House of Commons
Tuesday, July 17, 1951
The House met at Half past Two o'Clock
Prayers
[Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair ]
Oral Answers to Questions
Ministry of Works
A.E.C. Offices, Lincolnshire
2 and 3.
asked the Minister of Works (1) why it is now necessary to erect additional buildings for the Agricultural Executive Committee for Lincolnshire, Parts of Holland;
(2) when the buildings occupied by the Agricultural Executive Committee for Lincolnshire, Parts of Holland, were erected; and what proposals he has for their future use.
The staff of the Holland (Lincolnshire) Agricultural Executive Committee are housed at present in two permanent buildings held on lease, one in Kirton and one in Boston, and in temporary hutting erected at Kirton in 1942. The Boston office is seriously overcrowded, and accommodation at Kirton is required by the National Agricultural Advisory Service. A new building is, therefore, being erected to house the Executive Committee's staff, on the site of the temporary hutting which will be dismantled. The accommodation left vacant at Boston will be occupied by other staff now in requisitioned premises.
Requisitioned Land, Sealand
asked the Minister of Works why his Department has made no use of requisitioned land at Manor Farm, Sealand, which in January, 1950, was officially stated to be most urgently needed for building a hostel, but which has since remained untouched, either for building or food production.
The land in question is held on requisition by the Air Ministry but was loaned to my Department for a proposed hostel for workmen at the Atomic Energy Establishment at Capenhurst. The number of workmen recruited locally has exceeded anticipations and the proposed accommodation will not now be required. Immediate steps will, therefore, be taken to free this field for other purposes.
While I am very glad to have the information in the last part of the reply, may I ask whether my right hon. Friend is not aware that it is extremely irritating to farmers, in a district where a very great deal of land has recently been taken by public bodies, to have land requisitioned and left unused for two seasons?
Yes, but it would have been equally irritating for a very large number of people if we had not had space available locally had we needed it for a hostel for men on this very important site.
Tower of London (Sunday Opening)
asked the Minister of Works whether he has any further statement to make about the Sunday opening of the Tower of London.
asked the Minister of Works what decision has been reached in respect to the proposal to open the Tower of London to visitors on Sundays.
asked the Minister of Works what progress has been made with arranging for the opening of the Tower of London on Sundays.
asked the Minister of Works what decision has now been reached regarding the proposed Sunday opening of the Tower of London.
I am glad to say that I have now arranged for the Tower of London to be open to the public every Sunday afternoon from 22nd July to 30th September, inclusive, from 2 p.m. to 6 p.m. Admission will cease at 5 p.m. The normal admission fees will be charged.
Will my right hon. Friend do his best to ensure that the widest possible publicity is given to this new facility; and will he also give a pat on the back to the Beefeaters, or whatever one does in the circumstances, who do a good job of work?
How many are now employed in telling people that they cannot go into the Tower on Sunday; and could my right hon. Friend make arrangements to open the restaurant on Sunday from noon onwards, as there is nowhere available in the neighbourhood where people can get anything to eat?
Those now employed on telling people that they cannot get into the Tower on Sunday will in future be engaged on showing people round. I am arranging for the restaurant to be open. I cannot give the exact hours for that, as it is tied up with contracts and similar considerations. It will certainly be open for not less than the period for which the Tower itself is open.
Is it a fact that the warders who are in charge of the Tower at first objected to Sunday opening; that they have now been required to sign a document undertaking to work on Sundays, which has been presented to them in the form of an ultimatum; and that they have finally been induced to sign the document, but under a strong sense of protest?
That is wholly untrue. There has been no ultimatum. Indeed, the Yeoman Warders were told, on my personal authority, that if they chose not to work on Sundays it would be quite all right and that I would make other arrangements to open the Tower.
In the event of there being a successful experimental period, would my right hon. Friend continue this after 30th September?
Yes, Sir. I think it ought to end about the end of October in any case, but during September we will certainly review the date on which this ought to come to an end.
Does the right hon. Gentleman think that this desire on the part of the public to visit the Tower is in order to satisfy the craving to see a "beef-eater"?
Requisitioned Houses, Bristol
asked the Minister of Works how many houses are still requisitioned and occupied by Government Departments in Bristol; and how many of these will be released when the building of Gaunt House is completed.
Nine houses in Bristol are at present requisitioned and occupied by Government Departments. Two of these houses and four other requisitioned premises will be released on completion of The Gaunt's House.
Is the Minister aware that some of these places have been requisitioned now for nearly 12 years, that the businesses of the people who own them have suffered considerably, and will he do all he possibly can as quickly as he can to return the premises to the people who own them?
Most certainly, but my hon. Friend must bear in mind that the other week I did not seem to be very popular when I said, in reply to a similar Question, that this building had been commenced for that purpose. We must remember that many of these premises are very large houses, for which, probably, there is no very large alternative demand.
Employment
Dock Strike, Manchester
asked the Minister of Labour whether he has completed his inquiries into the recent unofficial dock strike at Manchester; and if he will make a statement.
No, Sir. A good deal of information upon this matter has been collected, but its examination has not yet been completed.
Statutory Instrument No. 1305
asked the Minister of Labour whether he has yet completed his consultations with representatives of employers and employed on the subject of the withdrawal of Statutory Instrument, 1940, No. 1305.
No, Sir. The matter is still being discussed with the National Joint Advisory Council.
Can the hon. Gentleman really give no indication as to when this matter will be brought to a conclusion? Is he aware that for weeks past now this Order has, in fact, been unenforceable but nominally in force, which is a wholly unsatisfactory position?
Of course, we are aware of the position, and I would not disagree with the hon. Gentleman's analysis, but he will also agree that it is important that we should get the full co-operation of both sides of industry. I assure him that we shall get on with it at the earliest possible moment consistent with reaching that agreement.
Does the hon. Gentleman realise that statements are now being made, not only by his right hon. Friend but also by colleagues of mine on the Opposition Front Bench, as well as by people in industry, to the effect that this Order has outlived its usefulness? In the circumstances, could he not hurry up these discussions so that we can get something which is acceptable?
I think it is fairly obvious that, as we are anxious to do something, we are agreed that there is a necessity for a change; but I must reply in the same terms as I used in reply to the hon. Member for Kingston-upon-Thames (Mr. Boyd-Carpenter), that we must make sure when we amend the Order that it will be something which will stand the test of time and be acceptable to both sides of industry.
Will my hon. Friend bear in mind that, while it is obviously important that we should get the agreement of both sides of industry, it is also important to get the agreement of Parliament, and will he take some opportunity of bringing Parliament into the area of these discussions before the actual Order is made and promulgated?
It is our intention to make a statement in the House on this issue. I cannot say about a debate, because that is a matter for my right hon. Friend the Leader of the House. We will, of course, make a statement in the House on this issue as soon as possible.
Merseyside Development Area
asked the Minister of Labour the number of persons employed in the Merseyside Development Area; and the percentage of the insured population at the nearest convenient date.
The precise figure of persons employed is not yet available, but at 18th June there were 14,278 registered unemployed which represents 2.4 per cent. of the insured population in the area.
Can my hon. Friend give some indication of the percentage of employed, because the figure that I have been given is somewhere in the region of 96 per cent. of the insured population? If that is the position, is he aware that it is the best record of employment in the Merseyside area at any time and shows great credit to the Government for having scheduled the area as a development area?
My hon. Friend is quite right, of course. The figure of persons employed in the area is something in the region of 570,000, and to have reduced unemployment to the level of 2.4 per cent. is a record never before heard of on Merseyside.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that a week ago the Chairman of the North-Western Industrial Estates, who happens to be the agent of His Majesty's Government, made a public statement in which he said that the reduction of unemployment in the Merseyside Development area was due almost entirely to the forceful and forthright policy of the Liverpool Corporation?
I do not wish in any way to detract from the performance of people in the locality, but when we see that unemployment in the country as a whole is down to 0.9 per cent., then other areas must have shared in that reduction.
Is my hon. Friend aware that the same gentleman who made that statement recently was the leader of the authority which consistently refused to allow Merseyside to be scheduled as a development area?
This is becoming a battle of Merseyside. Let us pass on.
Railway Staff, Birmingham (Shortage)
asked the Minister of Labour what steps he is taking to assist the Railway Executive to fill the vacancies in its staff caused by the present increasing shortage of skilled and semi- skilled labour in the Midlands area notably around Birmingham.
In full co-operation with the Railway Executive special attention is being given to areas, such as Birmingham, which are most urgently in need of additional workers. The Ministry's local offices have been instructed to give preference to all railway operational vacancies.
While applauding the arrangement temporarily made by railway men for longer working hours, does the Minister realise that the most virulent need in the Midlands is for locomotive men, and that the appropriate trade unions will not agree to longer working hours until something is done to exempt these men from military call-up? Obviously they would not be called up in time of war. What is he doing about it?
I do not know whether the hon. Gentleman is advocating that we should exempt certain types of labour, because, if that is the case, we should have to spread the net very wide indeed.
Does my hon. Friend wish to convey the impression that this matter of deferring railway men is finally and absolutely settled? Would not he agree that if we were to have complete chaos in the industry because the men are not available it would be a very bad thing for the country and for defence?
I appreciate the urgency of the matter so far as the railways are concerned, but I really cannot agree with the statement of the hon. Gentleman.
Can the Minister say what steps have been taken to assist and encourage old age pensioners in railway communities who wish to go back to work to do so?
We have already made our position quite clear on that issue.
Would my hon. Friend again consider this question concerning locomotive men of which there is a dire shortage? Recruitment is not being effected to these grades because of the peculiar domestic nature of the work and the low wages paid. Will he consider the question whether or not these loco- motive men are suitable for exemption from the Services?
Is the Minister aware that I particularly specified the call-up of locomotive men, and, in view of the fact that these men would not be called up in a national emergency, cannot he take another look at the position?
I think the hon. Gentleman should appreciate that as time goes on changes must take place in the type of people who go on the reserve. If we were to specify a single industry we would throw the whole thing into chaos.
Ford's, Dagenham (Temporary Unemployment)
asked the Minister of Labour what arrangements have been made to employ those employees who will be without holiday pay or wages during Ford's shutdown at Dagenham this year.
The employment exchanges will do what they can to help those who apply to find temporary alternative employment.
Can my hon. Friend go into this matter with the trade unions in order to get a solution of this very unpleasant grievance locally?
I do not know that we can intervene unless we are asked to assist in the matter.
Italians (Coalmining)
asked the Minister of Labour to what extent Italians are continuing to be recruited for work in the coalmining industry.
Recruiting is going on continuously. One hundred and forty-four Italians have arrived in this country in weekly parties of about 30. The National Coal Board are now arranging to increase the weekly rate of intake to 60.
Does the Minister's answer imply that he and the National Coal Board are satisfied with this rate of recruitment, and will he assure the House that he will not be influenced or in any way intimidated by those in the coal mines, even if they are in a small minority, who do not want to increase the production of coal?
I do not think the second point arises. On the first, there is the necessity to ensure that the numbers coming in can be catered for at the coalface and can be trained, and that sort of thing, and we are doing that.
Is the Minister satisfied with the arrangements made, that they are working smoothly, and that the men coming in are of satisfactory physique?
Yes, Sir.
When these Italian miners see the conditions in the mines of Scotland, will they not want to return home?
Factory Inspectors
asked the Minister of Labour the number of His Majesty's Inspectors of Factories, including temporary inspectors, employed on 1st June. 1948, and on 1st June, 1951.
The numbers in post on these dates were 336 and 327, respectively.
In view of the fact which emerges from that answer that there are now fewer factory inspectors engaged on this work than there were in 1948, is there not an urgent case for reconsidering the terms, and conditions of service offered to this important body of men and women?
I do not know whether the hon. Member is suggesting that we should reduce the standard, because that is the obvious inference of his question. The fact is that at the present time a campaign for the recruitment of inspectors is in progress.
Is not my hon. Friend aware that even if the numbers were doubled or trebled there would still not be too many of them?
Can the Minister explain how one reduces the standard by improving the terms of service so as to attract more candidates?
I do not accept that that is the sole criterion. There is a great demand for this type of person throughout the whole range of industry, and if we were to try to increase the numbers instead of the quality of those engaged, then I think the answer would be as I have stated.
Does not my hon. Friend think it would be better if he relied on people with some actual industrial experience rather than on certain academic qualifications for which he is asking at the present time? Has he any idea of the percentage of factory inspectors who have no active industrial experience comparable to his own?
I will reply to that on the next Question.
asked the Minister of Labour how many of the persons appointed as His Majesty's Inspectors of Factories as a result of the competitions held in 1950 hold university degrees or similar qualifications in science or engineering; how many have had practical experience since leaving the university and completing military service; and how many have had experience in industry.
Of the 24 persons appointed to date from these competitions, 18 hold university degrees or similar qualifications in science or engineering; 10 have had practical experience since leaving the university, and 15 have had industrial experience.
Do the figures which the hon. Gentleman has given reveal an improvement or a decline in the technical and other appropriate equipment of the applicants?
I could not answer that question without notice.
Can the Minister say how many of those appointed are men and how many are women, and whether his Department is contemplating introducing equal pay in that service?
In regard to the first part of the hon. Lady's supplementary, if she will put down a Question I will try to give her an answer.
May I have an answer to the second part?
Bricklayers, Rugeley
asked the Minister of Labour if he will do all that he can to secure an adequate labour force, especially with reference to bricklayers, for the housing contractor to the Rugeley, Staffordshire Urban District Council.
The first step is for the contractor to notify his requirements to the local office, when every assistance will be given to meet his needs. I should point out, however, that there is an acute shortage of bricklayers.
If the attention of the contractor is drawn to my hon. Friend's statement, will he give an undertaking that he will give every encouragement to this particular contractor, because the housing progress in Rugeley is very bad? Further, if agreement is reached within the industry as between the master builders and the trade unions concerned regarding the training of more bricklayers, would my hon. Friend's Department have the necessary facilities for carrying out such training?
The answer to the first part of my hon. Friend's supplementary is "Yes," and the answer to the second part is "Yes" again. We have the facilities, and we shall be very glad indeed to assist in the training of bricklayers.
Trade Unions (Registration)
asked the Minister of Labour how many trade unions there are and how many of these are registered.
According to the latest information which I have received, the total number of trade unions with head offices in the United Kingdom is 700. Of these, 335 are known to be registered under the Trade Union Acts.
May I ask the hon. Gentleman how his Department decides which of these registered trade unions it will recognise and which it will not? I do not wish to enumerate them, but, for instance, the Postal Workers' Union?
That is not a matter on which I can give an answer on this Question.
National Service
Z Reservists (Call-up Age)
asked the Minister of Labour whether he is aware of the absence of a statutory upper age limit upon Class Z Reserve liability for recall; the consequentially damaging effect upon the recruitment of men over the age of 40 years as Civil Defence volunteers who may also be Class Z reservists; and whether he will absolve from Class Z Reserve liability all men of 40 years of age and over who enlist in the Civil Defence Corps.
The answer to the first part of the Question is "Yes." As regards the second and third, any Class Z reservist over the age of 40 is free to join Civil Defence and I am not aware that the fact that a small proportion of them might be recalled to the Army in an emergency is having any appreciable effect on recruitment. In any case, I could not suggest to my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for War that, in an emergency, he should refrain from recalling Z reservists over 40 required for full-time service with the Army because they had undertaken to give part-time service in Civil Defence.
Will the hon. Gentleman realise that there are now 600,000 Class Z reservists over the age of 40, very few of whom have specialist qualifications, and that the uncertainty as to their duties in the event of war, if they joined Civil Defence, is definitely having a damaging effect on Civil Defence recruitment? Will he clarify the position?
I would point out that the recruitment of volunteers for Civil Defence is undertaken for part-time training in peace and part-time service in war.
Could not the Minister impose some upper age limit, because these men are getting older? Does he not realise that if he were to do that he would at least free a small number of these men; but at the moment not even an age limit of 60 has been imposed? Could he not do something about it?
I think it would lead to great confusion for the reasons I gave in my answer.
Recruits (Medical Rejection)
asked the Minister of Labour why medical boards which examine National Service recruits are not told the grounds upon which the recruits may be subsequently rejected by military medical boards.
This is already the general practice in the case of the R.A.F., where most of such cases occur, and I will consider extending the practice to the other two Services.
Is the Minister aware that it is also the practice in the Army? Surely, it would be an advantage if the Ministry of Labour medical boards knew what physical standards were required by the Army, so that one board might do the work which now requires to be done by two? Why the duplication?
My information is that that is the general practice in the R.A.F. I have pointed out that we are trying to extend it to the other two Services.
Has my hon. Friend any statistics to show how many people were passed fit to serve and were subsequently found to be unfit for service?
Not without notice.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that there are cases, about one of which he has received some correspondence, in which there h a very long time-lag between the first acceptance by the National Service authorities and the final rejection by one of the Service Departments and that during that period great hardship results for the individual? Will the Minister look into this aspect of the matter?
I do not think the hon. Gentleman would want us to have a further examination either to accept or reject. There are many instances in which, in fairness to the person concerned, he must have a better check than in the case of the ordinary recruit.
Cost of Living Advisory Committee
asked the Minister of Labour how many times the reconstituted Cost of Living Advisory Committee has met; and whether it has yet made any recommendations to him.
asked the Minister of Labour if he will take steps to prepare a cost of living index based on the expenditure necessarily and normally incurred, excluding rent, by those whose income approximately corresponds to that of those drawing National Assistance.
The Cost of Living Advisory Committee is at present considering the question of a new survey of family expenditure and has made an interim report to my right hon. Friend, which is now being considered by His Majesty's Government.
Can the Minister give any indication when, that report will be published and available to the House?
I could not say offhand, but the hon. Member will appreciate that we have to examine the thing. There is no desire to withhold any of the information from the House.
Since this interim cost of living index has been under consideration since 1947, does not the hon. Gentleman think it time that a report was made to this House?
I think the hon. Gentleman is aware of the difficulties and that the Committee are trying to ascertain whether the time is now ripe to have a permanent index. It is because of these complications that there has been a time lag. As I say, we have no desire to withhold any information from the House.
Scotland
Childbirth (Analgesia)
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland in which local health authority areas in Scotland it is proposed to start trials for the use of the new trilene machine by domiciliary midwives.
The areas in which these trials are to be undertaken have not yet been determined; they will be selected by a joint sub-committee representing the Medical Research Council and the Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists, under whose control the trials are to be carried out.
Would the hon. Lady do two things? Would she notify me when these trials are about to start and also give an assurance that in this case trials will be conducted in Scotland as well as in England?
I can give the assurance, in reply to the second part of the hon. Gentleman's question, that trials will be conducted in selected areas throughout the whole of great Britain.
Does not my hon. Friend think it rather unfair to conduct the trials on expectant mothers? Does not she think we might experiment first on the expectant fathers, asking for volunteers from Members opposite?
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland whether approval can now be given for the addition of the chassar moir attachment to all gas and air machines in use by domiciliary midwives in Scotland.
The Scottish Central Midwives Board have not yet approved this attachment for use by midwives on their own responsibility; they will consider the matter as soon as the results of a further experiment in its use are available.
Is the hon. Lady aware that in this case an experiment is going on in Hertfordshire? Will she consider conducting an experiment in Scotland, preferably in Coatbridge?
It is true that an experiment is going on in Hertfordshire, but the result of that experiment has shown that the time is not yet ripe for midwives to use this attachment. A further experiment is being carried out, and we have no intention of taking it elsewhere until we are sure that midwives can use this attachment properly.
Teachers (Responsibility Payments)
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland on what grounds the responsibility payments to second teachers in primary schools have been fixed at lower than pre-war levels; and why it is proposed that the variation in accordance with responsibility borne is to be limited to £22 10s. per annum.
Before the war teachers' salaries were regulated by minimum national scales which education authorities could exceed. Since 1945 there have been standard national scales to which the authorities must adhere. For second masters in the largest primary schools the pre-war minimum responsibility payment was £20 and the present standard payment is £77 10s. The responsibility payments for second masters now range from £10 in the smallest primary schools to £77 10s. in the largest.
Is the hon. Lady not aware that in Glasgow, at any rate, the responsibility payments were as much as £110 and there was a difference of £40 between the minimum and the maximum, whereas now there is a difference of only £20 10s.?
I am well aware of those cases in Glasgow, but the new scales were established after consultation on the National Joint Council, and on that Council the teachers and employing bodies are equally represented. Another point which we must consider is that if one local authority or education authority is allowed to give a very much higher inducement it may mean that some of our rural schools may be denied teachers.
Could my hon. Friend tell me what were the responsibility payments to a second master in Dumfriesshire?
Hospital Waiting Lists, Glasgow
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland how many per sons are waiting admission to hospital in the city of Glasgow as in-patients for all forms of illness at the present time; and what is the approximate average period of waiting.
I am sorry that the information desired is not readily available. If my hon. Friend will indicate what types of hospital he is interested in I shall endeavour to obtain the information for him.
Women Teachers (Shortage)
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland what are his short-term and long-term policies to overcome the present shortage of women teachers in Scotland.
Owing largely to the number of married women teachers in the schools, the staffs are at present sufficient to enable the work of the schools to be carried on. Recruitment to the profession exceeds wastage, but I have under discussion plans to stimulate recruitment, to widen the field from which recruits are drawn and to encourage older teachers to postpone their retirement. I also expect that the recent substantial increases in salaries will attract recruits.
Is the hon. Lady not aware that we have spent two somewhat fruitless days in the Scottish Grand Committee trying to extract this information from her? Could she not be more specific with regard to the definite answer to my Question on short-term and long-term policies as, with all due respect, I submit the answer given is not full enough or complete enough to satisfy the people of Scotland?
I submit to the hon. and gallant Member that if he had spent the two full days on the Scottish Grand Committee when we were discussing education this Question would scarcely need to have been asked. Full information was given on the first part by the Solicitor-General for Scotland and on the latter part by myself.
Absentee.
Salmon and Freshwater Fisheries Act (Prosecutions)
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland how many persons have been prosecuted under the Salmon and Freshwater Fisheries Act, 1951; and what sentences have been imposed.
Seven persons have been prosecuted. One person was fined £3 with the alternative of 20 days' imprisonment and one person £5, a salmon being forfeited in each case. In a third case, which involved three persons, fines of £25 were imposed on each with the alternative of three months' imprisonment. In the remaining case, two persons have pled not guilty and are being tried on 26th July.
Could my hon. Friend tell us whether, in the case of the £25 fines, the sheriff announced that in future no fines were to be imposed but only imprisonment? Is it the case that salmon poaching is now to be regarded as a worse crime than wife beating or manslaughter?
I have only the information I have read in the Press, and the information is as my hon. Friend has given it.
Could my hon. Friend say whether there were any peculiar circumstances in the case where the £25 fines were imposed?
The offences that were covered were three—first, poaching, secondly, using an illegal method of fishing, and thirdly, fishing by two or more persons acting together. The maximum penalty was £50.
Is my hon. Friend aware that many of us are concerned about this newspaper report of the case where the sheriff, I think at Fort William, indicated that he would have no more fines and that all other offenders coming before him would go to prison? Would she cause some inquiry to be made and see whether that is correct and, if so, see that the sheriff is put in his place?
Housing
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland to what extent local interference with house building in the interests of defence work will apply to Scotland; and what districts are likely to be affected.
I am afraid that it is too early yet to make any prediction on this subject.
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland whether he has considered the report of the Scottish Housing Advisory Committee; and what steps he has taken to secure acceptance of its conclusions by local authorities that there should be a uniform residence qualification for applicants for houses, and that an exchange system should be operated by every local authority both within its own area and with other areas.
My right hon. Friend has considered the report and sent a copy to each local authority in Scotland in May, 1950. He asked that it should be given the close study which it deserves by all councillors and officials concerned. The letting of houses is, of course, a matter for the local authorities themselves and my right hon. Friend could not impose any particular system upon them.
Did the hon. Gentleman's right hon. Friend stress or endorse any of these recommendations?
He commended the recommendations, but the hon. Member will be aware that the Committee themselves in that report stressed the fact that any system should not be made obligatory on the local authorities.
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland the average number of weeks required for the completion of a local authority traditional house; and what steps are being taken to reduce the time taken.
Traditional houses completed by local authorities during May, 1951, took on average 71 weeks to build as compared with 75 weeks for similar houses completed in October, 1950. The rate of completion depends primarily on the availability of labour and materials and, subject only to the prior demands of the defence programme, everything possible is being done to maintain and, where necessary, increase supplies for housing purposes.
Considering the very slow rate at which the time taken to construct these houses is being reduced, is it not time that the Government took some special steps to deal with the matter?
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that before the war private enterprise firms were building these houses in eight weeks?
That, of course, is quite wrong. We are often being pressed to give rather generous allocations of houses to local authorities and we are constantly resisting that pressure because we want to keep to the minimum the length of time taken to construct them.
Potato Harvest (Labour)
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland if he will consider ways and means of securing additional manual labour for the potato harvest in Scotland and thereby reduce the number of school children employed in this work.
As in previous years, all steps possible will be taken to secure supplementary labour before calling upon the services of schoolchildren. Farmers will, as usual, also recruit additional labour locally.
Is my hon. Friend aware that the Minister of Agriculture in seeking harvesters for potato picking in England will not take them under 17 years of age? With that in mind, and in the knowledge that his right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for War gave useful help to Scottish farmers with other forms of labour, will he try to induce those workers to help in the harvest again so as to avoid having children doing the job?
The Secretary of State for War has assisted each year, and I have no doubt that he will assist again this year, but his contribution must be a small one in relation to the size of the problem. Scottish farmers require 90,000 additional workers during the potato harvesting period, and my hon. Friend will appreciate that there is not that amount of adult male or female labour in Scotland.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that this excellent and health giving work for children is welcomed by many parents in Scotland as being an opportunity for children to get fit and well away from the cities?
Is my hon. Friend aware of the very serious allegations which the Educational Institute of Scotland have made about the way in which these children were housed? Did his Department make any inquiry into those charges?
I can only say that the Educational Institute of Scotland could have assisted us a little more than they did last year by co-operating in seeing that the children were well supervised. All of us concerned in this business have gone out and seen the children in the fields and camps each year, and I can assure the House that by and large the children are well looked after.
Dentists (Recruitment)
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland what steps he is taking to recruit the additional dentists needed in Scotland.
I hope the improvements recently negotiated in the salary scales of school dentists will enable the local authorities to recruit more dentists for the school and other priority services. As regards the strength of the profession as a whole the intake of students to Scottish dental schools will shortly be increased on the completion of structural alterations now proceeding at Edinburgh Dental Hospital and School.
Am I right in taking it from my hon. Friend's answer that the reason why there has not been an appreciable increase in the number has been entirely the physical one of lack of accommodation?
That is indeed so. We have been teaching to capacity.
Old People (Mental Treatment)
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland how many persons in the last year have been admitted to mental hospitals under the Lunacy (Scotland) Acts, 1857 and 1862; how many of these are suffering only from old age; and how these figures compare with the average for the last 20 years.
The number of persons certified as insane and admitted to mental hospitals under the Lunacy (Scotland) Acts, 1857 and 1862, during the year 1950 was 2,652. Of that number 906 were over 60 years of age. None of those over 60 years of age was suffering only from old age; all were certified as suffering from insanity. The number of persons over 60 years of age who were admitted to mental hospitals during the last 20 years as certified patients is not available.
Would my hon. Friend consider publishing a list of the hospitals which are affected and of the areas which are affected by this practice, or would she consider publishing a statement on the subject, because some very serious accusations and implications are involved in my right hon. Friend's Question?
I do not follow to what practice the hon. and learned Gentleman refers.
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland if he is aware of the distress and bewilderment caused to relatives of old people who have to be declared lunatics before they can be given beds in hospitals; and if he will consider introducing legislation to make old age a special class of incapax and to provide the necessary accommodation in special hospitals for this purpose.
While I agree that there is frequent difficulty in arranging institutional care for old people who cannot be suitably looked after at home, I see no ground for thinking that this could be remedied by fresh legislation. The difficulty arises from shortage of hospital accommodation on the one hand, and of residential accommodation under the National Assistance Act on the other. These shortages are being remedied as quickly as the resources of the building industry and the present financial situation permit, regard being had to other vital needs such as that of providing adequately for the treatment of respiratory tuberculosis.
Arising out of that Question, would the hon. Lady explain to me, as one Scots Member to another, what is "a special class of incapax"?
Old People's Homes
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland the names of the local authorities in Scotland who are providing homes for the aged and infirm under the National Assistance Act; the names of the local authorities who so far have not complied with the said Act; and what action he intends to take to compel defaulting authorities to provide the necessary care and attention to their aged and infirm citizens.
I am circulating in the OFFICIAL REPORT a statement indicating the position in each local authority area. This shows that three authorities, who find accommodation on a "customer" basis, have no accommodation of their own but that two of them have acquired property for conversion. The remaining authorities have accommodation provided before or since the Act was passed or both. My right hon. Friend has so far not thought it necessary to declare any local authority in default.
Apart from the detailed report which will be submitted officially, can my hon. Friend indicate what inspections are to be made of the standard of accommodation being provided for these old people, where it is provided?
The officials from our own Department go to these homes. I have myself visited a fair number of them. The last time this Question was put and the hon. Member suggested that conditions in some places were not as
NATIONAL ASSISTANCE ACT RESIDENTIAL ACCOMMODATION PROVIDED BY SCOTTISH LOCAL AUTHORITIES Local Authority Accommodation in premises provided prior to the passing of the National Assistance Act Accommodation in premises transferred to Regional Hospital Boards Accommodation in premises provided since the passing of the National Assistance Act No. of acquired (but not yet in use or under Construction No. of premises under negotiation No. of Homes Accommodation (beds) Accommodation (beds) No. of Homes Accommodation (beds) No. of Homes Estimated Accommodation (beds) Counties: Aberdeen 5 89 14 — — 2 51 — Angus 3 102 — — — — — — Argyll — — 45 — — — — — Ayr 2 70 150 — — 3 102 — Banff 4 61 — — — — — — Berwick — — 9 — — — — 1 Bute 1 29 — 1 16 — — — Caithness 1 30 — — — — — — Clackmannan — — 26 — — — — — Dumfries 2 78 — — — — — — Dunbarton 1 139 — — — — — — East Lothian 2 77 — — — 1 30 — Fife 3 50 — 1 128 — — — Inverness 5 37 47 — — 1 23 — Kincardine — — 40 — — — — 1 Kirkcudbright — — 26 — — 1 30 — Lanark 3 193 — 1 22 1 13 — Midlothian 2 132 — — — 1 20 — Moray and Nairn 3 89 — — — 1 12 — Orkney 1 48 — — — 1 35 — Peebles 1 13 — — — — — 1 Perth and Kinross 3 102 — — — — — 1 Renfrew — — 99 1 28 1 30 — Ross and Cromarty 3 94 — — — — — — Roxburgh — — 23 — — 1 20 — Selkirk 1 27 — 1 24 — — 1 Stirling — — 49 — — 2 46 — Sutherland — — 9 — — 1 20 — West Lothian — — 78 — — 2 45 — Wigtown 1 40 — — — — — 1 Zetland — — 24 — —- 1 30 — TOTAL COUNTIES — 1,500 639 5 218 20 507 6
they might be, I asked him to give me any information he had, and so far I have not received it.
It might be to the hon. Lady's advantage if she would look at the files of the Scottish Office. I gave a report on one town, which I will not mention here, and as far as I am advised the conditions are still the same, although it has been visited by members of her Department.
Following is the information:
Local Authority Accommodation in premises provided prior to the passing of the National Assistance Act Accommodation in premises transferred to Regional Hospital Boards Accommodation in premises provided since the passing of the National Assistance Act No. of Homes acquired (but not yet in use) or under construction No. of premises under negotiation No. of Homes Accommodation (beds) Accommodation (beds) No. of Homes Accommodation (beds) No. of Homes Estimated Accommodation (beds) Large Burghs: Aberdeen — — 167 1 24 2 47 1 Airdrie 1 60 — 1 15 — — — Arbroath 1 19 — — — 1 14 — Ayr 1 66 — — — — — — Clydebank 1 50 — — — — — — Coatbridge — — 113 2 40 — — — Dumbarton 1 50 — — — — — — Dumfries * — — — — — — — — Dundee 1 291 — 1 20 — — 1 Dunfermline 1 21 23 1 22 1 30 1 Edinburgh 1 425 — 1 16 1 20 — Falkirk — — 60 — — — — — Glasgow 3 1,397 — 1 25 2 51 5 Greenock * — — — — — 1 50 — Hamilton 1 48 — — — — — — Inverness — — 25 1 17 — — — Kilmarnock — — 58 1 35 1 36 — Kirkcaldy 1 84 — — — — — — Motherwell and Wishaw 1 78 — — — — — — Paisley — — 230 1 25 — — — Perth 1 58 — — — — — — Port Glasgow — — — 1 30 — — — Rutherglen * — — — — — 1 13 — Stirling — — 24 — — — — — TOTAL BURGHS — 2,647 700 12 269 10 261 8 TOTAL COUNTIES — 1,500 639 5 218 20 507 6 †55 4,147 1,339 17 487 30 768 14 * These authorities have no premises of their own in use as yet, but provide accommodation by arrangement with other authorities or Regional Hospital Boards. These authorities have no premises of their own in use as yet, but provide accommodation by arrangement with other authorities or Regional Hospital Boards. † The actual number of homes (55) is less than the sum of this column since several Homes are provided by combinations of local authorities and thus appear more than once.
