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Commons Chamber

Volume 490: debated on Wednesday 18 July 1951

House of Commons

Wednesday, July 18, 1951

The House met at Half past Two o'Clock

Prayers

[Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair]

Oral Answers to Questions

Civil Aviation

B.O.A.C. Surplus Aircraft

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Civil Aviation how many aircraft British Overseas Airways Corporation have surplus to requirements.

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Civil Aviation if, in view of his consent being required before disposal of the Hermes aircraft by British Overseas Air ways Corporation, for what reason five aircraft of this design have been offered for sale by the Corporation: and if he will make a statement.

The Corporation has four Tudor IV aircraft surplus to requirements, and will probably have some Hermes aircraft surplus in the near future; the exact number will depend upon future commitments, which are not yet clear. It is obviously better that surplus aircraft should be put to work rather than stored.

Will the Parliamentary Secretary explain why there is a surplus of aircraft, particularly the Hermes, because a lot of taxpayers' money is being spent? Can we have an assurance that the Minister will look into this matter, and can we be informed what the position really is? Can we also have, an assurance that the surplus Hermes aircraft will not be used in order to oust private operators?

I do not think there is any question of the latter fear being realised. As regards the reason for the surplus the fact of the matter is that these Hermes aircraft were delivered late, and it was necessary, as the hon. and gallant Gentleman will realise, to provide some Argonauts in order to keep the Corporation going until the Hermes were delivered.

Can my hon. Friend say what further number of Hermes may perhaps be disposed of, in addition to the five suggested, and what is likely to be the loss involved? Could he also say what is the reason for this? Is it due to the Corporation not clearly stating their requirements, or is it due to the fact that the Hermes were delivered late or failed to come up to the necessary standard of the specifications?

The reason is that the aircraft were delivered late. There will be no loss, and I have not mentioned a figure of five.

Can the Minister give an assurance that, in any charter operations on which the surplus Hermes aircraft will be involved, they will charge the full rate and not cut the price in order to get work for these aircraft?

Will the hon. Gentleman bear in mind that it is very important at this time, when a lot of trooping may have to be done, to have as many aircraft as possible, and will he see that B.O.A.C. do not endeavour to undercut private operators?

London Airport (Loudspeakers)

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Civil Aviation if he will arrange for the discontinuance of the use of loud-speaking equipment in the public enclosure at London Airport in view of the disturbance caused to local residents.

Arrangements have now been made to reduce the volume of sound so that residents will not be disturbed.

Can the Minister explain what he means by reducing the volume of sound? Can he also give an undertaking that there will be no repetition of the nonsense whereby members of the public are called to the microphone and asked to announce through a loudspeaker what they would do if they were given £500 and a month's holiday in which to spend it?

When I am talking of reducing the volume of sound, I mean making less noise.

Helicopter Services

5 and 7.

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Civil Aviation (1) whether he will enter into consultation with the principal local authorities in the industrial areas of the Midlands with a view to formulating preliminary plans for helicopter landing sites and the outline plan for a network of helicopter services to link London, Manchester and Liverpool with the principal Midlands industrial towns; and whether he will make a statement:

(2) whether he is aware that aggregate helicopter hours flown per 1,000 heads of population, in Great Britain, are only a small fraction of those flown in the United States of America, calculated on the same basis; and, in view of the highly developed state of the aircraft industry in Great Britain, what steps are being taken to develop in this country short-distance helicopter services similar to those now operating in the United States of America.

I have no information about the number of helicopter hours flown per thousand heads of population in the United States, but the figure for Great Britain is not so insignificant as the hon. Member would imply. Moreover, the greater part of helicopter flying in this country is devoted to experimental passenger carriage, while regular helicopter flying in America has been primarily concerned with mail carriage.

The equipment now available for passenger carriage is not suitable for operation between city centres, and plans for the operation of inter-city networks must be based upon suitable twin-engined helicopters still under development. My noble Friend has, however, made known to interested local authorities and other bodies our present views on design and layout requirements of helicopter stations, and he has also publicly impressed on local authorities the advisability of reserving sites for helicopter stations against future requirements.

While thanking the hon. Gentleman for the comprehensive nature of his reply, may I ask him if he will bear in mind that, inevitably, there will be a two or three years' delay in the local authorities making arrangements for landing sites for helicopters; and could not that delay be made concurrent with the delay in the development of the twin-engined helicopter, so that we shall have a reasonable assurance of an inter-city service, say, by 1954 or 1955?

Yes, Sir. The idea of putting out information is precisely to make preparations concurrent with the development of a suitable helicopter.

Is my hon. Friend including in his consultations with local authorities the London County Council and the Metropolitan boroughs that may be concerned, because these discussions with these authorities will be quite useless unless provision is made for a helicopter landing site somewhere in central London?

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Civil Aviation to what extent seats have been filled during the first six weeks' operation of the Birmingham to London helicopter service; what has been the degree of punctuality of the flights; whether any technical or operational hitches have developed; and whether, in view of the results to date, he is now prepared to make plans to extend the service to include a network of other Midlands' towns in the industrial areas.

During the first six weeks of the experimental service between Birmingham and London airports, 294 of the 425 available seats were filled. Eighty-seven percent, of services were punctual. There was a technical and operational hitch on 27th June. The extension of the Birmingham type of service to the outskirts of other provincial cities would be a costly experiment which could not be justified either on economic ground or as part of the helicopter development programme in preparation for the commercial stage.

Does the hon. Gentleman consider that the loading of this service during the first six weeks and the number of vacant seats he indicated were due, in large measure, to the fact that the landing sites are so far removed from the city centre? Is it not possible to make an early rearrangement in order to get these sites nearer to the centre of the cities?

Yes, Sir, but the immediate reason for this service is, of course, to get some benefit from the experiment from a technical point of view, and, secondly, of course, to join up Birmingham with the international services at the London Airport. Therefore, I would not altogether agree that what the hon. Gentleman says is justified. I would agree, however, that it is necessary to get the sites as near to the centre of the city as possible.

Does my hon. Friend know whether any negotiations over landing sites in the centre of the city are going on in Birmingham? I understand that they are.

The Birmingham Corporation have a very live committee who are going into this matter.

Does the hon. Gentleman remember the occasion when a helicopter force-landed and turned over, and will he take every precaution to see that that does not happen again because my hon. Friend is a frequent traveller on this service?

I was, in fact, answering the Question, which asked how many technical or operational hitches had developed, and the answer was one.

Dutch Aircraft (Diversion)

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Civil Aviation what he estimates to be the additional cost to K.L.M. and to the passengers of the diversion of the Constellation which arrived at Prestwick on 17th June and was sent by his officials to Amsterdam; and why an alternative diversion, which would have prevented inconvenience to travellers from abroad visiting this country was not used.

If by my hon. Friend's reference to a Constellation on 17th June he means a D.C.4 on 24th June, the answer is that these are matters for K.L.M., on which we have no information.

Would not my hon. Friend agree that it would, perhaps, have been preferable to have granted full facilities for this aircraft to land here first and then to have argued, if need be, with the K.LM. airline afterwards so as not to create unnecessary misunderstanding and ill-will in the minds of visitors to this country?

No, Sir. As I stated before, it would have been preferable if these operators had asked for permission, which would have been granted.

As it appears that this aircraft did not land, may I ask my hon. Friend whether his attention has been drawn to the report in the "Aeroplane" of 6th July which purports to describe in detail the conversations between the passengers and the airport officials and the complaints they made? Will my hon. Friend confirm that this report is a work of fiction from beginning to end?

Certainly, Sir. It seems to me to be typical of the information on which some of the criticisms of my Department are made.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the professor in charge of this party is reported as saying—by the time he arrived in Scotland he did not realise he was there—that he did not intend to spend one penny more in England than was absolutely necessary? Does not this sort of treatment do harm to the tourist industry?

That is the sort of conversation to which my hon. Friend referred, but as the hon. Gentleman has already protested that these people were not allowed to land, I do not know how it took place.

Pilots (Qualifications)

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Civil Aviation whether he is aware that his Department relaxed the normal requirements in respect of the qualifications of pilots employed on air services operated under associate agreements by a Government-owned charter company while similar relaxations had been refused to private charter firms; and what steps he will take to treat all firms alike.

No, Sir. The relaxation to which the hon. Member refers applies to the pilots of all companies operating internal services under associate agreements and no discrimination is involved.

Can the Minister say whether the fact that this relaxation applies to all companies operating internally was known at the time to the people who had asked for a similar relaxation a few weeks before?

No, Sir. I think it was unfortunate that this relaxation was not made to the charter association; I think it was a pity not to make it to them. The fact of the matter was that we took the advice tendered by hon. Members opposite in this particular case to cut red tape, and that was done to allow this one aircraft to operate. Five days later the general announcement was made.

As the hon. Gentleman says it was unfortunate that this relaxation was not allowed, has he taken steps to see that it will not happen again?

Accident, Mill Hill

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Civil Aviation whether, following the report of inquiry into the British European Airways Dakota accident at Mill Hill on 17th October, 1950, he proposes to take any action with regard to the recommendation previously made by the Air Registration Board in favour of rearward facing seats.

At my noble Friend's request, studies, which include consideration of both economic and engineering aspects of the problem of installing aft facing seats in existing and projected aircraft types, are being undertaken by the Ministry of Supply.

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Civil Aviation what was the reason for the acceptance of a low standard of instrument flying in the first officer of the British European Airways Dakota G-AGIW when it crashed on 17th October last; and why he was not required to hold a valid licence; and what consideration he has given to the present all-up weight of 28,000 lb. for a Dakota from the safety point of view.

There was no question of acceptance of a low standard of instrument flying. This pilot held a current instrument rating. All pilots are required to hold a valid licence. The permitted maximum operating weight of the Dakota was arrived at after all the factors involved were considered and on the recommendation of the Air Safety Board. My noble Friend sees no sufficient reason for altering the present figure.

Is it not a fact that the report of the inquiry indicates that the second pilot, who was sitting in the chief pilot's seat for this flight in blind flying conditions, had failed the recent B.E.A. test for blind flying proficiency? Was he not also found by this inquiry not to be in possession of a valid flying licence?

Yes, Sir, it is a fact that he did not have a valid pilot's licence—it had expired a day or two previously—but the delay was a matter of administration rather than one of the technical qualifications of the pilot.

With regard to the instrument rating, this pilot did hold a current instrument rating. I have been criticised by about six different people from the benches opposite for the high standard required for instrument rating, and, therefore, I am not prepared to accept the suggestion that the pilot had a low standard of instrument flying.

Does not the hon. Gentleman's reply seem to be somewhat at variance with his first reply, and as his Department have incurred some rather scathing criticism as a result of the inquiry, will he take care to see that this Corporation which competes with foreign lines does not allow such laxity to occur again?

Will the Minister say when hon. Members on this side of the House queried the high standard to which he referred? I say it never happened. Will he also say what his noble Friend is going to do with British European Airways? Is he going to call up the manager and talk to him about it?

With regard to the first part of the hon. and gallant Gentleman's supplementary, I do not think it is proper to refer to private conversations. However, I do remember arguing the whole of one lunch time with the hon. and gallant Gentleman on this particular point. If we go through HANSARD it will be seen that I have been questioned on a number of occasions about the standard required for instrument rating.

Would the hon. Gentleman not agree that on one occasion when we were discussing civil aviation in this House it was hon. Members on this side who said that they certainly thought the standard of foreign pilots ought to be brought up to that of British pilots?

Chinese, British Territories (Taxation)

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if he is aware that the Peking Government recovers Chinese taxes from Chinese residents in British territories on income arising in these territories; and if he will take steps to ensure that such residents are relieved of the burden of double taxation.

No, Sir, I am not aware that this is the case, and the second part of the Question therefore does not arise.

