three years ago, or during the war. But, before we start to have the question of de-rating tackled or settled, we shall have to consider whether we might not by doing so too soon be doing a considerable amount of damage to an industry that is so fundamental and which has suffered so much from neglect in the past.

I can only agree with everything the hon. Member for Aberdeenshire, East, said about the need for increasing beef production in the north-west. That is the natural area for breeding and rearing beef cattle for sending east for fattening and then south for killing and consumption. I want to ask a question on that point. It is in relation to winter feeding and to increased livestock rearing. What has happened to Tom Johnston's Hydro-Electric Board's hay drier? Two or three years ago Tom Johnston and the Board produced a plan for an electric drier. There were experiments with the electric hay drier.

I am wondering whether perhaps Tom Johnston was praying for different sorts of weather in two different capacities, and was more successful in getting dry weather as chairman of the Tourist Board than in getting it wet as Chairman of the Hydro-Electric Board. Anyway, there was a dry autumn, and no drying experiments. I do not know if there were any results from later experiments; and I should like to know. For it is on increased supplies of hay and on winter keep and silage we must depend for increased beef production.

I want to say one word about the agricultural housing in the Highlands and Islands. I think people were really shocked to learn that the Department of Health had finally to turn down tenders and estimates for houses for Portree at £2,680. It really is getting quite impossible, because to try to build the same house in the Island of Barra would probably cost nearer £3,000 than £2,680. I should like to know what is being done about providing houses, apart from what the crofter himself as an individual can do under the 1948 provisions by means of grants and loans.

What has been the cost of the Swedish house that has been built in the outer Islands? The original cost was expected to be somewhere in the region of £1,800; then it was £2,000, and I believe, finally, that it was beyond £2,500, possibly £2,600, including land, servicing and the rest. Are more of these houses to be brought in as one of the means of getting the houses we still require; or is there any other method of getting houses in that agricultural area? Are we to expect that a house which costs £2,680 in Skye will cost nearer £3,000 in Barra? What is to be done to get more houses in an area which needs them as much as any other part of Scotland?

Only a few years ago, the County Council of Ross and Cromarty, which does not set such an awfully high standard of housing, estimated that about 50 per cent. of the houses on the Isle of Lewis were sub-standard and should not long be inhabited. Now 50 per cent. is a considerable proportion in a rural area with a population of 24,000. What is being done about it? It is not enough to put a few Swedish houses here and there.

A good effort was made by the right hon. Member for East Stirling (Mr. Woodburn) at the time, when he was Secretary of State; and his Under-Secretaries made a good effort. But that is not enough; and I know that they do not think it is enough either. I should like to know, where do we go from here? Are more Swedish houses to be introduced for the individual crofts, from which the crofter cannot move away when he wants a new house, because there is a residential condition attached to crofting?

What is being done to solve the crofter's and fisherman's housing problem in that area, apart from Council building, which is not agricultural housing? Individuals cannot build at present cost, even with the grant. We cannot leave it to the county council. They have not been noted for their progressive attitude towards this question in past years. They have been very slow over the few traditional houses that have been allotted to them. Anyway, they cannot get private contractors to go out there except at exorbitant prices.

Then, what is being done to speed up water supplies? These are as essential to the croft and the farm as they are to the city home and the city housewife. I stress the housewife, because, in the countryside, it is mostly upon the woman that the burden falls of getting water into the home and doing her best, often without sufficient supplies of it. Water is vital to agriculture, to domestic comfort, to the tourist industry, and in every way it is of the highest urgency that that problem should be tackled with enterprise, speed and vigour. If the county council are not doing the job as well or as quickly as they should, then the Department ought to take the initiative themselves in some way or another and undertake the water supply schemes. I know that in that respect I speak for all hon. Members of the Highlands and Islands area. If the Department are at fault, then the Ministers must take action.

A word on this subject on transport and freight charges. Every Highland Member knows, and I believe that practically every other hon. Member will agree, that freight charges in the Highlands and Islands area have become impossible. They are still rising. Who knows where they will stop? Every time there is a general transport increase it is equally applied to this area, which is already handicapped by all sorts of natural difficulties and all sorts of additional costs which are such a burden upon the crofter as compared with his fellow agricultural producers anywhere else in the south. Something must be done to cut the Highland freight charges. The Transport Commission, MacBrayne's steamer service and the Government must get down to effecting an extension of the tapering policy to carry it beyond Inverness and over seas, not only to Skye but to the Western Isles and to Shetland. Unless that at least is done, we shall continue to labour under impossible disabilities compared with other parts of the country.

In transport and freight charges the Government have a problem which is in itself well worth the full-time attention for some days, at least, of at any rate one of their Ministers in consultation with the Transport Commission and Minister. I have not very much hope of the Minister of Transport solving our agricultural transport problems, because I do not think he understands them for one minute; but I do think that it should be the responsibility of some Minister who does understand them to tackle the Minister of Transport and bring him to some understanding of a matter of such supreme importance to one of our most important industries in Scotland.

6.45 p.m.

I listened to the speech of the hon. Member for the Western Isles (Mr. M. MacMillan) with great interest, but I trust he will forgive me if I do not follow him in his peregrinations into the past. I agree with a great deal of what he said about the present, and I shall confine my remarks to the present and the future. My hon. Friend the Member for Aberdeenshire, East (Mr. Boothby), said—and, I think, rightly so—that the whole agricultural community is fairly prosperous today. I think we may say that, with certain qualifications.

First of all, not enough is being done; a great deal more can be done; an immense amount more can be done in the area which the hon. Member for the Western Isles and I know so well—the West of Scotland—in improving beef production. It must also be realised that, even in present circumstances, it is possible for farmers to experience considerable difficulty, and the last winter has been a very hard one.

Let me illustrate that. I had a report from a farmer in the Spey Valley who tells me that out of a stock of 900 ewes he lost 120 between January and the end of May; and that with lambs, instead of having a 70 to 80 per cent. survival he was down to 35 per cent., and even if a subsidy of £1 a head for each ewe were given for next year it would hardly cover the loss. I hope the Government will consider that.

It is the same as regards cattle. Lord Lovat—whose brother, I hope, we shall hear speaking later—this spring lost 10 per cent. in cows alone. That is a very serious matter. The loss in cattle in the Highlands has been such that the Government would do well to consider whether the hill cattle subsidy should not be based on the December figures instead of the June figures this year. Perhaps the right hon. Gentleman will give that some consideration. I should also like to know whether he would reconsider the calf subsidy. We feel very strongly that the calf subsidy should be paid to the breeder. The breeder of the cattle is the man to encourage if we are to increase our cattle population. We need a far greater effort put into home-produced food, and particularly home-produced meat, and that means developing areas which hitherto have been regarded as uneconomical.

The possibilities in the Highlands are incalculable, but it is no good pretending that anything can be done without a great deal of trouble and without costing a great deal of money. Reference has been made today, as it always is in debates on Scottish agriculture, to the great ranching schemes of Mr. Hobbs, Lord Lovat and my hon. Friend the Member for West Perth (Mr. Snadden). Surely a Socialist Government does not want a state of affairs in which only men of wealth can prosper in the agricultural world.

After all, the basis of crofting agriculture is today, and will be in the future, the small man, as the hon. Member for Orkney and Shetland (Mr. Grimond) said, and it must be made possible for the small man to take part in this development. It is not easy for him to take advantage of these marginal schemes for breaking in fresh land. He cannot afford it; and he cannot embrace a scheme which is so comprehensive as that demanded of him by the Hill Farming Acts.

I have in my constituency a man at Arisaig, typical of the crofters on the West Coast, who has a herd of 30 head of cattle. He has great difficulty in access. He has to maintain three miles of road from the county road to his farm, which takes a lot of time and energy. There is another bit of land which he wants to reach, where he would grow more winter feed and put 25 more cattle on the hill, but he cannot get to it to cultivate it because there is no road. He cannot afford a comprehensive hill farming scheme, because he cannot afford to fulfil all the conditions. Cannot the Government consider this most important matter, so that at all costs we produce all the food we can for our country? In future schemes of this kind, flexibility is vitally important.

A great deal of reference has been made to the question of transport charges. This is the key to the whole matter. Surely something can be done about it. Is there no means of making the Ministry of Transport more sympathetic? As things stand at the moment, there is no hope for any special consideration being given to meet the difficulties of the Highlands before 1954 at the earliest. The Government have set up an ad hoc committee under the chairmanship of Mr. Cameron especially to inquire into this transport difficulty in the Highlands. This Committee has reported, but its recommendations have not a hope of being put into effect before 1954.

People say, "What is the use of the Government fobbing us off by putting up a committee to inquire into a really important matter like this, if no action is to be taken for several years?" It is the most important thing in the Highlands today. The transport problem exists outside the seven crofter counties and in the whole of the North of Scotland.

I want to say a word or two about land settlement. I do not think that we are tackling that matter properly, but I think that it is a problem which has to be tackled if we are to be successful in producing more food. In the report on Scottish Agriculture, 1950, we learn that there have been 7,000 applications for land settlement since 1940, an average of 700 a year, and there were 575 in 1950. Last year there were 35 settled in the Lowlands and 19 settled in the Highlands. Surely that in itself is an example of failure. I would ask the Government to embark now on a definite land policy, regarding the croftings and smallholdings as a fundamental part of the Highlands agriculture but establishing holdings only in suitable localities.

The suggestion of the hon. Member for Orkney and Shetland, of a land development board, is an excellent one. Cannot the Government also do something more to encourage land ownership? The crofters when they band together and own the land they are on, as in the case of crofters in Glendale, Skye, now find themselves at a disadvantage because they have the burdens of the landlord and get none of the advantages of being crofters.

Did the noble Lord say that the burden was on the landlords?

The hon. Gentleman may be surprised to know that the landlord with a considerable amount of property has certain duties with regard to fencing and other things which are immensely expensive today. The burdens of a landlord are quite considerable. If the hon. Gentleman is doubtful about that, I suggest that he has a word with some of the crofters in Glendale, when they will soon tell him about it.

I maintain that this type of holding of crofter ownership is what we should encourage. Surely a Socialist Government should want to encourage that type of interest in the land and holding on the land and these people should not find themselves at a disadvantage.

I also want to say a word about the question of forestry and agriculture. I feel that forestry—and I think many of us feel the same—should be a help to agriculture in every way. The Forestry Commission can assist the development of farming by building shelter belts and also by being moderate in their demands on farm land. The land officers of the Department of Agriculture appear to accept the decision of the Forestry Commission on any land being resumed for forestry more or less without question. The chairman of the agricultural executive committee is certainly consulted, but not the whole committee. I maintain that forestry and agriculture must be considered together and that their interests should be judged impartially by an impartial committee.

That brings me to the question of administration. I think that no one would suggest that one agricultural committee could control an area which stretches from London to Bristol from east to west and Peterborough to London from north to south. It would be generally admitted that the area was much too large. That is approximately the area which the Highlands Area Committee has to control. They control the whole of Inverness, Moray and Nairn, Ross and Cromarty.

There is an immense amount of difference in the topography and climate throughout the Highlands area, and no one committee can possibly have an intimate working knowledge of such a large area. I suggest that the best way to get the best out of agriculture is to let the farming community run the farming themselves. The farmers will discipline themselves if they are given the chance.

If we can have committees on a smaller basis, of men who understand their particular area, we shall get the best understanding of how to get the best results out of that area. We might have a central committee fed with the information and advice from the people who really understand their particular part of the world. There is a tremendous difference in the climate through the Highlands, and we even get sub-climates within a few miles of each other.

In this way, too, I think that we could assess the different claims of forestry and agriculture. The Forestry Commission have bought up an enormous amount of land in Inverness-shire, and I feel that as the private owner is not free to do exactly as he likes with land, the Forestry Commission should also be under the rule of an impartial judge on this matter.

I think that the noble Lord is aware that the Forestry Commission cannot do as they like in this matter. Every suggested acquisition must come under an impartial survey as between agriculture and forestry. Nothing of that kind is done by the Forestry Commission without such consultation.

The right hon. Gentleman is quite right, but the trouble is that agriculture nearly always loses in the deal. The Forestry Commission—I do not for one moment want to run down the Commission—are trying to fulfil their charter as best they can, but the organisation appears to be such at the moment that I have never heard of a case where the Forestry Commission's desires were in any way thwarted. They got their way, right or wrong. It is a matter of adjustment, which could be easily done, but at the present time the weight is on the side of the Forestry Commission.

I submit that the farming community is the best agency for running and supervising farming. Officials can certainly help and our officials in the Scottish Department, are, I think, very helpful; but often something happens to a man when he gets behind an office desk. He becomes a bureaucrat. He may harvest knowledge, but the farmers have to harvest crops. What we want to see is not more control from the Department but more advice and help and more control from the people on the spot.

I should like to give one example. I had a case of a man who complained that officials of the agricultural executive committee came to inspect his farm. They were quite right to do that. They came because they had received a complaint about the farm. That complaint happened to be absolutely unfounded. After examining the farm, they found it perfectly all right. The farmer then asked the name of the man who complained, and the officials said that they were sorry but they were not empowered to divulge that information.

I think that is wrong. If a man makes a complaint about another man's farm, his name should, in the end, be divulged. I think there is something un-British about that method. We should overcome that if we had local organisations of local farmers running farms in their own particular area.

I should like to emphasise once more that transport is the key to getting more food production, and the more representation the Minister can make to the Ministry of Transport and the greater sympathy he can enlist for the Highlands development, the better it will be for the whole land.

7.0 p.m.

With a good deal of what was said by the noble Lord the Member for Inverness (Lord Malcolm Douglas-Hamilton) I am in agreement, though I would not agree with what he said about Government advice. It seems to me that the Department of Agriculture in Scotland are giving advice and help to the farmers, and in recent times they have been extending their efforts into the areas about which he was talking, where a year or two ago it would have been possible to criticise them for not doing enough.