Grass Acreage
asked the Secretary of State for Scotland in how many cases were directions served in 1950 limiting the area of pasture on any agricultural unit; how many farmers were involved; and what was the total acreage thus added to the tillage area.
Eight directions were served in 1950. The directions involved six farmers and a reduction of 183 acres in the area under grass. The authorising Order came into operation on 16th December, 1949, and the agricultural executive committees were unable to make full use of the power in 1950 because farmers' plans for the cropping season had largely been made by then.
In view of the large size of the problem concerned and the smallness of the figures which my hon. Friend has given, does he contemplate extending this very serious policy of direction considerably in the future, or does he contemplate carrying it on in an experimental way?
I cannot give precise figures for 1951 to the present time, but I can assure my hon. Friend and the House that the agricultural executive committees have issued a large number of directions this year—and it is only this year that they have had an opportunity of giving effect to these powers.
In view of the fact that there is a good deal of misunderstanding on this subject, would the hon. Gentleman assure the House that the smaller size of the grass area does not by any means imply a smaller production of food, but in many cases may mean a greater production of food?
I tried to say that in the Agricultural debate the other day, but hon. Members opposite criticised us for having such a small tillage area.
Ministry of Pensions
Crippled Persons (Housing Priority)
asked the Minister of Pensions in cases where spinal injuries are received resulting in a serving man becoming crippled for life, what steps he takes in consultation with local authorities to ensure that, on discharge from hospital, the man receives some priority in the allocation of suitable living accommodation, such as a prefabricated bungalow or ground-floor flat.
Where special accommodation is necessary, my welfare officers do all they can to assist, generally with satisfactory results.
If I send to my hon. Friend details of a case of a constituent who has been so injured, could someone from his Department make contact with the Middlesbrough Housing Committee with a view to helping them, for if this man were able to obtain suitable accommodation he could get married and would have somebody to look after him and he would then be able to leave hospital.
If the hon. Gentleman had put that matter to me before he might not have had to put down the Question.
War Widows
asked the Minister of Pensions by how much the pensions of war widows of the 1914–18 war have risen between 1918 and 1951.
The standard rate of widow's pension in 1918 was 13s. 9d., with an addition of 1s. 3d. at age 45. A 20 per cent. bonus was added in November of that year, making 16s. 6d., or 18s. if the widow was over 45. The standard rate today is 35s.
Is the Minister not aware that 18s. then is worth about £2 now?
Could the Minister say how long the pension has been at 36s., because I have received many complaints from widows about the fall in their standard of living?
It was raised to 35s. in February, 1946.
Festival Gardens, Ltd. (Accounts)
asked the Lord Privy Seal whether he will publish figures showing the income and expenditure of Festival Gardens, Ltd. from the date of the opening until the nearest convenient date.
Festival Gardens, Ltd. will publish the results of its operations in the ordinary course when the season is over.
If these figures are not to be published until the season is over, will the right hon. Gentleman be good enough to tell the House by what process of reasoning it is possible for people to form a conclusion about whether the Festival Gardens should be extended? Will he give an assurance that they will not be so extended on some optimistic assumption of Festival Gardens, Ltd.?
I can assure the House that they will be extended only after factual observation, and that is quite different from asking me to publish the accounts at this stage—that is, only for an interim period.
Is the Minister aware that the Festival Gardens give a great deal of pleasure, and will he see that their continuation is not judged strictly on the question of whether or not they pay?
I can only say that if they were to be judged on whether they pay or not, it is quite certain that they would be continued indefinitely.
National Finance
Balance of Payments (Invisible Exports)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer in view of the fact that the adverse trade balance for the first five months of 1951 amounts to £404,000,000 against only £348,000,000 for the whole of 1950, to what extent he anticipates that the gap will be filled by invisible exports; and if he will make a statement.
I have nothing to add to the reply I gave to the hon. and gallant Member for Scotstoun (Colonel J. R. H. Hutchison), except that since then the provisional trade figures for June have appeared and reinforce the view I expressed that our overall balance of payments is likely to be in deficit in the first half of 1951.
Since the June figures have subsequently been published and our adverse position has been made even worse, and since the half-yearly financial statement is not issued until October, ought we not to have the figures of these invisible exports so that we can see the position before the General Election is upon us?
It does take time to make the estimates of these invisible exports. As soon as we have them they will be published.
In view of the fact that the Treasury has already admitted that this figure is likely to be £100 million different from that given in the Economic Survey, does not the hon. Gentleman recognise the danger of using the Economic Survey in all his planning?
That is an entirely different question.
Have not the Opposition been constantly pressing the Government to stockpile and to go in for a policy of re-armament which requires the country to buy much from overseas? How can we spend thus and have a balance in the Treasury at home?
Can my hon. Friend say what steps the Government propose in order to arrest this downward trend, or are we to contemplate a continuance of the deficit and permanent insolvency?
I anticipate that my right hon. Friend will have something to say to the House before we rise.
Arising out of that last supplementary question and answer, would such a statement include a reference to re-valuation as a means of overcoming this problem?
Persian Oil (Sterling Value)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer the annual sterling value of Anglo-Iranian oil and of the products of the Abadan refinery; and to what extent its loss will weaken the sterling bloc or increase the cost of our imports.
I would refer the hon. Member to the reply which my right hon. Friend gave to the hon. Member for Basingstoke (Mr. Donner) on 10th July.
Would the hon. Gentleman not agree that if we lost the income from the Persian oil every family in this country will be poorer—[ Interruption ]—including the hon. Member for Nelson and Colne (Mr. S. Silverman), and will he take steps to try to put that truth over to the nation?
I agree that the burdens of this country will be increased, but not disastrously.
If we are poorer, will not the need be all the greater for deliberate, fair planning?
Savings Banks Deposits (Secrecy)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he will direct the Bank of England to inform savings banks that guarantees of secrecy for deposits must now be withdrawn.
No, Sir.
But is the Financial Secretary aware that savings banks at present, in inviting deposits, make a point of a guarantee of secrecy, and in view of the provisions of Clause 24 of the present Finance Bill, would it not be unfair and injudicious to invite depositors to deposit money on conditions which no longer apply?
No, Sir. Secrecy in such cases obviously means non-disclosure of information except to persons authorised by law to receive it.
Does it follow from this answer that secrecy is being maintained except when the Government order those holding a secret to disclose it to somebody else?
The hon. Gentleman knows that the Inland Revenue always exercises secrecy in not disclosing the affairs of individual taxpayers.
Has the hon. Gentleman seen the report I sent the Chancellor the other day showing that the Trustee Savings banks of Surrey are already losing -depositors because of the change in the law?
Investment Programme (Entertainment Projects)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether the ban announced by him on building projects for entertainment purposes costing more than £5,000 applies to enterprises in which the Government are directly or indirectly interested.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether his proposal to ban all building projects for entertainment purposes costing more than £5,000 applies equally to Government-sponsored entertainment projects; and if he will make a statement.
Yes, Sir, the ban applies to Government-sponsored projects as well as to others.
Does it then follow from that answer that so long as the ban remains on private entertainment contractors there can be no question of spending the £150,000 to £200,000 contemplated by the Lord Privy Seal in his speech in this House on 25th June in connection with the re-opening of the Festival Gardens?
If it is thought advisable that the Festival Gardens should continue that matter would, of course, come before the House, as legislation would be involved, and it would be for the House to decide.
Post-War Credits
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is aware that Mr. H. A. Edwards of The Bungalow, Kingsford Nurseries, Wolverley, near Kidderminster, who was 65 years of age on 21st September, 1950, has not yet received the Post-War Credits to which he is entitled, notwithstanding numerous applications to His Majesty's Inspectors of Taxes at Ealing, 1st District, and at Kidderminster and the placing of all necessary documents at the disposal of the tax inspectors; why Mr. Edwards has not received his Post-War Credits; when it is proposed to pay them; whether interest at the rate of 2½ per cent. per annum will be added to the sum due from 21st September, 1950; and what steps are being taken to prevent a repetition of these delays.
The amount due to Mr. Edwards has now been paid. The law does not authorise the payment of interest on it. The reason for the delay is not yet clear, and I am having further inquiries made.
I thank the hon. Gentleman, but would he take note of the fact that this Question appeared on the Order Paper upon the evening of 10th July; that a cheque for £34 10s. 7d. arrived for this man on 12th July—36 hours later; and that that happened in spite of the fact that he had been trying for nine months to get his Post-War Credit? Why is it that an old age pensioner should have to go to his Member of Parliament before he can get his dues?
The dates seem to show that there was a coincidence. I quite agree that delay in such cases is very undesirable. As a matter of fact, it is very exceptional.
Has the hon. Gentleman noticed how frequent these coincidences are?
Will the hon. Gentleman give an assurance that if other hon. Members raise similar questions he will accord their constituents similar treatment?
National Expenditure
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer why he will not set up an independent committee with terms of reference similar to those of the committee appointed under Sir George May in 1931 to advise on reduction of national expenditure.
Because I do not think it appropriate to ask an independent committee to advise on measures which, if of any magnitude, would be bound to involve major issues of policy.
Is not the real answer that the Government are frightened to appoint a committee of businessmen because they would reveal such incompetence and waste of money and—what is the other word? [An HON. MEMBER: "Extravagance."] — mismanagement? Will he reconsider this, and appoint a committee on the lines of the May Committee?
No. I think that that question shows that the hon. Gentleman still hankers after making cuts in the social services.
Industrial Production
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what steps he is taking to secure a more rapid increase in productivity than is at present being achieved.
The methods and agencies employed or sponsored by His Majesty's Government in search of increased productivity cover the fields of research, advice, joint consultation, technical assistance, publicity and the exchange of technical information.
In the last two years the interim index of industrial production has risen from 129 in the first five months of 1949 to 146 in the first five months of 1951. This increase of 13 per cent. has been achieved with an increase of only about 4 per cent. in total manpower in the industries covered by the index.
In the current year shortages of raw materials are expected to limit progress in increasing productivity, but I am satisfied that it is better to allow the present methods to develop and produce results, rather than to add, at the moment, to their number.
In view of the fact that the Economic Survey admits quite clearly that there will be no increase in productivity this year at all, and in view of the extremely large trade gap and the largely unplaced re-armament programme, is the hon. Gentleman really satisfied that that is looking the facts in the face, and that the Government are doing all they should in the circumstances?
The hon. Gentleman is quite wrong in thinking the Economic Survey forecast no increase in productivity in the present year. The forecast was 4 per cent. Nevertheless, I would agree with the hon. Gentleman that we want to increase productivity in every way we can, and I hope that he and other hon. Members will help in that job.
I am sure the hon. Gentleman does not wish to mislead the House, and I am sure he would agree that that 4 per cent. increase in productivity mentioned in the Economic Survey meant only maintenance of the end level of productivity at the end of last year.
Can my hon. Friend say whether it is not the case that the rate of increase of productivity in the past six years has been unprecedented in the history of this country, and can he tell the House why, if it is, the more we produce the more insolvent we seem to become?
Does the Treasury accept responsibility for co-ordinating and stimulating all those agencies which were listed in the hon. Gentleman's reply? If so, what arrangements are there in the Treasury for that? Is there a department of productivity, or a special set of officials, or what?
The hon. Gentleman will be aware that my right hon. Friend has a general responsibility in this field.
P.A.Y.E. (Evasion)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he is aware that the present machinery designed to deal with the collection of Pay-As-You-Earn from those changing employers during the year is inadequate to prevent tax evasion; and what steps he is taking to improve this machinery.
The scope for fraud under the present machinery is very limited, and I am satisfied that the safeguards operated by the Inland Revenue are adequate.
Would the hon. Gentleman bear in mind that form B. 45, which the old employer has to fill in, places no responsibility on the new employer but merely gives him information as to past taxation that has been taken from the employee; and would he see whether some system can be introduced to remind the new employer that he has an obligation to take P.A.Y.E. from those who should be paying it?
I think that is already done, but I will certainly look into it.
Government Departments
Information Officers
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer how many of the 83 vacancies for information officers in various Government Departments now being advertised by the Civil Service Commissioners are new posts; and if he will say why such additional staff is required.
None of the vacancies now being filled is a new post.
Does the Financial Secretary expect that we shall continue to employ as large a number of information officers indefinitely?
As the hon. Gentleman knows, the number has been reduced in recent years.
Civil Servants (Political Activities)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is aware that under established practice the Board of Inland Revenue refuse to allow an officer who is stationed outside the Metropolitan Area to seek election to a council above the status of a parish council; how long this practice has been established; and whether he will relax this restriction on the civic liberty of Inland Revenue staffs.
Except for members of the industrial or minor and manipulative grades, it is the practice of the Board of Inland Revenue not to allow an established officer who is stationed outside the Metropolitan area to seek election to a council above the status of a parish council. There has in recent years been a slight relaxation of the rule in favour of established officers nearing retirement. This practice has been in force for nearly half a century. My hon. Friend is, no doubt, aware that the question of the political activities of civil servants is now under discussion on the National Whitley Council following the Masterman Committee's Report, and existing Departmental rules, including rules relating to participation in local government, are being considered in the course of these discussions.
Can my hon. Friend say when he expects to receive the report of the Whitley Council on the civil liberties of civil servants? I understand that this committee has been at work for about a year already.
No, Sir, I should not like to forecast that.
Floods, Kansas and Missouri (Message)
( by Private Notice ) asked the Prime Minister whether a message can be sent from the British Parliament to the American Congress expressing the deepest sympathy with the sufferers from fires and floods in Kansas and Missouri and inquiries made as to whether the British people can send aid to the United States at this time to those who are suffering.
I am sure that the House will wish to support the message that I have sent to the President of the United States expressing sympathy with the people of Kansas and Missouri who have suffered in this disaster. Perhaps, Mr. Speaker, with the approval of the House, you would arrange for a message to be sent to this effect. His Majesty's Government are inquiring of the United States administration whether there is any aid which we could give to those who are afflicted by this misfortune.
If the House so wishes, I shall be very glad to send a message as the Prime Minister requests.
Minister of Transport (Questions)
Mr. Speaker, I desire to seek your guidance upon the question of the admissibility of certain types of Questions to the Minister of Transport. I have set out the relevant points in a memorandum which I have submitted to you. As the memorandum is a little long, I will, with your permission and that of the House, content myself with asking for your guidance on the points raised.
I have considered the memorandum submitted to me by the hon. Member and thank him for his courtesy in giving me time to consider it. The gist of the memorandum was that, in May, during a strike in the nationalised road haulage industry, the hon. Member sought to question the Minister of Transport on the upshot of the conversations he was having with the Road Haulage Executive on the steps to be taken to shift traffic immobilised by the strike. As neither he nor I have kept a copy of his proposed Question, he will not expect me to comment on it, but I will rule upon the two specific points he raises.
The hon. Member submits that when the Minister has entered into conversations with the nationalised transport industry, he is answerable to this House for his actions, and can be questioned on them. This is not so unless a strike or other critical situation has caused the Minister to take this particular action. Normally under the Transport Act, 1947, responsibility for the industry remains that of the Transport Commission until the Minister takes it out of their hands by giving them a general direction. Conversations between the parties do not shift the responsibility. Only a statutory direction can do that.
The second point raised by the hon. Member is that the Minister is responsible to the House for maintaining essential services, quite apart from the Act of 1947, and that Questions dealing with this overriding responsibility must be admissible. The over-riding responsibility does not come into action until a crisis has arisen; and before allowing Questions on matters within the responsibility of the Transport Commission I must be satisfied that there is such a crisis. Subject to that reservation, I would agree with the hon. Member that such Questions are admissible.
Might I submit to you, Mr. Speaker, that, as your reply to my hon. Friend will appear in HANSARD tomorrow, it might be of advantage to hon. Members if the memorandum which he submitted to you could also be circulated.
As far as I am concerned, I am quite agreeable. I do not propose to read the memorandum now because it will take a lot of time.
Is it not part of the Communist technique to avoid criticism of what the Government do with the nationalised industries?
That does not arise out of this matter.
With respect to the Ruling you have just given, there is some doubt, if I may say so, upon these benches, too, about Questions relating to transport. For your information, on 13th June I submitted a Question to the Table respecting the serious staff position on the British Railways system. I took the view, as you have just indicated, that that was a matter of serious concern beyond the day to day affairs of the Commission. That Question was turned down, as indeed several others have been. May I respectfully draw your attention to that, and ask you to give some consideration to it?
I am bound by the Rules of the House. If these Questions have been turned down, I am afraid that I have no knowledge of them. They never came up to me, as a matter of fact.
I desire to seek your guidance upon the circumstances under which certain types of Question can be asked of the Minister of Transport.
Last May there was a strike in the nationalised road haulage industry which for the time being immobilised a considerable amount of traffic throughout the country. Notices appeared in the Press stating that the Minister was in consultation with the Road Haulage Executive as to what steps could usefully be taken to bring an end to this state of affairs, and in particular as to whether private owners of A, B and C licensed vehicles could be enabled to shift the traffic.
At that time I sought, both by Private Notice and otherwise, to ask the Minister of Transport what steps he was taking in this matter with particular regard to the use of private hauliers holding A and B licences. These Questions were held inadmissible on what I understood to be the general ground that these were matters for the British Transport Commission. I did, however, manage to place a Question on the Order Paper asking the Minister of Transport under what Section of the Transport Act, 1947, he acted in conducting discussions with the Road Haulage Executive as to the use of privately-owned A, B and C licence holders for the purpose of carrying traffic immobilised by the road haulage strike in May. This was answered:
"The strike threatened essential transport services and I considered it my duty to see that all necessary steps would be taken to maintain them. It was in discharge of this general responsibility, and not of my functions under the Transport Act, 1947, that I took the action to which the hon. Member refers."
The first point I wish to make is that when the Minister of Transport is conducting or has entered into conversations with those who manage the nationalised transport industry, is he not answerable to this House for his actions, and should we not be able to ask Questions as to what he is in fact doing.
A second more fundamental point arises. The Minister clearly claims in his answer to have a responsibility for maintaining essential services quite apart from the Transport Act, 1947. If the Minister is right in claiming such a responsibility, surely it is to this House that he is responsible and Questions as to the exercise of that responsibility should be admissible.
Business of the House (Supply)
Ordered:
That this day Business other than the Business of Supply may be taken before Ten o'clock.—[ The Prime Minister. ]
Orders of the Day
Supply
[21ST ALLOTTED DAY]
Considered in Committee.
[Major MILNER in the Chair]
Civil Estimates, 1951–52
Class V
Vote 1. Ministry of Local Government and Planning
Motion made, and Question proposed,
"That a sum, not exceeding £4,576,615, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1952, for the salaries and expenses of the Ministry of Local Government and Planning, Rent Control Tribunals, Local Valuation Panels and Courts, and the National Parks Commission; grants and other expenses in connection with water supply, sewerage, coast protection and certain civil defence services; grants to local authorities in connection with planning and re-development, national parks, &c.; grants to development corporations established for the purposes of new towns; remanet and sundry other services." [£2,395,000 has been voted on account. ]
Motion made, and Question, "That the Chairman do report Progress, and ask leave to sit again"—[ Mr. Whiteley. ]— put, and agreed to.
Committee report Progress; to sit again To-morrow.
Local Government
3.39 p.m.
I beg to move, was given for a discussion on this subject which is of vital importance to the whole democratic life of our country. So far as the wording of the Motion is concerned, I would expect that there will be general agreement at least with the first few words. The first difficulty in the minds of some hon. Members, and particularly of right hon. Members on the other side of the House, comes possibly with the word, "forthwith." That word has been carefully chosen for reasons which I shall develop as I go on with my speech.
I feel certain that no one denies that there is need for redefinition of local government boundaries, particularly in England and Wales. I feel equally certain that there is agreement that the functions of local authorities must be dealt with simultaneously. I think that there has been agreement for a long time past that the matter has been urgent. There is small wonder about this when one studies what has happened over the last 50 or 60 years, particularly in England and Wales, because the position is slightly different in Scotland.
While the 1929 Act did some important things, apart from periodic minor adjustment of boundaries under the Private Bill procedure, I believe that I am right in saying that there has been no substantial change in the structure of local government in England and Wales since 1888. There have been many other changes since then. We have only to think of them to realise what a difficult position must arise with no substantial change in the structure of local government between 1888 and now, when we have had very great changes in the location and density of population. We have had great changes in rateable values, for obvious reasons, and I think that one must quote the very flagrant fact that in the largest urban district a penny rate produces £8,600 and in the smallest a penny rate produces £16. That is a difficulty in any serious consideration of the big issues raised in the Motion.
Also we have had in these years great changes in the type of service which is required throughout the country—development of electricity and gas and, perhaps even more important, the question of changed transport facilities. It is small wonder that with all these changes in technology—a horrible word—equipment and everything else and no changes in the fundamental structure, we run into difficulties. This has been brought out very clearly indeed in a paragraph of the Report of the Local Government Boundary Commission for 1947, which should be quoted in full because it is so important. On page 5 it is stated:
What is the position? That Report is dead. What have we got in its place? We have found that many Private Bills have come to a sudden end. Some of them never even got upstairs. There is the almost annual Luton Bill which was debated a short time ago, the Ilford Bill, and the Sheffield Bill which has just fallen by the wayside. There was disagreement on some of the arguments raised by these Bills but the fact that, by and large, they have been killed has not been because of the merits of the arguments but because they have been held up, waiting for some magic plan coming out of the Government's mind.
This plan was hinted at a year ago. We had an indication that it might arise in 1951, but there is not a sign of it. There is an even more fantastic case which should be realised by hon. Members when we are considering the "freeze up" which is going on. It is the case of the small Lincolnshire town of Market Rasen where a penny rate produces £45. They have some highways which need looking after. Their total equipment for dealing with them, I am informed, is an obsolete tar sprayer and a garden roller lent by the courtesy of the county council.
That town, realising that the position is pretty difficult, expressed a willingness and desire to amalgamate with the surrounding district council. That council, I am informed, was willing to go ahead with the amalgamation. The Minister refused on the grounds that even this alteration should not be made pending the great Government scheme which was coming some time. And yet we have the right hon. Gentleman the Minister of Local Government and Planning saying on 14th March of this year:
But one must go back to what was said by the right hon. Member for Ebbw Vale (Mr. Bevan), who a year ago committed himself to an interesting statement when discussing the Ilford Bill. After the right hon. Member had indicated that the Government were giving their mind to the reorganisation of local government—it is rather a disturbing thought to think of this Government giving its mind to anything—[HON. MEMBERS: "Oh!"]—he said: chosen a far better way of going into voluntary exile than the "One Way" he has chosen.
This "freeze up," it is quite clear, cannot be allowed to continue. We cannot have every Private Bill held up and put aside waiting for Government action and no Government action emerging. I would suggest that on purely practical grounds alone the operative word in this Motion must be "forthwith"; and if the right hon. Gentleman is worried about the autumn Recess and the forthcoming election and about the small size of his majority, may I suggest that there is a very simple cure if he feels that this is not the type of Parliament to do this vastly important job? Let him go to the Prime Minister and add yet another first-rate reason for his going to the country at the earliest possible opportunity. I think he will be serving local government and everything else to useful purpose if he will do that.
I have developed so far the purely physical reasons for urgency in this matter and I have recognised that "forthwith" may meet a certain amount of objection on the other side of the House when we come to consider the Motion at the end of the debate. But the second part of the Motion is also important. It states:
The major issue which led the Liberal-Unionist group in the House to put this Motion on the Order Paper is a very real concern about the fundamentals of the local government which we believe to be increasingly imperilled—[ Laughter. ] That is a deliberate statement and I do not understand why there should be any laughter.
We were rather laughing at the hon. Member's designation of Liberal-Unionist.
People have been trying to laugh at the occupants of these benches during the last six years without having any effect on their numbers.
That point has nothing to do with the debate.
Mr. Speaker has expressed disapproval of this conversation across the Floor of the House, so I will proceed with my speech.
Local government has, in my opinion, two all-important functions. The first is to provide effective local services, both human and material. The second is to provide a truly democratic foundation for the whole political life of a democracy. I believe that, important as is the first function, the second is even more important. I hope that we shall find, as the debate develops, that that opinion is shared on all sides of the House.
We are living in a period in which all sorts of temptations exist to increase the size of units, to regionalise, to decide at the centre what is good for everyone no matter where they are—the whole of this in the interest of that sacred word "efficiency." We go further, and recognise that in the short term centralised dictatorship can produce quick results Which could prove disastrous to slower-moving but longer-staying democratic systems if—and it is a very important "if"—those peoples who enjoy the democratic way of life fail to understand not only their privileges but also their duties and responsibilities.
I suggest there is no better training ground not only for the elected but for the electors of a democracy than local government. So far as Parliamentary elections are concerned, the ordinary elector has certain rights and duties and he fulfils them; but unfortunately the major issues that arise in Parliamentary elections are, or seem to become, more and more remote from the ordinary elector. At Parliamentary elections some of the electors study matters very carefully, but there are too many who, I am afraid, merely swallow the propaganda that is put out by all parties without giving really serious consideration to it. They are swept along emotionally in whatever way it may be, and they vote.
Local government, if vital and alive, provides a much more real form of democracy. There people are living in a district and know councillors personally, see them about the streets every day and are able to talk to them between elections, not only at elections—they are their representatives—about things of immediate importance to them, the state of the streets and lighting—the local human services. If we can get a system of local government maintained and improved which will give real live action locally, and which people can feel is local and that the responsibility rests locally, we shall encourage a much more effective interest in the democratic system than we are likely to get if we go on the way we are going. That is a point on which we feel strongly on this side of the House.
How many county council elections are not held simply because there are no rival candidates?
That is the whole point that I am developing. If powers are taken away from that system, if the structure is not right, clearly there will be less interest shown in it not only by the people who stand for the council but by the people who elect them. That is one of the most disturbing factors in recent years. The local government poll appears to go on dropping not only in England and Wales but in Scotland. In Scotland our structure is considerably better than the English structure, but we have lost so many powers that I am afraid the same tendency is developing there.
Would the hon. Member agree that the powers of county councils have been increased in recent years?
No. I am coming to that point as I go along, but if I may deal with it quickly, I would say that the powers have not been increased. Duties have been increased. Duties have been thickly laid upon them. The trouble with that kind of duty is that it does not carry responsibility, and it becomes very difficult to carry it out. People are overloaded and one will find good members of local authorities who are prepared to do the work now wondering whether it is worth while when they cannot make the final decision themselves.
That is the whole trouble. Work has been added, duties have been increased but real power and responsibility have been taken away during recent years. That is what we deplore more than anything. If we devitalise local government —and I am suggesting that local government is being devitalised—we shall lose something we shall not be able to replace. In modern conditions I do not believe it can be built up on nothing more than Parliamentary elections and the relationship between Members of Parliament and electors, which must be more remote than the relationship between a local councillor and his constituents.
The position in Scotland is different. We had a pretty substantial revision of structure in 1929, and I would suggest to our English and Welsh colleagues who are worrying about the situation that they should have a look at the Scottish system. I am not saying that the Scottish system is ideal—no system is—but it is nearer to the ideal. We have there a structure of the four great cities, the county council, the large burgh and the small burgh, all of which is working pretty well. We have also district councils. Their functions and powers require further investigation. They are not now getting enough to do, not enough responsibility, but in other respects I think the Scottish system is not too bad.
I would add only that it is infuriating to see the structure of local government in the rest of the country used as an excuse for taking away powers when we in Scotland believe we should have powers added, that the structure is such that we could effectively run a great many more things than we are now allowed to do.
At this stage it is wise to try to see what probable area of agreement there is on this very big subject. I think I can assume straight away that we all agree that local government should be in the hands of local authorities who are democratically elected and not nominated. There has been a deplorable tendency in recent years of more and more bodies becoming nominated ones.
In considering the size finally to be determined for various local government units, one of the tests should be that those who are elected should be able to know the areas for which they are elected and, equally, their areas should know them. That may sound terribly obvious, but it is tending to be lost sight of nowadays. The unit must be such that collectively the council knows its area and, still more important, it is known by the people who elected it.
I should think that there would be general agreement, too, that the human services should be the responsibility of the smallest practical units. I admit that there is a case for some of the material services to be performed by larger units, but do let us remember that size does not necessarily mean efficiency. We debated a Scottish Gas Bill here one Friday afternoon and we were hoping to help the right hon. Gentleman and others who are interested in local government by giving some really effective powers back to the Scottish local authorities; but a surprising number of hon. Members opposite developed an astonishing interest in the number of buckets of water which ought to appear in a slaughter house before an animal is killed and they talked about that for an hour and a half and we were unable to reach a satisfactory conclusion to our discussions on gas in Scotland.
It was a very good Bill.
That is one instance in which we believe that the unit size is not efficient.
I am interested in what the hon. Gentleman has said. He has already taken a lot of my speech. When he refers to size, is he referring to geography or population?
I am just coming to that point. I should also have thought that there would have been agreement that the size of unit cannot be fixed arbitrarily for every area. Local considerations, geography, weight of population in relation to geography and local traditions must be given full consideration. It would be tragic if in the search for efficient units we trod on ancient history, local feelings and local pride, for those things must all be taken into account.
I am not quite so happy about getting full agreement on my hoped for final points of agreement. There must be a substantial measure of independence and local responsibility. This is a difficult matter, particularly when considering Government grants. If there is to be grant aid from the centre, a difficult problem is the extent of supervision which must be retained by the central government. I think that careful examination will prove that the degree of supervision could be cut down very much more than it is now. There has been a little headway recently.
That carries one to the whole problem of the financing of local authorities. That will be dealt with by other hon. Members in the debate. I should like, in passing, to say that I do not think that a Royal Commission on the whole issue that I have been discussing could provide a satisfactory answer. Much evidence is already available and there is a great deal of material for a responsible Government to study. Clearly some consultation is needed, but a Royal Commission would merely postpone action. However, I think there may well be a case for a Royal Commission to go into the question of finance. No doubt other hon. Members will take up that subject.
That is the area of broad agreement so far; I have not yet had much opposition. I only wish that I could get through my speech with no more opposition than I have had already. With the large number of reports and recommendations which and vailable a Government, particularly one which has been in office for six years, ought to have been able to make up its mind. For a large part of the six years the Government had a majority of 200 and yet it did nothing but kill the Boundary Commission. It promised study but nothing happened. Why is this? The Government came back to power with a majority of six and it now uses that as an excuse for taking no action, but it forgot its majority of six when it decided to complete the nationalisation of iron and steel, a matter just as fundamental to the structure of the country as the revision of local government.
We must really begin to look with some suspicion at the possible reasons why the Government have done nothing up to now. If it is merely a question of chronic inability to make up their minds, it is highly understandable, but it is not a good excuse for no action. Can it be that the Government have something in contem- plation which they are reluctant to disclose even to their supporters? We are bound to examine that possibility. I say this with a sense of seriousness and care.
In 1944 the National Liberal Party— any more smiles?—produced a very interesting report on local government and its future. I have a copy here, and if any hon. Member wishes to study it I shall be glad to give him a copy afterwards. The earlier part of the report sets out the type of structure which the National Liberal Party thinks there should be, and it is on the lines of what I have been trying to describe. There then appeared this sentence:
This will hurt hon. Members opposite more than it hurts me. I must recall some of the sayings of the prophets in the Labour Party who were writing in the '30s. I believe it is true that leopards cannot change their spots. It is particularly difficult if the spots are fairly bright red, because even if one puts a light pink wash over the spots in the interests of immediate elections the darker red ones still appear through the light pink wash. The book from which I shall quote has not disappeared, although, surprisingly, it is amazingly difficult to get. It is called "Problems of a Socialist Government." It has certainly not been reprinted. Here we have Sir Stafford Cripps writing about local government. He said:
Now to come to the Prime Minister himself. What did he say?