May I ask my right hon. Friend if it is not a fact that a meeting of the Chinese in Singapore was held on this very matter, and could he say what resolution was adopted at that meeting?

:. I could not give my hon. Friend an answer without notice being given of that Question.

When the right hon. Gentleman says that he is not aware if this is the case, does he mean that he has informed himself and is aware that it is not the case, or is he not?

Foreign Service

Mr. Burgess and Mr. Maclean

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs for how long Mr. Burgess, as a Foreign Office official, acted as private secretary to the former Minister of State; and in what circumstances he was appointed to and left this post.

Mr. Burgess was appointed to the office of the Minister of State on 31st December, 1946. He was transferred to the Far Eastern Department on 1st November, 1948. The transfer took place in the normal course of routine and was intended to give Mr. Burgess experience in a political department. Mr. Burgess was granted a certificate in Branch B of the Foreign Service on 1st October, 1947, and was appointed to be an officer in that branch with effect from 1st January, 1947.

Is it not a fact, therefore, that the first start of promotion in the career of Mr. Burgess in the Foreign Office was initiated by the Secretary of State for Scotland who was then Minister of State? While recognising completely that the Secretary of State for Scotland had no sympathy with Mr. Burgess's political views, is it not amazing that personal influence should lead to a man who was a notorious Communist being promoted in this way?

It is no good hon. Members opposite trying to make party points out of this. Mr. Burgess was first recruited to the Foreign Office well before the time of the Labour Government. It is perfectly true that this transfer, which took place in the ordinary course of business, took place under a Labour Government. At that time there was nothing adverse, as far as we were aware, against Mr. Burgess. It really is too silly to try and make party politics out of this.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs upon what date Mr. Maclean was appointed head of the American Section of the Foreign Office; and upon what date Mr. Burgess was appointed to the private office of the Minister of State.

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman to answer now the question he has so far refused to answer? Does he accept responsibility for these appointments, and if he does accept responsibility will he now say he will conduct an inquiry as to how these very inappropriate appointments for these very important positions came to be made?

Arising out of these disappearances all appropriate inquiries have been made. The hon. Member asked whether I accept personal responsibility for these appointments. As I was not Foreign Secretary at the time, obviously I cannot. That is the answer I think.

Will the right hon. Gentleman say whether His Majesty's Government accept responsibility for these appointments or not?

That is another matter. Some Member of the Government and the Government as a whole must accept collective responsibility for appointments, but it is a different thing to ask me to accept personal responsibility. [ Interruption. ] I really wish hon. Members would listen to the proceedings instead of being so noisy. The hon. Member asked me whether I accepted responsibility for this action. As I was not Secretary of State at the time, I cannot accept personal responsibility.

While recognising the need for vigilance in these matters on the part of my right hon. Friend, can he give an assurance that inside the Foreign Office he is keeping just as watchful an eye on that section of the Foreign Office—that tiny minority—closely associated with endeavours to put Franco over to the British people in 1936 and 1937?

As the right hon. Gentleman declines himself to accept responsibility, while stating that His Majesty's Government do, will he indicate to the House which Minister from the Government Front Bench will accept responsibility and will deal with my hon. Friend's Question?

It is perfectly clear. I cannot understand the confusion about this. It is perfectly clear that the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs must answer Questions on the matter, and I will answer them. But I was asked whether I would accept responsibility for what happened on these dates. I cannot do that.

I apologise to the right hon. Gentleman for making a mistake in thinking that he answered for His Majesty's Government.

Does the right hon. Gentleman recognise that his persistent evasions in this matter turn suspicion from the men concerned to the Ministers responsible?

Lectures

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether in the public interest, he will cause to be published the text of the lectures on Communism, recently delivered at Oxford to certain of the Foreign Office staff.

No, Sir. The primary object of these lectures, some of which are based on confidential information, is the instruction of members of the Foreign Service: and I do not consider that their publication would be in the public interest.

Does not the right hon. Gentleman recall the fact that his right hon. Friend the Minister of State said last week in the House that he had no doubt that many hon. Members would benefit from seeing copies of these lectures—a statement with which we could not agree more? In view of that statement, would he reconsider his own statement and let us all see what was said?

I do not think that is necessarily in conflict with what I have said. If the hon. and gallant Member is anxious for proper political education about Communism, I will see if I can fix it up with Transport House.

Would my right hon. Friend inform the House about those lectures which were given by speakers at a summer school yesterday when a Conservative speaker said, "Drop the atom bomb on Moscow"?

In view of the fact that the right hon. Gentleman wishes to instruct hon. Members in Communism, and in view of the fact that Socialism is the basis and the hot-bed of Communism, is it not perfectly clear that he himself would be an admirable instructor?

The hon. and gallant Member is quite wrong. It is extreme Right Wing reaction that is the breeding ground of Communism.

Does my right hon. Friend not agree that the only alternative to Communism is Socialism and democracy? What steps is he taking to teach that to the officials of the Foreign Office?

Overseas Broadcasts (Ukraine)

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs what further consideration he has been able to give to the representations made to him by a number of Ukrainian nationalist organisations with a view to regular broadcasts in the British Broadcasting Corporation's overseas service being transmitted in the Ukrainian language.

Careful consideration has been given to the question of introducing Ukrainian-language broadcasts into the British Broadcasting Corporation's overseas services. Such action would necessitate the dropping of some other foreign language service and the diversion of effort and resources which would not be desirable in view of the poor results likely to be obtained.

Has not my right hon. Friend received a very considerable number of representations from Ukrainians in this country and in Europe and across the Atlantic stressing the fact that our point of view would be very much better appreciated by some 30 million potential allies in the Ukraine if regular broadcasts were made? Would he give further consideration to this matter?

We have had some representations, but we have still got to make up our minds as to what is the best thing to do. Most Ukrainians understand Russian, and if we were to give this concession to my hon. Friend it would mean we would have to sacrifice something else. On balance, that would be a disadvantage.

What does the right hon. Gentleman mean by saying "in view of the poor results" which would be obtained from these broadcasts in view of the fact that the "Voice of America" obtains extremely excellent results? Is not the real answer the fact that the Government do not want to spend any more money in this field but would rather spend it on home advertising?

I do not know what evidence leads the hon. Member to the confident conclusion that the "Voice of America" obtains excellent results. Our information is that Russian jamming would limit the result of these broadcasts.

Is it not a fact that there is no evidence that 30 million Ukrainians are really disaffected with the Soviet régime?

Is not the condition under which political refuge is granted in this country that the political refugees refrain from political activities, and certainly from any political activities that might endanger our relations with another power? In those circumstances, what kind of activity do these nationalist organisations carry on?

I am not sure. I think that is a question for my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for the Home Department.

As the right hon. Gentleman is seeking refuge in the fact that the Russians would jam these broadcasts, can he say why we broadcast to Russia at all?

I am not seeking refuge. My business is to give the House such information as I think is reliable.

Korea

Relief and Rehabilitation

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs what proposals are being considered for the further relief of distress and economic rehabilitation in Korea as soon as a cease-fire agreement has been reached.

Responsibility for relief work is expected to remain with the Civil Assistance Command of the Unified Command until the military situation permits the United Nations Korean Reconstruction Agency to operate. In the meantime, the latter is making plans to go into operation as soon as circumstances permit.

Why cannot that be put into operation immediately the cease-fire exists? Surely the need is so great that the earlier we can start on this task of rehabilitation the better.

I do not disagree with my hon. Friend, but the cease-fire is not yet firmly established. I assure him that when it is we shall certainly reconsider the situation.

Cease-fire Conference

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs what instructions have been given to His Majesty's delegate at the United Nations with reference to the conference at Kaesong.

Will the right hon. Gentleman give the House to understand exactly in what manner we do have some influence upon the policy upon which these truce talks depend, and in particular may I ask him whether in relation to any terms in respect of which it might be appropriate His Majesty's Government will press for a system of international supervision and inspection?

The answer is that there are consultations between the Powers concerned at Washington. The answer I gave to the hon. Gentleman's Question is perfectly accurate, but he can take it from me that there are reasonably effective consultations at Washington between the Powers concerned.

Does not the right hon. Gentleman think it is important that the policy animating these talks should be explained to Parliament and to the public, because after all it is the public who have to endure the sacrifices in a war and they should know the basis upon which the policy of the Government in this matter is determined?

We are, of course, accountable to Parliament in the matter, but there are a considerable number of Powers involved, and I feel in a difficulty in accepting direct responsibility for what is actually done. Questions can be put to me on the subject.

Can my right hon. Friend say why there is no British representative in the conference at Kaesong?

I should imagine that there are a considerable number of Powers involved in the United Nations Forces, and it might mean that we should have to face difficulties with a considerable number of other Powers. But the matter is really taken care of in the international inter-party discussions that take place at Washington on the matter.

Turkey and Greece (Atlantic Pact)

The following Question stood upon the Order Paper:

17. Mr. DUNCAN SANDYS,—To ask the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether his attention has been drawn to the recent official statement made by the Turkish Prime Minister revealing anxiety and impatience at the exclusion of Turkey from the Western system of defence; and when he expects the inter-Governmental discussions on this subject to be completed.

On a point of order. This Question was originally put down by me to the Minister of Defence. Since it was obviously addressed to him personally, I consider it was inappropriate that it should have been transferred to another Minister. I propose, with your permission, Mr. Speaker, to raise this matter at the end of Questions. Meanwhile, I have no interest in asking this Question, which has been entirely altered in its meaning and purpose.

At the end of Questions:

Mr. Speaker, I wish to raise a question of procedure, of which I have given you notice, and of which I have also given notice to the right hon. Gentleman the Minister of Defence. It concerns Question No. 17 on the Order Paper which I declined to ask, for the reasons I explained earlier today to the House.

Last Wednesday I asked a Question of the Minister of Defence regarding the inclusion of Greece and Turkey in the system of Western Defence. After I received his initial reply, I asked him two supplementary questions, and a supplementary question of a similar character was also asked by my right hon. Friend the Member for Warwick and Leamington (Mr. Eden). We asked him whether he was not aware of the apprehensions and anxieties which existed in Turkey at the exclusion of that country from the system of Western Defence. To all three questions the Minister of Defence replied that he was not aware of any apprehensions in Turkey on this score. Considering that this was a matter of public knowledge, I thought it right to put down on the Order Paper a Question to the right hon. Gentleman, which read as follows:

I do not, of course, for a moment dispute the right of Ministers to transfer a Question to a colleague if they consider it to be appropriate, but I do submit to you, Mr. Speaker, that that right should not be used in order to alter the sense and meaning of the Question, as it has in this case. To sum up, I ask for your Ruling, as to whether it is in order for a Minister to transfer a Question to another Minister in such a way as to alter its meaning.

I am quite powerless in the matter. This is a matter which is arranged by the Departments concerned, and the Question is transferred if they think another Department is the right one to give the answer. It is nothing to do with me. I can only assume it was thought that it was right that the Foreign Office should answer this Question and not the Ministry of Defence. As to whether one can insist on an answer from a Minister when it is perhaps not his direct responsibility, I should have thought not. Anyhow, I can give no Ruling on the matter.

You say you cannot give a Ruling, Mr. Speaker. Nevertheless, I wish to thank you for the explanation which you have given to the House. However, I would like to point out that this Question was accepted by the Table. I assume that the Question was therefore in order. It being in order, it should be possible for an hon. Member of this House to receive a reply. Whether he receives it from one Minister or another is immaterial. As I have said, I do not for a moment dispute the right of a Minister to transfer a Question to another Minister.