I do not want to suggest that the Department of Agriculture should not give advice. We want the advice, but the Lord Advocate said something about controls and that it was the aim of the Government to exercise control over farming. There are people in farming circles who object to the Department being given more control, and what I was saying was that we want advice from them but not too much control.

Yes, but the agricultural executive committees are pretty well the bodies who control farming when it is necessary for this to be done, and there are one or two cases set out in the Annual Report where disciplinary measures were taken, on the decision not of the Government but of the agricultural executive committees. I would completely agree with him that when disciplinary action has to be taken it should be taken to a very great extent by the industry itself.

I also agree with him on the subject of land settlement. Such evidence as we have had in the last few years is sufficient to lead us to believe that we ought to develop this further. My hon. Friend, the Under-Secretary of State the other day gave reasons for the slow progress of land development, and I think we must realise that there is a limited amount of capital available to be invested in any one aspect of our national life.

I should also agree with the noble Lord in the matter of transport charges. I do not know that I would put the case quite as emphatically as he did, but my hon. Friend the Member for the Western Isles (Mr. M. MacMillan) and others who are concerned with the Highland areas are just as much concerned as he is about these matters. We should get rid of the last vestiges of Liberal laissez faire that still remain. If it is wise to protect our markets and regulate trade with subsidies and encourage people in various other ways, it may be the wise thing to do something similar in transport. We cannot allow farming activity on the perimeters of the country gradually to wither away, and there seems to be some danger of that if we do not pay sufficient attention to the needs of an efficient and cheap transport.

The noble Lord reminded us that farmers have their difficulties. I remember last year that my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Scotland used the phrase "Scottish farmers earn their keep." He was answering the "featherbed" charges, and I agree with the point of view of the noble Lord that the farmers' difficulties are intense, and particularly with the weather, for by it in Scotland there have been the great losses of stock which he mentioned.

In this annual review of Scottish agriculture we should remind ourselves of a great many of the things that the Scottish farmers are doing in the way of progress. There is the continued increase in the efficiency of crop production, the maintenance of a very high standard of livestock, which has been referred to several times today, the continued freeing of milk herds from tuberculosis, and that kind of thing. There is a great deal of this going on from day to day and month to month under our eyes.

We have our difficulties and our problems in agriculture, but my right hon. and learned Friend put the matter in its right perspective when he replied to the hon. Member for West Perth (Mr. Snadden), who I thought made an admirable speech, pointing out some of these difficulties. My right hon. and learned Friend reminded the Committee of the basic situation in agriculture. We have our difficulties, but generally speaking agriculture is very much more prosperous than it was before. As, in fact, was pointed out by the hon. Member for Aberdeen-shire, East (Mr. Boothby), we have one or two broad problems to which we have got to address ourselves and which will perhaps remain with us for some years yet.

A number of hon. Members have referred to our undeveloped resources in agriculture. In Scotland we have very considerable undeveloped resources. We are trying as far as possible to develop the Highland area, and in addition there are the possibilities of marginal land and of meat production on hill land, which is the most exciting single kind of activity going on in Scottish agriculture today. It is a pioneering activity of great possibilities, and we hope to see continued progress and encouragement in this direction.

I do not think we put enough of our natural resources in Scotland into agriculture. The hon. Member for Aberdeen-shire, East, said quite bluntly that he wanted to see more money put into the land. More money means more people, materials and so forth, and I agree with him, but I do not believe we even put all the land we can to agricultural use. I am sorry that the rival claims of a cup of tea at that late hour in the afternoon prevented me from hearing the speech of the hon. Member for Orkney and Shetland (Mr. Grimond), which was concerned with the establishment of a land development board. I do not know the details of the idea he had in mind, but a board concerned broadly with land development seems to be a very desirable thing.

In this connection I should like to refer to the Report of the Department of Agriculture. I share the admiration of the hon. Member for West Perth for the Report itself, but it has one or two shortcomings. It is very much a Report written for the farmer and not so much for the layman like myself. I noticed a phrase in it which talked about every available acre of farm land being used for production. I do not think that it is good enough to refer, to every available acre of farm land, because we should concentrate some of our energy on land that at present is not being used for farming. We have been pretty easy so far on what used to be called the landed interest. We are allowing a good deal of land which could be used for agriculture to remain outside agriculture, just because it has always been outside agriculture. If there were a proper examination of all our land resources by a development board or some other authority, we might be able to use a great many more acres than we are using just now.

In that respect we have to remember that the Government are doing a great deal. The programme of rehabilitation of land by means of drainage is going on satisfactorily. For most of this century our drainage systems have been declining and the land as a result has been suffering badly. In the past few years the curve has begun to go the other way. Our drainage is improving and, as a result, we are bringing a good deal more land back into higher use. Some land is being used which was not used at all until recently. There is a fair amount of land of that sort which, with the expenditure of a certain amount of capital in drainage operations, we can bring into productive use, in a great many cases without the transport difficulties which attach to the marginal land and the hill land.

It might be of interest to the Committee if my hon. Friend would tell us how far the negotiations and conversations about the recommendations of the Duncan Committee have gone. I hope that when they come to prepare legislation on the basis of that Report, the Government will do it on a broad basis. The Duncan Committee's Report is a businesslike and useful document, but it is fairly limited and restricted in its field. We want an Act which will enable the development of drainage and the bringing into production of land, to be done on a much wider basis. A good deal of reclamation of moorland is going on, too, and generally speaking the Government are alive to their responsibilities in this matter, although I think that with the application of a larger proportion of capital and more of our resources we could do a great deal more.

I want to say a little about the area under tillage. The area under tillage has declined, not by a disastrous amount certainly, but nevertheless it has declined in the last year or two. That has profound repercussions upon our livestock policy. So serious is it that one finds in the Department's Report, as I pointed out earlier, a reference to compulsory measures being taken in some cases. Farmers are being instructed to make sure that they do not cut their tillage area too short and allow too high a proportion to remain under grass. It is an interesting but very disturbing situation, at a time when agriculture is expanding and when the whole field of agricultural production is full of incentives, to find the need for the introduction of directions in order to keep up the tillage area.

It is not only a matter of keeping up the tillage area, but of considerably expanding it; and in this connection I think we can reasonably ask for a statement from the Government about what their plan is to be not only in the immediate future but over the next few years. As we all know, we had a higher tillage area in comparatively recent years—during the war years—and the land then under tillage could, as a matter of ordinary common sense, be put under the plough again with good results for our agricultural progress in general.

I have no technical knowledge of the subject and approach it as a layman, but I think we should turn the plough more to permanent pasture than we have been doing and, although the situation of the two nations agriculturally is not quite parallel, I think it is worth while noting that in England the proportion of permanent pasture has been in recent years very greatly cut down—cut by about half—as a result of extending the ploughed area. It seems to me that in Scotland we should be following some such progressive policy as that. As I have said, it will involve turning rather more of our national resources to agriculture.

I want to say a little about manpower in the farming industry, and I want to comment on the Report of the Depart- ment in this respect. There is far too little information given in the chapter on labour. For instance, we know there has been a loss of farming labour from the land, but I see no indication in the Report of any attempt to explain why. What has brought about that loss? In spite of increased mechanisation, we should hope for an increase in our manpower as well, instead of seeing it decline.

Would not the hon. Gentleman agree that mechanisation must have a very considerable effect?

Yes; I mentioned that in my last sentence. Perhaps the right hon. Gentleman missed it. I was attempting to suggest that, in spite of increased mechanisation, if we are to go ahead with an aggressive agricultural policy, attempting to build up our agriculture over the next 10 or 15 or 20 years, then we must also build up the amount of labour on the farms. In connection with that—and this subject has been stressed many times in debates of this sort—more attention should be given to the amenities of the countryside and, in particular, to some of the customs which have arisen from the old wages system.

For instance, there is the old idea of breaking one's service at a farm very frequently, as Scottish farm workers used to do—and I am afraid still do. Although the rate of frequency has perhaps decreased lately, it is still far too high. That sort of thing illustrates not merely the custom itself, but also the fact that, although present conditions have improved, they are not yet good enough to break this old and pernicious custom. I suggest that it would break itself and decline considerably if the farm worker saw a clear way to the kind of promotion which he could expect in other lines of life. If it did not stop completely, at least it would decrease very considerably if the farm worker saw a hope, for instance—as so very few of them do—of becoming a farmer in his own right.

Here, again, I come to one of the shortcomings of the Report. In the chapter on labour the farmer is never mentioned. One is inclined to ask, are not farmers labour? Are they something superhuman or something outside the whole business of working? I think my hon. Friend might do a little re-organisa- tion of a very minor character here. The labour division in the Department has a name which comes from the old days when we talked about labour on farms and hands in factories. He should call it the "manpower division" or something of that sort—something which would indicate not merely the hands, those employed to labour, but the whole of farming personnel. That would be much more in keeping with modern ideas, and he might also widen the scope of the information which this otherwise excellent Report has given us on farming labour.

It seems to me that we cannot expect to stop the drift away from the land unless we take account of these things. The natural hope of the farm worker is that he will be able to graduate later into the higher levels, but I am afraid we have not yet provided enough opportunities in the way of a half-way stage. The land settlement schemes which might become a half-way stage have not been developed sufficiently.

I am glad to notice that there is now an apprenticeship scheme in existence, and that recently it was decided to broaden it a little. It is still small, of course, and one does not know where it may lead in the course of five or 10 years. I should think it could lead only to good and to improved quality and could do no harm. I wish it well and hope, indeed, that it will do a little more than just improve the quality of a small number of workers. We want Scottish agriculture not merely to have high efficiency, high production and a considerable increase in beef, but also a happy, interested and stable agricultural population of farmers and farmworkers.

7.20 p.m.

I agree with the hon. Member for Stirling and Falkirk Burghs (Mr. Malcolm MacPherson) that we must reclaim much land within the Highland area, and I should also like to ask a question about drainage. What has become of the discussions that have taken place on the Duncan Report? It is very important that reclamation should take place within the Highland area, but a very comprehensive scheme of land draining is needed if we are to get the full benefit out of the schemes that are proposed.

I represent a constituency with a very varied agricultural interest and I welcome the opportunity of making a contribution today. Scottish agriculture at its own Royal Highland Show, and the Royal Show at Cambridge, can be very proud of itself. Mention of these Shows was made by the hon. Member for Aberdeenshire, East (Mr. Boothby), and the farmers of my constituency can be very proud of the part they played at these Shows.

It is agreed by everybody that we must grow as much as possible and that, in the national interest, agriculture must have a long-term policy. Our economy today is based upon a colossal re-armament programme. The hon. Member for West Perth (Mr. Snadden) mentioned the remarks made by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. I was interested to hear the hopeful statement, as I took it to be, by the Lord Advocate, that Scottish agriculture will be placed high on the priority list, should such a list be necessary in our re-armament programme. In nearly all the speeches this view has been expressed, "There must be no spare acres." It has also been stressed that the area of tillage must be increased.

Thousands of acres are still to be reclaimed throughout Scotland. This fact has been mentioned many times. We hope that the measures which have already been taken will go a long way to reclaim those acres, but we must not be too complacent about it. There are too many instances of red tape, procrastination and delay in getting on with the job. Under the Hill Farming Act these comprehensive schemes take an interminable time to go through. We have heard a lot about these larger schemes and of farmers who are able to pay the 50 per cent., like Lord Lovat, Mr. Hobbs and the hon. Member for West Perth, who are undoubtedly doing a wonderful job of work. With all respect, I would say that that is nothing to the very substantial contribution which has been made, and can be made by the accumulated efforts of all the small farmers and crofters and smallholders throughout the country.

Apart from the larger schemes, there is a substantial hidden potential in the small pockets of land which can be brought back into cultivation. I know of places where more winter food, which is the key to increasing the livestock of the Highlands, can be grown. The Lord Advocate went back to 1890 in his recollections, but I can go back a little further, to 1870. It is very serious to reflect that the tillage acreage of the Highland area is now 25 per cent. below what it was then. If we take the purely crofting areas we may find that the figure is substantially more, something in the region of 50 per cent. or 60 per cent.

Those figures comprise all the "in by" land which can be brought back into cultivation to allow a larger number of breeding cattle to be kept on our hills. The hon. Member for West Perth pointed to the value of these small contributions, because breeding cattle do not need a great deal to get them through the winter. Upland farms must be the main breeding ground for cattle. If the calf-rearing subsidy is being withdrawn for general reasons, I deprecate the withdrawal. It should only be withdrawn, if at all, from the Lowland farms and retained in the Upland areas.

I do not altogether agree with the hon. Member for West Perth on this point. There are many cattle being bred in the low-lying farms, which should be bred in the uplands. We should leave the fattening of the cattle to the Lowland farmer who will be helped thereby to increase the productivity of his land. Higher prices should be given for fat cattle, particularly during the winter. It may be uneconomical today to fatten cattle, but it should be encouraged, which can only be done by giving higher prices for fat cattle. I agree with the hon. Member for Aberdeenshire, East about quality. We must give higher prices to encourage quality Every housewife would agree that it is better to have a small succulent steak on the plate than some of the old, fattened dairy cattle which our butchers are forced to hand out today.

I want to give an example of failure by the Department of Agriculture to assist an area where there is much land which could be brought back into cultivation. This example is typical of many areas throughout the Highlands. It is in my constituency. For a number of years the people of the Laide district in Wester Ross have been trying to get a road to Opinan. I have here a letter from the county council which says:

The noble Lord the Member for Inverness (Lord Malcolm Douglas-Hamilton) referred to the section of the Report dealing with land settlement and pointed out that only 19 holdings in the Highlands and Islands had been approved. The Report says that at the end of the year 39 holdings remained vacant, but that almost all of them were in poor crofts in the Highlands and Islands. I should like to know how many of the crofts are vacant because there is no road access to them.