It is small wonder that some of us are questioning why the Government have not acted and, being puzzled and knowing the history of Labour Party thinking, that we are gravely suspicious. I will end my remarks with some straightforward questions which I hope will be answered by the right hon. Gentleman in his winding-up speech, if not by the Parliamentary Secretary earlier in the debate.
I can reduce them to three points. What we want to establish in this debate is, first; Are we agreed that a general redefinition of the boundaries and functions of local government really is a matter of urgency? Secondly, can we be sure that the concept which I have tried to describe of genuine local government, democratically elected and retaining a substantial degree of local autonomy and responsibility, is generally accepted by this House?
Thirdly, can it be established that this House, and particularly the right hon. Gentleman and his colleagues on the Front Bench—I know a lot of his back benchers feel as we do on this, but whether they would stand up for that in a crisis, I am not prepared to argue— can it be established that this House as a whole rejects conclusively any idea of large-scale regionalisation with tight central control, such as has been beginning to develop in the last six years and which was clearly forecast in the writings from which I have quoted?
If we could even get agreement on these three points, quite apart from many details which will be gone into by subsequent speakers, we should have complete agreement with the Motion on the Order Paper, with the possible exception of the word "forthwith." I have already given my advice on that point. If it is only the word "forthwith" that is causing the trouble, let us have an election and get on with this amongst other important jobs.
4.14 p.m.
I beg to second the Motion moved in such felicitous terms by the hon. Gentleman the Member for Renfrew, West (Mr. Maclay) whom those of us on this bench are happy to claim as leader of the group. Hon. Gentlemen opposite smiled when the word "group" was mentioned, but let them remember—the hon. Member for Bridgeton (Mr. Carmichael) in particular —that there was no smiling in the Whips' Office when they learned that a Supply Day was likely to be in the hands of the Liberal Unionist group and they immediately issued a three-line whip. Let there be no misunderstanding on that point. [An HON. MEMBER: "A Gestapo plot!"] If any hon. Gentleman wishes to interrupt me, I am willing to give way if he will rise first.
Will the hon. Gentleman tell us where he obtained his information about a three-line whip, because I have not seen one?
If I disclosed information of that kind in this House, it would lead many people into trouble, as it has done before.
We have never seen a three-line whip and I have not received one.
Then I am happy to accept that correction, but. after the experience of last evening, I can only say that the Government Whips were very negligent.
The Motion which my hon. Friend has moved is couched in such terms as will probably result in general agreement and after my introductory remarks, which have so speedily been interrupted, I propose to move on to ground where perhaps I shall be able to secure rather more unity.
Everybody desires to see that local government shall play its proper place in the life of the community, yet the idea of concentration of power in the hands of central Government is attractive to certain types of mentality. My hon. Friend quoted certain observations by right hon. Gentlemen opposite, some of whom now hold high office in the Government, to show that at one time that idea was in their minds. However, some of them may have repented.
In connection with political convictions we have already seen cases of repentance by Members of the Government, and I believe it is right to put the most charitable interpretation now and to believe that hon. Gentlemen opposite think that it is right and desirable that there should be a balance and a counterpoise to the power of central Government; that informed, active, virile local authorities are an essential feature of democracy and, by their existence, improve at one and the same time as they hold in check the ability and capacity of the central Government.
There is very little good to be said for what has happened during the last few years in which substantial powers have been removed from local authorities. Under the National Health Service Act, 1946, hospitals and lunatic asylums owned by counties and county boroughs have been transferred to regional boards—the first development of these boards, which are appointed by Whitehall and not elected by the people they are intended to serve.
The Electricity Act, 1947, followed almost the same practice. Some 350 municipally-owned electricity undertakings were taken away. Terms of compensation were extraordinarily inequitable. There are few hon. Gentlemen who have not had complaints about the basis of compensation. After all, what was it? A small sum for severance of assets; a payment in respect of recent capital expenditure; and charges only adequate to cover the interest and sinking fund charges on the outstanding debt. Thus great cities in this country lost substantial sums which, by the forethought and providence of their councils, the ratepayers were entitled to receive.
Coventry suffered a loss of nearly £2½ million, Sheffield more than £5 million, Birmingham round about £12 million. Many of these electricity undertakings were making substantial contributions in relief of rates. Nottingham enjoyed in pre-war years about £24,500; Cardiff, £14,000; Leeds approximately the same amount.
The Gas Act went through. The same thing happened. There were the same poor terms of compensation. Some 275 municipally-owned undertakings were absorbed on the same unfair terms. Assets to the value of more than £94 million were grabbed—there is no other word for it— for £21 million compensation. And the relief in respect of rates disappeared.
These new powers were transferred to regional boards which, as my hon. Friend has already said, are thoroughly alien to the democratic life of this community. They seem to have one thing in common. They move into the largest and most elaborate and luxurious country mansions they can find. There, the world forgetting, they live—but not by the world forgot, for they have around them a cloud of public relations officers all of whom are eager to explain the activities of these regional boards. I believe that these establishments are of the greatest possible danger to the community. They have made it extremely difficult for us to recruit to the local authorities, from whom these trading services have been removed, the men and the officials of the calibre we would desire.
Other powers have been taken from the smaller authorities. The Police Act, 1946, took away the control of police forces from 47 non-county boroughs. Under the Fire Services Act county districts lost control of their own fire service, in many cases thoroughly efficient.
Many of these changes can be justified by themselves, but, cumulatively they have had one effect—to strip local government of much of its interest, much of its power and, above all, much of its close contact with the people it is designed to serve. At the same time there has been less desire on the part of the more capable and efficient officers in the local government service to remain there. They have been attracted to these new bodies which have been established. There is an unwillingness at the present time to come forward and to take a proper part in local government.
As I look round this House, I realise how many hon. Gentlemen in all parts of it regard the time when they served, as I do, on a local authority as a really valuable experience. And at times—let us all admit it—we sometimes wonder whether the results achieved in local government are not equal to those which can be achieved even by membership of this honourable House.
What is the position now? Last weekend I was talking to a gentleman who served in an entirely voluntary capacity on one of these bodies. He went on a fortnight's holiday. On his return, he found in his post circulars from one of these national boards. He accumulated them. Envelope after envelope was opened. Document after document was filed one upon the other until the pile reached a height of 3½ inches—an accumulation of paper in a fortnight which even the Ministry of Health at its rosiest would not be able to equal. It would be too much to hope that he is going to take part in local government if paper is pushed upon him at that rate and at the same time he is denied the opportunity to come to any decision on the smallest item of local individual need when he is held up by controls from a Ministry at a distance.
The way in which the Ministeries restrict and check the various local authorities has to be seen to be believed. I invite hon. Members to examine the reports of their own local councils, to learn that the Ministry of Transport will not permit a certain set of traffic lights to be moved unless they have examined it, and that a certain safety measure is delayed, to the danger of children, because the Ministry of Transport are unable to agree whether the path should run from A to B or from C to D. We shall not get competent people to come forward in local government and serve if these restrictions are imposed upon them.
There is much that one could say upon this point, although I must say that, as I listened to my hon. Friend speaking, I felt much like a poor man called upon to glean after a combine harvester. I wondered where the material for a speech from myself would come from. But however difficult it may be for me to follow my hon. Friend, no such difficulty confronts the Government.
We have never yet had an explanation from the Ministry of what they propose to do. It is quite true we have heard observations from the former Minister of Health, the right hon. Member for Ebbw Vale (Mr. Bevan) of what he was not capable of doing then. Now is the time, I think, that this Government of planners should be able to take us fully into their confidence and tell us what their proposals are should they at any time in the future secure a majority. Perhaps I am doing them a wrong because defeats in this House seem to make no impression on this Government. Therefore, perhaps, it would be better to ask them what plans they propose now.
My hon. Friend the Member for Renfrew, West stressed the word "forthwith." If the right hon. Gentleman and the Parliamentary Secretary can give some indication to local authorities throughout the country of the proposals they have in their minds and give us a promise that if they survive until the autumn, they will be introduced into the Gracious Speech from the Throne at that time, they will have no fear about tonight's Division, because I personally will make myself responsible for seeing there will not be one.
The Government know perfectly well that everybody has thought deeply about this matter, whether it is the Association of Municipal Corporations, County Councils, the Boundary Commission and hon. Gentlemen in all parts of the House. But the people who have no mind, or if they have any mind, have not taken local authorities into consultation or into their confidence are His Majesty's present Ministers.
I think the time is now ripe and overdue for the Government to give this House a clear and definite statement of what they have in mind for the future of local government and to define the boundaries and duties to be undertaken by various local authorities. If they fail in this, they will have failed substantially in discharging one of the most important duties which lies on any Government and that is to enable the people of this country in all localities to participate in a full and proper share of local government in the circumstances in which they live.
4.27 p.m.
It might be for the convenience of the House if I intervene at this stage and, of course, my right hon. Friend will wind up the debate. I should like to congratulate the hon. Member for Renfrew, West (Mr. Maclay), on the manner in which he opened the debate—in a more realistic manner, if I might say so, than that of his honourable colleague.
I agree with the hon. Member for Renfrew, West, that it is true that the present structure of local government is really built around the Local Government Act, 1888, which provided county councils, and the Local Government Act, 1894, which gave urban and rural councils their power. It is true that at that time the speed of man was dependent on the speed of the horse and it is not unfair to ask whether machinery constructed in the age of the horse is really suited to our way of life in the present age. All agree that local government reform is necessary and urgent, but where we disagree is in the form or shape that reform shall take and the degree of urgency of that reform.
May I correct an impression which the hon. Gentleman who seconded the Motion wanted to create? He rather inferred that the intervention of Labour into local government caused its destruction. In fact, it was the Labour movement in this country which made local government really democratic. [An HON. MEMBER: "Nonsense."] That is absolutely true. The hon. Member for Renfrew, West, mentioned that there was lack of interest in county councils.
Where was the hon. Gentleman in 1888?
In the same place as the hon. Gentleman, I expect.
So far as the vast majority of county councils are concerned, until the intervention of Labour candidates these elections went uncontested and county coun- cil administration was a one-party affair throughout almost the whole country. I have personal experience of this. I won a seat on the Welwyn division of the Hertfordshire County Council in 1930. From 1888 until 1930, there had been two elections for that division. There is not so very much democracy in that. The Labour movement has given real vitality to local government in all its forms. As far as the House is concerned, a major proportion of the Members on this side got their early training in administration, prior to entering the House, in local government.
The attitude of Members on local government reform cuts across party lines. Very largely, the way in which one regards the urgency of local government reform and the shape that it should take depends upon the experience of the individual—if he serves in local government, it depends upon the local government bodies on which he serves, and if he is a Member of this House without service in local government, upon the type of local government body within his constituency.
Perhaps I may take the war into the enemy's camp a little more and mention two hon. Members opposite who very worthily and ably represent their constituencies, and who are broadminded enough not to object to being used as examples. I refer to the hon. Members for Luton (Dr. Hill) and Mid-Bedfordshire (Mr. Lennox-Boyd). We have seen them in the House taking opposite sides on the structure of local government within the county of Bedfordshire. I am certain they will not disagree with me that had the hon. Member for Luton represented the Mid-Bedfordshire constituency, he would have put as able a case as did the hon. Member for Mid-Bedfordshire against the Motion in question. Equally, had the hon. Member for Mid-Bedfordshire been elected for Luton he would have felt it his duty to put Luton's case to the House.
Before the present hon. Member for Luton came to the House, his constituency was represented by an hon. Member on this side who took the view—and expressed it here very forcibly and ably—which the present Member for Luton now puts forward in regard to the future of local government in the County of Bedfordshire. It seems, therefore, that everyone's attitude to local government reform and its urgency really depends upon his experience in local government or upon his constituency interest.
My views on the reform of local government are the result of 20-odd years' work in urban district and county council work. Equally, during the war I had the privilege and honour of being a deputy-regional commissioner for the West Midlands and seeing at first hand 128 local authorities in that area working under the strain and stress, of war. It was remarkable that the local government machine, created in about the 1880's in the light of the problems of that day, stood up to the strain of war and performed a fine and really valuable service. Towards the end of the war, I was appointed by Mr. Willinck, the then Minister of Health in the Coalition Government, to be a member of the Reading Committee, which began to examine the problems of London's local government.
I frankly admit that my approach to local government reform arises from the experience I have had within local government and is coloured in that way. I should perhaps admit, in case they are quoted against me, that I have both written articles and made speeches on local government, although I am not the only one to have done that. One of these speeches I should like to quote now. Speaking on local government a long time before I entered the House, and certainly a long while before ever I thought I should have the honour of being the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Local Government and Planning, I said: That was the view that I took a long time before I entered the House.
It is true that since then, local authority associations have got together and are now jointly discussing the problem with a view to presenting an agreed report on the problems of local government and the reform that they feel ought to take place. I understand that those discussions are proceeding very satisfactorily indeed. I know that local government is not as serious a subject as foreign affairs, and that although people in local government are touchy, their problems are not as delicate as problems in foreign affairs, and the impact of words is not so serious. But I hope that what is said in our discussion in the House today will not disrupt the discussions now taking place within local government circles, and that those discussions will continue to proceed harmoniously, as I understand that they are now, and will produce workable agreed proposals.
I should like the hon. Gentleman to pursue that a little further. He said that he hoped these associations will come forward with agreed proposals. Are we to understand that if such agreed proposals come forward from those discussions, the Government will accept them?
The hon. and gallant Member has not been in the House very long, but I should not have thought that he would have put a question like that. Who can say, without knowing what any of the proposals are, that they will be accepted straightaway? The hon. and gallant Member would not believe me if I said "Yes"; and if I said "Yes," I should not be worthy of standing at this Box.
In other words, the hon. Gentleman is saying that these proposals which are to come forward will not be treated very seriously by the Government?
The hon. and gallant Member has no right to make such an irresponsible statement. What would he think of any spokeman who, without qualification, said on behalf of the Government that he was prepared to accept any proposals that were to be put forward by anyone? Surely any proposals that are put forward at any time ought to be considered by the persons to whom they are addressed.
Naturally.
The local authority associations' proposals will be considered. In the light of that consideration, if there is agreement, legislation will be brought forward—but that is anticipating a later stage in my speech. The view which the Government take is that the local authority associations should be allowed to continue undisturbed the discussions which are now proceeding, and the quicker they come to a conclusion the better the Government will be pleased. As I indicated just now, His Majesty's Government are prepared to consider the agreed proposals of the local authority associations and also to consider legislation arising from them.
What terms of reference are laid down?
None whatever. They are doing it on a voluntary basis because they have had approaches made to them, and I think many responsible people in local government have said that these individual vested-interest approaches to local authority associations were not doing credit to local government and local authority organisation.
It was suggested by large numbers of people in all the associations and by a large number of local authorities that they should get together and discuss the problems of local government and the services it provides. They started and are going on on that basis. In the absence of agreement between the local authority associations and, as my right hon. Friend has said on a number of occasions, in the present conditions and the state of the parties in this House, His Majesty's Government cannot see their way to introduce legislative proposals.
Does that mean that if agreement is not reached amongst the representatives of the associations of local authorities, the Government do not intend to bring forward a scheme of their own in the present Parliament?
In present Parliamentary conditions I would say yes, because, as I have said, there is no unanimity of views within each of the parties, and any Government which brought forward proposals for the reform of local government without the agreement of the local authority associations would need behind it a majority which would give it assurance that the main points of its proposals would be accepted by the House.
This is a terrifying dogma which we are hearing. What the hon. Gentleman is really saying is that nothing can be done in a democracy if we cannot be certain that a Government have a big majority, if it is a little awkward to do it. That is a grave reflection on democracy.
That is not what I said. What I said was that if we brought in a scheme for the reform of local government—a very important structure within our domestic system, responsible for the administration of power and authority given to it by this House—that scheme must be a scheme which has a continuity of purpose right through it. If a scheme were put before a House where the Government had a very small majority they could not be sure of getting the scheme through, and it would merely consist of piecemeal proposals and would not be a proper scheme of local government reform at all.
Until the proposals of the Government are announced to the House, how can the hon. Gentleman be certain that they would not be supported?
The important thing in local government is to have local government enthusiasts. While hon. Members opposite are asking that the House should determine the form and shape of local government, what we have been doing is really democratic. We are letting the local government associations, those which have to do the job, prepare a machine which they feel would be adequate to do the job.
Will the hon. Gentleman tell us when he asked local government associations to do this?
We have been in consultation with them.
I apologise for interrupting, but is it not a fact that the Gov- ernment have not asked the associations to do anything of the sort?
I am not prepared to argue whether they were asked or not asked in the early stages. Within my knowledge the local authority associations were discussing it. They are continuing their discussions and we have asked them to try to speed up their report. There has been full and ample consultation between the Ministry and the local authority associations and to infer that there is no contact between the local authority associations and the Ministry is entirely wrong.
The inference has been that the local authority associations have been acting completely independently and without the knowledge of the Government. They are being independent, that is the essence of local government, but they are acting with the knowledge of His Majesty's Government and when their report is submitted His Majesty's Government will consider it.
Hon. Members seem insistent that I should not draw attention to the Motion. It has been read by the hon. Member for Renfrew, West, and it says:
Surely I made clear in what I tried to say, that there has been an enormous amount of consultation. Obviously, there must be more, but we cannot go on indefinitely putting this thing off and waiting for someone to do the job of the Government.
Remarks in speeches and decisions on Motions are two separate things. The decision of this House is to be made upon the words of the Motion, and the Motion says, "forthwith." We are asked to go forward forthwith. There is no mention of agreement or consultation with local authority associations. I ask hon. Members oppo- site if they are prepared that we should go forward with the revision of boundaries without the consent of local authorities. If not, are they prepared that we should give a time limit, say 31st December, and say that then we shall put our own proposals forward?
We are entitled to know what hon. Members opposite mean, and the two hon. Members who have spoken have not said anything at all about the structure of local government. Airy-fairy speeches on local government reform do not get anyone anywhere and are unfair to local authority associations. It may be only a debating point, but the Motion first refers to the question of boundaries and then to functions. My view of local government reform is that we first have to determine the function and then to define the area and the structure which will provide the resources to enable those functions to be carried out effectively. It may be a debating point, I admit.
"Simultaneously" was several times stressed in my speech.
I am prepared to admit it, but, to return to my first point, the Motion says "forthwith," and that is not what hon. Members opposite said in regard to local government at the General Election. The National Liberal Party, although they said something about it in 1944, said nothing about local government in their election manifesto at the last General Election. Perhaps they did not think it important enough, or perhaps they were such close blood brothers of the Tories that they considered them selves covered by what the Tories said. In their election manifesto the Tories said —and I do not disagree with one word—
Did the hon. Member vote for it?
I would ask the hon. Member what he is to vote for tonight. The Tories said that they Liberals for it, although I think they are covered by it—"We will consult with local authorities and as soon as possible, after consultation, we will consider these things." Now they are saying, "We will do this forthwith, without consultation." That is what the House is being asked to endorse.
As the debate develops, and so that my right hon. Friend may have something concrete to reply to, those who take part, on both sides of the House, ought to state clearly, and without any chance of their being misunderstood, exactly what they mean. Do they mean after consultation and as soon as possible, or do they mean forthwith without consultation? I think that is not an unreasonable request to make in a debate in which we ought to discuss seriously one of the most important aspects of our democratic life, namely, the machinery which is to carry out the opportunities given to it by Parliament through legislation.
The hon. Member for Renfrew, West, has made other speeches about local government, and I am sure he will not object to my referring to one of them, in which he said:
Hear, hear.
The right hon. and gallant Gentleman says "Hear, hear," and I quite agree, but that is not what is said in this Motion. This Motion would impose someone else's will on the local government machine without consultation.
Some of the right hon. and gallant Gentleman's Friends do not believe in local government very sincerely, because at least four out of five of the letters I receive from Members—and I extend this to all parts of the House—are letters asking me, as Parliamentary Secretary to a Ministry which has some responsibility for local government, to force local authorities to do something they do not want to do. Particularly does that apply in matters such as housing. I have to reply to their letters saying that the letting and management of local authority houses is entirely a matter for the local authority concerned, and that I cannot intervene. When it suits, of course, local govern- ment is the right thing, but when it does not suit it is said that the central Government should enter the field and use its persuasive powers with the local government machine.
If I might repeat myself, so that it can be made clear, His Majesty's Government agree that local government structure calls for consolidation and reorganisation. We believe that that is best done in consultation with the local authority associations; and not only in consultation with them, but, if it is possible, in agreement with them, too. If it cannot be done by agreement, His Majesty's Government cannot see the possibility of action being taken within the lifetime of this Parliament.
There arise in local government also problems and events which may change the circumstances of quite a large number of local authorities. I think it is agreed that there should be a redistribution of population in this country. Many of our towns are already large enough and ought not to be allowed to grow. That is especially true of London. During this year, as the development plans of local planning authorities—the county councils and the county boroughs—come in, we shall for the first time get a picture of the possible trend of the redistribution of population and industry over the next five, 10 and 15 and 20 years.
That will mean that, with the large number of towns which are not to grow —as we believe they should not grow— the character of the areas will have to change; and not only the character, but the local government structure in many of those areas will change, too. We have to prevent what has been a problem of development, in the inter-war years in particular—the problem of the dormitory areas around large cities and the transport problems arising there from, such as the cost of transporting workers from their homes to their work.
We must, therefore, have a redistribution of the population. As hon. Members know, that is being done in two forms. One is the new towns which are being built. They are being built by development corporations, because in the areas where they are being built the local authority or authorities machines are not capable of handling the job; they have not the resources, and sometimes the new town cuts into two or three local authority areas. In addition to that, there are what are known as expanded towns, towns where the local authority is established and has the resources to undertake the job of receiving industries and workers from other towns which are already full enough.
But if the local authority is to do the job properly, with an orderly, well-developed expansion inside the town, it must have some financial assistance from the central Government to enable it to carry out this work. That is perhaps another reason why the immediate reform of local government might be delayed, but it is not an over-riding reason.
I agree that local government is vital to the democratic life of our country. I further agree with the hon. Member for Renfrew, West, that it is a first-class training ground in democratic life. Many of us on these benches have gone through that method of training and appreciate the real and vital place of local government within this machinery of government of ours. But we must admit that in the complicated world in which we live the local government machine as it stands will for a long, long while be in the main an administrative machine which takes advantage of the opportunities Parliament gives to it.
The hon. Gentleman has just said a most astonishing thing, if I got it right—I hope I did not. He said that he contemplated for the future that local government would be an administrative machine. That sounds dangerously like the quotations I was making earlier from pre-war Socialist writings.
That shows the hon. Gentleman's complete lack of knowledge of local government. Local government has never been anything but an administrative machine. A local authority has never been able to carry out a single act except by powers granted to it by this House; and if powers were required which were not within general legislation passed by the House the local authority has had to come to the House for special powers. It has always been an administrative machine, working within a framework created for it by Parliament.
What is worrying the hon. Gentleman is perhaps this—that the failure of the local government machine in the past has been due to the fact that 99 per cent. of legislation passed by the House was permissive; it said that local authorities "may" do something, and 999 out of every 1,000 Tory councils took that to mean that the local authority may not. Had local authorities over a period of years taken advantage of all the powers that have been given to them by Parliament—by Tory Governments, Liberal Governments, and the rest—this England of ours would have been a much better and much happier place than it is at the moment.
But Tory councils were largely concerned, not with giving effect to local government legislation, but with preventing things being done in their areas which Parliament had given them the opportunity to do. One has only to look at the difference between the standards of services in different parts of the country to see that local government is an administrative machine, deriving its power and authority from Parliament. Whether or not it took advantage of the opportunity depended on the type of local authority administering the area. It was the urge to get local government to provide, on a communal basis, those services which it was impossible for people to provide for themselves which brought many of us into local government. That was the first conception of local government.
I do not know if hon. Members opposite accept their own Tory conception of the functions of local government. They were, first of all, to provide collectively for the community those services which the community were unable to provide individually for themselves; secondly, to provide for the community services which it was unprofitable for private enterprise to provide; and, thirdly, in regard to certain services provided by private enterprise, even the Tories were wise enough to see that the person should be protected against fraud, whether by the building inspector, the inspector of weights and measures, the inspector of food and drugs, and so on.
How hon. Members opposite could infer that that is not an administrative machine and that it is one which can be worked outside the authority of Parliament, I do not know. It just shows that they have no real conception of what local government is, and I hope that the House will reject this Motion, because it reveals that hon. Members opposite have not a true knowledge of the functions and workings of local government.
5.2 p.m.
It is very difficult to take part in a debate where a Minister has made such misrepresentations of the whole history of local government. I have never before heard anyone argue that all the unprogressive local governments were Tory ones, as did the Parliamentary Secretary. He left out the case of Birmingham and all those leading municipalities which took the lead in every possible direction for the advancement of local government, the vast majority of which were councils controlled by Tory majorities.
If the hon. Member is going to say that hon. Members on this side of the House have no knowledge of local government and what it stands for, he is blinding himself to the whole history of local government, and I repeat that the speech to which we have just listened was a complete travesty of the facts. It showed a complete ignorance of local government affairs, and a failure to understand and appreciate that wonderful work has been done in the past.
One statement the Parliamentary Secretary made I should like to correct. Local government in this country has not been a failure. It has been a model for the whole world, and many of the services which have been provided have been the work of tens of thousands of councillors with Tory traditions. To say that is a failure is, I should think—
I am sure the hon. Member does not want to misinterpret what I said.
Certainly not.
What I said was that one of the failures of local government— and I repeat it here—has been the varying standards of services provided in different areas throughout the country, and that was caused by the fact that much of the legislation passed by this House was permissive, and the local authorities interpreted that permissive power in different ways.
Perhaps the wording of the Acts had something to do with that, but I maintain that local government has not been a failure. This is a matter which should be debated with less controversy and less party atmosphere, because I do not think that it should be a party question. I belong to an association, in which I hold office, where we have members of all parties as our delegates, and we succeed in having conferences and discussions on these matters which are not marred by the type of speech to which we have just listened.
I agree that one of the things we have got to work for is agreement between the Association of Municipal Corporations, the County Councils Association, the Urban District Councils Association and the Rural District Councils Association. They have been in conference for some time. There was a meeting of these four associations only this morning, and it is hoped that early in October it will be possible to finalise their recommendations for presentation to the Government. I hope these recommendations will be received by the Government in the spirit that action must be taken as soon as possible.
Forthwith.
I am surprised to hear so much emphasis on that word. All those interested in local government know that the discussions are going on, and, therefore, I would assume that they would interpret the word "forthwith" as meaning as soon as is reasonably practicable. I think that was quite clear from what was said by my hon. Friend the Member for Renfrew, West (Mr. Maclay). The word "forthwith" does not mean immediately, but it means that the Government should attend to the whole problem as soon as it was possible to do so.
The hon. Member is now admitting that "forthwith" is wrong, but the hon. Member for Renfrew, West (Mr. Maclay) said that if we could not accept "forthwith" because of the state of the parties we should have a General Election straight away.
I do not admit for a moment that "forthwith" is wrong. The Parliamentary Secretary must listen to the debate. I said that the word "forthwith" had been carefully explained by my hon. Friend and that he did not intend that it should mean "just now," as anyone connected with local government appreciates, but that action must be taken as soon as it is practically possible and when these recommendations from the local authority associations are forthcoming.
The hon. Member for Renfrew, West (Mr. Maclay), did not mention the local authority associations. As a member of one of them, I was listening to hear if he would mention them, but he did not.
Let us consider the problem in its essence. What really happened was this. In 1888 the Act to which reference has been made provided local government on a district basis in this country. In the original draft it was laid down that there should be only 10 what we now call county boroughs, and including London and nine other principal centres of population in this country. Unfortunately, during the course of the debates on that Act a process began which has gone on more or less ever since. Members representing large urban areas urgently pressed their claim that their particular areas should be among the favoured county boroughs.
And it is still going on.
Yes, it is still going on. When the Act finally came into operation there were 63 county boroughs instead of 10. Since then, there has hardly been a Session in this House without representations being made from some other urban area to be made a county borough. What is the result? The county borough areas in this country have steadily eroded area after area of wealth and population and destroyed not merely the financial basis of local government in this country, but tend to do away with the human interests in district after district.
I naturally am interested in different types of local authorities. I represent a constituency which includes one county borough, one urban district, and two rural district councils. I also happen to be the President of the Rural District Councils Association, and perhaps I tend to favour the rural area. It is in the rural area that we find the most representative, democratic government that you will find anywhere. People in the rural districts know their elected representatives very well, and each problem that comes up is not something that is read of in the newspapers, but something that is discussed in the "local," in the clubs, and of which we generally get a solution which represents the views of a large majority of the population on every problem as it arises.
Not only that, but the rural districts have proved themselves one of the most efficient forms of local government, and have done their work very well. From the Ministry of Local Government and Planning we have been told repeatedly that the best jobs in housing by any local authorities in the country are to be found entirely in the rural districts, and I do not think that the Parliamentary Secretary will contradict that.
I would say, with great respect, that it is just a slight exaggeration.
I am very interested to hear that, because we have had the right hon. Member for Ebbw Vale (Mr. Bevan), and we have had officials of the hon. Gentleman's Department, coming along to conferences of rural councils year after year and telling us, without any qualifications or any question of exaggeration, that the rural district councils were far ahead of any other authorities in housing.
The hon. Gentleman is talking about two different things. I take it that he was referring to the standards of housing construction. It is true that, so far as housing per head of the population is concerned, the rural councils are the highest, but only on that basis, and that is due to the fact that this Government has given facilities for rural housing that have never been previously granted in the history of the country.
It is all very well to say that, but if the rural district councils had not carried out their job properly the hon. Gentleman would not have got the results. The Ministry of Local Government and Planning complain that certain authorities have not fulfilled the task which they have been given. Broadly speaking, I am right when I say that the best jobs in housing—and I am only repeating what was said by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Ebbw Vale—have been done in the rural districts.
Therefore, if that be true, and when the larger local authorities are eating the heart out of the district councils, the task of re-arranging the local government of this country should be undertaken very urgently. Do not let us quarrel about the word "forthwith," but let us use the word "urgent." I do not suppose the Mover of the Motion would very much mind if the word "forthwith" was left out of it.
This is an urgent problem, and it is up to this House to realise exactly what is going on, what is the danger to the structure of local government in this country, and to see, in consultation with the associations of local authorities, that the task is taken in hand. Then, we may get a system of local government which will not merely repeat the successes of the past, but will ensure that the people who give their services voluntarily, as so many of them do in the local authorities, will be able in future to provide even better services.
5.14 p.m.
I think we are all agreed upon one thing, and that is the importance of local government to the life and well-being of the nation. Indeed, there are many of us who believe that local government is much more important to the life of the people than is national Government, and that the local council can do much more for the citizen than this House, as a House, can ever hope to do.
There is this to be said about our existing form of local government. It is a constant struggle. There is no end to the struggling which is going on, from the smaller to the larger, each one, when the time arrives, claiming more space for its citizens. I think it is true to say that most of us tend to regard local government from the point of view of that type of authority with which we are best acquainted. My own experience was with a county borough and arising from my experience of that borough, I would say that local government is a struggle between the overcrowded citizens of the county boroughs and the enmity of the under-populated county areas.
Whenever a county borough has sought additional space so that it might adequately house its over-crowded people. or so that it might provide open spaces, immediately the county has risen in arms, and the county borough, to succeed, has been forced, willy-nilly, sooner or later, to promote a Bill. No sooner does it commence to promote a Bill than the county authority instructs its officers to prepare opposition. Citizens in the county boroughs, therefore, are forced, because of their need for space, to impose upon themselves heavy financial liabilities arising out of the promotion of that Bill and, similarly, the ratepayers of the county area are also mulcted because they must foot the Bill for their opposition.
That has gone on for more than one generation, and it still continues. Unfortunately, no matter how dire may be the need for more space, it is still impossible for any overcrowded section of the population to acquire that open space, in the absence of voluntary agreement by the county, without the promotion of a Bill, and there is no guarantee, however dire may be the need of these people, that the Bill will be passed. Unfortunately, that is the position which still exists.
Is there any reason why the overspill from the overcrowded urban districts should not be absorbed in the county districts?
There is that possibility, but the houses are not there. The county districts, so far as I know, are not prepared and are not eager to provide the houses that will accommodate these people. If that were so, and if the houses were there, then, obviously, those who were in dire need of houses would move into them from the county borough, and, in that way, we should have a gradual building up of what was empty space in between and the gradual creation of another large city.