If in this particular case it was thought desirable to transfer the Question from the Minister of Defence to the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, then I submit that the wording of the Question should have been altered on the Order Paper to read:

If I may say so, with respect, I quite follow what the right hon. Gentleman is getting at. Indeed, I quite follow whom he is getting at, and that is all right. It happens to be somebody else this time; it might have been me. There is no shadow of doubt in my own mind, if I might respectfully submit this to you, Sir, that this Question in itself is a proper Question for the Foreign Office and not for the Ministry of Defence. It is a matter with which we have to deal. True, certain matters did arise on supplementary questions last week; but that often happens.

I respectfully submit to you, Sir, that this is a Question which is properly put to the Foreign Office. The right hon. Member will, no doubt, make the best of his case in the course of supplementary questions. If I am permitted to make a statement I am quite willing, if the House would like it, and if the right hon. Gentleman would like it. I am perfectly willing to make a statement which, in substance, answers the Question, thereby giving the right hon. Gentleman his opportunity.

Purely from the point of view of procedure, might I ask you, Mr. Speaker, whether there are not a great many precedents for a Question like this being put down to the Minister of Defence, to whom it was addressed, and when it is reached on the Order Paper the Minister of Defence could perfectly well say, "I think it would be better that this matter should be answered by my right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary," who may be on the bench beside him. I am sure I have very often seen that flexible and convenient procedure adopted in this House.

That might have been one way out of it, but in that case, of course, it would have been Question No. 46 or No. 47. As it is, it was Question No. 17. Very often Questions are put to the Prime Minister and some other Minister says, "I have been asked to reply." That is one way. As far as I and the Table are concerned, we have no control over these matters, and I cannot give a Ruling one way or the other. The Table passes a Question as being in order, then it disappears from our ken, and if one Minister chooses to transfer it to the right Ministry because it has been put down to the wrong Ministry, we have nothing, and can have nothing, to say to that.

It seems to me that if that position is accepted it is going to lead us into very great difficulty. It is quite frequent for an hon. Member to ask a Minister, for example, whether his speech at Blackpool or somewhere else, reflects the policy of His Majesty's Government. If the Question were then to be transferred to another Minister, that other Minister would say, "I never made such a speech." When it is a personal Question addressed to a Minister regarding his own personal state of knowledge or conduct, I submit to you, Mr. Speaker, it is inappropriate and improper for that Question to be transferred to another Minister.

I am certainly not prepared to take the mantle of responsibility on my shoulders and to say that this Minister shall answer this Question and that Minister shall answer that Question. I have not the knowledge to do that, and it cannot be my responsibility.

How has a Minister the right to put on the Order Paper a Question which the right hon. Member did not put down, by transferring this Question to the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs as a result of which the meaning of the pronoun "his" was altered? The right hon. Gentleman did not mean to ask the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether his attention was being drawn to something; he meant to ask whether the Minister of Defence's attention had been drawn to something. The effect of your statement, Mr. Speaker, is that a Minister is allowed to put on the Order Paper in the name of the right hon. Gentleman a Question that the right hon. Gentleman never asked.

By what authority can a Minister alter our Order Paper? Surely we are the masters and not the Ministers. A Minister can only have a Question transferred if he has the assent of the hon. Member who asked it. We are the masters and not the Government.

During the last year I have put down many Questions to the Minister of Defence, and a number of these Questions have been "ducked" by him and passed on to someone else on the grounds that he had no money in his Ministry to deal with the particular circumstances. We granted him last week or the week before a lot of money, and may we now expect him to take the responsibility we normally expect a Minister to take?

I understand that the Foreign Secretary has a statement to make on this matter which is of general interest, and he has asked me whether I would now be willing to receive a reply from him to my Question.

On a point of order. The right hon. Gentleman declined to put his Question. If we are going to keep within the Rules of this House, may I ask you, Sir, whether it is appropriate now to answer a Question which the right hon. Gentleman has withdrawn?

That was the responsibility of the Minister. The Minister can always choose to answer a Question which has not been reached or asked on the Order Paper. That has nothing to do with me.

Surely that is confined to a Question that is on the Order Paper. When an hon. Member has withdrawn his Question it is no longer on the Order Paper, and I respectfully submit that there is nothing for the Minister to answer.

Further to that point of order, and to cut this unhappy situation short, which is so simple, may I presently get up in my place and ask permission to make a statement to the House?

With your permission, Mr. Speaker, and that of the House, I desire to make the following statement: I am not aware of any such statement having been made within the last fortnight. If the right hon. Member is referring to statements made less recently, I may say that I have been well aware of the anxieties expressed by our Turkish friends on the subject of their association with Western defence plans, and have the greatest sympathy with them. I have kept the Turkish Government, and the Greek Government, also, informed of our attitude, and I have reason to believe they are at present both fully satisfied on this score.

The House will recall that on 30th May I stated that we were determined to find a solution of Turkey's defence needs which would bring greater strength and security both to Turkey and the West; that we did not exclude the possibility of full North Atlantic Treaty membership; but that we wished to examine the matter carefully and make sure this was the right solution. I explained subsequently that our attitude to Greece was similar. As regards Turkey, the main difficulty has been to reconcile her desire to join the North Atlantic Treaty with her position in relation to the general defence of the Middle East.

His Majesty's Government have now examined the matter fully, and they have come to the conclusion that Turkish and Greek membership of the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation is in fact the best solution. At the same time, they are most anxious that Turkey shall play her appropriate part in the defence of the Middle East. The Turkish Government share this view, and I hope that arrangements will soon be made to associate her fully with plans for the safety of that important part of the world.

In regard to the inclusion of Turkey and Greece in the North Atlantic Treaty, however, I must stress that I am only stating the point of view of His Majesty's Government. There are many countries whose opinions have to be taken into account, and I am not in a position to say how soon a general agreement will have been reached. We are naturally doing our best to achieve agreement on the lines which I have indicated.

While welcoming the Foreign Secretary's statement which will be received, I am sure, with satisfaction in Greece and in Turkey, and while noting in his statement that he has been aware for some time of the anxiety which existed in Turkey on this matter, may I ask the Minister of Defence who is sitting beside him—[HON. MEMBERS: "No."]—or the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, how it is that the Minister of Defence was totally unaware of this anxiety only last week?

I do not remember fully the exact context in which this exchange took place, but I think that a misunderstanding probably arose from this circumstance: that my right hon. Friend knew that things were well on the way, but in fact had not arrived, which would be satisfactory to the Turkish Government; the right hon. Gentleman did not, and that is probably the cause of the misunderstanding.

Will my right hon. Friend see that this matter is discussed at a very early date with the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation in view of the anxiety that has been expressed hitherto and up to now in Turkish public opinion?

Singapore and Malaya

Special Constables

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies how many special constables have enlisted in Malaya for guarding the mines and estates; and what steps are being taken to provide them with a cadre of their own officers and non-commissioned officers.

At present about 25,100 special constables including 321 sergeants and 1,796 corporals are employed in guarding mines and estates. It has recently been decided to provide these special constables with their own officers by appointing at least one police lieutenant for each 100 constables with suitable provision for supervision by gazetted officers.

Does the right hon. Gentleman not agree that the training of these men has been extremely sketchy and that the morale at the present time is dangerously low? Would he really get a move on, after two years, to see that sufficient officers and N.C.O.'s are supplied to raise the whole level of operations and training?

The recruitment of police officers of this standing and experience has been and still is one of our biggest difficulties. We are making every effort here and in Commonwealth countries to recruit these as quickly as we can.

Food Distribution

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies if he is aware that the Singapore Trades Union Congress has, in order to ensure a fair distribution of food, made representations to the Government of Singapore for the establishment of a system of rationing and price control on the island; and what action he is taking in response to these representations.

At a recent meeting, the provisional committee of the Singapore Trade Union Congress decided to set up a committee to investigate local living conditions, with a view to making representations to the Government. No representations have yet been made.

Is the Minister not aware that the best way to combat Communism in Malaya is to distribute equitably the food available at a reasonable price? Is he aware that although rice is rationed it can be obtained in any quantity on the black market at three times the normal price?

I think that is one of the problems this committee is investigating, and when we receive its report it will receive our consideration.

West Indies

Jamaica (Unemployment)

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies what steps are being taken to arrest the growing unemployment in the Jamaican cigar industry.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies if he is aware of the mounting unemployment in the Jamaican cigar industry; and what action he is taking to check this.

I understand that in 1950 the industry employed 1,750 in the factories and 4,000 in the field. This year the factories are employing 1,630. Unless the manufacturers succeed in placing substantial orders during the next six weeks, the number employed in the field will fall.

As I indicated during the debate on 11th July, I am deeply concerned about unemployment in the West Indies generally, and am anxious to find a solution to the matter.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that employment in the industry has fallen by two-thirds since 1947 mainly as a result of the crippling duties on imported cigars? Can he tell the House what stand he has taken, if any, on behalf of Jamaica against the proposal to re-import foreign cigars in this country without giving the Empire product a preferential market?

I presume the hon. Gentleman is referring to discussions which are taking place in regard to Cuba. He had better await the statement on those discussions which will be made at some time.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the unemployment figures are actually worse than the figures he gave, because compared with 1947 they show a fall of 8,000 in the numbers employed, and is it the view of the right hon. Gentleman that this is in large part due to the drop in preference from 25 per cent, to 4 per cent.?

No. I think there are a number of factors. It is true, as the hon. Gentleman said, that as regards the employment figures 1947 was a peak year. That was exceptional, as he knows.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that Jamaica has few secondary industries, but that in this industry many women are employed, which is unusual in a Colonial Territory? Therefore, will my right hon. Friend give an assurance that he will give consideration to this very important factor in the island's economy.

I fully appreciate its importance and the need not only of Jamaica but of all these islands for secondary industries.

As the Treasury is collecting much less revenue from cigars since the price went up so much, are we to conclude that it is class prejudice against cigars which keeps the price up and that that is considered more important than developing markets for our Colonies?

With a view to setting a good example in this matter, would my right hon. Friend consult with the right hon. Gentleman the Leader of the Opposition to ensure that in future he smokes only Jamaican cigars?

Could not the right hon. Gentleman answer part of my supplementary when I asked him what stand he took with his colleagues against the proposal to re-introduce Cuban cigars into this country?

It is my duty, which I seek to do, to impress upon all my colleagues the importance of the interests of the peoples in the Colonial Territories.

Oil Prospecting, Barbados

30 and 31.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies (1) whether His Majesty's Government accept the recommendations of the Lepper Report of 1949 on oil prospecting in Barbados; and what advice thereon was tendered to the Government of the Island;

(2) why the British United Oil Company was offered only 22 per cent, of the drill-able area of Barbados after they had carried out extensive prospecting and survey; and why a foreign company, which had done none of the preliminary work, was offered the working of the rest of the island.

My predecessor informed the Barbados Government that he agreed with the recommendations in the Lepper Report, including the recommendation that, in view of their past operations, the British Union Oil Company should be granted a prospecting licence over the whole of the Island.

The Barbados Government decided, however, that it was not in the best interests of the territory to grant a monopoly to the British Union Oil Company and offered them prospecting rights over 55 per cent, of the Island, with the first choice of area. The remainder of the Island was offered to an American company. The British Union Oil Company refused the offer and broke off negotiations, but the American company, after securing some modification of the terms, took up rights over 50 per cent, of the Island. The remaining 50 per cent, has not yet been allocated.

In view of the fact that the right hon. Gentleman or his predecessor—I forget which it was—stated in March this year that the British United Oil Company had been promised the sole prospecting rights, and that the Colonial Secretary in Barbados agreed with the Lepper Report and said he would implement it unless ordered to do otherwise by the right hon. Gentleman, how can the right hon. Gentleman expect this Corporation to negotiate when it is perfectly clear that the previous decisions constituted a breaking of a promise on the part of the Government of Barbados and the right hon. Gentleman's Department?