The Report also says that on the Secretary of State's estates—the Department of Agriculture is the largest land holder in Scotland today—loans of up to 75 per cent. of the amount required may be granted to assist tenants who have insufficient capital, but so far no loans have been made. I wonder why no loans have been made. I should like to know the reason. I agree that two new settlements are under consideration in Ross-shire and Wigtownshire. It is encouraging to hear that something is being done.

In the last debate on Highland affairs I gave another example of the lack of a road at Storraig, and I am sure that the Under-Secretary has heard of a place called Applecross. I apologise to the Committee that all these examples come from my constituency, but it stresses the seriousness of the situation. They are all in areas where crofts are lying vacant and where there is not full production, and in those areas there are long lists of applicants waiting for the houses which are lying empty. The first question asked by a would-be occupier is: "Is there a road?" One of the primary necessities in development in any area is an access road.

In Wester Ross there is a beach on which there are shell sand deposits. I have no doubt that was the reason why the township was originally established. A sample of the shell sand was sent to the Macaulay Institute, which reported that it was a good liming material. On the instructions of the county council of Ross and Cromarty, the district council were asked again to take up the matter of the provision of the road. The letter which I have here says:

On 9th April we had a debate on by-roads in the Highlands, and the Undersecretary accused the county council of putting obstacles in the way of progress. I am assured that the county council are prepared to meet their 25 per cent. to go with the 75 per cent. grant from the Department of Agriculture, but the mileage of road is so great that it will be many years before the problem can be solved. The fact that funds are limited is always emphasised by the Department of Agriculture. What is wanted is more grant money annually so that progress can be speeded up. The Secretary of State should demand that specific grants should be made out of the Road Fund if the Department of Agriculture is short of money for desirable projects which are so closely related to the work of the Ministry of Transport.

Will the hon. Member give me a list of these schemes which his county council, or any other county council, have submitted to the Department of Agriculture and which have been turned down because we did not have the funds available?

Please allow me to finish the sentence. It is extremely difficult; a survey should be made, I know, of all these areas and of roads which should be built, but what happens when the county councils have to meet the cost of all these surveys? When they apply to the Department of Agriculture for a grant and a grant is refused, what happens? They may get no road and have lost all the money they have put out in making a survey. That is happening all over the Highlands in every county. That is why I have always stressed the fact that a complete survey should be made by the Ministry of Transport—not necessarily by the Department of Agriculture, but by the Ministry of Transport with the assistance of the Department of Agriculture—to find out just what roads should be made because the county councils cannot do it.

The hon. Member said he had given one example, but I doubted very much whether he had. I am not sure that this is an example of a road we are entitled to assist out of an agriculture Vote. In any case a considerable part of the hon. Member's speech has been devoted to the question of roads which are not the responsibility of my right hon. Friend, but of the Ministry of Transport, which comes under another Vote.

With all due respect, the Minister cannot get away from the fact that the Department of Agriculture make many grants for roads. If he now is saying that they are not to make grants that will be a very serious affair. The drift from the rural areas is most serious. The recent census is most alarming, showing the drift from the rural areas into the burghs in the Highlands today. I admit, of course, that there are other factors, for instance where large construction of hydro-electric schemes is taking place and men, working on Sundays and overtime, are earning as much as £15 a week. The farmers cannot possibly compete with that.

The hon. Member for Stirling and Falkirk Burghs mentioned the question of farm labour. This is a serious matter. It is not altogether due to the increase of farm machinery, that there should be this drift of labour from the farms, but one of the reasons, at least in my area, is the competition such as I have mentioned and it is extremely difficult. Apart from that it increases the cost of electricity to the farms and I think it deplorable that capital charges should be demanded by the Hydro-Electric Board from farmers before they are supplied with electricity in their houses.

I wish to stress that more sympathy should be shown to these small, out of the way, areas such as I mentioned. They should be given a grant of £2,000 at Opinan. Surely that is a meagre grant compared with the vast sums which are being spent on other schemes.

7.45 p.m.

It has been very interesting to listen to the hon. Member for Ross and Cromarty (Mr. J. MacLeod) speaking once more about the Highlands. We had a debate on the Highlands and Islands some time ago when many of these subjects were explored, but I feel that today we are apt to forget that a great part of Scotland is a wonderfully valuable and productive agricultural country, not sub- ject to all the disabilities which, unfortunately, belong to the Highlands.

When we discussed the Highlands and Islands we were discussing a rather different problem, the question of whether that part of our country is to remain largely uninhabited and the people remain in isolated areas and what the nation can do by way of sacrificing other things to enable them to live there. Today, we are considering the economic question for the whole country—what is the best use to make of our land. In that consideration I think we shall find there will be quite a different measuring stick applied than when we are discussing the problem of the Highlands and Islands.

The Highlands and Islands have had a problem which has existed almost since they existed, but one would think sometimes, listening to debates, that we had taken roads away or demolished them. When I have gone through the Highlands and Islands I have found hamlets where people have to carry things on their backs for miles to get to villages. They have been doing that kind of thing since the beginning of time. One of the wonderful things is that when a Labour Government came in everyone seemed to expect that these roads would be provided immediately.

I admit that it is not altogether the fault of the Labour Government but of modern transport, which is cutting up a lot of these roads so that they are only tracks now.

One of the leading farmers in the Highlands, a sheep farmer, has solved the problem by providing his shepherd with a jeep in which to travel over the rough road. That is a much cheaper method of getting from place to place quickly than waiting until someone provides roads. The hon. Member for Ross and Cromarty has been wondering why roads have not been provided. I did a considerable amount of investigation during my period of office and I made strenuous efforts to get roads. In one place in the hon. Member's constituency I suggested what seemed a novel thing, that they might help themselves to get a road.

Recently, they have done that and provided a road which had not been there before because the landowner, who was not a Scot, wanted to keep the district select and isolated for his own sporting purposes. A great deal of the lack of roads in the Highlands has been caused deliberately because people wanted to keep them isolated and free from modern transport in order that tourists and others should never reach them.

I admit that probably there is small evidence of that, but surely the right hon. Gentleman will agree that a great many State roads were built throughout the whole Highland region?

I am not denying that some people built roads, but there is a road which goes to the Kyle of Lochalsh where one has to make an immense detour unless a small road is cut through. The hon. Member mentioned Applecross. I have a great deal of sympathy with Apple-cross, but only a few people live in Applecross. I know the difficulty of getting over that hill, but has the hon. Member gone into the question of what a road there would cost and what would be the cost per head to the population? If they have that amount of money, is that what ought to be done with it in the Highlands?

I can give another example of one of these peninsulas, where it would cost £500,000 to build a road which would only reach a village where a few crofters could live. Is the country justified in spending half a million pounds to enable a few crofters to live at the end of a peninsula which is otherwise impassable? Many of these places cannot be treated as part of the mainland mass, but ought to be treated as islands. The easiest way is to sail to them. I think the proper solution is to provide landing stages for them.

The rest of our country has some wonderful land. In the Midlothians and in Fife we can produce more per acre of all crops, except wheat, than any other place in the world. In the constituency of the Lord Advocate, and adjacent to it, scientific farming is probably producing more there than is produced anywhere else in this country even in regard to anticipating the seasons.

I quite agree that it is impossible to raise every piece of land to the high productivity of David Low and his partners in the Lothians. Nevertheless, if we are to consider the food production of this nation, our first need is to try to get the indifferent farmers of good land to raise productivity to the best farmers on the good land. In other words, there are many farmers who are not faced with difficulties as regards the land, but who do not do as well as their neighbours. Some agricultural committees have been asking, and I am sure are still asking, that warning notices should be sent out to people who are not doing their job as well as their neighbours. There are many parts of Scotland where a much greater amount of food could be got from the existing land if it were farmed to the best advantage.

Most of the good farmers in Scotland are probably further ahead in making use of science than any others. They take advantage of all the latest scientific information and of all the help the agricultural colleges can give them. They are using their information to get the best out of the land. They have developed silage and dried grass, they are experimenting in many ways of that kind, and they are raising Scottish soil higher than its previously high standard.

It is true to say that while the average of England for potatoes is between six and seven tons per acre in a good year, in some parts of our country we are producing between 13 and 14 tons per acre. That gives an idea of what can be done by good farmers on good land, and it is that kind of effort we ought to make if we want to get the best food from the soil of Scotland.

From an economic point of view, there is also the question that if our resources are limited and we want to get the best results, are we to spend what is available mainly on trying to get marginal land improved, or would better results come from putting the same effort into feeding the good land? It is quite true that in the Highlands, in Sutherlandshire, once we get shelter belts erected and protection against too much drainage, it should be possible to feed the land and raise the standard of grass considerably and thus increase the number of cattle.

Yet the same effort put into good land not fully cultivated just now would produce a far greater amount of food. That is why I say that the two problems are separate. There is the problem of trying to do things for the Highlands which will enable people to live there, and there is the problem also of getting the maximum amount of food from the feeding we give to the land.

In the Highlands there is also the disadvantage that fewer and fewer people want to live in isolated places. The last war not only took the men away from these villages but also the girls, and when the women are taken away from the Highlands there is nothing left. There are places in the Highlands where only young men and old men are living; the girls having disappeared. That means that at the end of this generation there will be no one left. So long as the women are left there is a foundation of civilisation.

Men are only a passing phase. It is the women who give eternal life to a nation and to a district. Once the women leave the Highlands the country is finished. The problem of the women is that they will not live in these isolated places where they cannot get milk and food supplies dropped at their door, as they have seen in the towns and in places supplied with modern amenities. The problem of the Highlands, therefore, is to provide them with inducements for living there.

A great deal has been said about the wonderful contribution we can make in cattle. I agree, but there is a great deal of over-optimism because cattle cannot be produced by mass production as one produces machinery for the factory. It takes time to prepare the ground for the production of cattle and sheep and other livestock. It is quite true that the Highlands have a great mass of land for this purpose, but they are not yet ready to receive cattle, for the simple reason that the land has to be enriched in order to supply the food for the cattle and to provide shelter so that they can live there through the winter.

Farming is a private enterprise job, although largely carried out with the support and under the planning of the State. However, people have to weigh up whether they can risk increasing the cattle in places where losses might occur. We heard from the Lord Advocate today, and every one of us remembers, the tremendous losses in 1947 which nearly broke the sheep farmers and some of the cattle farmers of Scotland. That is a risk which it is difficult for one farmer in the Highlands to take. A suggestion has been put forward by the farmers that there should be some guarantee by the State to accept the liability of these losses.

I think the farmers ought to do something for themselves in this matter. I made a suggestion to the hon. Gentleman that, now that the farmers have a nice nest egg—it is better than a beanfeast—in the money they have received for the high prices of wool, it would be wise of them to make it the basis of an insurance fund to cover losses in bad times. It is true that some farmers in the Lowlands might not be subjected to losses and might be reluctant to come into such a scheme. From the point of view of the country, however, if people in the Highlands are to expand the livestock, then it would be desirable to have some kind of insurance for those taking the risk. They should not have to carry it all themselves if it is in the interest of national planning.

There is considerable criticism of forestry, as if it were the enemy of agriculture. There are, however, many parts of the Highlands where agriculture and livestock will be impossible unless there is a development of forestry. That prejudice against forestry is curious. I do not know, when my hon. Firend replies, whether he can say anything about Glenlivet. When I was Secretary of State we took over the Gordon estates. I visited them as one of the Crown Land Commissioners and found that we had taken over a heavy liability. If anything could convince me of the difficulty of farming in the Highlands, it was that experience with the properties of the Gordon estates. I understand that a survey has been made in some detail, but I should be surprised if it is possible to make that estate self-supporting and to provide a decent livelihood for the people there.

This is the problem of many of the crofts in the Highlands: they are too small for people to make a decent livelihood. The policy of the Government, when I was responsible, was that it was undesirable to establish people on an estate or croft where there was no possibility of a decent livelihood for them. Sooner or later these crofts will have to be made bigger in order to provide an economic livelihood for families, instead of involving slavery from morning till night without much hope of real remuneration.

There is one other tragedy about Scotland. The habits, the disasters and the difficulties of the past make many people, especially in the Western Highlands, afraid of being hopeful and attempting anything much for the future. We tried to get some dairy farming into Skye and parts of Ross-shire. It seems fantastic that milk has to be taken from the Lowlands and from the mainland to these places. It is ridiculous that a whole agricultural area should not have enough dairy cattle to supply itself with milk. We tried an experiment which, unfortunately, owing to legal difficulties, was not able to proceed. As soon as the Department are able to get some land there, I hope that they will set up an experimental farm to show the people that they can produce their own milk, and even vegetables and other foods.

One of the best horticulturists in Scotland has been considering going to the Western Highlands and the West of Scotland, where the climate is so propitious, to produce early vegetables for the Glasgow market. He is convinced that that is a possibility; but none of the people in the Highlands feels that he can do it, because of the pessimism bred in the past. I hope that some experiments will be made to prove to the people by practical example that this can be done.

To return to forestry, it is absolutely essential that in places like Glenlivet and many of the glens of Scotland we must have forestry in conjunction with agriculture if we are to persuade people to live there. Only then can we provide a sufficient number of people to make social life possible. I do not know how far the Strath Oykell experiment has gone. There will be a great deal of difficulty in acquiring the land and getting the co-operation of everybody. If the Under-Secretary can tell us anything about that experiment, I am sure that it would encourage similar schemes in other parts of Scotland.