What I wish to suggest is this. I believe that we had an excellent piece of machinery by means of which the problems of local government could have been steadily and systematically faced and dealt with. That was the Local Government Boundary Commission, and I am exceedingly sorry that my own Government strangled it. I regard that as being an essential part of whatever machinery will eventually be found to be necessary for meeting local government complaints. I go further and suggest that the Local Government Boundary Commission should be reinstituted, and should continue to survey the whole area of local authorities and make an annual report.
I also think that a standing committee should be set up to deal only with local government matters, and that when the Boundary Commission submitted its annual report to the Minister, the Minister, having considered that report, might then refer it to the standing committee which, with the assistance of the Minister, would go steadily through it.
Does my hon. Friend mean a Standing Committee of the House?
Yes, a Standing Committee of the House, which would work in co-operation with the Minister and which would specialise in local government work. In this way, the annual reports of the Commission would receive steady and continuous attention from the Minister and from the Standing Committee. When they arrived at any decision, it should, I suggest, take the form of a Motion by the Minister to the House. In that way the problem could be solved without any of the acrimony which is now so prevalent and without the local bodies being compelled to impose or to undertake heavy financial burdens.
I wish to make one further point with regard to local government finance. I suggest that the time has long passed for compelling local authorities to impose upon owners of land a rate in precisely the same way as they now impose one upon the occupiers of property. I think that local authorities should not only be empowered, but required to assess the land in their areas in precisely the same way as they now assess the hereditaments. The time is long overdue when those who derive revenue from the activities of the community through the land which they own should be called upon to contribute towards the cost of the services which give that land its value.
5.24 p.m.
The House, I am sure, has listened to the speech of the hon. Member for Bootle (Mr. Kinley) with some interest because he has clearly taken the debate away from the unfortunate party line into which the Par- liamentary Secretary once more threw it. I hope the right hon. Gentleman will have a word with his hon. Friend, for on every occasion on which he addresses the House he pursues a ridiculous party line. His Ministry is not suited to that kind of activity. It is one which has to deal in a quasi-judicial manner with many local governments throughout the country, and it is unfortunate in having a Parliamentary Secretary who indulges so often in political bias in the House.
I confess straight away that I have not had the advantage of any association with local government. I am conscious of the fact that it would be a great advantage to me had I been a member of a local government before I came to this House. I feel that everybody who comes to this House without prior service with a local authority misses something. As I say, I am conscious of my lack of experience in that direction, and I try to make it good in ways open to me.
I think we all agree that there should be a change in the structure of local government, and the only extent to which I disagree with my hon. Friend is that I am not satisfied about the word "maintain." I am not convinced at the moment that local government is in a vital state. I believe that at the present time local government is being dealt a really vicious blow, that interest in local government is dying, and that we are faced with a situation far more serious than has so far been realised.
Local government is the nursery of democracy. We cannot afford to let it die, but that is precisely what is happening at the present time. In my remarks to the House, I do not wish to stress the dangers of the encroachment of the central Government. I agree that the central Government have taken away a great deal of the authority of local government, but I am not at all convinced that the present defects in local government arise entirely from the encroachment of the central Government.
Indeed, in saying that he will wait for the report of the local authority associations, the hon. Gentleman is perhaps not stressing the need and obligation of the House to consider the real necessities of local government. It is not right merely to say that they will do things if the local authority associations come to an agreed conclusion. In many ways, I hope that the local authority associations will not come to an agreed conclusion, because I feel that if they do it will not be one which will settle this problem in a satisfactory fashion.
I want now to deal for a moment or two with the defects of local government as I see them at present. The first fundamental defect is that it has ceased to be local. One cannot go up to one's local councillor in the street and ask him what has happened to a certain thing, and why it has not been done. He will probably say, "I am sorry, but you must go to your county councillor." If one then asks him where the county councillor is, he will probably not know. Again, having found and spoken to the county councillor, he will, in all probability, say, "I am sorry, but I could not attend that committee. It was 50 miles away, and I had a job to do."
Does not the hon. Member know that the electoral unit for the local council is the same as that for the county council, and that the county councillor lives on the spot?
I am saying that the major defect of local government at present consists in the state of urban district councils who have only one representative on a county council, and that there is, therefore, a complete divorcement of local people from real local government.
I find in my own local area that local councillors are losing interest. With what is the local councillor really left? He is left, if he is lucky, with the cemeteries and sewerage and has little say in local government. All the work is being done by the county council. I want to stress the danger of that structure. Before we can settle this problem, we must do something about the county councils, because during the last few years they have taken to themselves or had thrust upon them a great number of additional duties. As the authority of the urban district council has gone down, so the duty of the county council has gone up. This process has taken away almost all the interest in local government, and this difficulty has been intensified by the fact that in local government we now get an entirely different type of person.
If we were able to draw now upon the men we had in the past, the county coun- cil system might be satisfactory, but we can no longer draw upon them. The leisured class who could afford to spend one or two days on local government work 20 or 30 miles away from home no longer exist. It is true that hon. Members opposite can have representatives who are given an allowance for going those distances and so are able to carry on.
Surely the hon. Member recognises that every member of a county council is entitled to claim travelling expenses and subsistence allowance or the loss of any earnings.
That is perfectly true. I am not trying to make a party point here at all. Members of the Conservative Party who are on the county council can draw expenses in the same way as Members of the party opposite, but on the whole there are more difficulties in the way of Conservatives travelling and having time off than there are in the case of hon. Members opposite.
I have been a member of a county council but I worked for a boss. I had to ask for time off and I could only go if the boss said so. The railway company employing me were very good, but as far as the Tories are concerned, they are usually the bosses and they can leave their work any time.
I was not trying to make a party point of this. All I am saying is that it is true that in many instances hon. Members opposite who are members of county councils represent trade unions or some trade organisation. [HON. MEMBERS: "No."] On the whole, it is far easier for them to get off than it is for those employed in commercial businesses or even for those who have their own businesses, which may be small. At any rate, I am making the point, irrespective of party, that there is no longer in existence the kind of person who can travel these distances and give effectively of his time.
May I interrupt the hon. Member to say, for his information, that people serving on local councils of all kinds do not represent trade unions as trade unionists. They may have £5 to help them in an election but beyond that they go on the councils to serve as citizens, and that is all there is to it.
I am sure they do. I do not want to make a big point about this. When a previous speaker was interrupted and told there had not been a contest in a county council election, I must point out that it was because of the difficulty of finding people who could afford the time to travel. Clearly there are two ways of dealing with the problem. One way is to take away functions from the county council and transfer them to the urban district council. I do not think that transfer of functions as such is a method which one can commend to the House. Mere transfer of functions is simply useless.
We want to tackle this in a much more radical fashion. I know I shall have opposition when I say that my solution is the abolition of the county council as such. I know that members of county councils will consider this a most outrageous suggestion, but I invite their attention for a moment to the advantages of abolishing the county council. I have no doubt subsequent speakers will draw my attention to the disadvantages.
I think the abolition of the county council is essential. In its place I would set up a riding which, to the best advantage, would cover a population of about 120,000 and would have to have a population of not more than 250,000. This would be a viable unit which would have all the functions, or nearly all the functions, at present exercised by the county council, and it would be an area which would be administratively workable.
What are the advantages of doing away with county councils and establishing these ridings? The first is that it makes local government local once more. If we merely transferred the functions, we would have an inadequate machine to deal with the functions transferred; but a unit of from 120,000 to 250,000 people should provide all the facilities necessary for exercising the functions exercised by the county council. Secondly, and most important, it would make the councillors feel they really had a job and really had some authority.
Before the hon. Member leaves that point, would he be good enough to deal with the fact that if he were to have 120,000 or thereabouts as a minimum population, some of the areas where there are rural populations would be very large indeed and he would have to consider smaller units than that?
My reply is that that arrangement would be for the more normally populated areas. Clearly we should have to have different structures for places like London; and in counties like Westmorland, for example, this would not apply.
The further advantage I feel is that under this system one would get away from those long journeys and waste of days. I hope the House will appreciate how onerous it is for citizens to have to travel 30, 40 or 50 miles and waste a day. It is becoming increasingly difficult for them to do that, and unless we can adjust local government to something people can carry on in their spare time, we shall not have the local government we want.
At present we are not attracting the right type of man to local government. How many times have we heard it said by Conservative and Labour headquarters at a time of approaching local elections, "We cannot get anybody to stand for this ward or council seat." We ought to ponder very seriously why there is such a lack of interest. If we could have a unit which was really viable and had the powers of county boroughs, we would have a more real interest and much less waste of time, and men would feel they were really doing a worthwhile job.
A further advantage would be that these units would be less likely to be oppressed by the right hon. Gentleman the Minister of Town and Country Planning. I might say many things about him, but I would not suggest that he is oppressive. Quite clearly, however, if a central administration had to deal with many hundreds of authorities, it would be less likely to "get away with it" than if it were dealing with a handful of county authorities. If we established these ridings which I have in mind, there would be a chance of greater independence for those authorities because they would be greater in number. It is much more difficult to oppress a great number than a small number. Therefore, from the point of view of the freedom of local authorities, it would be an advantage.
There are other advantages to which I draw the attention of the House. We should save a great deal of money on administration. There is a great deal of unnecessary duplication of officials—clerks, surveyors, architects and others—when one has, as at present, two or three urban districts which together would form one of these ridings. There is no doubt about it that many of the men who are employed by urban district councils are not as good as they should be. The simple answer to that is that the urban council cannot afford to pay the price for a man with first-class qualifications.
If we could establish these ridings, we should have in the place of three or four men of lesser capacity one man of excellent capacity who would administer the area much better and save the area a great deal of money. As we know, when there is a job to do they very often have to employ outside consultants, whereas if we had competent men in charge of the departments within these ridings, we should save those consultation fees.
I have ventured to put forward these ideas, which are no doubt in conflict with what some of my hon. Friends will have in mind and with what those hon. Members opposite who have been county councillors will have in mind, but I urge these hon. Gentlemen not to reject out of hand what I have said, because I am convinced that we have somehow to arrange focal government in this country so that the ordinary man who wants to do this job in his spare time can get to the seat of authority and can feel that he is doing something worth while. I do not see how that can be achieved by anything short of a radical alteration in the existing structure.
This is perhaps a more suitable time to make the alteration than any other, because to a large extent hospital services and the utilities have been taken away from authorities, eliminating a factor which might have caused a great deal of trouble. Had such functions been retained in the areas it might have created a difficulty. Now is the time to consider some reform of this nature, and I hope that hon. Members who have been county councillors and who perhaps hope to remain county councillors for a long time will not deal too harshly with what I have said but will realise that some proposal along these lines is essential if we are to restore local government to its rightful place in our society.
5.42 p.m.
I think the House is indebted to the hon. Member for Renfrew, West (Mr. Maclay) for introducing this subject, which I thought he introduced in a very sane and non-party way, with the exception of one or two cynical allusions which did not matter very much. He gave us the idea that this matter is urgent, but no idea of what he had in mind for a reformed system of local government. If I may say so, the value of the contribution made by the hon. Member for Cheadle (Mr. Shepherd), if there is nothing else in it, is that it is an idea. I do not think much of it as an idea, but nevertheless it is an idea.
There was a very important omission from the speech of the hon. Member for Renfrew, West. He referred to functions, but he said very little more than that we had to consider functions. He did not say what the function of local government was. We have heard a great deal of criticism—I think justifiable criticism—about the transfer of authority, powers and functions from the smaller authorities to the larger authorities and from the larger authorities to the central government. But what caused that to happen?
I listened with very great interest to what was said by the hon. Member for Holland with Boston (Mr. Butcher), who seconded the Motion. In the geographical county of Lincolnshire there are three county councils and two county boroughs. When they came to administer the Blind Persons Act, there were four different schemes—four different scales for the benefit of the blind.
To meet criticism of the way in which that kind of service was administered, it was necessary to take some action. What has been said already by the Parliamentary Secretary is to an extent true—there were certain local authorities which were progressive and there were certain other local authorities which were not so progressive. It may not have been altogether their fault that they were not so progressive, because the financial system of local government did not enable everybody to do the same type of work. We can take as an illustration of that a fact which I have given before in the House, and which I think is apt.
Notwithstanding any grant under the formula, the administrative county of Lancashire, with a population of two million, raised about £45,000 by a penny rate, but the administrative county of Middlesex, with a population of two million, can raise £90,000 by a penny rate. It was not just progressiveness, therefore, which enabled Middlesex County Council to do work which Lancashire County Council could not do; the fact was that they had much more money with which to do it. That is one of the reasons why it is true to say that there is an urgent need for reform of local government.
I know I do not look old enough for it, but for over a quarter of a century I have been a member of a county council and I have also had the privilege of being vice-chairman of the County Councils' Association. During that time we were considering the reform of local government. The Rural District Councils' Association, the Urban District Councils' Association, the Association of Municipal Corporations and the County Councils' Association were all asked by the Government to consider the reform of local government. They all did so and they all submitted a report—and in every case the report was, "Give us more power; take it from the other fellow."
But the hon. Gentleman surely would not object if they all had more power provided it was taken from the central government and not from each other?
The point is that one does not settle a problem by looking only at one's own unit. What we have to do is to look at the whole thing, and one of the reasons why I welcomed the speech of the hon. Member for Cheadle was that it was made by somebody detached from prejudice. He is not a member of a county borough or of a county council and, therefore, he has no allegiance, he has no bias, he has no history which persuades him to say, "My affections are in a certain direction."
What a wide variety of opinion there is! There are those who, in different words, say, "What we want is a single all-purpose authority." I think that is all right in some parts of the country, but will it do in the sparsely populated areas of the country where to give them the population to enable them to do the work which has to be done would spread the authority over such a wide territory that, in point of fact, it would be almost impossible for them to do the work? What we want there is the two-tier system so that there can be a large authority, which will be responsible for certain planning functions, which will be the authority enabled to administer certain services requiring a big enough unit of population, but to divide the authority up into areas which will enable them to do the work.
Why is it that we had this rather rough and ready machine of the 1944 Education Act, with its divisional executives and its excepted districts? The reason was that everybody was saying, "We must have expanded and extended education." But when we came to look at it we found that in so many cases the Part III authority did not have a population big enough to enable them to administer secondary education. What was done was to give to the county council, which had been the Part II authority and had been dealing with secondary education, the power of administering the whole of education but to step the authority down to certain districts which would be enabled to do the job. It was a rough and ready method, but it has worked.
I am not altogether sure that we could not have made it rather tidier, but only if we had then started on the real reform of local government. Indeed, local government does not exist just to be a nursery for politicians. It is not just the door of democracy. It has a very definite purpose, which is to administer certain services which can best be administered as close to the people as possible. I suppose that it would be admitted that, broadly speaking, the social services can be divided into two parts. We are all agreed that the function of local government is the administration—the management, if the word "administration" is not liked—the management of the social services. Is it not true to say that there are certain of these services—despite all the sneers about efficiency—that can be better managed by a large authority?
If hon. Members care to go 15 or 18 miles from here to Mogden they will find a magnificent example of local government in action at work that could not be undertaken by a unit that administered anything less than a population of about 700,000. The Mogden engineering plant is the finest of its kind in the world.
I am referring to what is known as the West Middlesex Sewerage Scheme. It was impossible to get the local authorities in West Middlesex to join together to do this work. When the County Council undertook to do it the local authorities said, "We do not mind your doing it." The County Council was a wealthy one, and a unit with a smaller population could not undertake such a large engineering job.
Sewerage, drainage, water, gas, electricity—those mechanical things can best be done by large units. They can be done more cheaply by them. Nobody worries very much who does them provided he gets the benefit of as efficient a service as possible cheaply. It does not matter very much who does the work. It is not a question of giving interests to certain people who get elected on to a certain body. Provided that benefit is obtained we can call the body doing the work anything we like. We can call it a board or a regional board or anything else. What is wanted is the benefit of the service to the people.
That is one type of service. Then we have other types of services. We have education, we have health. In these it is necessary to have something besides efficiency. In these services it is not only what we do that is important: it is the way in which we do it. If there is control from a remote centre there is not that same quality which is required to make the work successful. By successful I do not mean only the curing of the patient.
Services of this description do not exist just to prevent people from dying or to cure them of diseases, but to supply them with the best of understanding and sympathy as well as and at the same time as the technical treatment; and that understanding is best given by those as near to the administration of the treatment as possible. What is required there is again a two-tiered system. We want a body that will plan to ensure that there will be equitable distribution of the nation's resources.
We have to look at the nation as a unit first of all. Then we have to arrange that there will be a body that can plan to ensure that there shall be the maximum degree of benefit given to the recipients of the services locally, by carrying the plan into operation locally; and this carrying out of the plan locally should be stepped down to the smallest possible point, so that there can be contact between those who are responsible for the management of the service and those who are the recipients of it.
There is one very big thing we have to do before we can get very far in this matter. I have every sympathy with the Minister. This is not a simple job. We are not going to solve the problems of local government forthwith. That really cannot be done. In every political party, whether the Conservative Party or the Liberal Party or the National Liberal Party or the party of the Liberal Unionists or the Socialist Party, there are differences of opinion. There are those who believe in regionalism. There are those who argue this from the basis of mathematical accuracy. But life is not based on a mathematical formula. There are emotions to consider. There are the spirit and the feeling of the people to consider. These things have to be taken into consideration when we come to the important question of determining how this service is to be reformed.
We have got to admit that what has happened is that local government in this country has grown up. There have been needs expressed; and the Government of the day did their best to meet them at the time they arose. The result is that at present we have really a patchwork. We have parish councils, rural district councils, urban district councils, municipal boroughs, county boroughs, county councils, as well as a mass of ad hoc authorities, joint boards—specially appointed bodies because the existing units of local government were not sufficient for the purposes those bodies were formed to carry out.
As a consequence of that patchwork we find that there is a very serious weakness in the administration of the social services at the present time. That weakness shows itself in what I can best describe as division of responsibility in function. I suppose I ought to apologise for introducing the National Health Service because hon. Members will think that I am unable to talk about anything else. However, the illustration lies there. We have got a local authority, the education authority. A child is reported as being ineducable. As soon as a child is reported as ineducable—it may be that he is mentally defective—he becomes the responsibility either of the county council or the regional hospital board. If it is believed that he can take advantage of the county council's provisions for what are known as occupation centres he can go there. If he is not, he will go to a colony or a hospital controlled by the regional hospital board. So that there is a division of responsibility in function in dealing with the mentally deficient.
Then there is the case of tuberculosis. The chest officer—that is, the physician in charge of the chest clinic—is appointed jointly by the local authority and by the regional hospital board. The local authority provides the lay staff for that chest clinic, but the physician is paid by two bodies: he is paid by the regional board and by the local health authority. The local health authority never troubles about the clinical work. The physician does that soely with the regional board. That regional board may say, "We think that the chest officer, in addition to doing his work at the chest clinic, should undertake observation and assessment of cases in beds in the hospital." As soon as the local authority realises that some of the doctor's time is to be given to that work there is need for adjustment of the amount of duty he does in the chest clinic. That is clumsy. That is not a good way of doing work.
Then there is the care of the old people. Here is an anomaly which the introduction of the new health service has made very apparent. An old person who is not suffering from any illness—is not being treated by a doctor and so is not a patient —is in need of care and attention. Such persons fall to be dealt with by the county council or the county borough, the local health authorities. If they need to go into a home or hostel they are assessed if in posession of income in accordance with their ability to contribute to their maintenance; but if they are wise enough to be ill they go into a hospital where they get treatment for nothing.
But, there is a type of old person who is on the border line, where the local authority says, "We really cannot take them into one of our homes, they are hospital cases." The regional board says, "They are not suffering from any disease, they are not hospital cases "—and those cases fall between two stools. There is also the fluctuating type of case, such as the asthmatic old person, who may be ill enough to warrant admission to hospital but who by the time a bed is available is well again. There are anomalies. A person who is sick in hospital draws 26s. a week for eight weeks, then 16s. a week for 12 months, and the amount is subsequently reduced to 5s., but if the person is not sick and goes into a welfare home there is a reduction to 5s. at once.
These divisions create anomalies and they cry out for reform of local government. But, when we talk of local government we have got to decide what functions it has to perform. A machine is not created to do the job until one knows the job it has to do.
The things the hon. Member is quoting have nothing to do with local government. They are entirely the fault and responsibility of the central Government.
That is not the case. I am indicating the weakness of divided responsibility for functions.
Done by the central Government.
The county council is still a unit of local government. If the hon. Member will admit that then he will admit the county council is the body responsible for providing homes for old people. When he does that he will face up to the problem of the borderline case of sickness and health. Then he will face up to the question of the old person who goes into one of these county council homes and falls ill. On falling ill he should be given a bed in hospital. In each case the financial basis is quite different. These anomalies have to be faced. They have been created as a result of a desire to expand our social services without creating an efficient machine to do the job. What we have done is to say, "We will have these improved social services and we will depend upon the existing machine to do the work," when that machine has been incapable of doing it. I am not going to say that I have any ready-made cut-and-dried solution, but I contend the broad principles are there to see.
I contend that what is required is a two-tier system of local government where the larger unit shall be responsible for planning and for the administration of that aspect of the work that demands large populations for their success, and that there should be a stepping down to minor authorities of that degree of work they are best able to do. If we get a report from this joint committee of local government associations, I expect it will be found that they will say, "Let the Government return to us all they have taken away and everything in the garden will be lovely." I do not think that will be true. I think what is first required is that there should be a minimum standard laid down throughout the country for social services and then a delegation to the unit best able to perform the work required to be done.
6.6 p.m.
I am sure the House has listened with great interest to the views of the hon. Member for Tottenham (Mr. Messer) on this complicated subject of local government reform. Broadly, I agree with many of the things he said in the earlier part of his speech, but I feel that in a debate of this nature it is quite impossible to go into the detail he did. I must, in the light of the speech of my hon. Friend the Member for Cheadle (Mr. Shepherd), feel a little chary of confessing to the fact that I am the Vice-Chairman of the Essex County Council in case I meet with some appalling accident in the Lobbies. I may refer later to some of the remarks my hon. Friend made, because there is, after all, certain substance in them.
I feel that in considering this immense problem we should realise exactly how large it is. There are many estimates of the amount of money administered by local authorities. I have been very much interested to see in an admirable review of local government finance in "Lloyds Bank Review" of July, that on revenue and capital account the figure was put at no less than £1,200 million per annum. That is administered by more than 1,500 councils of different sizes. It seems to me that those of us in local government regard ourselves as really admirable public-spirited people, that we do a lot for nothing and get a lot of kicks and none of the halfpence; while people outside local government regard us as busybodies and people fond of our own importance. Possibly, as in many other matters, the truth lies betwixt and between.
I do not think the human side of this problem has been quite sufficiently stressed. One must take account of the people themselves and of the many thousands of councillors who have to administer the great duties thrown upon them. I should like, if I may, to say what is in my mind as regards a fairly large county authority, I think about the third largest in the country—about one million acres in extent—with 43 local authorities on whom we precept. It seems to me that in regard to these functions which have come our way from central Government and have been taken away from the local authorities, it is a little difficult for these local authorities to remember that it is always more blessed to give than to receive. Possibly that applies with more force in the case of county council precepts which amount to 70 or 80 per cent. of the total rate of the 43 authorities.
I quite agree with my hon. Friend that the county councillor, or even the county alderman—I am one—is a very low form of human life, and we have to put up with a certain amount of criticism of county hall in our local towns and villages. We have no sort of local paper to stand up for the county council, while each of the 43 local authorities in my county has its own paper to put its own interpretation on the proceedings at county hall. But I make no complaint as to this.
If we are to do the job properly on the human side we in local government have to do a lot of field work covering as far as we can the schools, hospitals and town and country planning arrangements with which we may be concerned. There is no doubt at all that in these very large authorities it is very difficult for people, busy as they are today, properly to achieve that. I associate myself with the hon. Member for Tottenham. I think there is room for the two-tier authority. At the same time I think there is room, and indeed it should be considered as to how big authorities like the county councils might in future deal, broadly speaking, with some of the duties they have.
I do not want to go into details because I think that is a mistake in a debate of this nature, but I believe that there will be universal agreement that a large authority will have to deal with things like planning, and, I think, the fire service itself. I should have thought that in the matter of health, although there was a good deal in what the previous speaker said, that the Part III domiciliary health service could easily go back to the local authorities and away from the county councils.
Education takes about 70 per cent. of the total expenditure of county councils, and I do not know what we should do about that. It has its local divisional executives, and I believe that in this very local, vital service it may be possible that primary and secondary education should not be completely under the purview of the county councils as it tends to be today; but, of course, further education would, I think, have to be under the county councils. On the question of mental health, I think that would have to be under the big authority because, except in most unusual districts, what are known as the catchment areas would not contain sufficient people to fill a large mental home.
One of the fundamental things in local government is finance, and I should like to dwell on that matter for a moment or two. The present Minister of Local Government and Planning was responsible for the cheap money policy which came into operation in this country at the end of the Second World War. Serving on a number of committees at that time, when my party was in a minority, one could not help receiving the impression that there was money to burn. I have been very much interested in reading a book published in 1948 on the subject of local government, called "British Local Government" by E. C. R. Hadfield and James E. MacColl. The opening passage of chapter 5 on finance contains these words: the matter of local government finance is very complicated, and people do not always appreciate that the spending of capital in one year merely means that there will be immediately and in subsequent years additional cost to the revenue and a further burden upon the rates.
The Exchequer equalisation grant has already been referred to. I have here a statement of a return by the Society of County Treasurers showing the rates to be levied for the financial year ending 31st March, 1952. It shows in one column what the incidence of the rate is before taking account of the exchequer equalisation grant, and, in another column, what the effects on the various rates of the 61 county councils will be, having regard to it. It is clear that there are still a great many anomalies. I think it is also clear that the expenditure to be borne by the rates in future years will continue to increase. The implementation of education, health, children's welfare and all these things is still tending to go up.
I do not see how it is possible for the rates to rise beyond a certain measure. Local authorities have only a limited method of obtaining their finances, and further increases there are not entirely consonant with the change in the value of money and the change in general expenditure which has taken place during the last five or six years. For this reason alone, the whole of local government requires carefully looking at.
From the human point of view, the problem of functions and, indeed, from the problem of general stability, there is no disagreement in the House that something will have to be done about it. There is no general agreement, and obviously it is impossible to argue here, as to how it should be done. I agree that there have been discussions between the various authorities, but I think that in the light of what has been said previously the tendency might be if they did produce—and I think they will—some agreed recommendations, they must inevitably be in the nature of a compromise which might not be completely satisfactory.
Another matter to which the hon. Member for Bootle (Mr. Kinley) referred was the Local Government Boundary Commission, and he regretted that it had been wound up. The Parliamentary Secretary seemed to me, in part of his speech, to indicate that we were anxious to impose upon local authorities our will in the matter of reform of local government without further consultations. As a matter of fact, the Report of the Local Government Boundary Commission for 1947 shows that during the two years in which they were in operation there were 598 conferences with various local authorities, and there is embodied in that Report some admirable recommendations. I do not say that we necessarily agree with all of them, but here is a very genuine effort, by very able people, completely unbiased, to arrive at a conclusion in this matter.
I suggest that the Government have completely changed their ground in this matter. When the Local Government Boundary Commission was very abruptly wound up, we were told that it was because the government of the day had almost ready some magnificent proposals for this very purpose. Then there came along the election, and they said: "No, we have not got these; no Government in this particular position as between the parties would dream of doing anything about it." I know that many hon. Members would like to speak on this complicated subject, and I think that there is a danger of getting into too much detail. It is, however, not contradicted anywhere when it is said that something ought to be done about it.
It is not really to the credit of the Government that they should always remain in the position of standing trembling on the brink and fearing to launch away. I believe that when a new Government comes in, they will tackle this problem, and I do not under-esimate what a very big problem it is, whether in boundaries, functions or finance. I think, with all respect, that my hon. Friends today have done a great service in bringing this matter yet once again to the attention of the House and the country.
6.20 p.m.
I want to join issue right away with the hon. Member for Chelmsford (Mr. Ashton) on the question of the Local Government Boundary Commission Report for 1947. In the very first chapters of that Report they refer to the weakness of the power given to the Commission in the Act which brought them into existence. Let me quote from the first page:
"Indeed, as stated in our 1946 Report, we found that in a few areas immediate action was required if housing or other urgent municipal development was not to be hindered, and in these cases we have already announced provisional decisions so as to give guidance to the local authorities concerned. But we have definitely reached the conclusion that in many areas—and these cover the great bulk of the population—our present powers and instructions do not permit the formation of local government units as effective and convenient as in our opinion they should be. Thus the alternatives before us were to make Orders which would in many cases have resulted in second best arrangements or, taking the opportunity presented to us by our statutory duty to make an Annual Report, to set out our views.
We should add that much of our report is devoted to the subject of functions of local authorities. Our experience amply confirms the statement made recently in Parliament by the Minister of Health: 'Everyone who knows about local government feels that it is nonsense to talk about functions and boundaries separately. They have to be taken together …' We have no jurisdiction over functions."
I quite agree, but my idea would have been to keep the Local Government Boundary Commission in being and widen their powers so that they could have included functions.
We kept the Boundary Commission in existence until they had the opportunity of examining the problem of local government in this country to see how far they could proceed. Definite opinions were held by the people who represented different authorities as to the kind of local government we ought to have. The Local Government Boundary Commission during three years examined the problem in detail, and they reached the conclusion that boundaries and functions could not be separated.
Therefore, if blame there be on this Government, it is that they did not immediately proceed, when this Report was, received, to give the Local Government Boundary Commission additional powers; but they did keep in mind that in the closing stages of the war, where the Coalition Government invited the various local authority associations to examine this problem and to submit reports, it was found that each one of the local government associations reported that it was their particular form of local government that was the best for the people. For instance, the Rural Councils Association were very emphatic that what was required to make local government up to date in this country was an increase in the powers of rural authorities. The Urban District Councils Association, of which I was a member for some time before entering this House, were equally emphatic and the non-county boroughs drew a distinction between themselves and the county boroughs.
Is it suggested that in that type of atmosphere it would have been perfectly easy for the Government to have introduced legislation? As my hon. Friend the Parliamentary Secretary has said, in this Parliament and also in the last we have witnessed debates such as that on the Luton Bill and on a Bill to extend the boundaries of Sheffield, and we have found hon. Members on this side who are usually in the same Lobby, but on this matter opposing the giving of these powers to Sheffield and to Luton. Equally, there were hon. Members from both sides of the House in the Lobby in support of those powers. What is the use of talking about this problem being easy and complaining that this Government or any other Government had not tackled this problem of local government reform when there is not a general measure of agreement on the subject?
It is, therefore, I think interesting and to be welcomed that at last the four local authority associations are now in consultation, and I hope, for the benefit of local government generally, that when their report is issued there will be some conclusive recommendations, and that they will not attempt, each in their own way, to argue, as they did at the end of the war, that the particular type of local government to which they belong ought to be given additional powers.
The hon. Member for Cheadle (Mr. Shepherd) suggested that what was required at the present moment was the abolition of the county councils. I wonder whether he realises that there are at the present moment 22 county councils with a lesser population than the optimum figure which he suggested. Does he suggest that they ought to be abolished or that they ought to be extended? It may be that a figure of 120,000 of a population might be the right figure, but I think that very largely depends upon the particular community. For example, in Birmingham a figure of 120,000 would mean dividing that city into some 10 separate authorities.
We have to deal with the problem of the big towns and the countryside. The most difficult problem of all is where there is a close and heavy industrial population set in the centre of a tremendous rural area. I am thinking of some parts of South Wales, which I know fairly well, and some of the parts of the county of Durham, where, because there is an industrial organisation and a town set in the middle of a rural area, there is to be found a higher standard of amenity, because of the higher rateable value in that industrial area, as compared with the amenities provided in the surrounding countryside. As a consequence people naturally drift towards the centre, because of the higher standard of amenity.
Linked with this problem of the provision of amenities is that of the rehabilitation of the agricultural industry. Unless we can provide the same standard of amenity as obtains in the neighbouring town for the agricultural worker and his wife we have no right to ask them to remain in the countryside. Therefore, I say that the principle of the big industrial town remaining entities for local government purposes, regardless of the standard of amenity that is provided in the surrounding countryside, is not good enough for the year 1951.
In the main, the industrial town is dependent for its prosperity on the prosperity of the surrounding rural areas, and it therefore ought to have some regard to the amenities provided there. For those general reasons, as my hon. Friend the Member for Tottenham (Mr. Messer) pointed out, and because of the fact that some of these functions can best be performed by a big unit, I believe that the two-tier system of local government has a good deal to commend it. For general overall and planning purposes, we could establish fairly big units of local government, but within the region there ought to be established very much smaller units with adequate powers.