The Barbados Government have considered this recommendation and the decision I have stated today is their decision. I regret that the company broke off negotiations: I think it was a mistake.

Is it still open to the company to tender for the other half of the island? If it is, would it not be a good thing if they did so?

As I have said, I regret that the company broke off negotiations and I think it was a mistake. On the other point, I prefer not to answer now; perhaps the hon. Gentleman will put that question down.

Does not the right hon. Gentleman agree that it is quite impossible to negotiate with people who do not keep their word and that it is, therefore, no good going on with negotiations?

It is not a case of a broken promise. This was the recommendation of a committee appointed by the Barbados Government and it is for them to decide whether they will accept its recommendations.

But the right hon. Gentleman has power to direct the Barbados Government, and he knows it quite well.

Could the right hon. Gentleman say what are the nature of the modifications which the American company insisted upon and whether those modifications would have made the arrangements acceptable to the British company?

In view of the very unsatisfactory nature of the right hon. Gentleman's reply, I beg to give notice that I will endeavour to raise this matter on the Adjournment at the earliest possible moment.

British Honduras (Constitution)

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies if he has completed his consideration of the counterproposals for the revision of the present constitution in British Honduras; and whether he proposes to accept any of these proposals.

I have received certain counter proposals to the recommendations of the local commission on constitutional reform, but I am not in a position to reach any conclusions on them until the commission's report has been discussed by the Legislative Council.

Do these proposals or counter-proposals leave any power in the hands of His Majesty's Government to deal with the question of immigration into British Honduras, in view of the fact that some of us who have examined this subject believe that both in the case of this Colony and of British Guiana there may be opportunities of settling some of the unfortunate European refugees now in D.P. camps? Do they give any power to the right hon. Gentleman to deal with the matter?

These recommendations are before the Governor now. I am awaiting a report by the Governor on the proposals which he will make to me after the discussion in the Legislative Council. I would prefer not to say more until that has happened, because that is the way we deal with such matters in these days.

I hope the right hon. Gentleman will take into consideration the point I made—which is certainly not a party political point—because there is some importance in it.

Does the right hon. Gentleman propose to receive the leader of the People's United Party and other representatives of British Honduras, who are in this country at the present time, in case they wish to discuss this matter?

British Guiana (Technical Education)

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies what will be taught in the technical institute to be opened in British Guiana later this year; what will be the size of the staff; and how many pupils will be able to attend.

As the reply is rather detailed I will, with the hon. Member's permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

Following is the reply: The latest information available is that there will be classes in trade technology for cabinet making, carpentry and joinery, fitting, welding, blacksmithing, motor mechanics, electricians, plumbing and pipe fitting, concrete and bricklaying, machine shop; and classes, for technical students in mathematics, English, science, technical drawing, elementary building construction, machine drawing and mechanical design, electrical theory, mechanics. There will be nine full time and several part time teachers. Over 600 boys will be under instruction for varying periods during each week.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies what functions are performed by the two Government trade schools in British Guiana; what is the size of the staff; and how many pupils attend each of them.

I am obtaining the information requested and will write to the hon. Member when I have it.

Colonial Development Corporation

Cleared Land, Gambia

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies if a decision has been reached about the future use of the land in the Gambia cleared by the Colonial Development Corporation for the purposes of the poultry project now abandoned.

Yes, Sir. As my right hon. Friend informed the House on 9th May, the Colonial Development Corporation set up a working party to consider the possible future use of the land.

The working party recommended the establishment of a farm of about 400 acres on part of the land, to test, over a five year period, the possibility of growing a variety of crops, including cotton and flue-cured tobacco. The farm would be administered by the Director of Agriculture of the Government of the Gambia in consultation with the Corporation, and the cost of operating the farm, which would be limited to an average of £10,000 per annum, would be shared between the Corporation and the Gambia Government.

In addition, the Corporation would second a farm manager and contribute a further £1,250 per annum towards his salary and expenses. These recommendations have been accepted by the Corporation and the Government of the Gambia, and detailed arrangements are now under discussion. The future use of the rest of the land will depend on the outcome of these experiments.

While I think we shall all accept this as a reasonable sounding arrangement between the Government of the Gambia and the Colonial Development Corporation could the Minister tell us what he proposes to do with the balance of 9,000-odd acres which were cleared by the Corporation? He spoke of the 400 acres; could he tell us about the 9,000?

I said that the future use of the rest of the land will depend upon consideration given in the light of experiments on this farm.

Does the right hon. Gentleman agree that this is a typical example of a major error followed by a minor triumph?

In view of the very tragic financial difficulties that these schemes got into, due to the fact that the Government took without question the advice of private enterprise experts, will my right hon. Friend make certain that any recommendations that are made are vetted by those people in the area who know something about what the land can do?

This decision was taken by the Corporation on the advice of those whose services they enlisted.

Can the right hon. Gentleman tell the House, after this decision has been made, what will be the total sum to be written off as a result of this sorry example of Socialist ineptitude?

If I understand correctly that this experiment on 400 acres is to take some five years, does that mean that for five years the rest of the 9,000-odd acres are to be left to go to bush?

No. What I said was that the use of the other 9,000 acres would be considered whilst the experiment was proceeding.

Arising out of the hon. Lady's supplementary question, was not this decision reached almost entirely on the recommendations of Lord Trefgarne, and is there anything about Lord Trefgarne savouring of private enterprise, except his achievement of a peerage?

Local Co-operation

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies what further steps are being taken to secure closer cooperation between the Colonial Development Corporation and the local populations of the various territories in which it operates.

The member of the headquarters staff appointed to secure closer co-operation between the Colonial Development Corporation and the local people has recently visited the British West African territories and will in due course visit all areas in which the Corporation has interests. In West Africa he has held exploratory meetings with local people with a view to putting into effect the policy outlined in paragraph 4 of the 1951 Report.

Have any specific steps been taken towards appointing one of these committees in the West Indies? If that has been done, what are the names of the committee that has been appointed?

No, Sir. What the Corporation has done is indicated in its Report which we discussed in the House the other day. It has appointed a member of the headquarters staff to visit these territories where the Corporation has got interests and. in conjunction with the local people, to begin to make arrangements for the setting up of committees of this kind.

Can the right hon. Gentleman tell the House the name of the gentleman who is responsible for these committees?

Overseas Food Corporation (Staff)

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies if he will make a statement concerning the decision to dispense with the services of some of the officers of the Overseas Food Corporation; what is meant by normal redundancy terms; and what were the rates of compensation paid out of public funds.

I would invite the hon. Member's attention to the reply which my hon. Friend gave to the hon. Member for Newbury (Mr. Hurd) on 27th June.

"Normal redundancy terms" are those granted to the Overseas Food Corporation's redundant East African staff, namely, six months' salary or four months' salary plus the earned leave due to them, whichever is the greater.

That is the rate of compensation paid from the Corporation's funds which will be paid to the two officers referred to in my reply of the 27th June.

May I ask the Secretary of State whether these officers were discharged; if so, for what reason; did they resign voluntarily, or were they compelled to resign; and if so, for what reason?

These officers have become redundant because of the changed nature of the scheme now being operated.

Colonial Students, London (Hostels)

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he is now in a position to make any further statement about the position of Colonial students at 1, Hans Crescent.

The British Council inform me that the Hans Crescent residence was partly closed for cleaning and staff holidays as previously arranged on 15th July. Of the 167 students who were in residence 75 have moved out into lodgings or have gone on holidays. The remaining 92 are occupying their rooms without other services. Of these 47 are staying by arrangement with the Council and 45 without permission.

It is proposed to reopen the hostel with its full service on 1st August. The Council hope that these 45 students will avail themselves of the Council's assistance in finding alternative accommodation within the next few days so as to allow other students to come into residence.

I have authorised the Council to acquire temporary accommodation for about 60 more students at Moray Lodge at Campden Hill to help accommodate new arrivals during September and October.

Will the Minister say whether really vigorous action will be taken in the coming months to increase the total hostel accommodation for students quite considerably?

I am considering what further provision can be made for hostel accommodation. I ask hon. Members in every part of the House, whenever they get an opportunity, to encourage these students to understand that if satisfactory private accommodation can be secured—and the council is trying to secure it—then great advantage is to be gained by their living with families.

Under-Developed Countries (U.N. Report)

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies if he will attend the meeting of the Economic Committee of the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations from 23rd July at Geneva so as to represent the views of colonial peoples when the committee discusses the United Nations report on measures for the economic development of under-developed countries; and in what way he proposes to be represented.

I shall not be able to attend myself, but the United Kingdom delegation will include an officer of my Department.

Will that officer realise the very important part he has to play in this conference, as representing an enormous number of people in backward areas, and that he is dealing with what is perhaps the best hope of doing something about their problems in the next decade or so?

Gold Coast (Diseased Cocoa Trees)

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies to what extent reliance on voluntary cutting-out of cocoa trees in the Gold Coast is meeting with a response from the farmers; whether other methods of dealing with disease affecting cocoa trees are now being applied; and what is the estimate of the proportion of existing affected trees.

Dr. Nkrumah has strongly urged farmers to co-operate in the new organisation of the campaign recommended by the Korsah Report and to cut out voluntarily; and he has announced a substantial increase in the compensation rate. I will send a copy of his broadcast to my hon. Friend. It is as yet too early to estimate what the response will be.

No methods other than cutting out are at present employed, but if investigations now in progress prove successful it may later be possible to use systemic insecticides as an adjunct to the cutting out campaign.

The estimated number of bearing cocoa trees is between 500 million and 600 million, of which 40 to 45 million are diseased.

Does that mean that Dr. Nkrumah recommends to his people that cutting out at the moment is the only known method of dealing with this complaint?

Yes. He has appealed to them for co-operation in this, because at the moment it is the only method.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the substance of his answer is the same as that of the answer given to us on these benches on the same subject about a year ago? Has not the situation advanced at all? Has he any hope of getting matters expedited for the extermination of this disease?

I would not say that I am without hope. Indeed, I am hopeful that this new method will succeed. I am sure that the hon. Gentleman will realise that we must have an adequate test first of all before we are able to recommend the method as being adequate for getting rid of this disease.

Nigeria (Tribal Dispute)

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies what action he proposes taking to settle the long standing problem of the dispute between the Kalahari and Okrika peoples of Nigeria.

Recommendations for establishing permanent peace between the Kalahari and Okrika peoples were put forward in the Report of a Commission of Enquiry presented to the Governor in March, 1950. The events that followed the massacre of Okrikans last August have prevented the implementation of the Commissioner's recommendations, but after the Legislative Council has had an opportunity of debating the problem, probably next month, the Governor hopes that it will be possible to proceed with these long-term measures, which he is convinced form the only basis for a satisfactory settlement.

Is it correct that the Kalabaris have paid their £20,000 collective fine? If so, does not my right hon. Friend think that the atmosphere is much better for a settlement in the near future?

Yes, Sir. I am not quite sure whether the payment has been completed, but when it is done I agree with my hon. Friend, the atmosphere will be very much better for a long term settlement.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that it is reported that the total fine has been paid?

Yes, it is reported. I have seen that report. I meant only that I should not like to tie myself to a statement of the facts without notice.

Royal Navy

Retained Ratings (Gratuities)

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty if he will increase the gratuity paid to ratings retained beyond their contract term of service for 18 months, so as to be at least equivalent to 18 months' reserve pay, which is paid in the case of reservists who are not being recalled.

No, Sir. The two payments are not comparable.

Is it not a fact that the compensation paid to men who are retained beyond their contractual term of service is considerably less than the compensation paid to the people who are not being recalled? Is that not so?

Not really considerably less. The two obligations, however, are completely different. One is for a period of 18 months' service after completing 12 years' service. The other is an obligation to be called up for a number of years.