I think that Scotland can make a contribution to the food supply of the nation by making better use of existing good land in Scotland and by bringing up farming standards to the level of the best farmers. I recommend and commend the efforts of the good farmers who make the best use of all the scientific resources available. A good deal could be done in the Highlands to use some of the valleys and to bring back into cultivation a great many of the fine little spots about which the hon. Member for Ross and Cromarty spoke. But that, of course, would involve a great deal of fencing and protection, which would take a long time.

There is one other part of farming which I wish to mention, and that is fruit farming. People do not look upon Scotland as a fruit growing country, but Scotland can produce some of the finest fruits. I think that the constituency of the hon. and gallant Member for South Angus (Captain Duncan) probably excels in certain fruit. Research is going on there to develop fruits which are immune from disease. I believe that experiments are being made in Morayshire, in certain parts of the Lothians and the Clyde Valley, where fruits can be grown which are a success and which have an important contribution to make to the national economy.

I feel sure that, in the long run, farming in Scotland will be designed so that in the fine lands near the towns we shall grow by intensive methods the highly valuable products, and that the other types of farming will be done in the outer districts. Horticulture should be near the towns and the other types of farming should be outside. If we do that I am sure that we can provide a livelihood for the population and for the farmers and a well-being for the community which will be extremely valuable.

Mention has been made in other debates on housing that a great deal of agricultural land was being taken up for housing in the Edinburgh and Glasgow districts. In the constituency of my hon. Friend the Member for Midlothian and Peebles (Mr. Pryde), where a great mining development is taking place, there is hardly enough land left. In East Lothian a somewhat similar problem arises, and in Renfrewshire there is almost no room to build houses without encroaching on the finest agricultural land in the area. We cannot use all the land to build houses cheaply and easily.

One of the greatest advantages which has come to the country since the war has been that these matters are under some sort of control and that land is not lost to the nation simply because somebody wishes to buy it and use it for housing. Questions, of that kind are now decided for the greater good of the whole population. If we use our best endeavours agriculture and forestry, and the industries which support the economic life of the people, will thrive and our nation will thrive with them.

8.6 p.m.

As a farmer myself, I almost blushed on hearing the compliments which the right hon. Gentleman the Member for East Stirling (Mr. Woodburn) paid to the farmers of Scotland. Again, I almost blushed when he referred to the fruit-growing activities of the constituency which I represent, which continue along Strath More, the Carse of Gowrie through into East and West Perth. I will refer to the right hon. Gentleman's speech during my comments.

He wants the standard of farming to be raised to the standard of the best farmer, and he suggested that more active steps should be taken by the Government with that in mind. Those steps are being taken. There are directions to plough. There is the National Advisory Service, and all sorts of other activities are taking place to encourage or order farmers to plough up land if they have not ploughed enough.

But there is one snag. It is that under the Agriculture Act, 1948, passed by the last Socialist Government, such a degree of security was given to existing tenants that it is almost impossible now to evict an inefficient farmer. I have heard of two or three instances in various parts of Scotland where, though I admit that I have not been into these matters in great detail, in my opinion the land ought to have been farmed better. Applications were made, but I think it is right to say that these applications to remove the tenant or the owner-occupier have not been successful. If we are to carry out the policy which the right hon. Gentleman wants, we must do something with the Agriculture Act, or with the procedure under the Act, to make it a little easier to dispossess the inefficient farmer.

I wish to refer to one or two special matters. Some are a little bit technical, but no doubt the Joint Under-Secretary will be able to answer. The first is about the calf subsidy. The calf subsidy applied both to bull calves and to heifer calves. Last year the heifer calf subsidy was discontinued, and on 1st October of this year the steer calf subsidy is to be abolished entirely. My first question is to ask whether or not they will be replaced by anything. I have never been able to understand why the beef heifer should be any less eligible for a subsidy than the beef steer calf. Heifer beef is graded at the same price as steer beef, and there appears to be no reason why, provided they are beef cattle, they should not get a subsidy.

I think, however, experience is showing now that the calf subsidy is not quite hitting the target at which it was aimed. It was aimed at encouraging the production and breeding of beef cattle, but the average farmer who does the breeding in the hills or upland areas cannot, through lack of buildings and accommodation and also of winter feed, carry these animals through until the time when they are eligible for the subsidy. He sells out in the autumn, and the vast majority of hill calves are born in March, April or May and sold off in the autumn.

They are sold in anticipation of receiving the subsidy, but the breeder does not get the full value of the subsidy, because the calves are sold at auction and it is the feeder, who takes them at nine months old, who receives the benefit of the £5 subsidy on steer calves. I think this is the general experience of breeders, at any rate in the hill and upland areas.

If we are going to replace this system by something else, I put forward the suggestion that it would be better to increase the beef cow and heifer subsidies. I should like to see the subsidy of £7 now paid for hill cattle extended to £10 for beef cows and heifers kept for breeding. On that subject, I should like to know what is in the Government's mind.

The second point I want to make is in connection with the statistics, which I think are rather interesting, which can be dug out of the Monthly Digest of Statistics. I think it is a most astonishing fact that, in spite of all that was done during the war and all that has been done since, the actual acreage of land in Britain under crops and grass is practically the same as, or, rather, 500,000 acres less than, it was in 1939. In 1939, the arable acreage was roughly 13 million and the grass acreage 18¼ million. In 1950, the arable acreage was 18.3 million and the grass acreage 12¾ million; in other words, there was an actual decrease, in spite of everything that has been done to increase production and increase grassland.

The figures for the arable and grass acreage have been reversed, and the total is now 500,000 acres less than it was. I think this has been replaced by an increase of 500,000 acres in what are called rough grazings. Therefore, what has happened in Britain is that, although land has been taken for housing, for aerodromes, for munitions factories and for a thousand and one different purposes, we have not extended, but have only just managed to maintain, the area of agricultural land of all kinds in this country.

Surely, the moral of that is that if, as the hon. Member for Stirling and Falkirk Burghs (Mr. Malcolm MacPherson) says, we are to have an aggressive policy, we must get more land either under arable cultivation or under grass to replace what is inevitably going to happen when we take away more land for housing, aerodromes and munitions factories. It always seems to be the good land which is taken, and we must replace that good land with land which must be dug out of the hills and the rocks. Agriculture is gradually being driven back into the hills, and we must make the best use we can of our land, and extend the area of our land which is being cultivated in some form or another.

The third figure I want to quote has been quoted already in a slightly different form by the hon. Member for West Perth (Mr. Snadden), and it concerns the number of cattle. I agree that, as a result of the policy adopted during the war and carried out since, the number of cattle has increased. In 1939, taking cattle of all kinds, there were 8,872,000 cattle in the country; this is the United Kingdom figure. In June, 1950, there were 10,600,000, an increase of roughly, 1,800,000 cattle.

That is good, but, when we come to meat—and it is a little difficult to work out a correct figure from the Monthly Digest of Statistics—taking meat of all kinds, and not only cattle, the actual amount of meat coming off the farms and going into the butchers' shops in 1938 was 21,000 tons per week, while from May, 1950, to April, 1951, it was only 18,433 tons per week. I admit that the two figures are not completely comparable. I have only quoted the figures for cattle, which show an increase, but, as I think the Lord Advocate has already said, there is an increase in the number of pigs that are sold and we are also picking up on the number of sheep, although we are not yet up to the pre-war figures.

Was the hon. Gentleman including in his figures in both cases the imported cattle which were fed and fattened here, for the meat market?

These figures do include the Irish imported cattle. I am talking in terms of home-produced meat, not imported meat. These figures mean, in fact, that although we are getting more cattle, they are not being transformed into meat; in fact, there is less meat. The answer to that is that we farmers have got to keep our cattle longer on our farms because we have not got enough feeding-stuffs to feed them up quickly, and therefore this question of feedingstuffs is really the key in a meat-starved world in which the British people will have to suffer and play their part in suffering shortages. If we can get more feedingstuffs, it is the only way in which we can get more meat.

Next, there is one rather technical point concerning silage. We are all having to produce more of our own feedingstuffs, and one of these is silage. In connection with that, there are the directions for ploughing up land, but the Department will not allow silage to be counted as a crop, and in the last Report there is no mention of silage. I think silage provides one of the finest means of keeping beasts alive during the winter that I know. It does not receive quite sufficient importance in the agricultural returns and I think it should be included in the necessary forms. I hate forms myself, but, having got already 114 questions on the form to answer, the addition of another would not make any difference. Silage ought to be counted as a crop in connection with the directions for ploughing up, and it should be given a greater status both by the Department and by the county executive committees in the country. I hope that suggestion will be considered.

My last point, again in connection with farm-produced feedingstuffs, is that many of us are now going in for a less wasteful and more efficient form of balanced feedingstuffs. We have all been told to produce more. We are growing oats, silage, grass and various other things. Some of us are growing beans in order to get the high protein, and dried grass as well. A lot of these things are very wasteful in that much of them is lost in the form of dust. If they are fed in the form of dust, the cattle blow it all over the place.

We are trying to get a balanced ration in the form of cubes. We are doing this ourselves in conjunction with the local millers. But then the Ministry of Food comes down and refuses the miller an open general licence to make these cubes for us, even though most of the stuff in them is of our own production with, perhaps, something added in order to increase the protein content. The Ministry says to the millers, "You cannot have an open general licence. You can only have a licence for each individual farmer and for each individual mix."

I hope that the Under-Secretary of State, as the guardian of the farmers' interests, will tackle the Ministry of Food about this and tell them not to be so silly. Let the millers have their open general licence and let this co-operation between the local millers and the local farmers be encouraged so that we can make use of a new, less wasteful and more economic—as regards transport—form of feeding-stuffs, part of which we shall have grown on our own farms.

I want now to say a few words on the general agricultural position as I see it. The general object of the Government is to increase agricultural output between 1947 and 1952 by 20 per cent. The increase up to 1950 was only 13 per cent., though the Lord Advocate said—I suppose after 4th July—that it had gone up to 15 per cent. I hope he has not been a bit too optimistic, but we shall have to wait and see when the final figures for the year are available. But that increase has not been balanced; it has mainly been on milk and eggs. Therefore, we have to increase the production of things other than milk and eggs.

I want to stress tonight the urgent importance of arable crops and beef. I would draw up a sort of balance-sheet, and I will give the Government the credit side. It is not all the Government's fault, I agree. They have introduced the grassland fertiliser scheme, and they are beginning to recognise the importance of grassland and the use of grass, although as I have already suggested they should give grass silage and other kinds of silage greater prominence.

Then there is the hill farming scheme, the hill cattle subsidy and the system of guaranteed markets and prices which have been kept in force since the war. I give them credit for these things, though they did not originate them, as some hon. Members seem to think. They were originated by the National Government. Then, again, they have passed the Livestock Rearing Act, and I give them credit for that, although it is much too early to see how it is going to work.

I am sure the Under-Secretary of State will be the first to agree, as did the right hon. Member for East Stirling, that the main credit for the great success that is attending Scottish farming today is due mainly to the farmers themselves, who are doing a man's job of work.

I am going to say something about the farm workers in a minute. I agree that they have done their stuff.

As I was saying, the farmers have sunk their capital in the land and have worked jolly hard to achieve such results. It is often said that farmers are old-fashioned. I will read to the Committee one sentence which appears on page 13 of Cmd. 8183. It says:

Now I come to the farm workers. I say that the farm workers have done a tremendous job of work, and deserve the thanks of the country. They have had their difficulties, and, although they occasionally get extra cheese, they never get any extra meat. They are not in the industrial canteen area where they can get extra meat, nor are they in the mining area where the miners get two or three times the meat available to the ordinary civilian. Despite this, they have never struck. Day in and day out they have carried on, sometimes in filthy weather. I wish to pay my tribute to them, because I believe that without them we should never be able to do what we are doing in Scotland today. I only wish that the Government would regard the farm workers a little more sympathetically. I will deal with another aspect of the farm worker in a minute.

As regards the debit side, the first item on that side of the balance-sheet is the weather. Turning to page 8 of Cmd. 8183, we find that the first chapter begins by saying:

And this spring has been no better than that of last year. To show the appalling effect of this last winter on hill sheep farming, I should like to tell the Committee that I know one man who had only 30 lambs left out of a ewe stock of 400. I heard only on Monday of another case of a man with 6,000 ewes who does not know how many lambs he has left but knows he has lost 1,200 ewes—that is a quarter of his ewe stock. That is one item on the debit side.

The next item is the increase in costs. This is definitely beginning to discourage farmers from going all out on production. They are getting frightened of these continually rising prices. I have some prices here which I can quote either in cash or in percentages. Let me give this one figure in cash. On 1st July, 1945, the price of fertiliser was £9 10s. This July the price is £20 6s. 2d. Taking March, 1949, as 100, the price of superphosphates is now 240.7. The price of potato fertiliser has been almost doubled since 1949. These are very heavy costs.

There have been great increases in the prices of tractors and particularly in the prices of spare parts of tractors. The price of the Fordson Major tractor has gone up 16¼ per cent. The cost of tyres has gone up. The price of the big tyre on the rear wheel of the Fordson has gone up from £16 17s. 8d. in 1947 to £32 7s. 3d. now. I have figures here for spare parts, showing increases in price of 50 per cent., 60 per cent. and 83 per cent. Farmers are beginning to get worried about these very high increased costs.

The cost of feedingstuffs has gone up. One cannot get a decent protein feeding-stuff now under £30 a ton. It is an enormous price to pay and it is having an effect on poultry keeping and pig rearing. The last item is the freight charges. They went up 16⅔ per cent. in 1950. They have gone up another 10 per cent. in 1951 and, as my hon. Friend the Member for West Perth said, farms are mostly isolated and the cost of transport is colossal compared with the cost of transport from town to town. This cost of transport is beginning to hit the farmers and the more isolated they are the more it hits them.