May I say as an aside, if we are to have legislation of that kind, let it be written into the statute on this occasion, and not depend upon the members of bigger authorities conceding the necessary powers to the lower authorities. Half the trouble in connection with the administration of the Education Act has been because the promises of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Saffron Walden (Mr. R. A. Butler), who was the then Minister of Education, and my right hon. Friend the Home Secretary who was then the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Education, have not been given effect to by the county councils of this country.
A further problem which exercises the mind and makes the matter far more difficult is the size of the various authorities. We in this House are fond of talking in terms of designation. I wonder how many people realise that there are 38 urban district councils in this country with populations of less than 2,500 and that there are two at the other end of the scale with populations of more than 100,000. There are 19 non-county boroughs with populations of less than 2,500 and, at the other end, 50 non-county boroughs with populations exceeding 50,000.
It is, therefore, useless to talk about conceding functions to authorities by designation. Whereas it would be possible for urban districts with populations of 25,000 and more to exercise a number of functions which have been taken away from them, it is physically and financially impossible for an urban district with a population of 2,500 adequately to perform such functions. I suggest to the Minister that we ought not in future to talk in terms of powers by designation but should as far as possible bring similar types of authority up to similar levels of population. It will then be possible to concede to those authorities functions of a similar character.
There is no doubt that local government ought fairly rapidly to be reorganised. Apart from those of us who have experience of local government, any Member of Parliament who takes his job seriously must realise that a large number of the problems facing our people arise because local government reform is long overdue. The fact that it is long overdue ought not to impel us to take action in a hurry. The present form of local government has lasted for more than 50 years; let us try to build a new system of local government which will last just as long.
I welcomed the information given by the hon. Member for Burton (Mr. Colegate) that within a reasonable measure of time we can expect the report of the joint representatives of the local authority associations. I hope that in some measure the recommendations will be unanimous and that whatever Government is in office will give the recommendations careful consideration and will proceed, in the interests of our people, to reform local government as quickly as possible afterwards.
6.33 p.m.
I shall confine my remarks to certain aspects of the problem which come within my personal experience. One of my chief complaints is that for the sake of orderly planning every problem is treated alike. Take the health services. In the city in which I served for some years the health services, particularly the child welfare service, were taken away from us and given to a larger authority. The result was that the standards of those services fell in a very short time.
Before the services were transferred they were supervised by a small body of locally elected councillors who made it their business very frequently to visit the nurseries and other premises, and the result was that the local people knew all about them. Now all that has gone. Under the new system we get instances such as that in Cornwall recently where there have been criticism in the county council because they have to pay for such services as the ambulance service when they really have little or no control over them.
The Ministry of Local Government and Planning, with their over-riding power to decide on appeals and so on, say that very often they can make a better judgment than the local people can. In a recent case in Cornwall where there was an inquiry they over-ruled local opinion which was against them. In reply to a Question which I put to him the Parliamentary Secretary said, "Surely your local people are out to preserve the amenity of the place in which they live." The trouble was that one of the persons concerned in the inquiry was not a local but someone who had come there in order to make money out of the visitors. That surely was an example of the local people really knowing what is best for the area.
I can quote another case on the same lines. There is a certain authority in West Cornwall which has a good housing record. Its housing allocation was cut and it applied for a review. The authority was told by the Bristol Regional Office, "No, I am sorry. The Government has said that only so many houses may be built, and therefore you cannot build any more." Happily, I was able to quote the statement of the Minister for Local Government and Planning that he was prepared to give consideration in special cases. This was raised with the officials in Bristol and their decision was reversed. That shows how people in distant places may not always be right.
When I was serving in this city we were asked, as local authority, by one of the Ministries if we would sanction the rebuilding and restitution of a restaurant in the West End. I was one of those who at that time said it was wicked and wrong that this restaurant should be rebuilt when we had a grave housing problem. We refused sanction. We were told by the Minister, "You must not take a parochial view. We are granting the licence." Is not the local authority in a better position to judge whether such a proposal is right or wrong?
Turning again to county structure, last Saturday the hon. Member for Falmouth and Camborne (Mr. Hayman) and I attended a meeting of a local school body at which was discussed the advisability of building and utilising certain school premises in West Cornwall. We were told that the decision of the Ministry was so and so. A county councillor who was present said that he had been told something different. Would it not be very much better if the council were in a position to say, "We have been allocated a certain number of schools in our administrative area and we will decide, from our knowledge of the areas and the problems, whether the schools to be provided should be primary or secondary ones according to the needs of the area"?
Much has been said, and will be said, about the loss of the services of the best men and officials which has been consequent upon the loss of local government powers. It is all very well to say that they are still administration bodies, but if the local authorities have no power to make their own final decisions it means that they are in a sense rubber stamps. My hon. Friend the Member for Renfrew, West (Mr. Maclay), said it had been suggested that the central administration could produce quicker results. In some cases it certainly can. An instance has occurred—the case is sub judice, and so I will say nothing more about it—in which a certain central administration has tried to produce results which are very much too quick and the people of West Cornwall are digging in their toes.
The Parliamentary Secretary rather unfairly implied that Tory or, as some of us would like them described, non-party authorities, as many were in the past, have not done much for their people. If any hon. Members make use of the river bus service between the South Bank Exhibition and Battersea Park they will see a most astonishing housing project on starboard or right-hand side going up river, built by a Tory council which has, incidentally, one of the finest refuse disposal plants in the world. How many people know that? I am waiting for an interruption.
The trouble is that you did not make proper use of the refuse plant.
I am afraid that the hon. Gentleman has picked on the wrong person, because I happened to be chairman of that committee for three years and we have a system of land reclamation for the Pitsea Marshes which is one of the finest examples of dealing with refuse which have ever been undertaken by any local authority. Furthermore, we are co-operating with other local councils by taking some of their refuse to help them out.
I suggest that we should not be hard and fast in these matters. We should find out whether, in the case of some of the big and efficient authorities, some of their health services could not be returned to them so that they may be run with that personal touch about which I thought the hon. Member for Tottenham (Mr. Messer) spoke so movingly, as he must do with his great knowledge and experience. I should like to see on the part of the Government a statement or an investigation made as to how we could improve county planning autonomy—whether it would be better, in the case of disagreement over a local appeal, for it to be decided in the courts by the local justices, or at any rate by a local body. That may be a controversial point.
It is one of the most important jobs of all of us in this House to realise that, as the hon. Member for Tottenham said, local authority is not the door to the House of Commons. It is the basis of democracy. After all, it is upon those men who can be approached by their friends and electors in the streets or in the countryside that this function should depend. Otherwise one is leaving it to men and officials. Often with no local knowledge of the area. Let us give some hope and encouragement to those men throughout the country by showing not only that we appreciate the services they have rendered in the past, but that we can rely upon them to give useful, efficient, effective and unselfish service in the future.
6.42 p.m.
When I looked at this Motion it reminded me of discussions on Motions in which I took part in my younger days and afterwards put up my hand and voted for them and said, "Well, that has settled that." In fact, a Motion urging that something should be done forthwith, which everybody knows cannot be done forthwith, remains only a pious hope. The problem has been stated ad nauseam. Everyone knows the problem of local government. It is to find suitable units of local government in order that they may be democratically controlled and function efficiently. In my experience of local government the two do not necessarily go together. Our difficult job, therefore, is to find a way in which democracy can function in local government and still remain efficient.
I suppose that democratically the best type of authority is the all-purpose one; that is, one elected body covering a suitable area to which every local government elector can look for all the services in that area. In fact, however, the type of services vary to such an extent that it is virtually impossible to define a suitable type of area. For instance, what is entirely suitable for maternity and child welfare certainly would not be at all suitable for technical colleges. That might be an argument for taking technical colleges out of the area and putting them somewhere else, but what we are losing all the time is the essence of democracy.
Therefore, we come back to the issue of how large an area we can have to maintain democratic control, what is the sparsity problem, what is the density problem and, out of those, to endeavour to come to some conclusions. After some experience of this matter I have come to the conclusion that a two-tier system of local government is inevitable. We have such areas which are obviously all-purpose authorities and can be made so. We have some others which now have county borough status which ought not to have it because they are not big enough to exercise their functions efficiently over a wide range of services.
Approximately what size are the authorities to which the hon. Member refers?
When I can give the answer to that question, and when there is some degree of agreement upon it. I shall have solved the problem of the future of local government.
The hon. Member has mistaken—
It would be unwise of me to mention a figure, because I happen to know some of the figures that are being quoted among authorities at the present time.
I am sorry it I did not make myself clear. The hon. Gentleman said there were certain county boroughs which, owing to their size, should not have it. I wondered what was their population.
If I gave a personal view I would say that no county borough with a population of less than 60,000 ought to exercise county borough functions. If we are to develop a two-tier system of local government, it is conditional upon that type of development. I might want to put the figure higher but it should not be less than that. However, I do not want to be tied to a figure at this stage.
The more I see of local government administration, the more I am struck by how we have gone wrong. We started to go wrong with the Education Act because we dealt with it on a functional basis without getting down to the main problem and we have been doing it ever since. In some respects that may have simplified the problem, but in others it has made it more difficult.
As a result of the Education Act we have the worst of both worlds from an administrative point of view. We have put in more cogwheels and we have not helped the democratic control of the machine. Hon. Members on both sides were partners in the 1944 Act and, therefore, they must take some measure of responsibility for the constant struggle going on between divisional executives and local education authorities. It is not making for good local government or good administration.
For example, we find that by creating fewer units we are absorbing even more manpower than would appear to be necessary. If we had all-purpose authorities then there would be a great increase in the total volume of manpower used. I have seen in my own county that administrative efficiency is of great importance. It is bound to be in any large authority. I have encouraged to a certain extent the mechanisation of certain processes formerly done manually by clerks. It has resulted in a considerable saving in manpower and the job is performed not less efficienctly but probably more so.
But what would happen if it were suddenly decided that this unit was too large? Inevitably the answer is that mechanisation cannot be afforded in very small units because the machines cannot be kept fully occupied. That is the argument in favour of a larger type of authority. On the other hand, as soon as one starts to devolve authority from a large to a small authority on a two-tier basis, the lower authority always complains about the extent of the direction exercised from the top, and that they have no real responsibility. In the evolving of a two-tier system, therefore we have to find ways and means by which the lower tier exercises full responsibility.
I favour a type of budgetary control. It worked generally in the difficulties of the last war. It was the method by which the Treasury controlled the large authority and the large authority controlled its county districts, and it seems to me that on the whole it worked very well and devolved a fairly large measure of responsibility.
That raises another issue. At present, we cannot unfortunately, consider local government outside the possibilities of war-time requirements. If we prove that the major planning for war-time purposes must be on a very large scale—we cannot plan it on a small scale—that must inevitably have some bearing on the general problem of local government and the type of unit which it is proposed to have for the exercise of the functions. We can have a wide variety of service, we can have a varied service over varying areas, but out of this there are all sorts of problems which the Motion certainly does nothing to solve.
It may, as a result of our discussion, re-state our problem, but by the time we have finished we shall probably have frightened the Minister further and further away from giving a decision with regard to local government at the present stage because we are all concerned in stating the problems without in any way being able to offer an effective solution.
I have great hopes of the present meeting of the four associations, certainly with regard to three of them. There is a very good chance of getting a measure of agreement. I shall not name which of the four I except, or I may land myself in difficulties, but Members can use their imagination. It is inevitable that if a system will take away powers from some authorities, those authorities resist it. The problem, unfortunately, is not one solely of local government. It is not a question of what is best for local government as a whole but rather the attitude of, "How does it affect my authority? How does it affect my standing as a councillor." It is unfortunate that that sort of thing is still far too prevalent in local government, and I wish that we could get away from it.
There is one thing which the Minister might do which would form a preliminary basis, which would be helpful to all of us and would be helpful also to the associations. In the Local Government Act, 1948, one of the major functions was the transfer of the powers of valuation from local authorities to Inland Revenue. The date fixed for the first valution was, I believe, 1951. Those of us who at that time were Members of the Committee upstairs thought that that was much too long a period and that the task ought to be done in very much less time. We said that if the local authorities had been doing it, they would have done it in a couple of years. They can still do it in a couple of years.
But what do we find? We found that the new valuation was put back to 1952. We now find that it is put back to 1953, and I have reason to believe that 1953 will not see the result. I believe that the Inland Revenue are being most dilatory in the way in which they are dealing with this problem of the new valuation list. When one remembers how many years it is since we had a valuation list, one can appreciate that it is important that the standards of values ought to have been revised long ago.
The Inland Revenue, so far as I can ascertain, are going along very steadily and slowly; that it is doubtful in any case whether they will present us with a complete valuation list. They are to give us a sort of piecemeal job—a little bit here, a litle bit there, pushing a bit off from year to year and leaving the major problem—the revaluation of dwelling houses, to get some degree of uniformity through the country—to the dim and distant future. We are in the second half century, and are bound to get it some time, but I am not at all sure that I shall be any longer interested in it by the time we get it.
This is a serious matter, because when we accepted the principles of the new type of equalisation grant that system was based on the assumption that the Inland Revenue would proceed with all speed and determination to provide a new valuation list, so that the system operated fairly. At present, it does not operate fairly, and it cannot possibly do so unless there is some degree of equality of valuation throughout the country. I am not saying that values are equal—obviously, they will not be; they are different in practice— but they are grossly unequal at present, and this will be perpetuated for several years to come. I hope that my right hon. Friend will be able to tell me that I am entirely wrong, and that the new valuation list will be completed in its entirety and available in 1952 or, at the latest, in 1953. It would be most welcome to me to have that answer, but I shall be surprised if I get it.
The other alternative would be to revise the Act and to say to local authorities, "You did not do the job very well. You certainly did not produce equality of valuation, but you did produce a quinquennial valuation, which is rather more than we have been able to do." Let us get on with the job under the control of a strong central valuation committee, who would have the powers to give directions. If we are not to get the work done by the present means something ought to be done about it.
That is one of the most important factors, because I believe that a number of the problems relating to varying types of areas—rich areas, poor areas, and so on—will be seen in much better perspective when we have a proper sense of the true valuations of the various areas. However far the local authorities are able to go in the matter of reaching agreement, it would help them very much if they have that background upon which, after building their theoretical case, they will be building the practical case which it is hoped they may present to the Government.
It is one of the prerogatives of the Opposition to attack the Government for not doing things and for not producing the answer to local government reform. There seems to be some attacking from this side also, but I should rather like to know if the Opposition—either the larger or the smaller party—have any solution to offer or are prepared to stick out their necks and to say what they consider local government reform ought to be.
So far, I have not heard them say. I have heard all sorts of criticisms, and many people saying what is wrong, but I have yet to hear the Opposition parties, which are claiming that the Government should do this and that, saying, as they should do if they complain that the Government do not do something, what they would do if they were in the place of the Government, and that they would leave the option to the Government should they be prepared to do something about it.
The Opposition should consider this aspect, and I suggest that they might come forward with a concrete plan for the revision of local government. I should very much like to see it. If it were a good plan, I should take great pleasure in supporting it. If it had the sort of loopholes which, inevitably, it is bound to have, I should have great pleasure in attacking it, but at least there should be something in the Opposition's claim, if they say that the Government do not do the job, that they have their own plan.
The fact is that few parties are prepared to tackle this problem. It is most unfortunate that this will undoubtedly develop more into a political issue in what ought not to be a political issue. It will not necessarily be us in the House who make it a political issue. It is almost inevitable that outside the House the issue would become political, and one thereupon looks to see what one can do, or how few people can be upset, in the reform of local government. It is rather unfortunate that we should have politics in this issue.
I do not think there is anything between either side of the House in the desire that there should be a strong and effective local government. I think that that is the desire of both sides, in spite of the attacks that may come from time to time from the other side about the Government wanting over-centralisation. I am quite satisfied that that is entirely wrong, and that the Government want a democratic form of government. After all, basically this party is more democratically minded than are the Opposition.
That is where the commissars come in.
There is no reason whatever and no ground for an assumption that we do not want the strongest form of local democracy, as well as democracy in parliamentary government.
Will the hon. Gentleman explain whether he would favour the return to the local authorities of some of these services that have been transferred to central bodies?
In certain circumstances, had all the local authorities done their job properly, some of the services which were transferred to the central Government would not have been transferred.
Which ones are they?
If all the county councils had done their job as hospital authorities there would not have been a case for hospitals going to the central Government. Had all the authorities done their job properly, I would have been in favour of hospitals remaining under that form of control. It is a purely personal point of view. It is well known that there were only a few of the county councils which could be classified as good hospital authorities. The majority of them were quite content to let somebody else do the job.
A number of authorities, in spite of their powers, did not even appropriate their Poor Law institutions under the Public Health Act. They left them as Poor Law institutions. Obviously, if that is the case, and if we were going to have a hospital service it had to be done in some other form. Had all the authorities been like the more efficient authorities, I would have been in favour of the hospitals remaining under the control of local government, because I am satisfied that in some cases we have increased the administrative staff without necessarily increasing efficiency in the hospital service. In some cases there has been increased efficiency, but that has not been universal. Indeed, in these times it is almost impossible to get changes which are universally good.
Having roved over the problems again, I hope that this Motion will not be passed. It is obvious that it can only be a pious expression of opinion out of which no one believes anything will come. Let us be quite frank about that. I ask hon. Members who have any influence with the four associations who are now dealing with this problem to urge them with all speed to endeavour to come to some solution and say, "Here are the broad principles upon which we think local government would work," and to present it to the Government in the form of an agreement, and I think the case for the reform of local government would be very much strengthened.
In the association of which I am a member, it was suggested that there was not much good going on with the negotiations. I suggested that there was all the more reason why the negotiations should go on, because it was vital that there should be agreement since, if agreement can be arrived at, it is much better than having something imposed, and it is the essence of democracy that there should be agreement if at all possible.
I feel that we should not press this Motion which cannot mean very much, but that hon. Members should use their efforts to get associations to come to certain agreements on broad principles, without necessarily coming down to the final details, and that they should urge upon those authorities who might have to give up something the necessity in the common good to do so. This would be more useful than pressing this Motion at this stage.
I hope the Minister will deal with the question I raised about the valuation list, because I think it is important. While it is not inherent in the question of local government reform it is an important basic factor within it. I hope that we shall be able to get some progress in at least that aspect of local government.
7.4 p.m.
This has been a most interesting debate, and I think that on all sides there is gratitude to my hon. Friend the Member for Renfrew, West (Mr. Maclay) for having put down this Motion.
The debate has been marked not merely by a great variety of views but by the emergence of what one might call Balaams in the party opposite, for Balaam was the prophet who was brought along to curse the Israelites and he finished up by blessing them. When we have the hon. Member for Bootle (Mr. Kinley) regretting what he called the strangling of the Boundary Commission which was set up by a previous Government not of his complexion, and the hon. Member for Southall (Mr. Pargiter) robing himself in a white sheet and apologising for having supported the Measure for central valuation brought forward by his right hon. Friend the Member for Ebbw Vale (Mr. Bevan), why,
We objected to the abolition of the Boundary Commission, but we did not get his support on that occasion. We objected to the proposal for the centralisation of valuation, and we did not have his sup port on that occasion either. Consequently, we look with certain anxiety at him—
I was in favour, and I remain in favour, of a single system of valuation throughout the country provided it is prosecuted vigorously.
Well, provided it is not done by the persons appointed by the Minister to do it. We are all at one on that. We all think there should be a revaluation, but we said at the time what the hon. Member is saying now, that along the line on which it is being pursued we shall not get there until the Greek Kalends. The point which was made by the hon. Gentleman, deprecating the submission of the Motion to the House, was a false one. He said, "We are looking for a policy. We hope to get it out of the local authority associations. If we do not get it out of the associations could we not ask the Opposition to make our policy for us?" Well, we shall do our best and we shall hope to get his assent to that, also. But we also hope for his support in the Division Lobby.
Take the hon. Gentleman's last point, that he held strongly for a democratic system, by which I take it he means election. Let us hope that he is always in favour of elected as against nominated representatives. He will be breast-high with us to sweep away all nominated boards which have replaced the elected representatives of the people in the great services such as gas, electricity, and so on. If he can agree upon that we will go further with him.
Does the right hon. and gallant Gentleman mean that those services which were formerly company-owned should go to democratically elected bodies?
I would be prepared to consider that, also. Let us advance step by step on common ground. We are all agreed that those which were taken away from democratically elected municipalities should be returned to them. Does the hon. Gentleman agree to that?
Only if the others go with them.
Does the hon. Gentleman agree that first, that municipal services should go back to the municipal authorities? We ask for his support on the Gas Undertakings (Scotland) Bill, which, unfortunately, fell by the wayside. We hope very much for his powerful support against the hon. Member for Fife, West (Mr. Hamilton), who quoted with great delight a correspondent of his and said, referring to the proposed transfer of gas undertakings to local authorities:
"… this technician in the gas industry says: 'What special qualifications have Scottish town councillors to run a gas undertaking?' This is his answer to his own question, underlined: 'None whatever'."— [OFFICIAL REPORT, 22nd June, 1951; Vol. 489, c. 966.]
We look for the hon. Gentleman's powerful support to crush that. That is the attitude which is ruining local government just now—what qualifications have councillors to run gas undertakings or electricity undertakings or water undertakings? Will the hon. Gentleman come with us on that? The great local authority undertakings are threatened with the continuation of the very process to which he objects—the substitution of nominated for elected representatives. We look not only to him but to the Minister for support.
Do I take it that the policy of the Opposition is that all water undertakings should be transferred to municipally owned authorities?
Not at all. We say that one should certainly start—and we look to him to form a common front —by refusing to deprive those local authorities which are operating water undertakings splendidly and excellently. If we can get his support on that point we can go forward.
If the right hon. and gallant Gentleman will come the other half, I will go half way with him.
Let us agree, then. We defeat the Government's Bill to nationalise water supplies in the first place and then we will see where we will go from there. [ Laughter. ] Well, this is a step forward. We are making policy for the Minister and I am sure he will be greatly interested to see the way the hammer and anvil of public debate is producing policy. Because all these policies are poles asunder from the policy of the Government, the policy of inaction. That is what the Motion specifically challenges. The Motion says there shall be "forthwith" some action. We all agree, I think, that the present freeze cannot continue; that it is fantastic and ridiculous that the position of the great local authorities should not be altered under any condition whatever until some great new sweeping Measure is brought in by the Government.
The hon. Member for Coventry, East (Mr. Crossman), speaking in the debate on the Luton Bill was as vehement on this as anyone. We say that in some way the freeze must be loosened. The proposals to which the Government have pinned their faith are those of absolutely iron irresolution. They say there will be no action in this Parliament and, what is more, no action in the next Parliament unless there is a Tory landslide. That was the message given to the world by the Parliamentary Secretary—no action in this Parliament and no action as long as the present small balance of parties continues. Obviously, the only thing to which he can be looking forward is one of those resounding Tory majorities which, in the past, carried through great local government reforms.
The Parliamentary Secretary was, I think, lamentably at fault in his suggestion that local government had somehow or other begun in the 1930's. We are here in London, where the great undertakings of the London County Council have been in operation for many a long year, great undertakings begun when Lord Rosebery was Chairman. That was a long time before there was any organised Labour Party on London County Council. There were other great authorities—Birmingham, under the Chamberlains, was a splendid example of municipal enterprise, going as far as banking.
I see the hon. Member for Bridgeton (Mr. Carmichael) present. He will not deny that there were great undertakings by Glasgow long before there was Labour representation on the city council. There was the Loch Katrine Water Scheme, municipal trams and telephones and great artistic adventures such as the purchase of Whistler's "Carlyle" at the time when art critics all over the world were condemning it. These were done long before Labour came to local government.
It is short-sighted of hon. Members to say that these things did not exist. The system of local government in Great Britain is one of the great successes of the world. We should all claim it and not regard it merely as a creation of recent years by one party. That, it seems to me, should be the key of our advance towards a solution of this very difficult problem.
I certainly think our policy ought to be the restoration of confidence to local government. For that I think we must say that, in the first place, we do not intend further to deprive them of power. The Minister can say that tonight. Next the suggestion of the Parliamentary Secretary that we do not intend to work with the local authorities has no foundation in fact. I think he invented that, being hard up for arguments with which to continue his speech. We should certainly review and overhaul, in consultation with local authorities, all their areas, functions and financial arrangements. Furthermore, we must preserve and establish communities with a common interest at the same time as we obtain authorities with sufficient financial resources to carry out these basic minima of services.
We must build with the bricks we have. Local government is an organic structure. We have had many interesting speeches from a number of hon. Members. A number of hon. Members on this side of the House have spoken and I was interested in the speech of my hon. Friend the Member for Cheadle (Mr. Shepherd). I do not think I would go all the way with him, but it is a suggestion. I think the weak point about it is the danger of treating local government as if it were not something organic. We have to unite rather than shatter it to bits and then
I know something about this. Reference has been made to the Act of 1888, but I was closely concerned with the Act of 1929. There was great resistance during the passing of that Act. Many of our most bitter critics have come round in support of it, but at the time there was great resistance. I have had since then two or three considerable pieces of reorganisation of local government to carry through.
There was the health scheme, or casualty scheme for Greater London under Civil Defence, which meant the complete re-casting of the whole of the hospital services of Greater London. There was the evacuation scheme, by which we had to revise and dovetail all the city authorities with the rural authorities on a scale never dreamt of before. On all these things my watchword was, "Build with the bricks you have." I am sure that is the line on which we should act when considering reform of local government at present.
My hon. Friend the Member for Burton (Mr. Colegate) dealt so effectively with the Parliamentary Secretary that there is no point in going further with that. Let us draw a veil over that and look forward to the speech of the Minister, who descends from Sinai with the Ten Commandments in his hand. We look forward to his stopping the dancing round the Golden Calf which has been going on during his temporary absence.
My hon. Friend the Member for Chelmsford (Mr. Ashton), in an excellent speech, pointed to the enormous weight of expenditure which local authorities are having to carry. In all these schemes we must remember that the local authorities ought to have responsibility. We fell into some argument as to whether they were administrative bodies or not. Of course, they have administering Acts presented to them by this House. But they must be given responsibility. We tried for that in the 1929 Act. We tried for it by the block grant, which I am sure in essence has great merits, giving a round sum to a local authority with discretion for expenditure.
It is very difficult now because, owing to the equalisation grant, as was said during the passage of that Measure, the taxpayer has become a ratepayer and is intimately associated with everything the local authority does. But the idea of making a grant to the local authority within which it could operate freely was, I am sure, a sound one and I think might well be put before the commission on finance suggested by my hon. Friend the Member for Renfrew, West, in an interesting part of his speech.
It is not possible today to deliver the full speech on local government reform which I would like to deliver, but in the unit of local government the member should know the area and the area should know the member. I do not think that these proposed vast areas are satisfactory. Therefore, I ask the Minister to set his face against the conception of the region, intended somehow or other, to dominate all these things. The danger of the region is the danger of impersonality, and the essence of local government is the personal touch. In so far as we depart from the personal touch, we go wrong. Therefore, let us have an area in which the people can know the member.
I do not believe that we can do that unless we build on the existing units to a greater extent than some of the suggestions this afternoon have foreshadowed. The feeling of a community that it is a community is not necessarily connected with the size or smallness of the community any more than it is in the case of a nation. Often quite a small nation feels keenly national, as against a much larger nation which has a sense of nationality not confined only to some small area. The smaller units of local government, if they were melted and cast into some great region, would not feel that they themselves were part of it, however much the process of popular election was carried out there.
I hope that the Minister will be able to assure us of the halting of the process of nationalisation. I hope that he will be able to assure us of the return of those services which have been taken away from the local authorities. I hope that he will be able to assure us that the talks with the local authorities are going well. But I also hope that he will assure us that if these talks do not succeed and come to fruition, we shall not be left to a 10-year period of a freeze of local government, looking at each other and saying that it is impossible to go forward because there is a narrow majority in the House of Commons.
Great things have been done with narrow majorities in the House of Commons before, and great things may be done again. Mr. Disraeli recast the whole electoral system of this country when he was actually in a minority in the House of Commons. If that can be done by the Tories—by these dull, unimaginative, slow-witted fellows, the Conservatives— let us see what the Minister can do now. Let him bring forward a gospel tonight and let us have something better than the rather gloomy forecast of an indefinite stalemate which, I regret to say, was all that the Parliamentary Secretary was able to lay before us this afternoon.
7.24 p.m.
I am glad that the debate has been as non-political as possible. Most of the speeches have been most helpful in their approach to the problem of local government. I do not admit, however, that in attempting to establish a finer form of local government it necessarily follows that we should discard the idea of nationalisation. I should like to take up the right hon. and gallant Member for Kelvingrove (Lieut.-Colonel Elliot) on one point which concerns the important business of water supply. I am satisfied that he would agree that, because of the seriousness of the problem, it is impossible to confine this question to a municipal or a county area.
The City of Glasgow has probably one of the finest water supplies in the country. It would be wrong for Glasgow to contain its water supply if, because of geographical difficulties, or climatic conditions, places near Glasgow were denied a constant supply. We must have good understanding, and that can only be brought about by national legislation.
Does not the hon. Gentleman think that co-operation between adjacent authorities would be more likely to make an efficient service than the deprivation of this great undertaking which Glasgow has run for so many years?
I should object to it being handed over to anything other than a locally elected body of one kind or another. We are trying to discuss the retention of every possible form of democratic government. One of the most important branches of democratic government is the local authority. I was somewhat surprised to hear the speeches of some hon. Members from south of the Border. I am rather proud that, with all our faults in local government in Scotland, we are, in many ways, very much ahead of the system in England. I appreciate that there are serious faults even in Scotland.
We must face the fact that there is a serious indifference towards local government throughout the country. Those who take a keen interest in local government must be distressed at the small number of people who follow their activities. We must recognise that, because of the many obligations associated with local government, we are not getting the very best type of person to serve on these bodies. I say that with reservation, because after we have left a body of this kind we are inclined to look back and to imagine that those who have followed are not as competent. In the general machinery of society I have aliways held the view that the next generation will make a much better job of things than we have done.
After watching the trend in local government in various parts of the country, I am disturbed at the lack of interest shown by the electorate and by the people elected to these bodies. Unfortunately, local government has had power taken from it when, in many ways, the action was not merited. Some of the powers were taken over directly by Government Departments. Others were put into the hands of established boards. As a result, there was a complete divorcement of the local representative from the people of the area. Every form of government or organisation attending to society will break down unless there is a constant and intimate association between the elected person and the people who elect him. I say that after considerable experience of the work.
There are two activities which should never have been taken away from the local authorities. The boundaries might have been extended, but these activities should have been kept under local administration. I refer to the Health Service and to National Assistance. I do not feel so strongly about gas and electricity because, to some extent, they are more of a mechanical business not so intimately connected with the personal lives of the people.
We should not forget that the National Assistance Boards were established as a result of the local authorities challenging the Government of the day. At one period, local authorities were not permitted to attend to certain types of people who appealed for relief. Because of their intimate contact with the people of the area, the local authorities defied the Government of the day and started to operate, and the law was passed after they had put the machinery in operation. Sometimes local authorities are compelled to go beyond the legislation already enacted on their behalf.
I give full credit to the people who do the National Assistance work and are attempting to understand the problems of the most needy, but they have not got the intimate personal touch which is most essential. I say the same thing about the Health Service. I know that, in the old days, we had close touch with the people, and I will give one illustration of what I mean. It is almost impossible now to get people into hospital. Not only is it impossible, but we do not even know with whom to get in touch in order to get them into hospital.
I am not going to accept the view that there are more aged people wanting to go into hospital or into homes than there were before, but I say that the make-up of the boards is such that they are too professional, and that the medical profession, from their angle, take the view that their primary purpose is to use the hospitals in such a manner as to cure people as quickly as possible and put them out into the world again. Therefore, their handling of these institutions fails to make them fully realise the claims of the aged and infirm. Because we have denied the right of the elected representatives of the people to be associated with the scheme, we are inflicting very great punishment in many cases throughout the country.
I have never accepted the view that the appointed or delegated person has the enthusiasm or intimate desire to do the work that is shown by the elected person. The elected person has two interests, to one of which I have already referred. As everybody knows, as the result of the evolution of local government, in almost every part of the country—at least, in Scotland—whoever may be the representative has some place in his area at which he constantly meets the local people in an effort to understand their troubles and to try to help them. He has to work also in the bigger task of engaging in great administrative jobs for the benefit of the community as a whole, and I think that it is that bigger job of looking after the community which links his interest in the individual case.