Yes, I quite appreciate that, but will the hon. Gentleman look at this matter, because it is a source of grievance?

How does my hon. Friend say these two are not parallel? When we have one man going on being a sailor and another man who chooses to join the Air Force instead, why should the man who joins the Air Force receive more than the man who continues to be a sailor?

But is this not a very reasonable request? Cannot the Admiralty look at the matter once more?

This question of a gratuity after 12 years' service applies to all three Services. It is not one limited to the Admiralty itself. There is a large difference between a man who is liable to be recalled and a man performing 18 months' extra service after his 12 years' service.

H.M. Submarine "Affray" (Loss)

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty what further progress has been made towards the inspection and salvage of H.M. Submarine "Affray"; in what precise depth at low water ordinary spring tides she is lying; what is the nature of the bottom; what is the maximum rate of the spring tidal streams at various depths; whether any findings have yet been reached by the Naval Board of Inquiry; and what are his present intentions as regards the ultimate raising of the wreck.

No further external damage has been found during the spell of diving operations recently completed. At low water ordinary spring tides H.M.S. "Affray" is lying in 44½ fathoms of water. The bottom is flat and consists of muddy sand, shingle and stones. The maximum rate of the spring tidal streams is 4 knots from the surface to the bottom. The range of the tide is 20 feet. The Naval Board of Inquiry have not yet submitted a report and no decision has yet been reached with regard to the ultimate raising of the wreck.

With a view to coming to a decision about the ultimate disposal of the wreck, will the hon. Gentleman bear in mind that progress can be achieved only by trying to undertake what has been previously considered impossible, and that the salvage exercise itself, apart from the value of the submarine, would be of great value in training salvage people?

Is my hon. Friend aware that when these new designs were being introduced they created a good deal of uneasiness amongst the men employed in the shipyards responsible for the construction of this type of submarine? Is he further aware that, as a result of Press reports, that uneasiness has been increased? Will he consider inviting the men engaged in the shipyards to give evidence, before the report is published?

I have no proof whatsoever of any concern on the part of the men who built these ships. If my hon. Friend will provide evidence to that effect I will consider the second part of his supplementary question.

Can the hon. Gentleman hold out any hope that it will be possible to make known the decision with regard to the salvage and also with regard to the publishing of the findings of the Board of Inquiry before the House rises?

I think the hon. and gallant Gentleman the Member for Horncastle (Commander Maitland) has a Question down on the Order Paper later about that.

I was only going to say that I would answer the point in reply to that Question. However, I think another statement will be made before the House rises.

Royal Naval College, Greenwich (Public Access)

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty what arrangements are being made to open the waterfront at Greenwich to the public.

The footpath on the waterfront outside the Royal Naval College, Greenwich, is already open to the public.

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Admiralty what steps are being taken to open the Painted Hall at Greenwich on Sundays, so that it can be visited by working Londoners and visitors from the provinces and overseas.

Sub-Postmasters (Pay)

asked the Postmaster-General what is the present lowest payment to a sub-postmaster and to a sub-postmistress; and whether he is considering making a new salary increase offer to the National Federation of Sub-Postmasters, in view of the increased cost of living.

The answer to the first part of the Question is £85 per annum. So far as the second part is concerned, the pay of sub-postmasters is at present under discussion with the National Federation of Sub-Postmasters.

If sub-postmasters sell postage stamps at cut rates in order to attract trade in other parts of their establishments can they come under he Government's scheme about price resale maintenance?

Donkey Meat

asked the Minister of Food what are the conditions under which donkey meat can be sold for human consumption.

The provisions of the Food and Drugs Act, 1938, relating to the sale of horse flesh apply.

In view of the fact that the amount of donkey meat being sold at the present time is exceptional, and that that means that people who order escallop of veal in fact get donkey, and as that matter is—as I am sure—a very suitable subject for the Government to interest themselves in, can we have an assurance that the Government are taking this matter very seriously?

My Department does not deal in donkeys. [HON. MEMBERS:"Oh."] As far as I am aware the hon. and gallant Gentleman is misinformed.

Is my hon. Friend aware that this is now a matter for having more inspectors and more snoopers to save us from private enterprise?

Would the Parliamentary Secretary say whether he subscribes to the point of view of the Minister of Agriculture that the eating of donkey meat is no worse than eating beef?

The provisions to which I have referred safeguard the consumers, and the duty of enforcing the provisions lies with the local authorities.

In order to safeguard both the consumers and the donkeys, would the hon. Gentleman consider asking whichever Department of State does deal with donkeys whether they will consider prohibiting this degrading and uncivilised traffic especially as we are receiving an increased meat ration?

This is a trade in the hands of private enterprise, but I should like to take this opportunity of disputing the statement alleged to have been made by my right hon. Friend the Minister of Agriculture.

In view of the most unsatisfactory nature of the reply, I beg to give notice that I shall raise the matter on the Adjournment.

Guardianship and Maintenance of Infants Bill [Lords]

I have a short statement to make to the House. My attention has been called to Clause 3 of the Guardianship and Maintenance of Infants Bill [ Lords ], which amends Section 25 of the Finance Act, 1944, and affects the collection of taxes by raising the age and increasing the payments which are to be made without deduction of tax in the case of certain maintenance orders. This provision infringes the Privileges of this House, and in accordance with precedent the Bill should be laid aside.

Bill laid aside.—[ Mr. Whiteley. ]

Access to House of Commons (Member's Complaint)

Having given you notice, Mr. Speaker, I propose to ask you, after consideration of the facts which I shall now present, whether or not you consider that there is a prima facie case of breach of Privilege.

On 3rd July there was a debate on the Argentine Meat Agreement, and it had been arranged that this debate would terminate at seven o'clock in the evening. It was anticipated that there might be a critical Division, and I received a telephone call from the Government Whips asking me to be sure to be in the House sharp at seven o'clock. The position was that I was held up and obstructed on that occasion and an attempt was made to divert me from my course, which I was not prepared to be, as a result of which I arrived at this House at seven minutes past seven o'clock. It was fortunate that there was no Division on that occasion. I immediately made complaint to your office, as I was unable to find you personally at that particular time, stating specifically that this was a matter for the House. I also advised the police that this had been done.

Since 3rd July, this matter has been under review by you, Sir, and I have had correspondence with you. In fact, no decision has yet been taken on what steps I should take in the matter. On Monday, you were good enough to grant me an interview, at which the Clerk of the House was present, and you advised me, as it was too late to raise this as a matter of Privilege, that I should put down a Motion on the Order Paper, and the Clerk of the House was good enough to draft this Motion. In fact, the Motion was put on the Order Paper on the Monday in the name of the noble Lord the Member for Horsham (Earl Winterton), the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Wakefield (Mr. Arthur Greenwood) and many hon. Members. That was on the Monday.

On a point of order. Is it not very improper to bring the Clerk at the Table into a Parliamentary debate?

The right hon. Gentleman will withdraw if there is any mistake, but I did, in fact, ask the Clerk whether there would be any objection to my mentioning that particular point. If that was a breach of order, I was unaware of it, because I had asked the Clerk if there was any objection.

If I may now come to the actual issue on which I am asking you to rule, on Monday, 3rd July, the Motion went down on the Order Paper, and it reads as follows:

That a Select Committee be appointed to enquire into the obstruction by the police of Mr. John Lewis, Member for Bolton, West, when on his way to this House on 3rd July, 1951, and to report thereupon to the House.

I do not want to deal with the merits of the case, because there is a Motion on the Order Paper, but I do submit that it would have been a very serious matter indeed if there had been a Division and I had not been there.

Yesterday the police applied for, and this morning I was served with, summonses in connection with matters arising out of this particular issue. I ask you to rule whether, in fact, in this particular case, the service of such summonses in these circumstances does not represent a breach of Privilege.

One thing on which I should like to make a comment is the statement of the hon. Member that I said that I advised him to put a Motion on the Order Paper. I think it more correct to say that I said that was his only correct Parliamentary course if he wanted to raise the matter in Parliament. I could give him no advice as to what he should do, and it would be a mistake to think that in any way the placing of a Motion on the Order Paper had my support. It was merely that I said that that was his only Parliamentary right.

As for the rest, I must say that, in my view, the hon. Member has not made out a prima facie case of a breach of Privilege. Privilege does not protect hon. Members from the service of summonses, and an hon. Member cannot prevent the police from prosecuting him for an alleged motoring offence by putting a Notice of Motion on the Order Paper. Therefore, I must quite definitely rule that there is no prima facie case.

On a point of personal explanation, I was informed by the hon. Member, in exactly the words which he has now used before the House, that you, Mr. Speaker, had advised him to put a Motion on the Order Paper. In those circumstances, I was prepared to put my name to it. In view of what you have just said, I shall withdraw my name from the Motion.

I have not finished putting my point; I am making no accusations against the hon. Member. Those were his words to me, and he has used them again today.

I think you will agree, Mr. Speaker, that you used the words that you advised me to put down the Motion. I may have been under a misapprehension, but those words were the words you actually used. Those were the words, and that was my impression.

I was only indicating to the hon. Member the only Parliamentary course he could take, and I was not indicating any approval or otherwise.

May I put this question to you on your Ruling, Mr. Speaker? Has it not always been held that the only tribunal which can determine what is the extent of a Parliamentary Privilege, where there is one, and if there is one, what are the limits of it, is the House of Commons itself? If there were a case, as would appear to be the case here, where the question of fact at issue and to be tried was whether the hon. Member obstructed the policeman in the course of his duties or whether the policeman obstructed the hon. Member in his passage to the House—if that were the only question of fact to be decided, it is a question that could only be decided by laying down what are the limits of the Privilege involved.

If there is to be avoided any conflict between the courts and Parliament, is it not the case that it can only be avoided by having that question determined, not in some London police court before some London police magistrate, but by the House of Commons itself? If we take any other view, is there any other way in which a conflict between the courts and Parliament can be prevented?

Is not one of the functions of this House the function of being one of the courts of the land? Where a Motion is placed on the Order Paper, I would submit that this House is seized of that matter. Of course, that does not prevent the police from prosecuting when this House has disposed of the matter by disposing of the Motion on the Order Paper, or when everything on the Order Paper comes to an end when the Session ends. I would respectfully submit that an important question is raised here. It is that an inferior court ought not to be put in motion when a superior court is already seized of the matter, and we are the superior court in matters affecting our Privileges.

I am not prepared to argue the matter. I have given a considered Ruling, and there it must stand. I should like to point out that, after all, if any hon. Member can put down a Motion on the Order Paper because he has been, or thinks he is going to be, summoned to a court, that surely would interfere gravely with the administration of justice, which cannot be our desire.

With great respect, I should like to draw your attention, Mr. Speaker, to the fact that there is a precedent for the point raised by the hon. Member, and it is one with which I personally was concerned before the war. I think you, Sir, were subsequently a member of the Select Committee which dealt with this matter, and that you are conversant with it.

In 1938, a question arose as to whether it was proper for a Member of Parlia- ment to receive information of a secret character regarding, in this particular case, the anti-aircraft defences of this country. I raised the matter in the House, and I asked for the guidance of Mr. Speaker Fitzroy on the matter. I subsequently put down, the same day, a Motion on the Order Paper asking that a Select Committee should be set up to inquire into this matter. There was nobody else who put his name to that Motion.

Within 48 hours, I received a summons to appear before a Military Court of Inquiry to look into this same matter. I thereupon immediately raised the matter again in the House as a question of Privilege, and the Speaker gave a Ruling that there was a prima facie case of breach of Privilege. On the Motion of the Prime Minister, the matter was referred at once to the Committee of Privileges, who decided that there had in fact been a breach of Privilege, and the summons to the tribunal was quashed.