Finally, the reduction in capital investment announced by the Chancellor will hit the farmer. I referred to this during the debate on housing, and the Under secretary of State for Scotland got very excited when trying to answer the point. I do not want to repeat everything I said in the Scottish Grand Committee, but we have outstanding applications for farm workers' cottages in my county of Angus. The Lord Advocate said that the effect of this reduction in the capital investment programme is not going to affect agriculture; but it will affect agricultural housing—

It is quite wrong of the hon. and gallant Member to say that. What I said was that there will be an effect, but it is impossible to say at this stage what it will be.

Well, there was a good deal of argument going on between my right hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Kelvingrove (Lieut.-Colonel Elliot) and the Lord Advocate; but it will have an effect. It is having an effect already on the agricultural workers' houses, and for that reason I hope that this aspect of the reduction in the capital investment programme will be reconsidered in the interest of agriculture. Unless agriculture is regarded as part of the defence programme it is going to suffer and the farm worker will suffer from the restrictions in capital investment.

I am afraid I have talked too much. I just wanted to produce this balance sheet to show that, although the farmers are doing their best to increase their efficiency and will continue to do so as far as they can, they are coming up against difficulties in costs and restrictions. It is really up to the Government to appreciate their position as I have tried to illustrate it in as impartial a way as possible, and to take action with those Departments of the Government which are forcing doubts to arise in the farmers' minds through these restrictions.

8.36 p.m.

With much of the speech of the hon. and gallant Member for Angus, South (Captain Duncan), I agree. I do not know whether that will embarrass him or not. I was particularly interested when he paid a tribute to the farmer and the farm worker, and then said something which was rather derogatory to the miner—something to the effect that the miner got something which the farm worker did not get. I represent miners and farmers, and I also represent landlords, although I do not get their vote. I certainly think that towards the end of his speech the hon. and gallant Member outlined some of the difficulties with which we are confronted, and I should like to follow up one of his points.

I am not satisfied that we have had sufficient explanation of what the Lord Advocate called the impact of the defence programme on agriculture. I should like to ask a question which, curiously enough, has hitherto not been asked in this debate. It is this: What is the Government's attitude to be to the call-up of the farm worker? I should very much like to have some explanation which will answer the questions which will be put to us in the farming villages in the Recess.

In the early part of the debate on the defence programme there was interpolated into a speech by the then Minister of Labour the rather surprising statement that the blanket was to be taken off the agricultural worker and the farming industry. I have yet to know exactly what that means. What are we to say to our farming constituents when, after we have addressed them and given them a very learned speech on the international situation, the cost of living, and so forth, somebody gets up and asks what is the predominant question in the minds of these people: "When are we going to be called up?"

That is a very important question, because after the statement that the blanket was to be taken off the agricultural worker—that was a most unfortunate phrase to use—the agricultural workers do not know exactly where they are. They were told by the Minister of Labour that at the end of this harvest they would be called up for military service. They were told that they were to be left in agricultural work until the harvest was over, and that after the harvest was over they were to be called up, which is something new for the farming community.

I want some clear indication of who is to be called up, because at present there does not appear to be a surplus of labour. The question which occurs to me is this: if they are to stay at their work until this harvest is over and then are to be called up, what will happen in the next harvest? Shall we not then be faced with a shortage of agricultural labour? Can we have some statement on exactly what this decision will mean?

Further, are we to denude agricultural work of those engaged in it, at a time when the Government are stating that we must increase production? One leading farmer in my constituency put it this way: "How are we to increase production if they are going to take away the labour?" I do not know the answer to that, and I hope we shall have something more explicit on the subject than we have had so far, explaining exactly what the call-up will mean to the agricultural industry.

This problem applies not only to the farmer and the farm worker but also to people like the village blacksmith who, in some parts of my constituency, is a very important person, not because of his work in looking after the horses but because he is busy repairing agricultural machinery. The Government might take away people like that, who are essential, at a critical time in harvesting, when they are needed to repair the tractors. Even though such a man is not classified as a farm worker, he is doing an essential part in keeping the industry going, and I want an assurance that this key industry will not be denuded of people who indirectly may be essential to the agricultural programme.

I am by no means satisfied about the impact which the defence programme will have. As the hon. Member for West Perth (Mr. Snadden) and the hon. and gallant Member for Angus, South, have already shown, the problem of fertilisers is an important one. There is a shortage of superphosphates and sulphate of ammonia, and those are the very things which are needed for the war industries. I can understand the dilemma of those hon. Members who say we must have defence and defence must have priority, but I do not understand how this problem will be solved. Already prices of the chemicals needed for the fertilisation of the land are rising, and those chemicals will also be needed for munitions. Here I see the beginning of a problem. We shall starve the land of fertilisers in order to supply the munition plants.

If that is the kind of defence programme we have, then I say it is all haywire. One of the main reasons for the difficulty is that the capital investment programme was so hurriedly drawn up. The Government said, first of all, that there must be priority for what was loosely called "defence," and they have not given sufficient attention to agriculture. In my view, my right hon. Friend the Member for Ebbw Vale (Mr. A. Bevan) and the former President of the Board of Trade, my right hon. Friend the Member for Huyton (Mr. H. Wilson), have made a vital criticism, from their point of view, of the capital investment programme when they say that insufficient has been put into agriculture and insufficient has been put into other elements of our national economy.

It is not only the production of food that is involved. The Lord Advocate mentioned the problem of tractors, and here again, in my opinion, he seemed rather complacent. Is British industry capable at the present time of producing both all the tanks required and all the tractors required? Although the right hon. and learned Gentleman assured us that at the present moment tractors were going to be available, the price of tractors is going up.

In another year's time we shall feel the full impact of the defence programme upon agriculture, indirectly and directly, and we shall be up against what I believe to be an insoluble problem. I entirely agree with those hon. Members who have argued that we have completely to revise our defence programme and the relative sums invested in this programme. Day by day we come in contact with the same problem. If we look beneath the surface, we find that agriculture is being starved of the capital necessary to increase the production of our food supplies.

This is so not only directly, but indirectly, as in the case of the provision of such things as electricity to the countryside. How are we to give not only to farms but to outlying villages electricity if there is a demand from the defence programme for the electrical cables and so on needed for supplying electricity to the countryside? I do not see how it is to be done. If the Government are to face the problem, the first thing for them to do is to accept the view laid down by my right hon. Friend the Member for Ebbw Vale and my right hon. Friend the Member for Huyton, which is that the defence programme should be cut according to a realistic assessment of the national needs, in view of the economic consequences of the present defence programme.

It affects the housing programme in the countryside. The Lord Advocate tried to indicate some measure of priority in building. He mentioned the agricultural colleges. I gathered from what he said in an aside that he made that the agricultural colleges are to be relegated to the background for the time being. That is a very short-sighted idea. We have to look to the future. A nation that starves its agricultural colleges, and transfers labour and material from them to munitions factories, is proceeding along the wrong lines. An enormous amount of capital needs to be invested in water supplies, in electrical supplies, in rural housing.

Behind all the optimism expressed in this debate, I see economic problems confronting the future of agriculture in Scotland, and I venture to assert now that we are taking the wrong attitude about the amount of capital that should be invested in the real and vital needs on which the future of this country depends. I suggest that the Government, instead of economising and cutting and cheeseparing on such vital things as agriculture, should reconsider the capital investment programme so that the money may be invested in a way that will bring the best results.

8.49 p.m.

The background to the problem we are discussing tonight, as my hon. Friend the Member for West Perth (Mr. Snadden) reminded the Committee, is, as I think he put it, the problem of feeding the world's growing population. The woeful prophecies of our former colleague and my constituent, Lord Boyd Orr of Brechin, warnings of increased populations and of declining agricultural acreage, and its diversion from its primary use of farming, are no longer scorned. Even our ebullient Minister of Food has been forced by the pressure of events to recognise that we are faced with a period of under-production of meat and, therefore, of rising prices.

How does that apply to our own home production? In the United Kingdom, with two million more mouths to feed, the output of beef and veal has not yet attained pre-war level—though it is expected to do so this year—and of mutton, lamb and pig meat it is well below the 1938–39 level, the targets for 1952–53 being, for mutton and lamb 83 per cent. of our pre-war production and for pig meat 92 per cent. of our pre-war production. The Committee must have been very glad that the Lord Advocate was able to announce that we in Scotland at any rate—the figures that I have given are United Kingdom figures—have now attained our pre-war production of pig meat. Scotland supplies about one-fifth of the beef cattle marketed for slaughter in Great Britain, and nearly one-third of the sheep and lambs.

Every Scotsman knows that good meat is one of Scotland's greatest exports. Last year we sent south over the Border 11,400 tons of carcase beef, and cattle on the hoof which was equivalent to an additional 24,600 tons: a total of 36,000 tons of beef. In the same period we sent to England 9,600 tons of mutton and lamb, and upwards of another 2,400 tons on the hoof: a total of 12,000 tons dead weight. Those 48,000 tons, at our present ration scales, were sufficient to feed two million people for a year.

But every Scotsman knows that that is only half the story, because the meat that we produce is pre-eminent because of its quality. During 1945 to 1949 no less than 93 per cent. of the steers, heifers and cow heifers which were marketed in Scotland reached the super-special, special and grade A quality; the corresponding proportion in England and Wales being 74 per cent. Although last year we marketed only one in five of all the fat beasts in Great Britain that went on to the market for slaughter, our marketing in the special grade exceeded those in that grade in England and Wales together.

I think that that is the more remarkable in view of the inadequate incentive to quality production which is provided by the schedules of fat stock prices. I know that this is primarily a matter for the Ministry of Food, but it has a direct effect upon our Scottish agriculture, and I very much regret that in the new schedules there is no distinction made between the gradings. The S.S. grade gets the same increase of 11s. 9d. per cwt. as B-minus.

The Scottish National Farmers' Union pressed hard for prices which would give some encouragement to quality production, but the Ministry of Food turned that down. The only ray of comfort that we were able to glean was the promise that from April, 1952, the quality premium for cattle will be amended in consultation with the National Farmers' Unions. As if to add insult to injury, the penalty for heavyweight cattle has been cut by half. This is a blow to our Scottish economy. I ask the Government and the Department of Agriculture what it has done about it and what it intends to do. I am deliberately reducing my speech in length, so let me turn quickly to one other matter.

The Secretary of State told my hon. Friend the Member for Edinburgh, South (Sir W. Darling), recently, in answer to a Question, that in the six years 1945 to 1950 upwards of 24,000 acres in Scotland were lost to agriculture for housing and similar purposes. This excludes over 66,600 acres of rough grazing which were allowed to go for military training purposes but over which there was some agricultural use permitted. It excludes forestry, in respect of which approval was given during the year to the acquisition of some 24,000 acres, affecting no fewer than 33 hill sheep farms, and it excludes 3,600 acres in Scotland under requisition for opencast coal mining.

The county development plans which had now been prepared, or should have been prepared under the provisions of the Town and Country Planning Act, are now ready to be received by the Secretary of State for Scotland. They are due to come before him this month. These plans will, I believe, reveal the extent of the anticipated encroachment for urban development. In England, where the problem is more acute, and where it is estimated that the equivalent of 500 to 600 average size farms are lost to agriculture every year, the National Farmers' Union, the C.L.A. and the agricultural unions have urged the Ministry of Local Government and Planning to set up a special division to collect statistics. I think that this problem should be much easier to solve in Scotland where the Secretary of State has a dual responsibility—a responsibility for agricultural production and for town and country planning.

I believe that it is of the greatest importance that there should be drawn up something like a land budget, so that we know how much land is to be taken away and must inevitably be taken away for essential purposes from agriculture. Then it will be possible to see how much we will have left and to do all that is possible to keep agricultural land in cultivation.

Let me close by saying that neither the official announcement of the termination of hostilities with Germany, nor the proposed peace treaty with Japan, nor the prospects of a cease-fire in Korea, nor even negotiations about Persia will remove the danger of war from this country. I do not believe that danger can be finally removed from this country so long as the present regime in Russia is in power.

So long as there is a danger of war, the encouragement of the maximum home production of meat is of prime importance as a defence measure. But even if that were not so, there cannot be any doubt, after our recent experience with the Argentine to which the Lord Advocate referred in his speech, that from every point of view we should do everything possible to encourage the highest production of food from our own soil and the fullest possible utilisation of the farming land of Britain.

9.0 p.m.

If I have any claim to speak in a Scottish agricultural debate, it is because, first, in my very early days I spent much of my time on a croft in the Shetlands, and secondly, I now have the honour to represent in this Committee what I believe is generally regarded as one of the most enterprising, prosperous, fertile and wealthy agricultural areas in Scotland. East Lothian is known as the garden of Scotland, and well-known is the contribution which my constituency has made in food production in this country in the difficult days since the war as well as during the war. The rich fields of East Lothian have yielded a very fine harvest for the larder of Britain.

This is very largely due to the fact that during the last decade there has been in operation a progressive agricultural policy unknown in the previous 20 or 30 years. That cannot be over-emphasised as being a contributory factor to the success of agriculture today, and it has also to be noted that an equal contribution comes from the loyal response of the agricultural workers and the farmers to the policy which the Government have carried through since the end of the war.

There are one or two points I should like to make in the few minutes at my disposal. If we are to continue with the policy of the present Government, we shall only achieve success if we persuade more people to stay in the country areas than is happening today. In certain parts of Scotland there has been an alarming drop in the rural population. Although it is not nearly as bad as it was after the First World War, yet it is there. The Government ought to put rural amenities as priority No. 1 in our defence programme. If unfortunately we ever enter another war, we will have to depend to a greater extent than ever for food from home production, and we must therefore have the people there.