My great fear is that if we can build a sound case for the taking over of the Health Service and of some of the other intimate social services, and for putting them under the control of a board, it is quite easy for someone to come along later and say, "Why should the homes for aged people be left to the local authorities? Why should they not be placed under the board also?" Again, in our great educational system we may get beyond boundaries. Then it can be argued, "Take them over and administer them by a board." That is my principal fear, and while I am not laying down any cut-and-dried scheme in this direction, I think the first requirement is to recognise the deterioration in the approach to the problem of local government.
I believe that we have to work with the bricks we have, and that we can make considerable headway. I know that many people in local government are inclined to say that they have the ideal form of local government. The bailie thinks that he is the most important man in the whole machinery of government. What we have to do is to find out the weaknesses for ourselves, and so reduce them until we can get something better out of the present system than we have had in the past. I still regret very much indeed the transfer of the social services to boards or regional authorities, and I think that the sooner we make some alteration in the machinery of local government the better it will be.
My final words are these. It has been argued, and from my own side of the House, that because of the matters of controversy involved in such a complicated business, it would be very difficult to get a Bill through the House. I accept that there is something in that point of view, but there is a very grave danger that if the Parliamentary system is allowed to continue to work with small majorities, we might allow it to go on so long that the whole machinery of local government will break down.
Everyone agrees about the importance of the machinery of democracy, and I say, with all due respect to the Parliamentary machine, that if we allow a further deterioration in the machinery of local government we shall probably be making the strongest attack that has ever been made on democratic government of any kind. At the moment, we should be gathering opinions, and it might not be a bad idea if this House were to establish some kind of committee which could immediately start an investigation of the machinery of local government, with the aim and object of giving greater power and authority to the people who are handling very important branches of our public services.
7.36 p.m.
I am quite sure that the mover of this Motion today could have heard no more pleasant speech than that to which we have just listened. I am not sure that reform of local government is the right phrase to use, because it is not reform of local government that is wanted. I am sick and tired of hearing about the reform of local government. If I am asked for my opinion, I would say that it is the central Government that needs reforming.
What is required is the stopping of the deterioration of local government, which I think is the phrase which would be chosen by many of us. At least, we ought to be considering how we can arrive at some measure by which we can stop this deterioration. Of course, it is necessary for us to see where it started, how it has been continued during the last few years, until it has brought us to the stage today at which we are really no longer clear in our minds as to where local government is going.
It was a pleasure today to me to hear many suggestions put forward in detail, but I think it is quite impossible, on the Floor of the House, to go into detail on the reconstruction or adjustment of local government. It is far too big a problem, and it is also a very difficult and delicate matter to consider. Although we profess to say, and to think, that this is not a political question, and I would like to think that it is not, there is no doubt that it is bound to show itself as a political question, and that is one of the reasons why the Government have shied at placing anything before the House in this regard.
The hon. Member for Southall (Mr. Pargiter) asked what suggestions we had to make and what proposals we could put forward, knowing very well that he himself could have put forward proposals today, though we notice that he was most careful not to do so. Why have the Government, during these six years in which they have been in power, not done something towards helping to find the solution which we all really want today.
I have no fault to find with this Motion, although I agree that it is not one with which, possibly, many of us would find ourselves in full agreement, but, then, this is an extremely difficult question. There is one thing for which we can be grateful, and that is that it has given the Government supporters an opportunity to say their little piece on local government, and I hope the Minister has taken note of what hon. Members on his own side of the House have said in regard to the present position of local government in this country.
There are many points here which reflect very badly on the Government itself, and they are problems which are coming home to roost very noticeably. The hon. Member for Bridgeton (Mr. Carmichael) has mentioned the hospital service. If there is one great black mark against this Government, it is the way in which the hospitals of the London County Council were treated when the National Health Service Bill was introduced. There was no question, so far as I know, about this being a wonderful hospital service which had been built up by the L.C.C. until it was unequalled in the whole world.
What did the Minister of Health do with that wonderful and marvellous service? He brought it within his own ambit and thus destroyed a magnificent service. The hon. Member for Tottenham (Mr. Messer) can bear witness to this, for he mentioned today that some of the difficulties caused by the administration of the hospital service are due to that split, and that it would have been far better had the service been left in the hands of the original authorities.
The same thing applies today in local government. The best thing that could happen would be for the Health Service, and especially the hospital service, to be returned to the local authorities. The hon. Member for Southall—
Does not the hon. Gentleman realise that there were many local authorities in the country in whose areas there was no hospitalisation at all, and where, at last, the regional hospital boards have created a service?
The hon. Gentleman is taking the words out of my mouth. I was going to say that the hon. Member for Southall defended the position by saying that there were some county authorities who had little or no hospital services. But that was no excuse for taking away these services from those who had been running them. Was it not the Minister's plain duty to see that those who had not done their duty were given the opportunity and help to do it? That would have been the right way to bring about a proper hospital service.
When the Conservative Party were in power they introduced a scheme for a hospital service based on the co-operation and co-ordination of the county services. In my own county we had a plan which worked most successfully for several years. At that time the then Minister of Health, Mr. Willink, was proposing to build up his own national hospital service on that plan. But the plan now in operation has been most disruptive of the whole of the hospital services in the country. The hon. Member for Shettleston (Mr. McGovern) said that the difficulty today—
May I correct the hon. Member, because although the hon. Member for Shettleston (Mr. McGovern) can look after himself quite well, it was the hon. Member for Bridgeton.
The hon. Member for Bridgeton said that there were difficulties today in getting hospital treatment. Why is that? It is due to the bad administration. This wonderful scheme of the ex-Minister of Health has led us into all these difficulties.
The one thing we do not want is a reform of local government. We must remember that there are more talented men and women freely giving their services to local government in this country than the total number of all the Members in this House. The contribution which they make to the country and to the social services is far greater than that which we in this House make. Therefore, it is essential that these great organisations of local government should receive very much more sympathetic treatment than they are, in fact, receiving today.
One of the greatest problems from which local government is suffering today is too much direction and interference from Whitehall. We find that interference embodied in practically every Bill which the present Government have introduced. No one in local government can move either his left hand or his right hand without consulting Whitehall. I would remind the House that the Boundary Commissioners dealt with this point in their Report for 1947. They said:
Would not the hon. Member agree that we get the same tendency as between the counties and the county districts? We get exactly the same thing in the county councils concerning their own local districts.
I am afraid that is perfectly untrue. I happen to know other county councils as well as my own. I know that my county council is fortunately placed in many ways, but I do not think it is true to say that as a rule there is friction between the district authorities and the county councils. I think the reverse is the case, especially in the last few years, although I will freely admit that some 15 or 20 years ago the relationship between the district authorities and the county councils as we know it today did not exist.
Today, I submit, we find the county councils and the county district authorities working in the closest harmony together. That is one reason why I am sure that the two-tier system of local government should continue, a system whereby we get the major local authorities taking responsibility for some of the powers given them by the Minister and delegating those powers, as far as they can, to the district authorities. In that way we are getting in many counties the execution of the Acts which the Minister wishes to see, though we are still suffering all the time from this interference from Whitehall.
It is not so very long ago when the hon. Gentleman was talking about local authorities who were backward in regard to their health services and suggesting that it was interference on the part of the Government to take them over. He would have preferred them to be left to develop their own health services. He now wants the Government to interfere and to direct them to develop their services.
I quite agree. I am now speaking particularly of the Government putting Clauses into Bills under which one cannot appoint a matron or a clerk without first consulting Whitehall. I am not referring to the major question of where a county council failed to carry out its duties and responsibilities. The Government should in such circumstances give directions, and pressure should be placed upon them to carry out what is ostensibly their duty and which they have neglected to do. Therefore, it would be quite right for the Government in such cases to take steps to see that they carried out their duties in the proper way. That is the difference between the two interferences.
We have heard today only one mention of regional government. I hope that, at least, has gone by the board, because I am sure it would be an evil thing if we were to introduce regional systems of local government. I have heard hon. Members on both sides say that we should lose a great deal of the personality and interest in local government were we to introduce that system. A great deal of such service is only given because the person concerned is interested in local affairs.
The hon. Member for Bridgeton mentioned these impersonal boards. People not really interested in the work carry on the job very often because they want something to do and are therefore ready and willing to accept nomination to these boards; but such service is not equal to the service of those who become members of a body because they are really interested in the work. That is the kind of service we want.
I do not know whether the proposals in the Report of the Local Government Boundary Commission were at all feasible. In any case, it appears the Boundary Commission have suffered the fate of the Little Princes in the Tower— we have not heard a word of them since. No doubt the work they did was of an enduring kind, and though many of us would not agree with many of their conclusions and suggestions, there is in their work a great deal of basic information and suggestions. I hope that upon them we shall be able to base some concrete form of reconstruction of local government within a few years without, of course, increasing the amount of interference from Whitehall, but allowing local authorities to do what they did years ago when they had a great deal of freedom and did their work extremely well according to their lights and according to the standards of the day.
We have a very good standard of local administration today, though some people affect to say that the quality of local authorities is not as high as it used to be. I do not agree with that. The contrary is the case in my county and in the counties adjoining mine, where there are very fine bodies of men and women doing this wonderful work of local government. They need encouragement today because we have taken responsibility and interest away from them and they feel they are merely rubber stamps. That is a great pity, because we have a wonderful reservoir of talent and service in these people who are serving on local authorities.
I hope that at the end of this debate the Minister will indicate what steps he might take to see whether it is not possible even within the life of this Parliament— though I should almost hope not—to ameliorate some of the stringent rules and regulations from the Government which prevent members of local authorities giving free expression to their desire to work.
If nothing else comes of this debate— and as the hon. Member for Southall said it would not be much good to press this matter to a Division—we ought to be grateful that this Motion has been brought forward. It has given a great opportunity to hon. Members on both sides of the House to explain their position with regard to local government, and to express their views in a way which I am sure must be helpful to those who eventually will have the opportunity of dealing with the reconstruction and re-adjustment of local authorities and their administrative duties.
7.55 p.m.
I should like to start by agreeing with at least the last remarks of the hon. Member for Sutton and Cheam (Mr. S. Marshall). I believe all those who are interested in local government welcome this debate. I have been a Member for 18 months and this is the first occasion upon which the vital matter of local government has been debated directly in the House. It is true that we have had incidental debates on various Private Bills which have been discussed here, but this is the first occasion of a direct debate on this subject and I welcome it.
The great variety of views which have been expressed on both sides of the House is in itself a reflection of the enormous variety of opinion which prevails among those who are interested in local government outside the House. While there is unanimity of opinion that there should be a change in the structure of local government, there is no unanimity on what that change should be. The change of which everyone is thinking is a change which will adapt the structure of local government to modern requirements. The enormous social and economic changes which have taken place during the last 60 or 70 years have not been reflected in the structure and pattern of local government. There is a kind of inchoate and ill-defined feeling that these changes in the economic and social conditions of the country require to be reflected in the pattern and structure of local government.
Indeed, it is the fact that we have not been able to adapt the machine in accordance with these changes that has given rise to many of the problems brought before us from both sides of the House in the course of this debate. Therefore, all I can hope to do in my short speech is to offer a few observations of a general character. We should be ill-advised to go into too great detail, because we can become so bogged down in the detail of change that we may lose the canvas as a whole. Even at the risk of making confusion worse confounded I propose, therefore, to offer a few observations of a general kind.
The first is that I think many of the discussions which have been going on during the last 10 years regarding the required changes in local government have floundered because we have attempted to apply to the country as a whole the same uniform pattern of local government. I cannot think that in this country, with its enormous variety and differences in social and geographic conditions, we can impose a uniform system or pattern of local government. We must approach this matter in a pragmatic way. In other words, we must seek to apply to the various localities the kind of authority most suited to the conditions which obtain in those areas.
I will try and illustrate what I have in mind by referring to concrete cases. For example, the kind of structure one requires in London, with its dense population within a very small area of 15 to 20 square miles, must be very different from the kind of authority which one would set up in a country such as my own country of Wales, with its very sparse population and wide open spaces
The same observation applies to the large conurbations of the Midlands and the Merseyside. I see hon. Members in the Chamber who are familiar with the problems of local government on Mersey-side and I am sure they will agree that the problems in that area require almost an ad hoc solution. In other words, we must approach such areas as the Midlands, the densely populated parts of Yorkshire and the large conurbations around Manchester and Merseyside with a different solution from that required by the sparsely populated areas of Wales, Devon and Cornwall. We must apply to each of those areas its own peculiar solution. I make the general observation, therefore, that we should be ill-advised to try to impose a newly-formed system of local government upon the whole area.
In local government circles there has always been a discussion about the ideal form of authority—whether we should have the all-purpose authority or the two-tier system. In many ways I believe the all-purpose authority is the ideal form of local authority; it may well be for certain conditions. To have within it all the powers of local government means that in many ways it is the ideal form of authority, but, obviously, it is not ideal for such conditions as those which obtain in Wales. In places which are sparsely populated I think the two-tier system is the kind of system which should obtain.
We next come to the question of the area and the size of the two kinds of authority. I believe that the larger authority is required in order to administer certain kinds of services—the general principles of planning, the police, and so on; these can be administered only over a wide area where the authority has ample reserves with which to carry out the task. On the other hand, from the point of view of intimacy, from the point of view of those contacts with the electors and with those who are the beneficiaries of the services, I believe the smaller authorities need greater powers than we have given to that kind of authority hitherto. The problem of local authorities is largely that of preserving the right balance between efficiency, on the one hand, and intimacy, on the other hand.
That brings me to consideration of the question of the Boundary Commission. If the premises which I have laid down are accepted—namely, that we should not seek to apply a uniform pattern throughout the country—then I suggest that it is necessary for us to set up a permanent machinery to inquire into local conditions. I therefore think the Government should reconsider the setting up of the Boundary Commission. In this case it should be a commission with wider powers than they had under the old Act. To carry out the work which I have in mind and which I have outlined—namely, to try to set up for each area the kind of structure most suitable to the conditions obtaining in the area—it is necessary that the Boundary Commission should have wider powers and should be able to deal, not only with boundaries, but also with functions.
That is the first observation I want to make. The second observation is this. I have heard expressed on both sides of the House the view that local authorities have been deprived of many of the powers which they exercised up to the last five years. In my view the transfer of such powers as gas, electricity, and so on, from local authorities was a great misfortune. I would point out to hon. Members opposite that the Government had no alternative but to establish these nominated boards, although for my part I do not care for them and they are not my idea of democratic control.
If I may say so with great respect, I do not share the view of my hon. Friend the Member for Tottenham (Mr. Messer), whom we all recognise as a great authority on these matters and who said, during the debate, that it does not matter what kind of bodies exercise a power. I think it does matter, because I do not believe efficient government or good government is any substitute for self-government. I believe self-government, even if it is of a poorer kind, is better even than the most efficient authority exercising powers without democratic control—and I say that with great respect to my hon. Friend because, as I have said, we know he is a great authority on these matters and we disagree with him with great diffidence.
The reason why these powers over the public utilities, which many local authorities exercised with such success, were transferred to nominated boards was that there was no authority within the local authority structure large enough to take them. It would not have been necessary to set up the various boards—electricity, gas, and so on—had it not been for the fact that, owing to technical changes and the demands of administering these services over wide areas, a larger authority was necessary.
Had it not been for these facts it would not have been necessary to hand the powers over to nominated boards. It would not have been necessary had there been in existence authorities ready to receive the powers. When the Government are charged with taking powers away from local authorities, I ask that we should also consider the circumstances which made that inevitable—namely, that the local government structure and the local government system of this country had not been suitably adapted to receive the powers which were transferred to the nominated boards.
Any changes which are contemplated in local government should be such that we could transfer back the control of electricity, gas and hospital services—transfer back the general supervision over these services to elected bodies. Such powers would have to be over a very wide area and it may not be possible to have what one hon. Member has called the personal touch. The very nature of the services would require the authority to be exercised over a very wide area, but in my opinion it is imperative that we should obtain democratic control and supervision over these services if they are to function properly.
I have had some dealings with a board which operates on Merseyside and in North Wales, and although I write a letter to the chairman of the board I always get a reply from an underling. I must say that that is not a very satisfactory state of affairs, and that advisory councils with no real power, with no teeth, as it were, are poor substitutes really for direct supervision over these services. I would ask some of my hon. Friends on this side of the House who, I see, are smiling at these comments, really to think over this matter, because it can become a major problem if we allow vital public utilities to remain outside any kind of democratic control or supervision. If we think that advisory committee, advisory councils, are serving the purpose, then, I am sorry to say, we are living in a very artificial world. That is the second observation I make.
My third observation is this. I hope I am not detaining the House too long. I want to deal with the question of the relationship between the central Government and the local authorities. We have heard many comments on this matter in this debate. We have yet, I think, to find the ideal relationship between the central Government and the local authorities. I think we should regard it as a matter of partnership. We should not regard it, as we are too inclined to do, as a conflict between the one authority and the others. They are not in conflict. The central Government and local governments are not of necessity in conflict with each other. We should regard their relationship as that of partners.
The impact of the activities of local government upon the central Government as the needs increase becomes increasingly more apparent. Let me give an illustration. I think it was the hon. Gentleman the Member for Chelmsford (Mr. Ashton) who referred to the excellent article which appeared in the Lloyds Bank Review. This article points out that local authorities at the present time, if we include the amount which is spent on the trading services which remain to them, are spending at something like the rate of £1,500 million a year. That is expenditure both on revenue and on capital. The impact of an expenditure of £1,500 million a year upon our economy cannot be disregarded by the central Government, and, in particular, by the Chancellor of the Exchequer.
It is quite clear from the point of view of public finance, from the point of view of the general economy of the country, that there must be a close relationship between the amount which is spent on revenue and on capital by the local authorities and the amount which we can afford, from the point of view of the national economy as a whole. There must be some control over the amount of the expenditure of the local authorities by the central authority, because of its tremendous impact upon the economy as a whole. An expenditure of £1,500 million a year is no expenditure of a mean order. It has in itself a tremendous impact and influence upon the economy as a whole.
There is a further thing to be said on this aspect of the relationship of the local authorities and the central Government. No local authority can at present afford to dispense with the Exchequer grants it receives from the central Government. It is true, of course, that there are some rich authorities in the south of England to which the equalisation grant is very small. I think there are some that do not receive any grant at all.
There are five.
My hon. Friend says there are five that are not in receipt of any equalisation grant at all, but even those authorities will be in receipt of an education grant and also in receipt of a police grant. There are certainly ad hoc payments which even the wealthiest authorities receive.
The hon. Gentleman appreciates, of course, that an education grant is weighted against what he calls the wealthier authorities?
Yes, I appreciate that, but there is an ad hoc payment to education authorities, and that is the point I was making. To talk as if we could divorce the control of the central authority from the expenditure of the local authorities is to talk in unreal terms. It cannot be so. There must be some supervision, there must be some control by the central authority; by the Exchequer which is disbursing these large sums of money on the activities of local authorities.
But having stated that I say that we must have a review of the kind of control and of the quality of the control which is to be exercised. I think that many authorities feel that that control is far too meticulous; that the Treasury is not prepared to allow to local authorities that measure of independence to which they really are entitled as mature persons. There is a great tendency on the part of district auditors and on the part of the Minister of Health and of the Minister of Local Government and Planning to interfere to too great a degree in the minutiae of administration. I think that there is that feeling—a feeling that there is this constant interference in the most minute details of administration, which really arouses anger and a sense of frustration among local authorities.
I think I have made such observations as I wished to make. Let me summarise them in this way. In the first place, we should not seek to impose a uniform pattern throughout the country, but rather seek to adapt the kind of authority in accordance with the local circumstances; and for that purpose revive the Boundary Commission with extended powers. Second, with the adjustment or—if I may use the word —the reform of local government, it should receive back democratic supervision of many of the public utility undertakings. Third, we should seek to revise the relationship between central and local government in such a way that there will be no undue interference with the minutiae of administration by the central authority.
I think that we are all agreed as to the necessity of a vital and revived local government system in this country. It is, in my belief, the very basis of the democratic order. We all would agree, I think, that we should regard with very great misgivings any decay, any deterioration, in local government. At the same time we do want local government which is efficient, and which is adapted to modern social and economic conditions.
8.19 p.m.
The hon. Member for Conway (Mr. W. E. Jones), who has just spoken, pointed out, I think quite rightly, that every hon. Member who has taken part in this debate has been agreed at least about one matter, that is that local gov- ernment is in need of re-organisation: and I think most hon. Members, with the possible exception of the hon. Member for Southall (Mr. Pargiter) are agreed that the need for re-organisation is urgent. Against that background the position of the Government, as disclosed in the speech of the Parliamentary Secretary is really very unsatisfactory. Of course, we all desire that these conversations now proceeding between the associations of local authorities will result in agreement. We all hope that will happen.
Impossible.
The hon. Member says "impossible." I would not put it as high as that. But in view of the general agreement that the re-organisation of local government is something which should be urgently undertaken, it is not satisfactory that the attitude of the Government has been, first, that they are waiting until their own proposals are ready; then, that they are waiting until somebody else has agreed upon a set of proposals which they may finally accept.
It is not fair that the hon. Gentleman should say so much about vested interests. These associations exist for the express purpose of representing the views and interests of their members. They do not exist primarily for the purpose of coming to agreement with other representative associations.
Surely the hon. and learned Gentleman would agree that a local authority does not exist to represent the views of its members but in order to meet the requirements and needs of the citizens of the area. The last person whom the hon. and learned Member seems to consider is the consumer of local government services, who is the person who really matters.
I was not speaking of the consumers of local government services but of the associations of local government authorities. The hon. Gentleman holds, or did hold, an important office in one of them, where he displayed great energy, and he knows that their purpose is to represent the views and interests of their members. I think that it reflects some credit on them that they have made some progress in trying to agree with one another when the Government are apparently not able to reach any measure of agreement, even in their own party, on the subject.
Does not the hon. and learned Member agree that it would be useful if the Association of Municipal Corporations were able to come to such an agreement in relation to an alteration in local government so unanimously as they came to the decision to raise the salaries of town clerks and chief officers?
The hon. Lady perhaps appreciates that it was not the Association of Municipal Corporations that agreed to raise the salaries of town clerks.
It was all of them— urban and rural.
It was the administrative machinery which was set up by the local authorities for that express purpose. It was a form of collective bargaining.
I was saying that it would be much more satisfactory if the Government would give some indication of the direction in which the re-organisation of local government would be acceptable to them and then allow the associations to continue their negotiations on that basis. It is really this attitude of the Government which is arousing so much suspicion as to their aims among those who are concerned with local government.
Why is the right hon. Gentleman not able to give us some indication of the sort of changes that would be acceptable to His Majesty's Government? The suspicion has, not unnaturally, been aroused that the Government's determination to wait until they have an adequate Parliamentary majority arises from the fact that what they propose to do will be so unacceptable to the local authorities that no Government could undertake to do it without a much more substantial Parliamentary majority than the present Government possess. So long as the Government adopt the attitude that they must wait until someone else has agreed, or until they have a more adequate Parliamentary majority, suspicion will inevitably be aroused as to what their ultimate aims are likely to be.
I think there is general agreement on both sides of the House that local government is something which is really of the utmost value in itself. It is one of the essential constitutional elements, less in importance only than Parliament itself, as part of our Parliamentary and democratic system. That point of view has been expressed by many hon. Members who have spoken today on both sides of the House. No one has expressed it more forcibly than the hon. Member for Bridge-ton (Mr. Carmichael).
I wish to ask the right hon. Gentleman whether that is the view of His Majesty's Government. We are entitled to ask that question because the actions of His Majesty's Government have not hitherto aroused any great sense of confidence that that is the view which the Government accept of the proper place of local government in our constitutional system. When the right hon. Gentleman replies he, too, will probably assent to that proposition; but the difficulty is that the protestations of the Government about this matter have been belied by their actions during the last five years. Much has been done to undermine the importance and, indeed, the efficiency of local authorities.
Five major services have been transferred away to new authorities created by the action of the Government, and manned by appointed persons who owe no duty to the electors or the populations whom they serve, or to any one except the Government. About 13 different responsibilities have been redistributed amongst different classes of local authorities. What has been taking place has, indeed, been the re-organisation of local government. But, instead of proceeding in an orderly fashion from the top, re-organisation has been proceeding from the bottom. The result has been that since 1945 local government has already been very largely re-organised.
The result of what has been done has had a most unfortunate effect upon the elected representatives. It has aroused in their minds the feeling that their services are not valued as highly as the Government always assure us that they are. What is perhaps even more important is that it has had a most unfortunate effect upon the intake of new personnel into local government officer services. Local government today has ceased to be the attractive career for the young man of talent which it provided 10 and 15 years ago.
Is the hon. and learned Member seriously advancing that argument, bearing in mind that since 1945 we have had the N.A.L.G.O. charter and we have had the upward sweep of town clerks' and officials' salaries? The whole basis of local government salaries has been put upon a better foundation than has ever been the case previously, whereas before the war there was patronage and nepotism in local government—I am not making a political point. Is the hon. and learned Gentleman arguing that the conditions for the intake of local government personnel are worse than before the war? Surely he cannot sustain that argument.
It is not entirely a matter of salaries, although they enter into it. It is also very largely a matter of the work which the officers are called upon to do. What I was saying, and I repeat it, is that the effect upon local government of what has taken place in the last five years has been to prevent many young men of ability, who would have found a career in local government 10 or 15 years ago, from entering local government service.
We have not yet seen the effect of this on the efficiency of local authorities, and it will not become apparent for some little time. In spite of what the hon. Gentleman has said, I am sure that most hon. Members who have had experience of local government will agree with me that it is much less easy today to attract to local government the type of young man we were able to get 10 or 15 years ago. The changes that have taken place have not, I think, increased the administrative efficiency of the local services.
I always listen with particular interest to the hon. Member for Tottenham (Mr. Messer), who speaks with great knowledge and experience of local government. The dilemma which he put to the House seems to me to present exactly the weakness which the changes in the last five years have produced in the set up of local government. The dilemma which he put to the House leads, I think, inevitably, either to the return to the local authorities of the hospital services or to further loss of local authority services by the transfer of the welfare services from the local authorities to the hospital regional boards. That seems to me to be the inevitable result of the dilemma which the hon. Gentleman put so clearly to the House: a dilemma with which we are all very familiar.
That is against that background that this debate has taken place. I would suggest to the House that the first step in the re-organisation of local government is for us to make up our minds as to what is exactly wrong with local government today. There are, of course, many minor things which are wrong with local government. But if I were asked to select the major defect in the existing structure of local government, I would say that it is the great disparity in the size and resources that exist between the different units of local government in the same class.
One borough may have a population of 1¼ million; at the other end of the scale the population of another borough may be no more than 25,000. Again, in a different class of authority, we have the great non-county boroughs, like the one which I have the honour to represent, with a population approaching 188,000. I would say that the first step in the reorganisation of the local authorities is to remove that disparity between the different units of the same class that exists today. It has made it impossible to allocate functions, and it has been the chief cause of the transfer of functions away from local government.
The other major defect in local government today is the progressive inability of the local authorities to finance their services out of their own resources. Very little has been said about finance in the course of this debate. I was glad to hear the hon. Member for Chelmsford (Mr. Ashton), who is the Deputy Chairman of the Essex County Council, with whom I am not always in agreement, refer to the question of finance. The financial position of the local authorities is giving rise to very great misgivings, not only among the unfortunate ratepayers who have to pay their rates, but among the members of the local authorities who have the responsibility of collecting them. It would be astonishing if it were not so, for this year, I think for the first time, the average rate levied in the county boroughs has exceeded 20s. 1d. in the £. In non-county boroughs, the average rate levied is 20s. 4d. in the £ and in the urban districts it is 20s. In the metropolitan boroughs, the average rate is no more than 17s. 10d., but the burden of the rate is probably greater than anywhere outside London, because the sum collected per head of the population is more than double the sum collected in rates per head of the population in any other class of authority. The financial situation in the local authorities is not therefore unnaturally giving rise to a very great anxiety among those responsible for local government finance.
The insufficiency of the income derived from the rates by local authorities for their services has naturally given rise to a good deal of speculation about other sources of revenue. Entertainments duty has been suggested. A return to the old system of assigned revenues has been canvassed. I would say to the House that, although some of these alternative sources of revenue may be helpful, there is really no substantial source of revenue available to local authorities except the traditional revenue derived from the rates. We must make up our minds that the rates will be the principle source of income available for local authorities under their own control.
The result of that has been that to an increasing extent the local authorities have had to derive their funds from grants made by the central Government, until, this year, the proportion of the cost of services administered by local authorities borne by grants from the central Government is exactly equal to the proportion which is borne on the rates. So the central Government and the local authorities have become equal partners. That has lead, as hon. Members know very well, to a not unnatural desire on the part of the central Government to exercise a very rigid form of control over the expenditure of the local authorities which may eventually attract grant. It is really that control which has done more than anything else to interfere with the administrative independence of the local authorities.
At this stage in the debate I would not enter into the question of the alternative methods by which funds might be forthcoming from the central authority; but I believe that this system of partnership is the right one. I believe that local authorities will have more and more to depend upon funds derived from central taxation to supplement their resources if the standard of social services demanded today are to be maintained by the local authorities. The problem that the Government have to face up to is how that assistance can be given without requiring the meticulous control of every item of expenditure that may ultimately attract grant. That is the problem which this or any other Government will have to face up to in local authority finance. I am always rather 10th to suggest that a public inquiry is the right answer to a difficult problem.
I would certainly be the last person to suggest that we should have another Royal Commission on local government. But I think there was very much force in the suggestion put by my hon. Friend the Member for Renfrew, West (Mr. Maclay), in his speech this afternoon, that a Royal Commission on local taxation and expenditure might be the best way to find the answer to this very complex and involved problem. It is, after all, 50 years since the last Royal Commission on local taxation and expenditure reported. It is more than 40 years since the last Departmental Committee reported on local expenditure.
I make this suggestion to the right hon. Gentleman. Great anxieties are felt by many of us engaged in local government, and if he would consider setting up a new comprehensive inquiry into this tax problem it would be of great help. I ventured to put this point to the right hon. Gentleman in the form of a Question a few months ago. He replied that there would be a review of expenditure under the Local Government Act, 1948. I then ventured to ask him whether he would regard that as a sufficiently comprehensive review of the problem, and the right hon. Gentleman made what I thought was a rather alarming reply. He said that he would prefer to wait and see what the results of the new valuation were going to be. We shall have to wait now until 1953 before we know that, and meanwhile the persons who will be called upon to pay the rates will have a certain foreboding in their minds arising out of the right hon. Gentleman's answer.
I want to say a word or two about the local government of London before I con- clude, because nobody has so far referred to that subject. As has been often said, there are many different Londons. There is the administrative county of London; and there is the greater London outside the boundaries of the administrative county. Local government in London has always suffered from the persistent existence of what is called the ad hoc authority. Local services in London, such as the police, transport and hospitals are not under the control of the central authority. Now what has happened in the last 50 years is that there have grown up in London, and all round London, new local authorities, in which I include metropolitan boroughs, judged by provincial standards some of these authorities are very large authorities indeed.
Outside the administrative county, in greater London, there are great new local authorities who have achieved a very high standard of efficiency, and what is no less important, they have established in their short careers a very high standard of municipal pride and popular interest in the local affairs of their respective towns.
I would suggest to the right hon. Gentleman that we approach the London government problem from the standpoint that there now exists, as there has never existed before, local authorities in London of sufficient size and resources capable of accepting major responsibilities. In the administration of the county there must always be a central body, which to some extent co-ordinates the cost of London services and continues to administer certain services. I would suggest to the right hon. Gentleman that both in the administrative county and outside the new local authorities—and I include amongst the new ones the Metropolitan boroughs—ought to be upgraded. They are able to accept a much greater degree of responsibility than is accorded to them today.
I do not wish to detain the House for long, but I should like to conclude by saying that this debate seems to have disclosed a measure of agreement, perhaps greater than one might have anticipated, between the two sides of the House about the changes which might be acceptable in local government. For that reason, if for no other, the House is indebted to my hon. Friend the Member for Renfrew, West, for having selected this topic for debate this afternoon.
8.45 p.m.
There is a certain amount of agreement on this question on both sides of the House; agreement about the complexities and difficulties to be found in the subject of the reform of local government. That makes it all the more surprising that the hon. Member for Renfrew, West (Mr. Maclay), who proposed the Motion, and the hon. Member for Holland with Boston (Mr. Butcher), who seconded it, should have included in it the word "forthwith," a word which was stressed so much by the hon. Member for Renfrew, West.