I remember that case very well because I sat on the Select Committee as a matter of fact. In my judgment the two cases are quite different.

My respectful submission to you, Mr. Speaker, is that it really is not correct to say that the hon. Member has put the Motion on the Order Paper in order to frustrate police action. The Motion was on the Paper before action was taken by the police. I submit also that it never has been accepted, in my experience of the House, that police action can be taken against an hon. Member of this House in connection with a matter which is itself the subject of a Motion before the House. As police action in the Metropolitan area is conducted on behalf of a Minister of the Crown, it is a very serious matter when police action can be initiated against a Member who is asserting the Privileges of the House itself. Therefore, what remains to be decided is the issue raised in the Motion as to what is meant by "access" to the House of Commons.

In view of what has just been said by the right hon. Gentleman, is it not a fact that long before this Motion was on the Paper the hon. Member was informed by the police that proceedings would be taken against him?

May I further put this point to you, Mr. Speaker, in view of your Ruling? I understand, from what my hon. Friend the Member for Bolton, West (Mr. J. Lewis), has said, that his defence to any such prosecution as may be brought against him is that he was defending the Privileges of this House. May I ask you whether the hon. Member would not himself be committing a breach of Privilege of the gravest possible kind, in view of your Ruling, if he put forward such a defence as that, for the determination of a police court matter on evidence by the police? Would it not be in complete conflict with what has always been accepted, namely, that there is only one tribunal which can determine whether there is a Privilege involved and whether it has been breached, and that is the House of Commons, and not the Home Secretary or any magistrate?

All I can say is that I have given my Ruling and I do not propose to alter it. I do not see that there is any need to say any more.

My name is on the Order Paper to this Motion and it will there remain. At the beginning of each Session we pass an Order giving an Instruction to the Commissioner of Police to the effect that hon. Members must have free access to this House. The allegation of the hon. Member for Bolton, West (Mr. J. Lewis), is that he was denied that free access. [HON. MEMBERS: "Where?"] If hon. Members will take the trouble to read the Sessional Order, they will find that it is purposely vague, and therefore its interpretation must lie with us. It is our Order and not the Order of the police, and it is not within the competence of any magistrate to determine what our Order means. Therefore, I will permit my name to remain on this Motion, which I hope in due course will be debated.

Is it in order to move, "That the complaint of the hon. Member for Bolton, West, be referred to the Committee of Privileges"? I realise that that means—

That can only be moved supposing I hold there is a prima facie case. [HON. MEMBERS: "No."] The hon. and learned Member can put that Motion on the Order Paper and it can be divided on.

The hon. and learned Member must put it on the Order Paper, and it cannot appear on the Order Paper today.

As there appears to be—with very great respect to you, Sir—a distinct doubt whether the right Ruling has been given—[HON. MEMBERS: "Who is in doubt?"] I am—may I ask whether it will be in order to put down a Motion that this House dissents from the Ruling that you have given?

It would be a vote of censure on the Speaker. Any hon. Member is quite entitled to do that. I am quite prepared to accept it.

Bill Presented

Price Control and Other Orders (Indemnity) Bill

"to grant an indemnity in respect of there not having been laid before Parliament, with instruments required to be so laid, certain Schedules or other documents by reference to which such instruments operated, and to provide that such instruments shall be deemed to have been duly laid," presented by Sir Hartley Shawcross; supported by Mr. G. R. Strauss and the Attorney-General; read the First time; to be read a Second time Tomorrow, and to be printed. [Bill 140.]

Orders of the Day

Supply

[22ND ALLOTTED DAY]

Considered in Committee.

[Major MILNER in the Chair]

Civil Estimates, 1951–52

Motion made, and Question proposed,

That a further sum, not exceeding £40, be granted to His Majesty, towards defraying the charges for the following services connected with Agriculture in England and Wales, for the year ending on 31st March, 1952, namely:

Civil Estimates, 1951–52

£

Class VI, Vote 8, Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries

10

Class VI, Vote 9, Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries (Food Production Services)

10

Class VI, Vote 10, White Fish Authority

10

Class VI, Vote 12, Forestry Commission

10

Total

£40

—[ Mr. Douglas Jay. ]

Agriculture

4.6 p.m.

It is a long time since we had a general debate on agriculture, although on many occasions during the past few years we have discussed aspects of the industry in debates on Bills introduced by the Government. Today, in opening the debate, I propose to deal with the subject very largely in relation to our defence programme. In our view, this programme cannot be considered in terms only of re-armament, as the people of this country must be fed. The more we can produce from our own soil the greater will be our security. It has been truly said on many occasions that the agricultural industry is our fourth line of defence. The agricultural expansion programme is, therefore, an essential part of the defence programme.

I would like to refer at once to the White Paper which was published by the Government in the spring of this year, entitled: Paragraph 15 states:

During the first three years of the expansion programme increased production has for the most part been achieved from areas where expansion has been comparatively easy. I use the word "comparatively" advisedly. I refer to good land suitable for increasing the tempo of production. But I would warn the Minister that as the programme proceeds it will be more and more difficult to reach our targets as we shall have to get greater yields from areas where, at present, it is not easy to maintain the existing output.

It appears to the Opposition that the Minister is not aware of the urgency of the problem and of the very great drive which he, as the leader of the industry at the present time, must instil into the farming community if we are to achieve the targets which we have set ourselves. We are therefore likely to require more and not less capital investment if we are to achieve the expansion programme.

For this reason we were disturbed to read in the Minister's statement, when he announced the result of the recent Price Review on 29th March, that the £40 million of capital injected into farm prices at the beginning of the programme will now be progressively reduced. It was reduced by £10 million this year, and this at a time when production prices are rising very steeply week by week.

In addition to that, since the announcement of the result of the last annual Price Review the industry has been kicked time and time again. In his Budget Statement the Chancellor of the Exchequer announced that he would bring to an end the initial allowance for writing off capital expenditure. This was referred to during the debates on the Finance Bill by my hon. Friend the Member for Thirsk and Malton (Mr. Turton), so I do not propose to go into the arguments again but merely to remind the Committee that this will be an added burden on the farmers in the years immediately before us.

Shortly afterwards, on 21st June, the Chancellor announced his intended cuts in the capital investment programme, which specifically included cuts related to agricultural buildings. I shall discuss the Chancellor's programme during my speech. Before I do so I want the Committee to appreciate that the Opposition do not believe that there are not economies to be made in different ways, but we ask the Minister to consider the very serious position which is likely to arise in the industry if the capital expenditure programme is reduced on a substantial scale, for the industry is dependent upon investment to meet its obligations.

Can the Minister tell us exactly how much capital will be devoted to agriculture this year and to what uses he intends it to be put? Last week there was a reference in the House to certain percentages. I hope the Minister will explain in rather more detail what the Government have in mind. After he has told us how much capital he expects to be allocated to agriculture in the forthcoming year, will he tell the Committee where he proposes to make the cuts? For example, how much capital will be allotted to rural electrification? There is increasing evidence from all over the country that area boards are reducing the extent of their programmes for rural electrification, and the matter is giving rise to very considerable concern in view of the importance of electricity in securing and maintaining full production on the farms.

What are the Minister's intentions about the Hill Farming and Livestock Rearing Acts? Does the Minister intend to go slow in their implementation? It is of great importance for us to have an assurance from the Minister in this debate that he has no such intention. It is very largely to the upland areas that we must look for an ever increasing production of meat in all its forms. I hope that the Minister will be able to give the Committee assurances about all these matters, concerning which there is doubt. In that way the debate will be of value to those engaged in the industry.

To turn to meat, I hope that the Minister does not intend to reduce expenditure on the provision of slaughterhouses and meat storage facilities. The Minister of Food made a statement in the House on 30th April to the effect that the Government had decided to build seven new slaughterhouses in addition to the experimental slaughterhouses which are already being built at Fareham and Guildford. Does this still represent the policy of the Government, and can the Minister tell the Committee what progress has been made since April?

My hon. Friends are concerned about the slaughterhouse position as the increased production of meat is already tending to come on the market during a much more limited period of the year. I would utter a warning that unless the effects of the new trend are taken into consideration early enough we shall encounter a very difficult situation in dealing with the meat supplies in the autumn. I have here Ministry of Food Bulletin No. 587, of February, which tells exactly how the trend is varying. On page 4 the Bulletin, which refers to 1950, says:

I feel strongly that when the Minister is considering this problem he ought, as an experimental measure, to examine the possibilities of cold storage, because this problem will become more and more difficult as the years go by.

I want to say a word about the other side of the financial aspects of agriculture in the present situation, because my hon. Friends are alarmed at the continued rise in costs with which the farmer is having to contend. I appreciate that increased costs amounting to £75¾ million were taken into account at the recent Price Review. This was an agreed settlement and the £75¾ million were met in the following way. Recoupment was given to the industry to the extent of £43¼ million, and the balance of £½ million represented the contribution made by the agricultural industry in the national interest when reaching agreement on the prices for this year.

These increased costs were applicable only to review commodities—that is, commodities which come under Schedule I of the Agriculture Act of 1947—and in no way affect the increased costs in other commodities, such as horticulture, which are outside the review. Can the Minister tell the Committee if I am right in suggesting that since the spring of this year there have been further increases which will amount to £20 million a year?

If that is correct, it is a serious position. I have no means of checking these figures, and probably the Government are the only people who can say whether they are anywhere near correct. The Committee should know during this debate whether that figure is aproximately correct. If it is, these increases will fall on those things which are essential to the completion of the expansion programme, such as feeding-stuffs—about which I shall say a word in a moment—fuel oil, packaging materials, binder twine. The last is an extraordinary example. Now we are approaching harvest it might interest hon. Members to know that today—or rather last week, because it goes up week by week—binder twine is costing the farmer £269 a ton compared with £83 a ton only as far back as 1945 and, of course, before that, half that figure again.

I should like advice on this, but technically I imagine that the figure of £269 a ton means an extra expense of something over 20s. an acre on the harvesting operations of any farmer. That is a serious cost. In addition, I want to refer to the main and perhaps the most serious increase in the price of essential things which farmers must have, namely, fertilisers. Increases amounting to 82 per cent, for superphosphates, and up to 62 per cent, for basic slag have already been announced.

I want to ask the Minister what percentage of the recent increased prices was taken into consideration during the recent Price Review, because that is an important figure to get established. The steep rise in fertiliser prices in recent months is bound to act as a disincentive in the use of fertilisers, and many farmers will take the view that the return they may expect from such an excessive outlay as, for example, £14 13s. 6d. a ton for superphosphates will not be sufficient to cover the costs.

I have raised the question of fertilisers on two previous occasions in the House when we were discussing the removal of the fertiliser subsidy on 8th March, 1950, and then again on 30th June. On the first occasion, if I may repeat one sentence of what I said then, I suggested to the Minister of Agriculture that

Before leaving the question of increased costs. I want to refer again to the White Paper, paragraph 26, in which it is suggested that farmers should reduce their production costs. Obviously every farmer in his own interests, apart from anything else, wants to reduce his production costs if he can, but I submit that at the moment the increased costs which he has been asked to bear are completely outside his control. There only remains the skill and ability of the farmer to grow more from his own holding. I suggest that this paragraph was most unfortunate and most unfair upon the agricultural industry, who are doing their best to fulfil the expansion programme.

I now turn to the problem of increased production, because it is vital not only as far as the expansion programme is concerned but even far beyond the day when we achieve that target. I want to refer briefly to various aspects of the problem, the details of which no doubt will be filled in by my hon. Friends during the course of the debate. First of all, feedingstuffs. It is clear from the answer given by the Minister of Food to my hon. Friend the Member for Newbury (Mr. Hurd) only last week that the future supplies of feedingstuffs in adequate quantities are still far from secure. That is reinforced, I think, by statements made only last month by a very high-up adviser to the Minister when he informed the country that the feedingstuffs position was very difficult, and was not secure for the future.