In my constituency we have a very serious problem, in that in some parts of the Berwick county we cannot build houses because we have an inadequate water supply. There is a large water scheme in the course of completion, but until we have secured the completion of the scheme there is little hope of arresting what might become a very serious situation in the problem of the drift from these rural areas.

I think of one village in the Berwickshire part of my constituency, called Earlston. This village has been successful in attracting industries other than agriculture, and there is now a tremendous need for houses to meet the demands of the people. There are 50 families waiting for houses, which cannot be built until there is a water supply. I ask my hon. Friend the Joint Under-Secretary of State for Scotland whether it would not be possible in cases of this kind to develop the water scheme and the housing scheme simultaneously, so that the two completions might coincide. Under the present arrangement, even if we get the water supply there will be a lag of two or three years before the houses can be completed.

The other point is the great need for electricity in some parts of Scotland. In my constituency of East Lothian, there is an area, the North Berwick district, which is badly served with electricity. Until a short while ago it contained an Admiralty camp. It was proposed to put electricity through to the camp. Local agricultural workers' houses would have been in line with the development of that electricity service and would have benefited. The Admiralty have disbanded the camp, and the consequence is that we have very fine new houses there still having to use the old oil lamps.

There is the very important question of housing, on which I do not propose to touch tonight, except to say that in East Lothian we have some of the finest examples of modern agricultural dwellings. I should like to tell the hon. Member for Angus, North (Mr. Thornton-Kemsley), who spoke about rural amenities, that he should compare these two parts of Scotland. I understand that the local authorities in Angus are not favourably disposed to the pre-fabricated type of house, while in Lothian almost all the new houses are of the pre-fabricated type. Hon. Members who sit for agricultural constituencies and travel up to Berwick by train may have observed the fine type of pre-fabricated agricultural houses which are to be seen in East Lothian.

Considerable credit is due to the Scottish Office and to the Department of Agriculture for Scotland for the excellent service which their personnel, devoted as they are to agriculture, have given to the Scottish agricultural industry. This is very much appreciated by farmers and agricultural workers generally in Scotland, but I am afraid that we take it very much for granted and even do not say very much about it in the House. My experience is that the Scottish agricultural industry is extremely well served by the Department of Agriculture.

9.10 p.m.

It is always with regret that one rises at the end of a Scottish debate for there are always hon. Members who are inevitably cut out. I do not think it would be possible to avoid that, all the more so on this occasion. You may not know, Major Milner, that our eloquent and unwearying race has been at it, not since 4 o'Clock this afternoon but since half-past 10 o'Clock this morning. They continued the debate in the Scottish Standing Committee from 10.30 until lunch, when they adjourned to the Floor of this Chamber. You can see that there are still many who are anxious to make their contributions. I fear it is inevitable that in the circumstances some must go under.

I was particularly sorry that my hon. Friend the Member for Banff (Mr. Duthie) did not get the opportunity of addressing the Committee, because he wished to raise a point about the transfer of farming land to forestry for timber use, which is of great importance in connection with one of the large general questions which we have been discussing this evening, general budgeting not merely in terms of money but in terms of resources for agricultural production in Scotland—labour budgeting and material budgeting.

It was very eloquently put, although from a rather specialist angle, by the hon. Member for South Ayrshire (Mr. Emrys Hughes), who took occasion skilfully to insert some of his political views under the guise of an address on purely agricultural problems. He is perhaps more skilful than others in doing so and therefore does so on more occasions than many of the rest of us do. I see that the hon. Member has now returned to the Chamber. I was saying that we were discussing not merely the problems of agriculture but the problems of budgeting in terms of both labour and materials for the problems of agriculture and I was complimenting the hon. Member on his skill in raising his aspect of that during the debate.

The questions with which we have to deal have all to be considered under the over-riding shadow of shortages in the great world market. The position differs radically from that before the war when we were dealing in the great world market with surpluses of foodstuffs available for consumption in this country. Our difficulty then was to dovetail the supplies into our home production, but our problem today is rather to expand our production at home to take the place of the supplies which have been removed by reason of war, increased consumption or actual economic difficulties—I will not say "blockade"—amounting to a voluntary withholding of supplies from this country.

All these things increase our feeling of insecurity and emphasise the importance of greater production here, and it is from that angle on the whole that the Committee has been discussing the matter. In spite of our superficial differences, this is a subject upon which there is a greater degree of general unanimity than is found in many of our Scottish problems. We have all got the same ideal. The ways in which we would progress towards it differ to some extent, though not to any great extent. What we are anxious to do is to secure the maximum production, at the earliest possible period, from the land of our country.

We are discussing this not merely against the shortages in the world market but also against the trend of some of the curves in this country, which are going not upwards but downwards. The hon. Member for Berwick and East Lothian (Mr. Robertson) mentioned labour. The Committee will do well to take note that the Report says, in page 59, that the number of regular workers in agriculture fell during the year. That is a vital point which we must always keep in mind.

The right hon. and learned Gentleman the Lord Advocate gave a most interesting review of the agricultural output and the alterations which have taken place. In some respects considerable increases have been obtained. Others are actually below pre-war. For instance, the production of beef is some 6,000 tons below, and the number of sheep in the country is nearly a million less than before the war.

The right hon. and learned Gentleman can, of course, say that this is due to some extent to the great blizzard, but great blizzards are a feature of our country from time to time. The "sixteen drifty days" in the 17th century in Galloway were a perfect massacre of the sheep stock, and the introduction of some breeds into the south of Scotland was made to replace losses which had occurred during some of these great blizzards. I am not at all sure that the numbers, when we come to record them this year, will not show a drop from the year 1950, the figure for which the right hon. and learned Gentleman gave as being about seven million.

Some of the figures given by my hon. Friend the Member for Angus, North and Mearns (Mr. Thornton-Kemsley) were devastating. I do not think they are general, but I do say that losses of 10 per cent. in ewe stocks are not at all infrequent, not merely in the Highlands but also in the Lowlands. A loss in a crop of lambs of 50 per cent. instead of 80 per cent. is not at all unusual and that, as hon. Members know well, means a great drop in the ewe lambs available for sale. It means that a great proportion of them are retained to build up the stocks of the hill farmers and a correspondingly smaller number comes on the market for use elsewhere.

The difficulties of our home production arise not merely from the falling off of food supplies from overeas for our folk but also of food supplies for our beasts for there is a shortage of some £5 million of imported feedingstuffs for this island. Before the war ships towed over the equivalent of five million acres of fertile agricultural land and anchored them off our shores where we could draw upon them for the maintenance of our beasts, particularly for their winter maintenance. Those five million acres producing that £5 million are now severed from us and I do not think we shall get them back again. Therefore, I doubt whether the feeding of cattle in the winter in the cattle courts will ever again, within foreseeable time, be a feature of our agriculture. We shall not get these great supplies of cheap protein or even high fat containing substances from overseas and we shall need to obtain them from our own resources.

How are we doing that? We are doing that to some extent by an enormous reinforcement of the countryside by steel men. We have brought in 37,000 tractors. The horsepower of a tractor is far above that of a horse. When Stevenson first gave us horse power he made a generous allowance over and above the work a horse can do, and it has been calculated that one horsepower is certainly not less than from eight to 16 men. There is no doubt that we have added to the labour force of Scotland by between 1¼ million to 2,000,000 steel men, and these have done a great deal to substitute the work which the ships did in bringing the foodstuffs from overseas.

But these steel men drink oil and, again, we are dependent on overseas supplies for the food for these robots whom we have brought in to balance our failing acres. For these men food is also brought from overseas, a different kind of food, but, still, an import from overseas and we are still enormously dependent upon the world outside even for these great new developments by which we have so far succeeded in making this wonderful spurt and expansion in home production.

In all this we are working under the shadow of Malthus, the 18th century divine, who brought out the effect of the growing population on stationary supplies. For a time that was masked by the great developments of the 19th century, but I was reading recently a most interesting book, "The Estate of Man," by Michael Roberts, which put the problem in statistical form. There is only 15 acres of the world's surface for every person and today one acre is at the North Pole, one at the South Pole, four are desert and four are jungle.

There are only three acres of arable land for each person and the inhabitant of the United Kingdom is using three acres while the inhabitant of Japan has but a third of an acre. Nine times as much is being used for subsistence by the inhabitant of Britain as by the inhabitant of Japan. There is a much stronger pressure upon us than we yet realise and we may need to develop, even more intensively than we realise, the resources of our own island.

It is against that background that we have to consider the problems of our time. From time to time there will be temporary surpluses. I am not quite sure that we might not run into one this autumn. By a series of accidents, the whole weight of the new Argentine import is to fall on the market at exactly the same time as our home production comes off the grass. It was always our desire in the past to stagger that to some extent, but it will be found that these two things will coincide with a rise in the price of meat.

A greatly increased supply and a considerable rise in price will need careful attention by the Government and those responsible for agriculture. Nothing could be worse than for producers to find that they have produced and brought forward these supplies and then for some reason or other a glut has been produced and that the market is not absorbing these supplies brought forward.

I ask the Minister, when replying, to give an assurance, if he can, that this problem is being looked after, and looked after carefully, because in addition to frozen meat a considerable proportion of chilled meat is coming in. Chilled meat is the one meat one cannot keep. It has to be brought forward from the ship to the shop counter as quickly as possible, because it is no use bringing it across the Equator chilled and freezing it down solid when it gets here. We are faced with a tight situation which may be much tighter over a long period. Secondly, we are dealing with a position in which we have to consider the short-term effects such as the possible effect of a temporary glut such as I have mentioned.

There is another point we should keep in mind. Great emphasis has been laid on winter egg production. That will certainly require feedingstuffs and I trust the Minister will be able to give us some assurance as to the supply of feeding-stuffs likely to come forward to maintain our poultry population. It is within the experience of all of us that there has been a considerable sale of poultry. Some good laying poultry have been killed off. The Lord Advocate gave interesting figures about the expansion in the poultry population, but it is certainly true that in the egg packing stations there is a smaller number of eggs passing through than there was at this time last year. I think that a certain number of eggs are by-passing.

That may well be. That is a most reassuring statement, but I hope that events will not disprove it. At one egg packing station which I know well, during the first five months of 1950 264,000 dozen eggs passed through, and in the first five months of 1951 156,000 dozen passed through. I think that one reason for the difference is that eggs are by-passing the egg packing stations, probably because of the considerable shortage of high grade protein foodstuffs available to the people and the fact that one can sell anything at the backdoor, whereas, if the eggs go to the packing station, rejects, and so on are taken out.

The fact remains that, whatever happens, the hen population will consume a considerable amount of feedingstuffs this winter if winter egg production is to be kept up. I trust that it will be possible for the Under-Secretary to give us reassurance on that point.

Then there is the point mentioned by the Lord Advocate, and other hon. Members—the hope that he expressed that the suggested reduction of the building programme might be alleviated as far as agriculture was concerned; or, at any rate, that the utmost care would be given to the needs of agriculture if that reduction ever had to be applied. Again, the impetus is simply beginning on many of the schemes. As a result of the new wool prices, I do not believe that the farmers will be bean-feasting. I believe that a lot of them will wish to use this new high income from wool for the purpose of farm developments of one kind or another.

It will be a thousand pities if, for some reason or another, it is not possible for them to do that, and this money is left to dissipate itself so that it has to be replaced by some form of grant or Government assistance later. Buildings, shelter belts and roads have been mentioned. Several hon. Members said how important the farm road was, and roads are also of great importance to the hill cottages. The road of today is expensive, yet it is the citadel of human penetration into the hills. Evacuate the hills and the waste comes down upon us again. If these roads are not built, then these cottages will be evacuated.

I know of half a dozen cottages in the hills. They are good, modernised cottages which are now derelict because people cannot be persuaded to live in them as they are far separated from a road. A road would save the cottages, and I think that a road could be built, but it would require the most favourable consideration from all those in authority. I should like an assurance on that point also. We are much more at one than we have been for many a long year.

The hon. Member for the Western Isles (Mr. M. MacMillan) was good enough to cast some suspicion upon the suggestion that we had pursued an expansionist and not restrictionist policy as far as home agriculture is concerned. It is true that he was not able to quote or to give, as I asked him to do, a single fact to substantiate it.

Will the right hon. and gallant Gentleman allow me to give him the quotation now? It is only fair that he should give way to me, because I gave way to him six times. This quotation is from the "Daily Express" of 30th April, 1933. The right hon. and gallant Gentleman should not be too critical of the "Daily Express," even if it was critical of him. This is what it said:

"The acclaim that greeted Mr. Morrison was due to the belief that he was going to put an end to the crazy policy of his predecessor, Mr. Walter Elliot.

Mr. Elliot looked at our strange modern problem of people going short of food in the midst of plenty. He set up laws to punish the farmers who grew too much. Mr. Morrison has merely carried on from where Mr. Elliot left off.

All the machinery of fines, boards, permits and restrictions that he inherited is still grinding out the life of the countryside."

On 25th August, 1936, it said:

"Mr. Elliot's schemes for making us prosperous by making food scarce have, in one year, reduced the arable acres by 250,000, cut down the area under wheat, potatoes, sugar beet and roots, and driven 33,000 more workers from the land. The figures are published by the Ministry of Agriculture."

When I asked for quotations, I did not mean the "Daily Express"; I meant HANSARD, and I think the hon. Member will be interested, indeed, the whole Committee will be more interested, in its own records than in the casual references by any newspaper, however distinguished. We welcome the hon. Member's devotion to the "Daily Express," but we would welcome still more if he had, as I asked him to do, produced us some evidence from HANSARD. I took the opportunity of going out to do so, and I have here the HANSARD both in regard to the statements of myself and of my successor, Mr. Morrison. I beg his pardon; I refer, of course, to my right hon. Friend the Member for Cirencester and Tewkesbury (Mr. W. S. Morrison).