But perhaps it is not so remarkable that that should have been done when we consider from which party the Motion has emerged. It is a queer little section, of queer little Members of a queer little party owing allegiance apparently to the Conservative Party, but attempting some sort of superficial preservation of their own souls.
If they had left out "forthwith" and confined themselves to a general statement for the necessity of the reform of local government there would have been general agreement, but, with a peculiar twist of their minds, they could not move towards that unity and they have failed to frame their Motion in the right way.
Very many Members in the House have been members of local authorities and their practical experience of it in the years before they joined the House is of great advantage to them. It is a great experience to be a member of a local authority and actually to put into administration the Acts that pass this House and see exactly how they work. I used to have that experience myself, and my hon. Friends who are still engaged in local government work tell me how much more difficult it is now than it was in the days when I used to spend my time in local government. The delay in the reorganisation of functions of local government, and particularly of boundaries, are discouraging to progressive local authorities.
Hon. Members on the other side of the House have been harping back to the good old days of local government when they really had not the time, the ability or the finances to implement in a successful or adequate way the schemes proposed by Parliament. It is no good harping back to those good old days and those old functions. Most of these old functions have gone over to new bodies to administer and unless there is an acceptance of the present position and a new start made from there, obviously there is going to be no agreement as to the future functions of local government.
There has been a great deal of the idealistic approach to local government today. I would rather take the realistic approach. Let us admit, quite frankly, that there is a considerable amount of apathy about local councils and local government generally. That is not a new thing. It would be entirely untrue to say that the present apathy in local council elections is due to the fact that so many powers have been taken away from local councils.
The polls today are, in fact, higher.
My hon. Friend says that the polls today are higher. I have not fought a local government election since the war, but I fought several, most of them successful, before the war and I know that there was a great deal of apathy then. We considered we were lucky if we went through our election campaign and aroused such enthusiasm and fervour as to give us a 30 per cent. poll.
Does the hon. Member suggest, as a result of the intervention of the Parliamentary Secretary, that if we take all the powers from local government we shall have 100 per cent. polls?
That is carrying logic to absurdity. Apathy existed before the war as it does today. In the local elections we see a number of unopposed returns, and the reason is that not enough public-spirited men and women have come forward to undertake duties as local councillors. That state of affairs can be found all over the country.
I have heard it said that the only real function left to local government today is civic Sunday, but that is an exaggeration. My right hon. Friend the Member for Ebbw Vale (Mr. Bevan) has never tired of pointing out to local authorities that they have almost complete power to administer the biggest job of all today, and that is housing, which is our greatest social problem. It is true that there is a certain amount of supervision and that standards are laid down by the Ministry about expenditure and the numbers to be built, but when it comes to the allocation and letting of the houses to tenants the local authority comes into direct contact with the ordinary citizens who are crying out for new housing accommodation. It has been left to the local authorities to handle that situation as they like, with complete power and authority.
How do they handle it? A number of local authorities—I am sorry to say that at least two of them are in my constituency—do so on the principle of direct personal contact. They have no points system and no other fair way of allocating houses to those with the greatest need; they choose from among the applicants those whom they happen to favour either because of personal contact with them or because personal lobbying has been going on. In the case of one local authority the allocation of new houses is actually given to members of the local council on a small housing sub-committee. The members of the sub-committee are local employers and they proceed to allocate the houses to their employees.
The hon. Member is making most serious charges. In fairness to all local authorities he ought most certainly to substantiate what he has said or else withdraw it.
I am prepared to substantiate what I have said and will willingly supply the Minister with details. If the Minister cares to get in touch with the Knottingley Urban District Council in the West Riding of Yorkshire the Clerk to the Council will provide him with the necessary information. I am sure that it goes on in other parts of the country, too. This has become such a scandal in the town of Knottingley that the minutes of the Housing Committee are not reported to the Council and are deleted before the Council minutes are handed to the Press. The local Press, which is not by any means biased in favour of us politically—
Is this in Yorkshire or Ulster?
On 16th March the local paper discussed the matter and said: The paper was dealing with the question of the allocation of houses in secrecy at a meeting of the housing sub-committee. These are things that make one wonder whether local government in this country is such a democratic ideal as some hon. Members have assumed.
In matters of public health there used to be some supervision and control by the Ministry because it was necessary to uphold minimum standards and to encourage councils to go for maximum standards. Local authorities used to be given grants-in-aid and contributions towards the salaries of medical officers of health, nurses, midwives and sanitary inspectors and there used to be promises of further grants and contributions if they improved their standards. That helped to get very good health standards in local government.
There are no controls of that kind over housing matters administered by local councils. I urge my right hon. Friend to see if he can guide local authorities—I do not suggest that he should interfere with the minutiae of their administration—towards a more enlightened, democratic and fair policy for the allocation and letting of houses. There is far too much variation in the systems at present employed by various councils all over the country.
The suspicion among the citizens in any locality that there is unfairness is far more hurtful than the fact that they have to wait a long time on a long waiting list. If they know that they are waiting for their proper turn in accordance with a fair system, they are prepared to wait. If they feel that other people are being pushed in above their fair turn through favouritism by personal knowledge of councillors they resent it, and local government falls into disrepute.
Some local government officials do not help in this matter. I have had some unpleasant experiences myself with officials of local government departments who are only too ready to throw blame upon the Government for the short-comings of their own council or possibly their own deficiencies. When I was the representative of Winchester in the House in the last Parliament I had occasion to read in the local paper, to my horror, that the Clerk to the Winchester Rural District Council took the chair at local Conservative Party meetings for my prospective opponent. That was within the area he was responsible for administering as a local government official of the highest standing.
I drew the attention of the Minister to this. He said, quite rightly, that, while he deplored it, he could not ignore the liberty of any local government official to do anything he liked. Even the National Association of Local Government Officers, while deploring those open political activities, said that they could not interfere in what was obviously a case of bad taste on the part of the Clerk to the Winchester Rural Council.
Recently I have seen that the surveyor of one of the borough councils in my constituency has been publicly blaming the Government for delay over the erection of a footbridge in Goole when the facts are directly opposed and there is no blame attaching to the Government. One expects from some of the more political Members of the House, who always bring party politics into their speeches, a certain amount of misrepresentation—
What about the Parliamentary Secretary?
—and a certain amount of exaggeration.
These cases are neither exaggerations nor misrepresentation of facts. If we are to talk about this great democratic local government structure, it is just as well that we should see its defects as well as its virtues. Therefore, I deplore exaggerated complaints and the distortion of facts which come from local government officials who ought not to bring propaganda into their council meetings and into their committee meetings. The job of administering local government today is not at all easy, and they make it all the more difficult for themselves if they complicate matters by bringing propaganda into their jobs.
The hon. Member is making a serious charge against a large number of people. Is he suggesting to the House that these charges of partiality are general amongst local government officials?
Not by any means. That is why it is all the more necessary to pin-point the cases to which I have referred to show those concerned that they are transgressing against the general run of impartiality.
But the hon. Gentleman has drawn the attention of the House to one case. Is he generalising from that?
No, I have drawn attention to two cases. I am sorry that the hon. and learned Member was asleep during the second one.
I understood that the hon. Gentleman was complaining of political partiality in the second case.
That is perfectly true. I have drawn the attention of the House to two cases, not one case. No one today can be very happy about the position of local government. Hon. Members who have drawn the attention of the House to the position, and have stimulated this debate, have performed a service. We need a complete re-organisation and revision of local government. However, it is only too easy to demand immediate action when one is not in the position of responsibility where one has to implement that demand.
While I agree that it is very necessary for the re-organisation and examination to take place, I would suggest to those responsible for the Motion to withdraw it, having had a very good debate on the subject. They know quite well that nobody on this side wants to see the deterioration of local government continue any further, and that nobody wants any undue interference with local government from Whitehall. What we want is the training and guidance of local government officials, electorate, councillors and would-be councillors in their responsible duties towards the public at large.
9.0 p.m.
This has been a very interesting debate, and the Liberal-Unionist group can take credit for having promoted it. I feel that it is a singular honour for me to be winding up for them. The general trend of the debate has given us many valuable speeches, and although there may have been some diversity of opinion I think there is most certainly a community of concern at the progressive weakening of the structure of local government. Some of the speeches, apart from what I am going to say, have made out a case that the Minister must give a constructive answer to the problem.
I say that the Minister must give a constructive answer, because in the early stages of the debate when the Parliamentary Secretary intervened to answer the proposer and seconder of the Motion, he said remarkably little. It may be that he was restraining himself from using the arguments so that he would not steal the thunder of his right hon. Friend, but when he got on to the subject of "forthwith" which he found objectionable, and said that he felt we were wrong in asking for action forthwith, he was on very bad ground.
I should like to remind the hon. Gentleman and the Minister of the words of their right hon. Friend the Member for Ebbw Vale (Mr. A. Bevan) when speaking in the Debate on 2nd November, 1949, on the winding up of the Boundary Commission. This is what the right hon. Member said:
The right hon. Gentleman who is now the Minister must accept Ministerial responsibility, and if the previous Minister walked out of office with these plans in his pocket that is just too bad. Perhaps the Minister can encourage his right hon. Friend to have them published, if they are important enough, in a future "Tribune" pamphlet. No doubt they will there make a valuable contribution to future Government policy. That, I think, effectively disposes of our right to say "forthwith." Now, we are told that we must wait until the local government bodies have reached agreement and that when the Government have considered that agreement they will then consider legislation. But the right hon. Gentleman and his hon. Friend the Parliamentary Secretary know as well as I do that they may have to wait a longish time for that. However hard the local government bodies try— and I am sure they are trying very hard —it is a singularly difficult job for them to reach agreement amongst themselves; it has been observed by hon. Members opposite today that the traditional approach to any discussion on this problem is to ask for additional powers. As I say, the debate has shown the general concern about the weakening of the life of local government, and most of the comment has been frankly critical from both sides of the House.
There have been three solid comments of a constructive nature of which the right hon. Gentleman should take note. First, several experts in local government commented that they believed that two-tier local government must still be the basis of the structure. The hon. Members for Tottenham (Mr. Messer), Southall (Mr. Pargiter), and Conway (Mr. W. E. Jones) have all made that comment; they are all acknowledged experts in this field, and I do not doubt that the Minister will give considerable weight to their comments. They all acknowledge, as I do, that the all-purpose authority has a part to play, but the two-tier structure has evidently received considerable support today as the basis for our local government.
The second comment which I feel deserves particular attention related to the differentiation of the functions into the personal and impersonal. That was touched on by the hon. Member for Tottenham and was effectively dealt with by the hon. Member for Bridgeton (Mr. Carmichael) in his refreshing and vigorous speech dealing with the whole subject. That also cannot have failed to connect with his Front Bench, as is the case with most of his comments. The hon. Member for Chelmsford (Mr. Ashton) also had a comment to make on this matter. I felt that his comment, which was specific—namely that the domiciliary health services and the primary and secondary educational services should go to the second tier of local government—deserves very careful attention. It throws into relief the problem that we have here of getting the personal services at the proper level of local government so that there is the right element of personal relationship with the local elected member.
The third point which I feel emerges from the debate with special weight is the reference to finance, the increased dependence on the Treasury grant and the result of the increased control by the central departments over local government bodies. That comment has been made in all quarters of the House, and while I know that the right hon. Gentleman has done his best in his Department to try to relieve this stranglehold, one must recognise that however good Ministerial intentions, the present basis of a 50 per cent. grant is bound to mean on the one hand the meticulous control of central departments and on the other hand a reduction in the sense of local responsibility in the spending of the ratepayers' money. In most cases there is a 50 per cent. grant and in some cases, although not many, there is 100 per cent. grant. I hope that we shall see the end of the 100 per cent. grant which is really a complete horror. The 50 per cent. grant is bad enough.
Later I should like to make a suggestion for dealing with that matter. It is bound to give us concern. The financial picture is no one's fault in particular. It is simply the product of circumstances where the income from rating sources has been relatively stationary while money has been progressively losing its value. Therefore, in order to finance the operations of local government it has become necessary progressively to increase the Treasury grant. The total effect of that, of course, is serious.
In the course of the debate hon. Members have commented on the denuding of the different levels of local government of various functions, and I should like to define what I regard as the worst example of this trend. That is the removal of functions from the second tier of local government and, in particular, from the non-county borough. In the past six years, mostly as a result of the action of this Government, the lower tier, the non-county borough, has lost the following services: the police service, the fire service, the education service, the domiciliary health service, town planning, gas and electricity. That is a very formidable list and what in sum it has done is completely to alter the whole character of that local government body. Other district councils have not lost so much because they did not have so much to lose, but they all end up with the same limited functions.
I want to be fair to the Government. I have tried to find if any function has gone back to this hardly-used level of local government. The only thing I can find is the function of the prevention of vermin. That has gone back under the Prevention of Damage by Pests Act, 1949. But, knowing the tendency of the former Minister in this matter, that seems more of an insult than a compliment and would, I feel, be very little consolation for what they have lost to local government bodies concerned.
County councils have lost, at the higher levels, hospitals, Public Assistance and agriculture—all very considerable functions—and the county boroughs have lost similar functions. The Government must accept direct responsibility for this general trend. I recognise that, looking at each of these functions, one probably can find a sound technical argument for moving it from one level to the other, from county council level to a regional level, but when the sum of all this transfer of functions is taken into account it means that the whole structure of local government services has been seriously weakened, especially at the lower level.
The Government, as has already been mentioned, have had the benefit of the Boundary Commission's Report, which they received in 1948. In 1949 they proceeded to dissolve the Boundary Commission. They do not seem to have shown any great consciousness of the responsibility they have to do something to repair the damage done by their legislative programme. Their policy, now announced, of waiting until local government bodies have agreed together and produced a plan just means they are not taking the situation seriously at all. I am hoping that the Minister will make a far more satisfactory answer than we have had up to date.
So far as we are concerned in considering the solution, I recognise that many hon. and right hon. Members on both sides of the House have taken part in local government service. They are deeply conscious of the value of that service, of the spirit of local government and the value both of the service to the community and the service put in by members. We all, naturally, have a strong sense of loyalty to the local government body on which we have served and it is not unnatural that we think that our particular form of local government unit is a very good one.
I suggest that in this debate we need to try to lift our minds above loyalty to the form and concentrate our thought on the spirit of local government behind that form because it is with that that we are really concerned. We could argue for ever about what was the best form, but we are all conscious of the same spirit of local government service which we wish to preserve.
It is to that end that I feel that my comments should be directed. We have had some comment about what is the purpose of local government. I think that that purpose has been well expressed in this debate. The first purpose is the administrative function by which local services, in the main of a personal nature, are administered by local people. The second is the political function which gives the maximum opportunity for the largest number of the community to take part in self-government. The hon. Member for Conway put that most admirably when he said that the most efficient government is no substitute for self-government. That is true, and I hope that the right hon. Gentleman will give full weight to it when he is considering this matter.
The conditions for the fulfilment of these two aims might be put in this way. First, the range of functions must be important and sufficiently interesting to attract the right kind of men and women to serve in local government service. Already be have had anxiety expressed from all sides that the calibre of candidate is not what it used to be.
Secondly, the structure of local government should be understandable to the ordinary man in the street—to the voter. Probably all of us here in the House today understand it, but it really is a complicated structure today. It must be difficult for the average voter to understand why one-third of the borough councillors of the non-county borough are elected every year, whereas every three years all the county councillors are elected. If we still need this electoral form, could we not make it a little more simple?
The third condition is that the unit of local government should be large enough for efficiency and able to finance itself to perform to an adequate standard the functions it has to do. Conversely, the fourth is that it should be small enough so that there is personal participation by the elected members, especially in the personal services. The fifth is that it should be stable enough to prevent internecine warfare.
There has been a running war going on for years now between the county boroughs and the counties. We must do something to bring that to an end. It is bad for everybody. It makes for instability and ill-will all round. That is one of the most urgent reasons why Parliament should give attention to this matter and make a settlement which will last, let us say, for 10 years, so that, during that time at least, there can be a peace.
The last condition is that it should be independent enough of central control for responsible self-government. I have already made a comment on the effect of the financial structure. The sum of these conditions is that it should be such that it offers the fullest opportunity to all members of the community to take part in governing themselves and maintaining a satisfactory standard of local services. There are about 50,000 people engaged as elected members of local councils and committees. There are many more personally associated with them and taking a direct interest in the whole process of local government. This really is the cradle of democracy, as some Member said earlier in the debate.
It is wrong for us to think that we could govern the country from this House unless we had as partners the tens of thousands of people outside who are performing their small part in the general practice of governing this country at the local government levels. That is the activity in which men and women really learn the art of politics and how a country is governed. We complain often enough that the people do not understand the issues which face it.
Local government service is the place where people learn, and this political education is absolutely vital to the whole process of a democratic State. The Socialist Government has shown its incompetence by its inaction, and by its general policy of increasing the power of central control, which has had a damaging effect. I would like to remind the right hon. Gentleman of two lines from Dr. Johnson, which I think admirably sum up their position:
In the few minutes I have remaining, I should like to make one or two suggestions, as we have been asked to give to the Government some ideas, which it seems they lack themselves, on how they should approach these problems. I would say that the Report of the Boundary Commission is a very good starting point. It is a comprehensive Report which covers the whole of England and Wales. It is also a brilliant analysis of the picture, and, whether we agree with its recommendations or not, that does not alter the fact that it is a comprehensive Report and that it does focus attention on the aspects of the matter with which we are dealing here today.
The Commission come down emphatically on the side of two-tier government, and that seems to me to have been the general trend of our discussion today. We recognise, of course, that there must be all-purpose authorities, but I am bound to say that my personal feeling is that the approach of the Boundary Commission—that the all-purpose county borough should be the exception rather than the rule—is probably generally sound. They postulated a minimum population of 200,000, and that may be rather on the high side.
I have heard other estimates by local government associations, and I understand that they are in the range of 50–100,000 and a good deal short of 200,000. Be that as it may, we cannot escape the conclusion that, of the county boroughs that exist today, many are too small for efficient administration and undoubtedly, at the present time, some are upsetting the general balance of administration in the surrounding counties. I do not think it is possible for me today to say what should be the absolute minimum figure. At any rate, the Commission has focused attention on something that needs consideration, and the trend of their conclusion is probably right.
With regard to the local services themselves, the Commission with great clarity, differentiate the services into the personal and impersonal. They strongly recommended that an attempt should be made to get the personal services into small enough units of local government so that there would be the personal participation of the elected member. I think that also has been the general trend of our comments today. To put this idea into practice we should adopt their idea of a most purposes authority. It would be something like the non-county borough today with a population of say, 60,000 or more, which should have added to it such services as the domiciliary health service, and, certainly, some of the educational services. The educational services at present are carried out by county borough and county councils.
When we get to the county level, the Report makes some very far-reaching suggestions about the merging of counties in order to achieve what the Boundary Commission regard as the minimum effective size. It should not be lightly dismissed even if we find some of these recommendations somewhat startling. I believe that Sir Malcolm Trustram Eve managed to get agreement for his Lancashire solution, which in itself was a major achievement. But be that as it may, the general idea is right that there are a number of counties which are too small to support the administrative services that we expect them to carry out today, such as highways, police, and fire services which should be administered in large units and which are not of a personal nature.
I am not sure whether I agree with the Boundary Commission that these counties should be merged. I think the Commission have perhaps under-valued the strength of local loyalties, especially county loyalties, which mean a great deal. I have a feeling that a profitable approach would be the idea of joint boards formed by the counties to run these services on large enough units to make them effective. That would leave the county to administer the rest of the services as a county council, but it would combine with one or more adjoining county councils in order to administer the particular services with a joint board.
It is true that the members of the joint board are not directly elected, but they are elected to their county councils, and they are elected from them, so they still have the refreshing link with the electorate. The river boards as the right hon. Gentleman knows, furnishes a useful example of this, and although a highway could hardly be called as pleasant or as inspiring a feature as a river to look after —and certainly not to sail along—I still think it is an idea which could be examined. Something has certainly got to be done there, and this might be the proper approach. Similarly, it might well serve as an approach to the hospital service.
To my mind, the idea of the regional hospital boards is unacceptable; they are too remote. Nobody knows who they are, they are appointed by the Minister, they never face the electorate, and they do not give that personal link which is essential in local government services. The alternative of a joint board which will provide a big enough unit to be effective administratively seems to be one very well worth considering.
One word on delegation before I conclude. The Report recommends schemes of delegation from county level to county district level. I think that idea is worth considering, but I believe we would be quite unrealistic if we thought it possible for county authority to delegate functions which involved substantial financial expenditure. It just does not work. I do not agree with the example quoted by the hon. Member for Tottenham regarding the education service. I do not think divisional executives have been a success, although I pay full tribute to the people who have tried to work them. They have done their best, but as a link with local feeling, or to break down the county unit to the district level, I do not think they are a success. I do not think they link up with local loyalties and opinion. Indeed, they cause a great deal of frustration. Because the financial responsibility remains with the county council, all their work must be subject to the county council, and the result is they have no freedom of action.
As an example of what does work, we have the town planning function. That has worked out very successfully where schemes of delegation have been operated. It has worked in my own county, and, although some people were surprised by the degree of delegation at the time of introducing it, I think it has worked out very well. But those are the limits of delegation. Town planning is all right because there is no significant finance involved, but education is not because there is substantial finance involved.
I have no time to say anything about London, but I hope the right hon. Gentleman will make a comment on that when he replies. I think we have made out our case to the right hon. Gentleman. There is overwhelming concern on all sides about the progressive weakening of the local government structure. In the debate today we have given him some constructive suggestions about how he might approach this problem.
It really is not an answer to say that we are going to wait until local government bodies produce an agreed solution themselves. We want to hear from the Minister what are his intentions about local government bodies. Does he give an assurance that he will not take further functions away from them? How does he stand on regional boards, and what are his intentions? What are his plans about local government reform in the main and when does he intend to put them into action? On his replies to these questions we shall judge what we shall do with this Motion.
9.31 p.m.
I have listened with very great interest to almost the whole of this debate and, as I expected would be the case, not only have there been a number of very valuable suggestions made by those who have taken part, but a great variety of views have been expressed. We should be deceiving ourselves if we regarded the result of the debate as suggesting there was any approach to general agreement as to what should be done.
I think that is not surprising, because this question more than any other in the political field rouses intense feelings of local patriotism and considerable—I will not say prejudice, because that is not the sense I want to convey—preference for one form of local government over another, based upon the personal experience of hon. Members in all parts of the House.
It is for this reason, since in this House of Commons the Government have a very small majority, adequate for many purposes but not, as I shall try to show, for this purpose, that it is impossible to have comprehensive legislation. Here is a case where the discipline of the Whips must not be too strictly applied on either side. The hon. Member for Cheadle (Mr. Shepherd) wants to abolish county councils. I should be sorry to think that he would be too severely whipped on his own side if he voted in favour of any proposition to that effect.
This is the type of question on which in a Parliament with a narrow Government majority comprehensive legislation is just not realistic at all. None the less, a debate of this kind has been very valuable to all of us, because it has brought out a variety of opinion and a great deal of practical knowledge; and undoubtedly it will contribute to the formation of opinion. It also displays clearly to us the broad alternatives which lie before us so far as local government reform is concerned.
This Motion demands that we should undertake forthwith various activities. As I think the hon. Member for Renfrew, West (Mr. Maclay), who, with great grace but—with respect—without much conviction, moved the Motion knows, that is really not possible. In his speech he went on to argue—and he was here supported by the hon. and learned Member for Ilford, North (Mr. Hutchinson)—that we should forthwith appoint a Royal Commission to inquire into the finances of local government. But Royal Commissions are not of the kingdom of forthwith.
I did not say finance. In my personal opinion it is not necessary to delay action on functions and boundaries while waiting for a study of the finances of local authorities.
I thought the hon. Gentleman's argument was that finance was at the bottom of it all and that unless finance was in some way corrected and altered all other discussion would be useless.
I did not say that.
It is a fact.
I rather sensed it from what the hon. Member said. At any rate, the hon. and learned Member for Ilford, North—who I do not see in his place at the moment—in pressing for a Royal Commission on finance, emphasised the great importance and underlying necessity of some financial changes. But this is totally inconsistent. A Royal Commission is a well-known device for getting a very thorough consideration of matters referred to it. We have all known it so employed in many political contexts. I hope any necessary changes in local government finance can be brought about without this delaying mechanism. I will return to the subject of local government finance in a moment, but I would point out that to appoint a Royal Commission is the one way to make sure that nothing changes for several years.
I turn now to the local authority associations and their meetings. I was looking to see whether my hon. Friend the Member for Southall (Mr. Pargiter) was in his place, and I see that he is. He referred to the meetings, and he has knowledge of them because I think he is himself a member of one of the bodies. I always listen with particular attention to what he says on this subject, because he is in on the ground floor. The hon. Member for Burton (Mr. Colegate) and my hon. Friend the hon. Member for The Hartlepools (Mr. D. Jones) also drew attention to this conference of local authority associations and attached great importance to it, as I do.
My hon. Friend the Parliamentary Secretary was asked whether he would give a pledge, before they have reached an agreement and when we do not know whether they will reach an agreement, that he would undertake in advance to accept whatever they recommended. Although relatively young as a statesman, my hon. Friend is old enough as a Parliamentarian not to be caught off a long hop like that, and, of course, he said, "No, certainly not. Let us wait and see what they recommend, and when they reach agreement that will predispose us to consider the matter with sympathy and with interest." I sincerely hope that they will reach agreement. My hon. Friend the Member for Southall said they might reach a three-in-four agreement—he thought three out of four might agree even if the fourth stood out. Well, that will be something.
I hope no section of the House will think lightly of this prolonged effort at conciliation and agreement which has been going on between these representative bodies. When I first came to my present office I inquired about the position and I was told that these discussions were going very well. I did not start them; the initiative had been taken and they were already going on. I have informed the representatives of the associations several times that I wish them all good fortune in their discussions and that if there is anything I can do to help, I will do it. Ultimately, however, I must await their conclusions.
May I pick up another point raised by the hon. Member for Southall about valuation? I am as much concerned about this as he is, and I am in consultation with my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer to see to what extent we can accelerate this valuation process, even if we have to break it up into sections. I believe this to be most urgent. Everybody is agreed that we want this uniform central valuation and, indeed, it was agreed to be desirable when the Bill passed through the House. It was agreed that it was necessary that we should complete it as soon as possible. On the other hand, it is only fair to admit that the staffs concerned have all sorts of other duties pressing in upon them. I am considering the matter with my right hon. Friend and we will do our best to speed it to the utmost.
I was a little surprised that in the many speeches which were made today no reference was made to the latest Census figures, which have recently been published, because in my view they have a bearing on the subject. The best pattern of local government will depend on the distribution of population throughout the country. It will be seriously affected by the extent to which what are called—in an ugly word describing an ugly fact—these conurbations which contain an increasing number of the population in too small a part of our island.
Since the Census returns were published, I have been studying them with a view to this problem, in particular, because I think the bearing upon it is obvious. Since 1931, when the last Census was taken, 20 years have passed and great changes have occurred. I could only wish that the figures in the Census—the rather striking figures—which show that since 1931 the population of the urban areas has declined from 82.4 per cent. to 80.7 per cent. and that the population of the rural areas has correspondingly increased from 17.6 per cent. to 19.3 per cent. really meant that the rural population had increased.
But I am afraid that they do not mean that. What they do mean is that in those areas classified as rural the numbers of the urban population has increased. But even though that is the fact it is important that we should for the time being have an increase rather than a diminution in the population of areas classified as rural.
I will not weary the House with a lot of statistics, but these do, I think, have a bearing on the issue before us. It is very disturbing to find that, in spite of all the efforts we have made to disperse the population away from the big centres into the smaller centres, according to the 1951 figures just available Greater London —that is, the L.C.C. area plus outer London—still holds one in five or 20 per cent. of the population of England and Wales. It is a shocking thing, socially, economically and strategically to have one in five of the inhabitants south of the Scottish Border living in Greater London.
When we add the other five major conurbations—that is to say, south-east Lancashire, which focuses upon Manchester; the West Midlands focusing on Birmingham; the West Riding of Yorkshire focusing on Leeds, Bradford and other towns in that area; Merseyside focusing on Liverpool; and Tyneside focusing on Newcastle—when we take all those together we have no less than 40 per cent. of the total population south of the Scottish Border living squashed up in those six conurbations—40 per cent.: 20 per cent. in London and another 20 per cent. in the other five conurbations. This is a very grim fact, and if planning means anything and is to mean anything in the coming days we have to try to plan a lot of those people away to other areas.
I hope I may be allowed to take this matter just one stage further, and to mention what the Government are trying to do in the direction of the dispersal of population away from the great cities. First of all, it is our aim to maintain and, if we can, to increase the genuinely rural population. That is the line we take in our agricultural policy; not merely to increase the number of those living on and working on the land, but also to stimulate, as we have done, housing in rural areas, giving special preference for agricultural workers, and the growth of small industries supplementary to agriculture and forestry and to the forward advance of our forestry policy, including the building of new forest villages where human beings have never lived in communities before, at Kielder and elsewhere—all designed to keep people out of the cities and to prevent them swarming into the conurbations.
Second, we are building the new towns where it is planned that, while outside conurbations, people should be able to live in new communities—not dormitories, but places where people can live near where they work, so cutting out the monstrous waste in travel both of time and money. In that way gradually there have been springing up new communities in and part of, or at any rate, close to, rural surroundings.
Then there is the policy of expanded towns on which the Parliamentary Secretary spoke. Many people living in the conurbations should be enabled to live— apart from those who live in the new towns—in existing towns which will be expanded according to the plans to be executed, not by new town corporations, but by existing local authorities in those towns.
We have had people speaking—I do not accept this at all—about the weakening of the life of local government, and so on. Here, indeed, is a project that will appeal very much to the local authorities in the towns which are to be expanded, because they will have the chance of expanding those towns, which will not be done by separate corporations. I take just a few which are on our list —Bletchley, Chelmsford, Basingstoke and Ashford, in the Home Counties, Worsley and Leyland, both in Lancashire, and Ellesmere Port, in Cheshire. These are all planned to be expanded by the local authorities themselves.
If local authority life is lax in any of those towns when they have this great opportunity of construction, I shall be greatly surprised. It is a new adventure which is to be afforded them—with suitable financial support, a matter which I am discussing with the Chancellor of the Exchequer and on which I hope to be able to make a statement soon—a real opportunity for local authority adventure which comes only seldom, but which comes to those authorities now.
Finally, in the influence which we seek to exert on the distribution of population, I mention the carrying through to its final stages of our policy in regard to development areas. In the old, distressed areas from which people fled as from the plague before the war, they are now remaining. We have already created 250,000 new jobs in factories in those areas since the end of the war. It is a familiar calculation that for every man or woman put directly into work in a factory in any one of those areas at least one other person is indirectly put into employment in connection with transport or other services in the area.
So it is safe to say that the Government's policy in relation to the development areas has enabled a half million people to remain in those areas and earn a living instead of having to crawl away to conurbations, as they had to do before the war. In a large part of these areas we have actually maintained a semi-rural population which would otherwise have been dispersed and driven away. I think of West Cumberland, that piece of coast near the Lake District from which people were fleeing as from the plague. It has filled up with employment as full as that in any other part of the country—I think too of the Welsh valleys and some parts of the county of Durham.
This is an important part of the Government's policy to enable people to live out of the great conurbations, to earn their living and live new lives as happy self-respecting citizens in places which were once places of misery, poverty and wretchedness. That completes the picture of how the Government are seeking to disperse the population and keep it as dispersed as we can. We shall press forward along all these lines.
We have been told by several hon. Members opposite that there is now a complete freeze of all local government life so far as boundaries are concerned. That is not wholly true. I made it clear, on the Sheffield Extension Bill, which perished by another hand at the other end of the passage, not here, that I thought that a prima facie case had been made out for some extension in the case of that Bill.
I was careful not to indicate in any detail what the extension might be, but on that Bill and on others I have made it clear that I would not rule out all minor extensions of county boroughs to take within their boundaries housing developments which they have undertaken just outside. It is an untidy pattern of local government, and on the whole rather harmful, that one local authority should build houses in another local authority area.
That is sometimes inevitable, but we should avoid it when we can, partly through moderate extensions in the case of an authority which has gone outside its boundaries to build homes for its citizens. I maintain that view. I think that there would be a prima facie case for other minor extensions of that kind.