In view of that, may I suggest to the Minister that the vulnerability of our procurement from the sterling area would now justify a new examination of the possibility of procuring further supplies from dollar areas? That, I admit, would be a change in Government policy, but I hope the Minister will be able to tell the Committee today that he will consult his colleagues and try to agree with them to make a different approach to this question.

I believe that feedingstuffs could have been secured from dollar areas last autumn, and I refer, of course, particularly to Canada. I will give the Committee an illustration of our failure to procure available feedingstuffs. Last autumn Canadian wheat was affected, as it sometimes is, by frost. There was a lot of low-grade wheat on the market, and I believe it would have been possible at that time to have purchased supplies from Canada which would have been of very great assistance to our home industry. If we were to buy such wheat from Canada, and if, by so doing, we could build up in that country a source from which we could secure feedingstuffs, how much safer that would be than relying upon the sterling countries from whom, at the best, we do not know whether we are to get supplies till late in the year, or, at the worst, if climatic considerations intervene, whether we are to get them at all.

I think this matter must be looked into, because if. for instance, we are to achieve the Government's target for egg production in the winter of this year, our poultry-keepers must know now and not two weeks before they hope to have the winter eggs, whether they are likely to have supplies of feedingstuffs with which to feed their hens. I will now leave feedingstuffs, because I know a lot more will be said on that subject later by other hon. Members.

I turn now to the recent Annual Price Review. I would preface my remarks by saying that my right hon. and hon. Friends are not criticising the system, because we are confident that guaranteed prices and assured markets are essential for the agricultural industry, and that the Price Review mechanism is the right type of procedure. Production trends should be controlled by price incentives, but does not the Minister think that his switch from milk and eggs to beef has been too fast? The representatives of the National Farmers' Union of England and Wales, Northern Ireland and Scotland, jointly made a statement when the result of the Annual Price Review was announced. They said:

I suggest that when we get to the autumn, the fall may be very serious indeed, and that in 1952 it may even drop below the safety line for meeting the liquid market. I do not believe—and I am sure my hon. Friends will agree with me on this—that a limited culling of our milk herds is a bad thing. Indeed. I think it is a good thing, because in that way we get rid of the bad stock and only keep the best cows which are going to give a good yield. But I feel very strongly that in this operation of the price mechanism, the Minister may have gone too far, and may have altered the emphasis too quickly, as a result of which we shall find ourselves in a serious position so far as milk is concerned during, perhaps, September of this year, and again during what we in the North Country call the "back end" of 1952.

I will leave further discussion of this matter to my hon. Friends who may wish to discuss it from their own point of view and will say a word or two about land use. I wish to refer to the continuing encroachment upon agricultural land for other purposes. There was a very interesting article in the "Sunday Times" of 8th July, which many hon. Members will probably have read, in which it was alleged that 80 square miles of farm land are lost to urban development every year and that if the encroachment continues at the present rate another 250,000 acres will be lost to agriculture during the period covered by the expansion programme. I hope that here again the Minister will be able to inform the Committee what action, if any, he proposes to take to deal with this problem, because the loss of food as a result of this encroachment is beginning to reach very serious dimensions.

Still referring to increased production, I now wish to say a word about the Ryan Report. The Ryan Committee was set up by the Minister several years ago and signed its Report in February this year. The Report became available to the public in April last, and in paragraph 195 it states:

I shall not deal with the merits of the Report one way or another, but many of my hon. Friends no doubt will raise dif- ferent points of detail. I propose only to raise one detailed point. That deals with paragraphs 72 and 73, which discuss

I have brought this matter up because it deals with increased production, which I believe to be so vital. I hope the Minister will pay particular attention to this aspect of organisation in the country and will note the lack of advice which has been tendered to him on this matter by the Ryan Committee.

There are many other subjects of importance which will be dealt with by other hon. Members, but I think I have said enough to focus the attention of the Committee on the main problems concerning the industry at the present time. I wish to emphasise that when I mention farmers I invariably mean to include those who work with them on the farm. There is today a close and happy relationship existing between farmers and farm workers. In passing, I would say that it has nothing whatever to do with the Socialist Party nor, indeed, with the Conservative Party; this is not a political thing at all. I have heard it suggested that this happy relationship is due to the advent of the Socialist Government of 1945. We can say that in the country, but we cannot imply that here. The fact remains that that relationship is very close and very happy. The well-being of both the farmer and farm worker is bound together, both being dependent upon the results of their work together.

No better example of this can be given than during the spring of this year when only by the tremendous efforts of farmers and farm workers the industry as a whole was enabled to catch up the clock during this difficult season as a result of which prospects for this year's harvest are, I believe, far better today than many experts believed possible a few months ago. This has been brought about solely by the intensive effort of all working together for long hours and with no difficulties in the relationship—

No strikes; we never think of them—but with very little recognition by the general public. This has been achieved by the farming community and, as a result, this year's harvest will be better than many of the experts thought.

Finally, I would remind the Committee that it is not only this country but the world as a whole which has to face the problem of increased production. World production during the past few years, if my research has been correct, has been 2 per cent, to 3 per cent, above pre-war, but world population is 10 per cent, higher. On present world averages of production from cultivated land it is generally considered that it takes two and a half acres to provide enough food for a person for a year. It is probable that there is the equivalent of about two acres of land available per head of the present population. Mankind is faced with a problem of the first magnitude, even if the world's population remains stationary, which it is not.

Our agricultural industry is, therefore, of international as well as national importance. World population is increasing, but the number of available acres is diminishing. Therefore, the only road to survival for generations yet unborn is by increased production from the soil of this country and other countries of the world.

4.46 p.m.

I welcome the opportunity of debating the record of achievement of the Government in the sphere of agricultural policy. This, I believe, is a matter of first-class importance to the economy of the nation and should be dealt with fully and objectively in this Committee. I think we can be a sort of Council of State today, because I cannot imagine hon. Members opposite will be searching for a Division this afternoon. The Government have nothing to fear from such an inquiry into their achievements.

First, I wish to deal with the references of the hon. and gallant Baronet the Member for Richmond, Yorks (Sir T. Dugdale) and his suggestion that the Government do not give sufficient recognition to the importance of agriculture in the allocation of investment resources. I express my thanks to the hon. and gallant Baronet for having given me notice of one or two points he intended to raise so that an effective and, I hope, a satisfactory answer can be given.

No doubt there is no aspect of the national life, except perhaps defence, in which everyone is content with the kind of investment possible, and of course defence is one thing that cannot be cut down. We could perhaps do with more capital expenditure for agriculture than is possible at the moment, but the whole question is whether on balance agriculture is getting a fair share, and there are two ways of looking at this matter.

It is true that the Chancellor of the Exchequer said on 21st June that it was not appropriate, in view of the uncertainties of raw materials, the needs of defence and so on, to give details of the allocation of investment as in former years. As to agriculture, all that the Chancellor could say was that there might be some reduction in the amount of private building, but that the share of agriculture remained practically unchanged, round about 4 per cent, of the total figure. As the hon. and gallant Baronet said, agriculture is truly in one aspect a defence industry and it is not being cut for defence, but, not unnaturally, it is rightly being asked to be economical in its requirements.

Another way of looking at the matter is to remember that in other spheres it is often regrettably necessary to defer, or refuse, applications for licences for very urgent work. In agriculture, on the other hand, the Ministry's officers and the Minister's agents, the county agricultural executive committees, are carrying out the duty laid upon them by Parliament of promoting the development and efficiency of agriculture. That means that in the sphere of building they are advising, exhorting and sometimes actually compelling owners to put up necessary buildings, when the latter may be reluctant to do so.

We have no intention of departing from that practice. As I said last week, in answer to a Question, there may have to be some deferment of private building that cannot be shown to be immediately necessary in the interests of food production, and here and there important defence works which absorb all the building labour within a district may delay even urgent work for any industry, including agriculture; but, on the whole. I do not think that there is any necessary or urgent building that will be much delayed during this year or indeed next year.

The country would not be playing its part in the defence of freedom if we did not all have to face some difficulties, but it might ease the minds of the hon. and gallant Baronet and other Members when I tell them that the licences granted for buildings in excess of £100 have increased from £6.5 million in 1946 to £21 million in 1950. In other words, from 1946 inclusive to 1950 not less than £71,500,000 have been spent on farm buldings, houses and industries ancillary to agriculture. Therefore, I think that disposes of the suggestion that agriculture is not getting fair shares.

Will the right hon. Gentleman confirm the figures given by the Chancellor or the Financial Secretary to the Treasury that agriculture's limit to building is to go back to the 1949 figure, which is £2 million or £3 million less than £21 million?

No. What I have said is that the figure of about 4 per cent, of the total remains; that is the case.

Hon. Members, but not the hon. and gallant Baronet, have referred to the cessation of the calf subsidy, and have suggested that that will take away from the income of livestock producers all the increase put on livestock prices in the recent February Review. The answer briefly to that point is that it is really misconceived because the calf subsidy will not cease to be paid in September, 1951. It is certainly true that no calf born after 30th September, 1951, will qualify for subsidy, but since the subsidy cannot be claimed on calves until they are from, say, 9 to 12 months old, the actual payment will continue for some time.

I appreciate that it affects nothing now but what the industry want to know for making their plans well ahead is—

I am coming to that point. I was about to say that most farmers present their calves for subsidy payment when the animals are between 9 and 12 months old. So in practice the subsidy will continue at least into the autumn of 1952.

As every hon. Member knows, there will be a Price Review long before the complete termination of that calf subsidy, and the suggestion that the cessation of this subsidy would remove from producers as much as was added to meat prices is incorrect. Increased meat prices after the last Review are estimated to cost some £7 million, while the calf subsidy for the last year—for steer calves only—is estimated to be only £3 million; and once the Government subsidy was no longer available for heifer calves, a proper allowance was made for that fact at the last Annual Review.

During the debate on Scottish Estimates, the hon. Member for West Perth (Mr. Snadden), and I believe several others, urged a continuation of the calf subsidy on the ground that the increased prices of the end-product did not always find their way back to the small rearing hill districts. That was the main reason for introduction of the subsidy in 1947. The Opposition have apparently changed their minds and we thank them for the compliment paid to us by their confirming at last, in 1951, that what we did was the right thing.

I said at the time that the subsidy was a purely ad hoc measure intended to give an initial stimulus for rearing calves for beef as part of our expansion programme. I suggested that the period should be limited to two years or four years at the outside. When the subsidy finally ceases in the autumn of 1952, it will have run for four years. This subsidy is very expensive to administer, and it is rather liable to abuse. I believe, however, that it has served its purpose and it now seems far better to abandon it and return to the normal method of encouraging beef production through the price of the finished product.

We all realise, as the hon. and gallant Baronet suggested, that the production of home-produced meat is a long-term project which calls for the rehabilitation of our hill and upland farms as early as possible. The rearing of hardy sheep was encouraged under the Hill Farming Act, 1946, with grants of 50 per cent, of the cost of all approved improvement schemes. Also, Parliament has just passed the Livestock Rearing Act, which extends those facilities and brings the total funds available for improvement schemes up to £20 million, and a further £2 million should Parliament pass the appropriate resolution.

I can answer the hon. and gallant Baronet readily by saying that there will be no slow progress so far as either the Hill Farming Act or the Livestock Rearing Act are concerned. Hon. Members may like to know something of the progress under the Hill Farming Act. At 30th June, the number of schemes approved or under consideration in the United Kingdom was no fewer than 4,900—3,713 in England and Wales, 911 in Scotland and 274 in Northern Ireland. These schemes cover some 4,350,000 acres—1,294,000 acres in England and Wales, 2,956,000 acres in Scotland and 88,000 acres in Northern Ireland. The total cost of these improvement schemes, including grant, is estimated to be about £10,350,000. Schemes are still coming in in a steady stream. I am satisfied that extensive improvements are being and will be made to increase the stock-carrying capacity of our hills and marginal land.