The hon. Member will find that, on the Sugar Industry Bill, according to column 706 of HANSARD of 10th February, 1936, that the Motion for the Second Reading of the Bill to produce sugar in this country, under which the domestic ration of everyone in this House and outside it was maintained during the war, was divided upon, when the Ayes numbered 235, and the Noes 125. The whole of the Conservative Party supported my Bill on that occasion in the Lobby, and the whole of the Labour Party solemnly marched into the Lobby to destroy the British sugar industry.

I consider that to be a better testimony than an extract from any newspaper, however distinguished. As for continuity of policy, there is the case of the Livestock Industry Bill—HANSARD, column 426, 21st January, 1937—which was our Measure to subsidise—the hon. Member will recognise both the phrase and the policy, and will give credit where it is due—the livestock industry. The matter was again put to the House and again the House divided, when the whole of the Conservative Party voted in favour of this policy and the whole of the Labour Party voted solemnly against it. I think that I have proved my contention from the annals of the House itself.

I could give innumerable other instances. The Milk Bill, brought in by us on this side, not merely to help the milk industry, but also to provide milk for school children, was voted against by the whole of the party opposite. Then there was the pig scheme and the wheat subsidy. All these schemes were, in effect, brought forward by the Conservative Party, and that is the answer to the hon. Member for Midlothian and Peebles (Mr. Pryde), who asked what our policy was. Our policy is to maintain the policy which we originated, and to guard it against any attempts at deviation by right hon. and hon. Gentlemen opposite, and, in particular, to maintain sternly and strongly the position of no nationalisation of the land, which is where we begin and where his party leaves off.

Does the right hon. and gallant Gentleman believe in the quotation which I gave to the Committee about a means test for farmers?

The hon. Gentleman brought several things before the Committee. I suggest that both parties are perfectly solid about the means test for farmers, and that that test is applied in a most rigorous way through the Inland Revenue, which is much the most stringent applier of a means test to which any of us in any part of the world are subject.

I did not wish to do more than give the hon. Member for the Western Isles the opportunity, which he lamentably failed to use, to justify his contention and to bring forward the solid and irrefutable evidence of HANSARD to support my contention that we were carrying out an expansionist policy for agriculture, and that we were then opposed at every step by the Labour Party.

I know that my hon. Friend the Under-Secretary of State is waiting to reply, but I would point out to the right hon. and gallant Gentleman that I promised to give him the quotation, and that I carried out that promise, even though with some difficulty, after one and a half hours. I told him he was attacked by the Tory Press and by Lord Beaver-brook. I am willing to give him the accurate figures, as supplied by his own Ministry, showing the decline that took place, when he was in office, in pigs, livestock, acreage and tillage throughout the whole field of agriculture. As I say, I can give him the figures from the Ministry's report of 1937.

The hon. Gentleman stated that he would quote HANSARD; but he has lamentably failed to do so. If he looks up his speech he will find that he appealed to Cæsar. Therefore, by Cæsar he must be judged. Quite honestly, none of us put Lord Beaver-brook in the same category as Cæsar.

This argument, I regret to say, has encroached upon the time of the Undersecretary of State, and I shall therefore do my best not to encroach upon it further. We still have very great difficulties before us of which, I think, the greatest still is the danger of inflation. That danger is the one thing that splits town and country, and on a partnership between town and country lies the whole hope of our getting through the dangerous and difficult years ahead. Until we can conjure away that spectre we shall not be sure that we shall continue in the partnership which has been such a striking feature of this debate, and of, on the whole on both sides, our policy in agriculture for many years past.

9.39 p.m.

I do not complain that the right hon. and gallant Gentleman has made it impossible for me to have the 30 minutes which it was thought I might have in which to reply. I am inclined to think, however, that on reconsideration of what has taken place this evening, he might regret that he did not sit down at about 27 minutes past nine before he came to deal with my hon. Friend the Member for the Western Isles (Mr. H. MacMillan).

It is really too ridiculous for the right hon. and gallant Gentleman and Leaders of the Opposition to assert at this time that the policy for agriculture to which effect has been given in this country in the past few years is a policy which was originated by hon. Members opposite. Really, when one thinks of what happened during the First World War-guarantees were given as to prices and markets in 1917, when this country was threatened with starvation, and in 1919–20—

But it is a true story, unfortunately. In 1920 Parliament was obliged at last to give the farming community an undertaking that they would continue with these guarantees in peace time. An Act was placed on the Statute Book in December, 1920, giving these guarantees in peace-time. But we had an economic crisis even in the early 20's and in June, 1921, the Conservative Government came to this Box—[An HON. MEMBER: "The Lloyd George Government"]—and withdrew guarantees given only six months earlier. My right hon. Friend, in his opening speech this afternoon, described what happened to agriculture consequential to the action of the Conservatives of the day.

The Conservatives were in control of the Government of this country for the whole of the inter-war period, with the exception of two short periods when there was a minority Labour Government in office. But the Labour Party had this policy, which has now been put into effect, on its programme from 1926.

The hon. Gentleman is making a case against our party. Does he realise that in 1939 the Agricultural Development Act was introduced, giving guaranteed prices for agricultural crops, and the Labour Party voted against it?

To discuss these matters we have to go into the whole of the merits of the case. One will find that every time the Labour Party in those inter-war years voted against Conservative Government Measures for agriculture, they were doing so to protect the interests of the consumers. After all, the consumers are of some interest. When one goes into the past one has only to ask who started the Agricultural Marketing Acts of which the right hon. and gallant Member for Kelvingrove (Lieut.-Colonel Elliot) is so fond, and for which he takes credit. But he only amplified the Labour Government's Act. One could go on and on.

I know it is a waste of time. The hon. Member for Aberdeen-shire, East (Mr. Boothby) will never be converted.

The hon. Member says, "Leave out the party stuff." The right hon. and gallant Member for Kelvingrove apologised for not allowing me to get up at 9.30, but at 9.30 he started the party stuff and went on for seven minutes. [An HON. MEMBER: "What about the other things?"] Let us turn to some of the other things. I am most anxious to discuss them, but I shall not be able to discuss rural housing, the Ministry of Transport roads, water supplies, electricity and so on. I am here to justify the agricultural Vote for Scotland.

I came here to discuss Scottish agriculture. All these other things are important, of course, but my right hon. Friend is not responsible for many of them; and inasmuch as he is responsible for others, there are other occasions on which he has to come to this Box and give an account of his stewardship. I hope that hon. Gentlemen will not expect me to cover those many questions involving other Ministries, including transport charges and so on, important as they are. I hope the Committee will appreciate, however, that the fact that I am not dealing with them this evening does not mean that we are not interested. Of course, we are interested.

I might say in that connection that hon. Members opposite, in asking us to appreciate the need for improvement in so many of these services, and in particular, the need to provide cheaper transport rates and cheaper freight rates for the farmers in the remoter areas in this country, are asking all along the line for increased subsidies. Every constructive suggestion that came from the other side of the Committee today involved another Government subsidy, and I should like some hon. Members opposite—the hon. Member for West Perthshire (Mr. Snadden) can take on this job if he likes—to sit down and make a note of all the new subsidies which were mentioned in the course of this debate and give us a bill showing what it would cost in total.

The hon. Gentleman says we should save dollars, but what I am trying to bring home to him is that it is not good enough to come to the House one day and ask for many tens of millions of pounds of additional subsidies, and to come back the following day and say that we must have a reduction in taxation and reduce Government expenditure. That is not good enough.

Let me deal with the calf subsidy. Every hon. Member who asked that this calf subsidy should be continued preceded his request for the continuation of this subsidy with the observation that he did not believe in direct subsidies but that this one was different and then sought to justify it. The National Farmers' Unions of England, Wales and Scotland have discussed this matter with us, and it was discussed incidentally at the Annual Price Review discussions. They knew then that it was going to be brought to an end. The N.F.U. have since said, "But please continue it," although I believe they are not too anxious that it should be continued in its present form. We have asked them to give us their suggestions of the kind of calf subsidy scheme they would wish in the future, and we await their proposals.

I suffer dreadfully from a good memory, and I have a vivid recollection of what was said in the House on the benches opposite when we discussed this calf subsidy scheme in the first place. I remember that my right hon. Friend the Minister of Agriculture had to justify this subsidy and endeavoured to the best of his ability, without great success, to convince hon. Members opposite that it was better to give this calf subsidy than to give a penny on the lb. on meat. However, hon. Members opposite have been converted to thinking that this is a good subsidy.

The hon. Member for West Perth asked me about the hill cattle subsidy, and referred to the discussions we had when the Livestock Rearing Bill was under consideration. At that time I made a case for the present scheme, and said that we would be perfectly willing to discuss this matter with the National Farmers' Union. We have had discussions with the National Farmers' Union. We have not had any proposals from them yet. We shall be most willing to discuss their proposals with them when they submit them.

We had some discussion about the drop in the crop acreage, and I would only say in this connection that it seemed to me that my right hon. and learned Friend the Lord Advocate was perfectly right when he called attention to the fact, among other things, that the drop in the crop acreage was not confined to oats, which seemed rather to answer the suggestion that we had failed to give oats parity with the other cereals in 1947 and that this was a large contributory factor in the drop in the cereals acreage. The hon. Member knows, however, that there has been a tendency to get away from cultivation wherever possible.

We have always known that there would be a tendency on the part of those farmers who were only interested in animal husbandry—the "dog and stick" farmers, particularly in the Berwickshire area, who had been obliged to cultivate during the war—to go back to "dog and stick" farming. It was when that tendency began to manifest itself that we brought forward the Maximum Pasture Acreage Order. We now have power to oblige the farmers to have not more than a certain area of pasture, but we are so often being told—as we were by the hon. Member for West Perth today—that the farmer knows best what use should be made of his land. Having been told that, we were accused of having failed to maintain the crop acreage. If the farmer knows best, presumably the acreage we have at the present time is the best acreage. We must, however, all do our utmost to increase the acreage where possible.

Adding to what was said by my right hon. and learned Friend, I would point out that much of the land now given to the production of grass—grass which is dried for winter feed or which is used for silage—is producing a crop. I agree with the hon. and gallant Member for Angus, South (Captain Duncan), that that land is producing a crop, although it is not entered under the heading of "crops" at all. We should always bear that in mind.

I was asked some questions about land settlement. It must be fairly obvious to hon. Members that we could not go ahead with any large scheme of land settlement at present. To do so would make a tremendous demand upon the building resources of the country. We do not want to use the poorest land of this country for our small holdings; we want to use the good land for that purpose, and we have to think twice before we break up efficient units and good agricultural land at the moment. Those are two considerations which I ask hon. Members to have in mind when they are pressing us to develop our land settlement schemes more rapidly.

Several hon. Members asked me to give serious consideration to the proposition put forward by the hon. Member for Orkney and Shetland (Mr. Grimond) about the establishment of a land development board. In supporting the hon. Member for Orkney and Shetland, the hon. Member for Inverness (Lord Malcolm Douglas-Hamilton) oddly enough was able to follow this request with another request that there should be fewer and not more controls. We have the Department of Agriculture, the Forestry Commission, the agricultural executive committees; we have all these bodies exercising some measure of control and giving advice, so that the hon. Member is suggesting that on top of all that there should be superimposed a land development board.

I should have thought that if such a board were to be set up it would have to be a board with very considerable powers, able to determine the use to which land should be put. It would have to be able to order the farmers to do this, that or the other; it would have to have powers over the landowners in the North of Scotland. I urge hon. Members who ask for the establishment of such a board to appreciate that it would have to be a board with authority if it were to be of any use in the Highlands at all.

I merely wished to point out that I said we wanted more control to be in the hands of people on the spot. I coupled this suggestion with that request.

There are many schemes at the present time—hill sheep subsidy schemes, the Hill Farming Act, the Livestock Rearing Act. There are many ways in which we are trying to bring new life into the rural countryside and particularly into the hill lands, of which the Highlands form so large a part. We must never stop thinking that there is perhaps another thing we can do or a better means of bringing new life back to those areas. We should be very willing to consider any proposition and any further suggestion from any quarter of the Committee. Of course, hon. Members will appreciate that it was a very bare, bald suggestion that was made, without any details to support it.

The hon. Member for Inverness also had a word to say about the relationship between agriculture and forestry, and seemed to think that forestry always won the battle when there was some argument whether the land should be used for forestry or not. I do assure him that forestry does not always win the battle, and that forestry quite often loses the battle. The Secretary of State is responsible for deciding to which purpose the land should be put, and my right hon. Friend is most anxious that forestry and agriculture should not be in conflict the one with the other.

My right hon. Friend the Member for East Stirling (Mr. Woodburn) asked me about the land surveys, the Strathoykell survey and the survey at Glenlivet. The right hon. and gallant Member for Kelvingrove also referred to this scheme. Perhaps I should say a word about Glenlivet. A few years ago we were made aware of the rapid de-population of that area, and we were made aware of the inability of the Crown Land factors to let farms. We sent technical people there to develop one or two farms, and to demonstrate the best farming practice. I have been to the area myself, and I have never seen a more depressing sight in my life than that of miles and miles of underdeveloped land with farm houses standing empty. I was told by local people that considerable de-population of the area was taking place. I understand that that area has been de-populated to the extent of about 80 per cent. over the last century.

We had a survey recently of the 60,000 acres on the Glenlivet estate, a survey that was made by the Forestry Commission and the Department of Agriculture, in consequence of which we have thought fit to approve that some 20,000 acres should be planted with trees, leaving some 40,000 acres, except the hill parts, of course, to remain in agriculture. It is the belief that the amount of agriculture and livestock keeping at present in that area will not diminish in consequence of the planting of 20,000 acres with trees. Perhaps, if we are able to carry through this great work, over a long period of years we shall reverse the trend of population movement in that area. I should think myself that that would be a very good thing for all concerned.