The question has been raised of changes in status as distinct from changes in powers in the case of certain urban district councils whose areas have become populous and whether they may not become non-county boroughs. I have said in more than one case brought to me that, although I cannot think it right that there should be many such changes of status, nevertheless I would not rule it out. I agreed that the ordinary drill should be gone through in each of these cases, so that we could see whether the claims were justified.
The Local Government Boundary Commission has, naturally, figured very much in our discussions tonight. Like most other hon. Members in the House interested in this matter, I have read their Report with great interest, and undoubtedly very valuable work was done by the Commission. That was warmly said at the time both when it made its Report and when it appeared to the Government that its term of useful activity was over. I am doubtful whether it would be wise, as was suggested by some hon. Members, literally to reconstitute that Commission. I do not think that form of synthetic resurrection would be really what we want, but that does not at all rule out—and this may come up in the course of the recommendations that may come to us from the local authority associations—the setting up of an advisory body of this kind.
It was suggested by the right hon. and gallant Member for Kelvingrove (Lieut.-Colonel Elliot) that we should build with the bricks that we have. That is the inevitability of gradualness. Undoubtedly he learned that as a young man when he was a Fabian from Sidney Webb. Going on that basis, there is no reason why we should not have a standing committee of some kind to advise us both on changes in boundaries and functions of local authorities. My hon. Friend the Member for Bootle (Mr. Kinley) suggested that we should have not the old Commission but some new advisory body, and he made the rather revolutionary suggestion that we should supersede the rather clumsy and costly Private Bill procedure and have instead a Standing Committee of this House working in association with the responsible Minister and some advisory body of the kind he was suggesting. I would not rule that out. It would be a substantial change, but I do not think that it should be rejected without careful consideration.
I had prepared, in case the matter had been raised in detail, some comments on the Report of the Boundary Commission, but I will not go over them now because hardly any of the speakers have dealt with this matter in detail. No one, for instance, has suggested that he would welcome a new county of Fenland, including Cambridge, Huntingdon, the Isle of Ely and the Soke of Peterborough; nor have any of the Welsh Members expressed satisfaction with any of the alternative proposals of the Commission for a smaller number of Welsh counties; or of wanting Merioneth, for instance, to be in three parts. The fact that none of these things have been mentioned indicates how wise it is to have general agreement, if one can, without raising local patriotism to a very high temperature.
That is why I have been a little hesitant to accept the view, but we are really very close to what we can properly call a general agreement. On the whole, I think that it is true, as was said by the hon. Member for Guildford (Mr. Nugent) and other hon. Members, that the general tendency of the debate has been to show a preference for a considerable measure of two-tier local government. It would be quite possible to make out an attractive case for one-tier government, but time prevents me from doing so. Up to a point, it is very attractive to have a single all-purpose authority and to conceive of the whole country being divided into areas appropriate to the activity of such authorities.
Here, unfortunately, we come up against the question of the conurbations and the fact that 40 per cent. of the total population south of the Border is squashed into six major conurbations. This is sufficient to make it impossible to apply generally the conception of a mixed urban and rural authority. The population is wrongly spread to enable that to be done. The argument is in favour, for the major part of the country, of some form of two-tier government.
Having said that, it still remains very open to argument in what part of the country there is to be one-tier and in what part there is to be two-tier government. The Boundary Commission themselves wanted one-tier government in Birmingham, Bristol, Nottingham, Portsmouth, Plymouth and in some 20 important centres of population, so that they cannot be quoted in aid of a universal scheme of two-tier government.
On the other hand, their proposals illustrate the way, in which, within the general framework, there can be two-tier government. I am not thinking now of the rural districts, for I think that that part of the Commission's report was very sketchy. There could be a major portion of the country with two-tier government with certain reservations for the smaller parts where there would be one-tier government. The Government will care- fully consider the whole matter and everything that has been said today. That is a formula often used by Government speakers winding up debates, but I mean it on this occasion.
There were two specific questions to which we should like an answer before the right hon. Gentleman runs out of time. Does he reject on behalf of the Government the principle of regionalism; and, second, can he give an assurance that no further powers will be withdrawn from local authorities?
I think it was Professor Cole who was in favour of regionalism some years ago, but his followers have fallen away lately. I am not going to give an open and shut pledge about it at this time of the night, but what I do say is that I have not heard any strong argument in favour of regionalism in time of peace. In time of war everything is different. It has not been proposed by a single Member in any part of today's debate. With regard to the powers of local authority I hope the hon. Gentleman will not press me on what may be added, and what remains to be subtracted in the future.
I do not take a gloomy view about local government. In a moderately active life I have never been a member of a local authority, but I do not think, from the meetings I have had and the many contacts which I have made since holding my present office, that local government, to quote the hon. Member for Guildford, progressively lacks spirit and is progressively weakening. That is not an accurate interpretation of the position today, nor do I think it is a fair description of the facts.
rose —
I am quoting what the hon. Member said and I took down his words.
There is a great deal of health, vitality public interest and public spirit in local government today, and it would be a great pity if the outcome of this debate were to suggest that local government was on the downward grade. Nothing of the kind is true at all. Although we all agree that the present system is not in any way perfect, and is not in many ways in line with the requirements of the present time, it would be a great mistake if we started the story that there was some frightful disease in the system and unless we righted it the victim would die of anaemia. Nothing of the kind.
On the subject of legislation in this Parliament, the right hon. and gallant Gentleman said that Parliaments with narrow majorities had done a great deal of good work in the past, and he quoted the case of Diraeli. This Government with a small majority has passed many Measures. I am astonished how many. It shows how weak was the Opposition. For instance, the Finance Bill passed after being hotly contested for many days and nights. But these questions are different from local government reform, which must wait until the next Parliament.—
It being Ten o'Clock, the debate stood adjourned.
Utility Apparel (Maximum Prices)
10.1 p.m.
I beg to move,
Order No. 1100 is the fifth Order amending Statutory Instrument No. 216, the principal Order which was made on 9th February, and Order No. 649 was one of the series. Order No. 1100 substitutes a new Third Schedule for the Third Schedule in the principal Order. The new Third Schedule consists of a list of the so-called Related Schedules. If one looks at the new Third Schedule to the principal Order which appears in the Second Schedule to Statutory Instrument No. 1100, one finds altogether seven Related Schedules mentioned and one supplement. Of those, four Related Schedules and the supplement are brought into force by this Statutory Instrument and they are described in the heading to each Related Schedule and the Supplement as being brought into force by Statutory Instrument No. 1100. That is quite all right as far as it goes, at any rate at the present time for the purposes of the debate, and I have no complaint or comment to make upon it.
But in the case of the other three Related Schedules which are mentioned—5H, 6L and 17A—I complain that when one looks at the headings to them one finds that they are not identified with Statutory Instrument No. 1100. Related Schedule 5H is described in its heading as issued for the purposes of Statutory Instrument No. 216 as amended by Statutory Instrument No. 649, but Statutory Instrument No. 649 is dead because it was revoked by Statutory Instrument No. 1100. Therefore the Related Schedule itself purports to be issued for the purposes of the principal Order as amended by an order which is no longer in existence. I say that cannot be a proper satisfactory identification with this Statutory Instrument by virtue of which it now exists. In the case of the Related Schedule 6L, that is merely described as issued for the purposes of Statutory Instrument No. 216—the principal Order. That may not be quite so misleading, but all the same there is a lot of difference between No. 216 and No. 216 as amended.
But then I should go on to Related Schedule No. 17A. Similarly, that is described as issued for the purposes of Statutory Instrument 216, but in this case as amended by Statutory Instrument 296. But No. 296 was revoked by No. 413, and therefore that is dead, also. So here we have the identification at the head of the Schedule describing it as issued for the purposes of the original Order as amended by an Order which no longer exists. Surely that must be a highly confusing and unsatisfactory position. In my submission it affects the validity of these Related Schedules, but whether in legal opinion the validity is affected, or not, I think the Parliamentary Secretary must agree that it is not at all satisfactory. Indeed, the very fact that the Department has quite recently amended the expression in the heading to the Related Schedules from "issued for the purposes of" to "brought into force by" suggests that the Department, quite rightly, has been searching for a more satisfactory way of expressing itself.
I do not think that in any case we can be happy about having these Related Schedules flying about in this way. From a legislative point of view it is not at all satisfactory. It may have certain commercial conveniences, I recognise, but I do not think the Parliamentary Secretary himself is happy about it. We have this curious position of a covey of separate documents which are really part of the Order itself, flying about separately. Yet we could not move to annul any one of these Related Schedules separately. The only way to annul one of them is by annulling the Order upon which they depend.
I know that the Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Trade took pride in the fact that in the series of Orders called the Furniture (Maximum Prices) Orders the Board of Trade succeeded in reducing the number of Related Schedules. On 26th June, when a discussion was taking place upon Order No. 1070, he said:
There is one minor criticism I wish to make regarding this series and, in particular, in the case of the Related Schedules made under this Order. The four which are brought into force by this Order are not dated. Every public document that is issued should bear a date. One of them, in fact, bears merely the date "April," and I do not see why the day of the month should not also be given.
Another comment, also of a minor character, is that these documents are signed not, as in the case of the principal Order, by the President of the Board of Trade, but by an Assistant Secretary. It may seem unimportant, and I know that the signature by the Assistant Secretary on behalf of the Board of Trade gives full validity, but there seems to be a sort of distinction drawn by the Board of Trade between the importance of the Order and the importance of the Related Schedules. In my submission, no distinction at all of that kind should be drawn. The Related Schedules are just as important as the Order. In fact, they are the documents which carry the Order into effect.
The notes which appear in these Related Schedules contain a paragraph "Notes on the use of the Schedule" which says—I am now dealing with Related Schedule 5H:
We had the principal Order. No. 216, on 9th February. Then we had No. 296 on 22nd February, No. 413 on 12th March, No. 649 on 16th April, No. 837 on 9th May, and No. 1100—the present one—on 15th June, so that it looks very much as though we are to have another one, and more confusion, very soon. It is very unsatisfactory having these Related Schedules as separate documents, but if we are to have them, if commercial convenience makes it essential, then I think that the Board of Trade might do a good deal by attaching amending slips to correct them up to date, which would at least convey information and prevent confusion.
10.13 p.m.
I beg to second the Motion.
This Order is a most interesting document, and I only wish that all hon. Members opposite had a copy of it. The Order is quite a short document of only two and a half effective pages, but, as my hon. Friend the Member for Sutton Coldfield (Sir J. Mellor) pointed out, there is attached to it seven Related Schedules and a Supplement; so that we can say there are eight Related Schedules. I have not had time to count up how many decisions are involved, but I ask hon. Members to accept my assurance that if they look through these documents there are three or four thousand instructions which must be obeyed by the people who sell the articles to which they apply.
A little time ago, in the last debate we had on one of these Orders, the Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Trade was good enough to tell us that he was going to do away with Related Schedules. I think that a fair interpretation of what he said is that he was a bit fed up, just like I am, with Related Schedules. But this Order was signed before that date, and was signed by the President of the Board of Trade.
I wish that the right hon. Gentleman was here tonight. I am delighted to know that he is better in health, but I think that occasionally the President might come and accept responsibility for these quite fantastic documents. I should not like to burden you, Mr. Speaker, by reading out one of the pages, because, although that would be in order, I think you would be bored, the House would be bored and I should be bored with reading it. It is quite monstrous to get a document presented to Parliament, in respect of which we are entitled to pray, which has in its Related Schedules, I think, 104 pages and several thousands of decisions which have to be obeyed by the people who sell these articles.
As my hon. Friend has pointed out, this Order amends Statutory Instrument No. 216 and Statutory Instrument No. 649, and these Instruments have had a strange career. My hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Scotstoun (Colonel J. R. H. Hutchison) moved a Prayer on Statutory Instrument No. 216, and I took part in that debate. We were a little hampered, Mr. Speaker, because you properly pointed out that we had not simultaneously prayed against Statutory Instruments Nos. 216 and 413, and therefore our debate was properly restricted by you. Later on we had a Prayer on Statutory Instrument No. 413. My hon. and gallant Friend was hoping to open the debate, but you again ruled that he could not pray against No. 413 because it had not arrived. The Government had deposited the Order without depositing the Related Schedule.
That brings me on to something that is going to happen, I believe, on Thursday. On Thursday, I am told on good authority, the Indemnity Bill is going to be presented to Parliament. I am told on good authority by one of His Majesty's Ministers that they have succeeded in drafting this Indemnity Bill to relieve the President of the Board of Trade, possibly the Parliamentary Secretary and possibly masses of other people from the most dreadful consequences which would ensue but for this Bill.
And possibly the right hon. Member for Aldershot (Mr. Lyttelton).
I do not care who is redeemed by this Indemnity Bill, but but I do not think my right hon. Friend the Member for Aldershot, though he was President of the Board of Trade a long time back, was in that office when No. 413 was authorised. I do not care how far back we go redeeming the Board of Trade, because many years ago I was Parliamentary Secretary. I hope I am in the Schedule for more reasons than that. It would be very fortunate. We are in a most awful mess. [HON. MEMBERS: "You always are."] I cannot understand hon. Members opposite. I presume they are bellicose. Parliament should exercise proper control over the Executive. We are not just amusing ourselves in drawing attention to these matters. They are of fundamental importance.
My hon. Friend has drawn attention to most of the points, and I do not want to waste time, but I should like to draw attention to what happens when we have an Order which carries with it these lengthy documents, and I hope some hon. Member opposite will take them from me and will take them home to read to see how fantastic they are. This is not amusing.
It is not good for Parliament that Orders amending No. 216, which this amends, should be presented in such a slipshod manner that Mr. Speaker has to rule that the Prayer cannot take place because the Order has not been properly laid, and in a few days' time I presume we shall give up a lot of time discussing a Bill to relieve the President of the Board of Trade, the Parliamentary Secretary, possibly my right hon. Friend the Member for Aldershot, and, for all I know, the Leader of the House, from the crimes they have committed.
And the hon. Member for Croydon, East (Sir H. Williams).
I was not authorised to sign Statutory Instruments, so I think I am free. It is of great importance that hon. Members should give more attention to these matters. We raise them because we believe Parliament should always exercise proper control over the Executive. That is fundamental. We take parties round this House and we see all sorts of pictures which remind us of that fact. We tell them stories—[HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear"] We tell the people whom we show round what a history book this building is. There are so many things which remind us, and it is not a waste of time to second a Prayer which draws attention to the proper duty of the House of Commons in exercising its control over the Executive.
10.20 p.m.
I do not need to make a long speech on what has been said already. The point put forward by the hon. Member for Sutton Coldfield (Sir J. Mellor) in the debate on 3rd May was brought up at short notice and I was not able to answer it. It was to do with the question of the identification of the Related Schedules. To put the matter quite briefly and answer the hon. Member, may I say that I am advised that the validity of these Related Schedules is not affected by the matter appearing on the face of the Related Schedules to which the hon. Member has drawn attention.
After the debate on 3rd May—this is in reply to the point about alteration of the wording—it seemed that the wording was open to a wrong construction. I am glad the hon. Member took that in a reasonable way and did not make much of a point of it. We therefore amended the wording which appears on the face of the Related Schedules brought into effect by this Order. As to all the arguments in regard to the validity I have answered that point. The hon. Member mentioned the fact that the new Related Schedules are not dated.
Before the Parliamentary Secretary leaves that point altogether, will he not explain why he is satisfied about the validity of these orders when there is no identification? As I pointed out, what is said in the so-called Related Schedules does not identify them with the Order. I hope the hon. Gentleman will let us have his observations on that. Surely when we have two documents— [HON. MEMBERS: "Speech."]—I think it is a reasonable point—the second of which is dependent on the first, the second must be related to the first, and expressly related.
No, Sir, I am not going to argue the case. I have given the hon. Member the advice I have received with regard to the validity of the Related Schedules and on that topic I am not going to elaborate.
The hon. Gentleman cannot give any reasons.
The next point raised by the hon. Member was the fact that the new Related Schedules are not exactly dated. The reasons are perfectly simple. If the hon. Member will cast his mind back to a certain stricture of the Select Committee on Statutory Instruments with regard to the time limit he will see that we have caught up with that now but it means that, as we are doing our utmost to meet the wishes of the Select Committee we have to send the Related Schedules to the printer in advance of the actual Order. They cannot all be printed by one printer.
They are all signed by one person.
Yes, but that is a totally different matter. It is necessary to publish them at the earliest moment to coincide with the main order that brings them into effect. The hon. Member for Sutton Coldfield complained that the Schedules are not dated. It does not matter, because they are effected by the Statutory Instrument, which introduces them and they have effect from the date of the operation of the main Order.
The hon. Member for Sutton Coldfield was disturbed by the fact that an assistant secretary of the Board of Trade, and not the Minister, signed the Related Schedule. He need not be so concerned about that. The assistant secretary is merely authenticating that the Related Schedule is issued for the purposes of the Utility Apparel (Maximum Prices and Charges) Order. He is, in effect, signing a certificate of identification for the Related Schedules which are given effect by the Order, which is signed by the appropriate Minister.
Will the assistant secretary know on what date he signed?
I have already explained that the date on which he signed has no relevance whatever to the effectiveness of the Order.
The hon. Member for Sutton Coldfield raised the question of the number of Schedules. It would be better if he and the hon. Member for Croydon, East, compared notes before they start a debate of this character. In effect, the hon. Member for Croydon, East, was answering the case made by the hon. Member for Sutton Coldfield. The hon. Member for Croydon, East, referred to the thousands of decisions and the main tenor of his speech was around the word "fantastic." The traders do not think them fantastic. They know what they are about. It does not follow that the hon. Member for Croydon, East, must know what the Related Schedules mean before all the traders of the country. If the traders had to wait until the hon. Member for Croydon, East, really understood the Related Schedules they would be a long time getting their money.
Does that mean that the traders receive these Related Schedules before they are authorised?
The hon. Member might have been able to get one like that over me about six months ago, but he cannot do it now. The thousands of decisions that he was referring to were an answer to his hon. Friend the Member for Sutton Coldfield, who suggested that these Related Schedules should be grouped into one and simplified in some way. He said that that was what the traders wanted. If the hon. Member used his imagination for a minute and thought in terms of a departmental store, he would not expect the floor dealing with men's wear to buy a bulky document dealing with children's wear and women's wear; not a bit of it.
Would it not be more convenient, then, to make separate orders instead of putting all the Related Schedules into one order? Each Schedule could be an order in itself.
Apart from the opportunities that that would give the hon. Member to pray against them, it would not really suffice. After all, if one order does the job, why make so many orders which would not be really necessary? That is why the Related Schedules are as many as they are. I think that has answered the points raised by the hon. Member for Sutton Coldfield (Sir J. Mellor).
There is not really anything more to answer in the remarks of the hon. Member for Croydon, East, and in any case he is not listening. He has nipped into the House to "have a little go." It is quite obvious that the Related Schedules have not received his usual close scrutiny. I hope that the hon. Member for Sutton Coldfield, whose points were serious ones in part, is satisfied with the explanation that I have given and that he will now withdraw his Prayer.
10.32 p.m.
The Parliamentary Secretary, with his usual charming irrelevance, has said a number of things, but he has not really answered me and I cannot say that I am satisfied. He has said that dates do not matter. I might agree with him if certain circumstances were satisfied. He said the date of the Related Schedule does not matter because the date is on the Order which introduces the Related Schedule. If the Related Schedules were connected with and identified with the Order then I could say I agreed with him, but for the very reason that the so-called Related Schedules are not identified with the Order the date is of considerable importance.
My whole point is that the Related Schedules are just as much the law of the land as the order or any other Statutory Instrument. They are Statutory Instruments in themselves and, therefore, we have to take them seriously. I do not mind at all the rather frivolous manner of the Parliamentary Secretary, because I know he has taken note and that he is a good deal more anxious than might appear to the House to get these things put right. He has already shown that in some directions. I hope he will take these points a bit more seriously than he has done tonight. All he has told us is that he is advised that the Related Schedules are valid, notwithstanding the fact that they are not identified with the order to which they are supposed to relate.
That seems to me an extraordinary proposition. He should have given us some reasoned argument for saying that they are valid. To say "I am advised" means nothing at all. I would have liked to have had some reason. I maintain definitely that a related schedule that is not identified with the order upon which it depends for its validity is not valid at all. Therefore, I regret to tell the Parliamentary Secretary that I am very dissatisfied with the results this evening.
If I may speak again by leave of the House, may I ask the hon. Baronet if he has Order No. 1100 there?
Yes.
All right; now turn to page 2 and look at the Schedule.
Yes.
Well, there the hon. Baronet has got his identification.
If the Parliamentary Secretary will be so good as to turn to the Related Schedules, and take 5H for example or 17A, and turn to the head of the Related Schedule, and look at the headings he will see that they refer to orders no longer in existence. How can he say that that is proper identification?
If I may speak again by leave of the House, and this will be the last time, if the hon. Baronet will look at the last page of any of the Related Schedules he will see the Order to which they refer.
The Parliamentary Secretary knows that that will not wash because the Order on which these Related Schedules now depend for their validity was not in existence when they were printed.
Question put, and negatived.
Professor Joliot-Curie (Entry Visa)
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House do now adjourn."— [ Mr. Popplewell. ]
10.37 p.m.
In a Question on 14th July, I asked the Home Secretary why he had refused permission for Professor Joliot-Curie to enter this country. The purpose of his visit was to attend a meeting called in the interests of world peace. I am sorry that my right hon. Friend is not in his place tonight so that I could have the pleasure of telling him what I thought of his reply. It was a reply typical of an hysterical outburst from the White House—and not from the British Parliament—where to mention the word peace is the most unpardonable of all political crimes today.
I said then that my right hon. Friend's answer was a piece of fiction, and I am perfectly certain that he knew he was putting across the House a piece of fiction in reply to a serious Question that raised important principles. But there is much more in it than that. It is, and I as a Socialist must admit it, alien to the traditions of our country, and alien certainly to the traditions of the great working class which has put this Government into power, as well as being an affront to the desires, hopes and fears of many millions of our people.
Let us consider for one moment who this man is that the Home Secretary of a Labour Government did not consider good enough to put his feet on British soil. Joliot-Curie is accepted by those best able to judge as one of the world's greatest physicists. He was elected to the foreign membership of our own Royal Society in 1946 at the exceptionally early age of 45. The scientific journal "Nature," said on 26th May, 1946: When this journal referred to "his British colleagues," the expression was, of course, not intended to embrace professional politicians irrespective of whatever side of this House they may sit. This highly scientific journal went on to say:
This journal, which I understand is a most authoritative organ in the scientific world, devoted much space to the great discoveries of this distinguished scientist. For example, when Joliot-Curie and his equally distinguished wife discovered artificial radio-activity he was congratulated by our own great British scientist, Rutherford, who admitted that he himself had sought for this phenomenon for 30 years.
I would commend to the Home Secretary the great tributes of this gifted scientist written in "Nature" on the date I mentioned. This Socialist Home Secretary of ours will learn how, before the last war, Joliot-Curie made the most revealing discoveries in nuclear fission— new knowledge that ultimately got into the hands of a dangerous group of sadists who now can think only of massacre and destruction by means of the atom and other forms of bombs. Because of his refusal to join with such creatures—and I commend this fact to the Home Secretary—and to prostitute his great talents in their service Joliot-Curie is not a fit and proper person to visit this country of ours on rare occasions.
During the war this great man became the recognised head of the National Front —the French Resistance Movement— with more than one million members. At the end of the war the French Government made him a Commander of the Legion of Honour and he received the Croix-de-Guerre with palms. When Joliot-Curie and his colleagues completed the first atomic pile and handed over their patent rights to their country, France, M. Schuman, the then President of the Council, wrote to him in these words:
Who is going to drop the bombs?
I do not think the hon. Member can speak like that about a friendly country.
I apologise if I have erred. Joliot-Curie's colleagues at the time of his dismissal wrote: the House by raising the case of Professor Joliot-Curie. I would have hoped that in time wiser counsels would have prevailed and deeper understanding would have come to our own Home Secretary.
However, peace and organisation for peace and friendship, rather than the horrors of war, have become the Home Secretary's worst phobia. He is possessed by what seems to me to be a paranoiac tendency to condemn every effort to establish good and friendly relations with other peoples, and every possible contribution to avoid the worst of all possible tragedies, namely, a third world war. This is not the only thing which my right hon. Friend the Home Secretary has to his discredit in matters of peace.
Many of us have not forgotten the World Peace Congress, and many of us have been humiliated by his refusal to permit entry to many distinguished men and women from all parts of the world; people like Mme. Isabelle Blume, a Deputy of the Belgian Parliament, who helped the Belgian Government in exile in this country where she was well known during the war; Pastor Kehnscherper, pastor of the Evangelical Church in Eastern Europe; Dr. Hilarius Rady, of Dusseldorf; and Sergei Gerasimov, world-famous film producer. Members of the medical profession, historians, poets and others are refused entry into our country. We still pretend that we are working for peace, yet at the same time we are trying to insulate this little island of ours from every conceivable influence which can help us to establish peace and obviate the horrors of a third world war.
10.51 p.m.
If the insulation of this country of ours from these distinguished visitors to whom the hon. Member has referred means that we are war-mongers, what then is the position of the U.S.S.R., which has completely insulated itself, not only from this, but from many other countries? What is the position of China, which is the latest country completely to come under Communist domination, and which resolutely refuses visas to would-be visitors? I have tried to go to Russia as a friendly visitor several times since 1945, but I have been refused a visa each time I have applied.
So have I, and I am more tolerant than Joliot-Curie.
My hon. Friend is too well known as a "war-monger." If we are going to be tolerant and admit Communists from other countries as propagandists, then there should be reciprocal arrangements on the part of the Communist countries whereby our visitors are allowed to go to those countries. It is all very well for Communists to expect freedom of movement to be extended to them and then refuse it to others. So far as China is concerned, she is putting a complete block on visas for British journalists. During the last two years no non-Communist journalist from this country has been granted a visa to go there. In the same way other people who wish to go on friendly, fact-finding, visits are refused visas; or, if the visa is exceptionally granted, the greatest difficulties are put in their way.
I have the greatest sympathy with the distinguished scientist whose case has been put forward by my hon. Friend tonight, but I would ask that he uses his eloquence, such as he has used tonight, in getting his friends in those countries to open their doors and so help us establish more friendly relations between one country and another.
10.54 p.m.
I have been refused a visa to visit Russia and I have, therefore, some sympathy with this scientist who has been refused admission here. He cannot be allowed in, either because he is a Communist or a fellow-traveller, but surely we should not be afraid of a Frenchman coming in when we allow the "Daily Worker," a daily newspaper, which every day puts forward the view in English all over the country exactly similar to that which Joliot-Curie would advocate in French. We used to have a tradition in this country which allowed people with any orthodox, or unorthodox, political opinions to come into the country.
I believe that we have started an iron curtain here when we refuse to allow distinguished foreigners to come in. We are abandoning the old libertarian tradition which led a Tory Government to allow Karl Marx to come in, to admit Lenin and Trotsky and to allow a whole generation of exiles to come into this country. I believe that when we refuse to admit gentlemen of this kind, when we allow such doctrines to be argued in the "Daily Worker" and in the "New Statesman," we are abandoning the intellectual liberalism that used to be associated with this country. Although I do not share the views of Joliot-Curie, I still believe we should stand for intellectual liberty and not erect an iron curtain around this country.
10.56 p.m.
I am sure the House will understand if I do not attempt to discuss matters of major strategy, but confine myself to the subject of the debate as I was informed it would be, and of which I took note upon the supplementary question that my hon. Friend the Member for Merthyr Tydvil (Mr. S. O. Davies) put to my right hon. Friend the Home Secretary upon his refusal to allow Professor Joliot-Curie to come here. I may say, at the beginning, that my hon. Friend has painted a picture of the Home Secretary that I, who work with him daily, certainly do not recognise in any way.
What is the position in this country about foreigners coming here? First of all, so far as visitors generally are concerned, we welcome foreigners coming here to learn how we live and see what we are doing. We encourage them to come here to see the country, meet as many people as possible and make up their own minds about us. We want them to come to lecture to us, talk to us, and give us the benefit of their knowledge and experience. In general, unlike the iron curtain countries, we welcome foreigners as visitors.
When it comes to delegates to conferences, they fall into two kinds. We are often asked for visas for men and women coming to this country for conferences from iron curtain countries and, in the case of delegates from Western countries where visas are not required, we are asked to indicate whether they will be admitted when they reach our ports. We reply with the same courtesy in both cases. We consider the man's character, and, it is relevant in doing that, to consider his politics, morals, the purpose for which he comes, and the timing of his visit.
What about Professor Joliot-Curie? Let us see how we applied these prin- ciples to him. He is, of course, one of the outstanding scientists of the world, and is rightly honoured in many countries for his ability. He is indeed a great man in the scientific field. But that is irrelevant. He was coming here not for scientific problems but for quite different problems which I shall refer to in a moment. A year ago he was considered politically unreliable by the French Government and was removed from his post as head of the French Atomic Energy Commission.
I gave the reasons.
The hon. Member admitted he was removed, and he gave his own reasons for it. He was removed because he was regarded by the French Government as politically unreliable. I cannot decide whether the White House asked the French Government to get rid of him. The hon. Member cannot expect us to accept statements of that sort. What was the purpose of his visit? All we know about his visit is the letter which the hon. Member wrote to the Home Secretary on 22nd May, and to that letter the Home Secretary took the unusual course of replying out of consideration for my hon. Friend.
Is my hon. Friend saying it is an unusual course to reply to a Member of Parliament?
Here was a letter from the hon. Member out of the blue saying that Professor Joliot-Curie was coming to this conference. Professor Joliot-Curie had never said that he was coining, and I said that my right hon. Friend, out of consideration for my hon. Friend, took the unusual course of replying to that letter telling him of his decision not to admit the professor if he came.
Is it unusual to reply to a Member of Parliament?
Obviously the hon. Member has not got the point.
It is a piece of insolence —absolute insolence.
Order! I must ask the hon. Member to keep quiet.
If the hon. Member will restrain himself I will continue. I was trying to explain that the Home Secretary took an unusual course. If he will not accept that, I shall deal with the letter.
The letter said the professor was coming here to a conference held under the auspices of the British Peace Committee with the co-operation of the National Peace Council and the Fellowship of Reconciliation. In fact, both the National Peace Council and the Fellowship withdrew from this conference when they realised the use which the Communists were making of the conference. It is not surprising that the British Peace Committee should have frightened off these decent people, because it is not a democratic British organisation but a branch of the World Peace Movement which is no more—and I say this with great consideration—than an instrument of Soviet foreign policy, designed to stir up resistance to the Western Defence Agreement and the Atlantic Pact. It is no more than a fifth column movement run from Moscow.
The members owe allegiance to Russia and not to their own countries. Their tactics are to persuade the workers in the democracies to refuse to make arms, and at the same time they urge the workers in the Communist countries to speed up the production of munitions. The Home Secretary has said he does not conceive it to be his duty to allow men like Professor Joliot-Curie to come here to use this country as a sounding board for such statements as that. Accordingly, the Home Secretary, as he told my hon. Friend, was not prepared to allow this gentleman to come here to this conference.
As I say, the professor is a world famous scientist, and, applying the test of character, of purpose and of timing, it might well be that the Home Secretary would have come to a quite different conclusion if the professor had wanted to come here to a scientific conference. The case would be treated on its merits and the time and the purpose would be relevant.
It is, in fact, in accordance with our policy to admit from time to time, as conferences occur in this country and requests are made, delegates from Communist countries. In support of that statement I would remind my hon. Friend and others that within the last few months we have had the conference of the National Union of Teachers; then we had two Communist delegates from Russia. There was the National Union of Students, and there were two Communists from Russia, one from Roumania and one from Czechoslovakia. There was also International Women's Day, when we had several Russian, Roumanian and Hungarian women
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the attitude of this country is still magnificently liberal in this matter as compared, for example, with the decision of the Communist Government in Northern China, announced only yesterday, to ban the Salvation Army from that country on the ground that it is a reactionary organisation engaged in terrorist activities?
I did not know that, but as to the hon. and gallant Gentleman's first statement, of course that is so.
Continuing what I was saying, there was the Women's Co-operative Guild and there were two Russian delegates here; a Co-operative course, two Russian delegates; the Scottish Mineworkers, two Communists from Czechoslovakia. As I have indicated earlier, the character, the timing and the purpose of the visit is of the greatest importance, and we took these matters into consideration.
Question put, and agreed to.
Adjourned accordingly at Five Minutes past Eleven o'Clock.