I have also been asked questions about land drainage and the Duncan Committee's Report. I assure hon. Members that that Report has not been put in a pigeon-hole, and that we have not forgotten it. We are most anxious to do something about land drainage. However, I very much regret that the Duncan Committee's proposals are proposals which are not at once acceptable to the Government and the farming community. Indeed, they are proposals that are acceptable neither to the Government nor to the interests concerned. We have had some discussions with the interests concerned, with a view to getting something better. Up to the present moment nothing concrete has come out of the discussions we have had, but we very much hope that we shall be able to devise some means of dealing with the problem of land drainage in Scotland.

Let me say a word about one more subject. We have had many references to the serious sheep losses. They have been very serious sheep losses. I want merely to point out that, of course, those losses must be taken into account by my right hon. Friends the Secretary of State and the Minister of Agriculture in working out the hill sheep subsidy next year.

We have had a most useful debate, I feel, on agriculture, and I undertake to see that my right hon. Friend and my hon. Friend are fully informed of the many representations that have been made during the debate about matters touching other Departments, and which lie a little beyond the narrower scope of these Votes—about the roads in particular areas, and the need to deal with freight charges, and so on.

It being Ten o'Clock, The CHAIRMAN left the Chair to report Progress and ask leave to sit again.

Committee report Progress: to sit again Tomorrow.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House do now adjourn."—[ Mr. Royle. ]

Utility Apparel (Maximum Prices)

"That an humble Address be presented to His Majesty, praying that the Order, dated 15th June, 1951, entitled the Utility Apparel (Maximum Prices and Charges) (Amendment No. 5) Order, 1951 (S.I., 1951, No. 1100), a copy of which was laid before this House on 15th June, be annulled."

10.1 p.m.

On a point of order. Is it not quite unprecedented for the Government to move the Adjournment when a Prayer is on the Order Paper, especially at this late hour of the evening? I know that it has happened before, at a very very late hour, early in the morning, but I recollect no occasion when the Government have moved the Adjournment, with a Prayer on the Order Paper, having given no warning whatsoever to those who support the Prayer that they propose at 10 o'clock to move the Adjournment.

The hon. Baronet will appreciate that I have no alternative but to accept the Motion and call on the hon. Member who has the Adjournment.

With great respect, Mr. Deputy-Speaker. Is not this an abuse of the processes of the House; and is this not one occasion when an hon. Member is entitled to make a very strong protest at the action taken by the Government?

Further to the point of order. May I say that I remember the Leader of the House saying not long ago that it would be made quite clear that Members who have put down a Prayer would have an opportunity of moving it? I hope that it will be possible to assure my hon. Friend of such an opportunity.

Certainly. I may say that this Prayer appeared on the Order Paper for the first time only this morning, and I do not think it is fair to the general body of Members of the House to put down a Prayer so that it only appears on the Order Paper on the morning on which apparently hon. Members expect it to be discussed. There is plenty of time before the opportunity for praying runs out, and I will see that the hon. Gentleman gets an opportunity of praying.

May I just deal with that point, in answer to the Leader of the House? I did send to the Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Trade an urgent message, which was in his hands this morning, and I expressed my regret for the short notice that I had given to him. I do think that, that being the case, if it was the intention of the Government to prevent this Prayer being moved I might have received from the Board of Trade some warning of the fact. I think that we have been treated with grave inconsiderateness and discourtesy.

This is not a private row between the hon. Member for Sutton Coldfield (Sir J. Mellor) and the Board of Trade. This is a matter in which all Members of the House are concerned, and they are all entitled to a reasonable opportunity of knowing what is going on.

Is it not the case that a very substantial proportion of the Government business only appears on the Order Paper when we see it in the morning? Why, therefore, should Government business in that respect be treated differently from business tabled by Private Members in relation to Government business?

May I point out that I spend some time every Thursday afternoon trying to explain to the House what Government business for the ensuing week will be.

For the guidance of Members, Mr. Deputy-Speaker, could you give any indication when Members will know that a Prayer which appears on the Order Paper will not be taken? Some of us have made certain arrangements to deal with this Prayer, which have been prevented by the decision of the Government to move the Adjournment. Is there any way in which hon. Members can be given timely notice that what in fact appears on the Order Paper is not being discussed?

That Question is, of course, outside the competence of the Chair. That is a matter for the Government.

May I ask whether the Chair is necessarily compelled to accept from the Government Bench the Motion, "That this House do now adjourn"?

If the hon. Gentleman will look at the Standing Order, he will be satisfied on that point.

Penilee Housing Scheme, Glasgow

10.5 p.m.

The House of Commons has been discussing Scotland all day, first in Grand Committee and then in the Chamber, and it is fitting that the Adjournment debate should also refer to a Scottish matter.

When I put down this Adjournment, I gave it the title "The Penilee Houses," and probably because my writing was so bad the official title of it appeared as "The Penilee Homes." I left it like that because it seemed to me the right title should be" The Penilee Homes," with a query after the word "Homes."

Let me briefly tell the story of this housing scheme. The houses were built in 1940–41 by direct labour by the Glasgow Corporation with finances provided by the Department of Health. The Houses were required by the Ministry of Aircraft Production for workers in the Rolls-Royce factory at Hillington. Specifications and plans were produced by the Glasgow Housing Department to a war-time Ministry of Health specification.

One condition of that specification was, for example, that only half a standard of timber should be used instead of the normal two standards, so much of the construction of this housing scheme is a substitute for the real thing. They can perhaps be rightly described as sub-standard and partly non-traditional houses.

In May, 1940, the Director of Housing for the Glasgow Corporation reported to the Town Clerk that the Department of Health's architect had approved the plans of the houses and that work was starting. There are in the scheme 1,911 houses and one doctor's house. They are of the tenement type, flatted houses and terrace houses and are predominantly flat roofed. In 1946, the Corporation took over the scheme, and I understand that they expected to take it over free of all tenants, but this was not the case.

I myself came into the picture in February, 1951, when I was calling on one of the tenants about a pension case. I asked to look over the house, and I found, for example, that in a cupboard in a backroom of one of the houses the clothes were green with mildew. The bed was also damp. I then started to ask questions and investigate the matter further and discovered a very unsatisfactory state of affairs.

I found that in many of the houses the tenants had to spend money putting the houses right, but that they were as bad again in a week or so. I remember that one lady I went to see, who had come in from the pictures, found that the paper had peeled off one wall and was lying in a roll on the ground. I saw that myself.

I found also that many of the houses had one room unoccupied. I did the correct thing and had a talk with local councillors. I learned from them that the Glasgow Corporation attributed this trouble mainly to condensation caused by the tenants not understanding that they should open the windows. That was a view which I could not accept, and I felt that something should be done about it at Parliamentary rather than at Corporation level. I asked many of the tenants, who are workers experienced in their own trade, about the houses, and not two tenants seemed to agree on exactly what was wrong with them.

At my request, my solicitor contacted the President of the Royal Institute of British Architects and asked him for the services of an architect to go over the scheme. The President of the R.I.B.A. requested the President of the Royal Corporation of Architects, in Glasgow, to carry out an investigation and a report was submitted.

Coming from such a source both the Under-Secretary of State and I must treat this report with great weight, and I should like to take up the time of the House in reading some of the points made in the report. In one paragraph the architect deals with the nature of complaints of the tenants. He classified them into three groups, the first of which was cracked ceilings with strips of plaster falling, with cracking recurring repeatedly after repair. He says:

What the architect said in another part of the report on the situation of the rooms is this:

The architect's report continues:

Now let me come to the present position. One thing certain is that the present situation is the aftermath of war and that nobody is to blame. The Corporation are experiencing very considerable maintenance costs. There was a time after the scheme was built when it was a modern scheme and people came from all over the country to see it. This was to be the one housing scheme that was not going to give any trouble. It is significant that the Deputy Town Clerk, told me that during the first three or four years after the scheme was in operation that he could trace no trouble or complaint, from which I am driven to the conclusion that the houses are gradually deteriorating and that the conditions may be expected to grow progressively worse.

I will say one word about the action the Glasgow Corporation are taking. As the result of pressure from the local councillors the tenants' association and myself, the Housing Committee of the Corporation instructed the Director of Health to make a survey. A Corporation inspector, or his representative, has visited about a quarter of the houses. I do not know whether the inspector went into the houses, but my information is that he knocked at the door and asked if the house was damp. In the minds of the tenants he drew some differentiation between dampness and condensation. My information is that in no case has the inspector been inside the house.

What is the extent of the problem? The tenants' association think that at least one room in every house in the scheme needs attention. The architect's report appears to confirm this. My observations make me think that it is not quite as extensive as that. There is a fair number of houses that may not need treatment at all. The method of investigation by the Corporation may yield an even smaller percentage, as their inquiries might not cover ceilings, plasterboard, or condensation. They may only cover the penetration of water, which is one of the points which the architect's report says is not very serious.

What solution are we to find? I must assume from this very important architect's report that the position is serious and that something will be done. Any contemplation of action raises three points. The first is: "Who will pay for it?" If expenditure under this heading is capital expenditure and not maintenance, remedial measures will have to be approved by the Department of Health. The Department of Health approved the plans, and the Department of Health approved the specifications. The Department of Health will have to consider how it can help the Glasgow Corporation, which is already carrying a heavy financial burden.

Where are the materials to come from? If the position is as bad as I think it is, we must ask the Government to help us find the materials without interfering with the Glasgow housing programme. We know from the Scottish housing debate that the housing situation is very serious, and there may even have to be a special priority system for materials in short supply. I believe it is probable that the labour could be found from the small firms in Glasgow without interfering with the Glasgow housing programme.

Another point is that of the urgency of the matter. It is wrong to ask tenants to live in the houses for another winter. The Corporation already have the details of some of the bad cases and their investigations will reveal more bad cases. I understand that their survey will be complete by August. Work ought to commence on the really bad cases before the winter sets in. I say that from the bottom of my heart, because I saw what the conditions were like last winter. We cannot ask tenants to live in houses which require scientific knowledge to make them habitable, but not even scientific knowledge will make these particular houses habitable.

If the position is as serious as I believe, the Minister should realise that the Glasgow Corporation has covered only a quarter of the houses and with my investigations and those of the tenants' association we have covered only half the houses. It is to be hoped that as a result of the debate any tenants who have not been visited or whose houses have not been inspected will send their names to the Town Clerk of Glasgow.

Before my hon. Friend replies to the debate, I want to ask him if his attention has been drawn to the statement in the Glasgow "Evening News" last night by the tenants of the Penilee Estate in which they note that the hon. Member for Govan (Mr. Browne) is raising the matter. They say that no amount of repairs will make the houses other than sub-standard and that their real requirement is a sub-standard rent for a substandard house; in other words, they wish to have a rent reduction and nothing else.

10.23 p.m.

I have not seen the report to which my hon. Friend the Member for Coatbridge and Airdrie (Mrs. Mann) referred.

I have no complaint of the way in which the hon. Member for Govan (Mr. Browne) has raised the matter—I am grateful to him for letting me have a note of the points he proposed to raise—but notwithstanding that, I feel that I have rather a difficult job to do. The hon. Member said that he went to see the houses in the first place and added "I did the correct thing; I went and talked to the local councillors about it." But it is a far cry from the local councillors to discussing the matter in the House of Commons with the Minister or even a junior Minister, and I do not know just how far we can be responsible for it.

I spoke to the Secretary of State for Scotland before putting the subject down for an adjournment debate.

That is true, but the hon. Gentleman will appreciate that he was making some complaint about the extent of the survey being made by the Glasgow director of housing and he will not expect me either to support him in his complaint or to defend the local authority. He has said, in all truth, that the Glasgow housing committee is concerned about these houses and that it has had reports, including the technical report which he has submitted, and that the Glasgow Corporation is hoping to complete its survey so that the whole matter can be discussed by the Housing Committee before the August meeting. I cannot comment on any of that.

Then the hon. Gentleman said he would like me to answer three questions. The first was, who is going to pay? Is the Department of Health responsible because the houses were built to their specification during the war? The houses are not normal Scottish houses. They are not non-traditional, but neither are they traditionally built. It is a bit soon to decide who is going to pay. If the local authority think they will be involved in considerable expenditure and they take the view that the Department of Health, the Treasury or the Ministry of Aircraft Production, as it was during the war—now it is the Ministry of Supply—have some responsibility in the matter, no doubt they will make their representations to the quarter they think should be responsible. However, there can be no additional housing subsidy as such. It would require to be some special payment. These houses enjoy the subsidy at the present time.

As regards materials, we could hardly have been discussing with the local authority who would pay at the end of the day until the local authority are satisfied that there is something to pay for and they have an estimate of what would be the cost of the improvement works. Then, if the local authority find that considerable improvements are necessary to make these houses habitable, we would be most willing to make every endeavour to have the materials made available to the local authority. If they are willing to carry out works to bring some comfort to these people in the incoming winter, then if there is anything we can do to divert materials to this emergency job, we will certainly do it.

As regards the labour, the hon. Gentleman himself has said that he thinks it would be available. If the materials are found for the job and the Corporation are anxious to get on with it urgently, I think they would either find local contractors for the job or would turn their Labour Department on to it.

So the one question outstanding is, who is going to pay? I think that question can only be discussed authoritatively and properly as and when the local authority complete the survey, make their estimate and, if they think fit, raise the matter with any Department of the central authority which they think might have responsibility in this matter.

Question put, and agreed to.

Adjourned accordingly at Twenty-eight Minutes past Ten o'Clock.