The hon. and gallant Baronet and others have referred to the recent White Paper, with which I will deal in a moment or two. In regard to slaughterhouses, I assure the hon. and gallant Gentleman that we are fully seized of the importance of making adequate provision for the slaughter of cattle, sheep and pigs, but I cannot add to the statement made by the Minister of Food a few days ago. I can, however, assure the Committee that this matter is under very active consideration.

The hon. and gallant Baronet referred to the White Paper, and particularly to the price of milk and eggs. For the most part, he and indeed many other hon. Members, at one time or another, have merely repeated criticisms made by the farmers' leaders after this year's Review. Briefly, the criticism takes the form of asserting that once targets have been reached, or nearly so, farmers are penalised by having their profits or prices substantially cut.

They assert that the production of milk and eggs is beginning to decline, that in-calf cows and heifers and laying hens are being slaughtered because of the un-profitability of both milk and eggs. It is also said that we are faced with the prospect of restricted milk supplies, involving rationing next winter, and a shortage of eggs with a sharp reduction in the present allocation. We are also accused of not being consistent in our agricultural policy, so that farmers are prevented from making long-term plans.

It would be a miracle if the Annual Price Review was welcomed in all quarters. I doubt if we shall ever achieve that miracle. Some members of the public, including at least one hon. Member of the House, hold the view that we are over-generous. Others, including those who represent the views and interests of producers, say that the award was anything but generous, and that this year the award will mean lower incomes for the farming community. The one group suggests that lower prices might perhaps stimulate production: the other group fears that, if prices are too low, production will fall. I am satisfied that we were right, and these divergent views give added proof that the prices we ultimately fixed this year were roughly correct.

I should like to deal with the first allegation, that producers of milk and eggs are penalised financially because they have reached their targets ahead of time. It is true, as was explained in the White Paper, that this year we made an attempt to reduce the profitability, over the year as a whole, of milk and egg production. The reason for this was that having reached, and, in the case of milk, substantially exceeded, our 1952–53 target, we wished to flatten out the rising curve of production. It has always been understood that the price mechanism would be used to influence the volume of production, since there is no other way, short of directions to producers, by which the production of one commodity can be increased and that of another slowed down.

For many years past the prices of milk contained a very material element of inducement to increase production rapidly, because supplies were much below the optimum requirements if the consumer was to be able to buy as much liquid milk as he wished. Our expansionist policy has been so successful that milk supplies are now fully adequate for all our needs, although even in 1951 or 1952, or in any other year abnormal weather conditions could bring temporary shortages just as they did in the years preceding the war.

Having reached a position where the target has been passed by a substantial margin—so much so that to ensure that all the milk is sold we have to subsidise the sales to the tune of £100 million per annum—we feel it right to put emphasis on other products where the need for expansion is much stronger. Were we not to do so, the expansion of milk production would continue unabated, leading to unsaleable surpluses, an intolerable burden on the Exchequer and a shortage of other foods which we need so badly.

Does not the right hon. Gentleman think that there is a proper outlet for any surplus milk by way of milk products, milk powders and various other manufactured forms of milk, which would be a useful standby and which would not have to be paid for in foreign exchange? Surely, there is always an outlet for the maximum milk production in this country?

That is all very true—at enormous expense to the Treasury. If the hon. Gentleman looks at the question from that point of view, perhaps he will be able to tell us where we could save a few million pounds so that we can use more milk for by-products.

In 1947 we set targets, in agreement with the leaders of the industry, which involved an increase, at prices then ruling, of about £100 million worth of produce. It is important that we should preserve, roughly, the balance of production on which the targets were made up. We do not want a gross over-supply of one product at the expense of others. When there were no guaranteed prices or assured markets, there was an excess of supply in relation to demand. In such circumstances, there would certainly be a large reduction in the price of milk to the producer.

We are told that the production of milk and eggs is already declining and that there is an uneconomic slaughter of cows and hens. I am not prepared to deny that there has been a slight decrease in output of both milk and eggs during the first six months of this year. That is mainly due either to weather conditions or, in some cases, to a shortage of feedingstuffs. There was some slaughter of female cattle in April. There were 19,000 more slaughtered this April than in April, 1950; but in May and June there were 15,000 fewer slaughtered compared with the same two months of 1950.

Some poultry keepers liquidated stocks and cashed in on a very temporary profitable market for table poultry while the meat ration has been rather small. However, this sort of thing is likely to happen at any time. Reports from hatcheries—and this is the important point—confirm that depleted flocks are being replaced by young pullets which should come into lay by the autumn.

I should like to say that there has been nothing inconsistent in the policy of the Government. There must always be slight changes in production objectives from time to time, but nothing that we have done or are likely to do is calculated to unbalance the industry. Our food production policy has been consistent and, I believe, successful, as I now propose to show.

It is remarkable that, in those hectic months of July and August, 1947, the experts—officials from my Department and leaders of the industry—were asked to give quick answers to the question, "How much more can be produced from our soil in five years?" That they should have given figures which then seemed impossibly large but which have been proved to be within the capacity of the industry is a matter of congratulation and satisfaction to all sections of the industry who were associated with the launching of the agricultural expansion programme.

I should like to pay my tribute to the courage and perseverance of farmers, workers and landowners who have carried on in the face of great difficulties and sometimes in the face of great risks. It was a fine and courageous thing for the industry to pledge itself, as it did in 1947, to reach a distant goal. But to keep up the effort through four years, when sometimes discouragement was inevitable, and to get so near the goal despite some very difficult seasons, argues a toughness of spirit in the industry which is a guarantee that the nation's confidence will not be let down.

In all this the Government have played a very steady and, I believe, successful part. We were often taunted by Members of the Opposition, when we launched the expansion programme, that the industry would never be able to respond, because we would never supply the necessary tools. I should like to recall some of the ways in which we have helped the industry to get the necessary tools for the job. In considering agriculture, one must always start with the land. We hear a great deal about the loss of agricultural land, but what is the truth of the matter?

Between the two wars tremendous losses of agricultural land went almost unnoticed. There were no controls, and no restrictions. There was no planning, and there was no interdepartmental consideration such as we have today. The farmer knew what crimes were being committed against the fertility of this Island, but too often his strength was not sufficient for him to preserve the land even when it was his own. Very often he had to sell some portion of his land to keep going and make the best of what was left to him.

Some, people seem to think—and I hope the hon. and gallant Member for Richmond, Yorks, will take note of this—that the Minister of Local Government and Planning is the man who allocates land away from agriculture. Quite the opposite is the case. He is the brake on the drift of the land away from food production. He is at present being supplied with development plans by every planning authority in the country. It is no secret that in considering these plans, his Department will have the interests of agriculture prominently in mind, and will accept advice and guidance from my officers.

Planning authorities have already made very great use of the ability and knowledge of my agricultural land service in the preparation of their schemes and many acres of the best agricultural land have been saved. We are consulted both early and late and a vast area of land has been saved from development. But no one hears about that kind of success. We all hear about the case where development is paramount either for factories, industries, schools, the Army or the Air Force, but we hear very little about the success which has been achieved. At least, it is very different from the situation in pre-war years.

There is the problem of drainage and water supplies. Here, the general picture is one of activity in all directions from farm drainage down to the main river outfalls. The River Boards Act provides for the bringing under a single authority of the three main functions of river management. Twenty-five river boards have already been established and they have all settled down to their new and very comprehensive tasks. In each year recently no less than £3½ million worth of capital works has been carried out on arterial water courses, always, of course, with the encouragement and financial assistance from the Government. This is a sound, solid investment that requires no justification from me.

The House will recall the disastrous floods of 1947. It is a very significant fact that during a record wet winter and spring, from which we emerged only some three months ago, some of the Fen pumping stations had to deal with as much water as 1947. It is true that the rainfall was spread over a longer period, but the fact that those strengthened Fen embankments held was something of a triumph for the catchment boards, and the Government are entitled to credit for their part in the business.

Land drainage demands comprehensive treatment of all the channels from source to mouth. I refer to drainage, particularly because it is important for the production of food. Grants have been made for ditching and under-drainage, and over the past six years the amount expended on grants for this purpose is nearly £5 million, which indicates the amount of stimulus and encouragement that has been given. It is no exaggeration to say that literally millions of acres of land have received lasting benefits from these schemes.

To round off the drainage picture, some farmers in Norfolk and Lincolnshire in recent years have been adding land to the country by reclamation in the Wash, and it is to their credit that practically half the land that was available in the Wash for reclamation at the end of the war has now been reclaimed. Other schemes are in progress.

One scheme for which I am directly responsible, and which is not done by private enterprise, is that undertaken by the Commissioners of Crown Lands, who are bringing something like 700 acres of highly productive farm land into cultivation by reclamation schemes of that description. That is not private enterprise, but political enterprise.

Better land drainage is, of course, of fundamental value, but so is more water for livestock. In the last five years 33,000 farm water supply schemes, estimated to cost some £8 million, have been approved for grant by the Government. The number of schemes is increasing. No less than 9,000 schemes were approved during the last year alone. These schemes bring both immediate and long-term benefits for the development of ley farming, the production of clean milk and more efficient farming generally.

We in agriculture have a vested interest in the Bill passed recently through the House, adding many millions of farms for grants for rural water supply schemes. It is not only a question of serving village houses, but also of bringing water nearer the farms. Since 1947, the Ministry of Agriculture have offered grants for 82 rural water supply schemes costing some £350,000. This is part of the Government's effort to bring water to the farm and amenities to the villages. That work is very useful indeed.

If we are to farm well we must have the man on the land and we must have the houses for them to occupy. I think I can pay the rural district councils a very high compliment, for since the end of the war they have completed no fewer than 122,000 permanent houses, of which no fewer than 26,500 have been let to agricultural workers. They have also completed 10,000 temporary houses and slightly over 1,000 of them have been let to agricultural workers. That is a great achievement, and it certainly is helping our rural housing problem. At the same time, a great deal has been accomplished in the rural areas under the Housing (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act, 1948. I know there are still housing difficulties, but there is no denying that a great deal has been done for agricultural workers.

On the subject of agricultural building, I only need add to what I have said, that since the end of the war, and particularly at this moment, more money is being spent on farm buildings than in any similar period in our history. It is to the credit of the landowners, who have got such a profound confidence in this Government that they have invested freely and with confidence over quite a few years.

Electricity is not only an amenity for the housewife and the families of farmers and workers, though that is in itself an extremely important matter. Electricity is more and more being proved as an economical, efficient and most necessary tool in the production of agriculture as well as industry. One small example might be enough to indicate what I mean, the electric wire fence. Grazing under the control of an electric wire fence may increase the productivity of a field of grass up to 20 per cent.

Personally, I. should like to see electricity available on every farm in this country, and if previous non-Labour Governments had been doing their duty over the past 50 years, we should not be as far away from that ideal as we are today. Nevertheless, we have been doing some thing about it since we have had the opportunity. Last year we took electricity to no fewer than 9,000 farms, a bigger number than it was ever taken to in one year by any Conservative Government. We now have 102,000 farms enjoying the luxury and the value for efficiency services of electricity, and we intend—

In view of the Minister's statement about electric fences, does he really mean to suggest that a high voltage could be utilised for this purpose. I cannot understand what he means.

The hon. Member is not expected to understand. I am referring to the tools for the job, including the land to make it more fertile and to make it capable of producing more food, but I can hardly expect the hon. Member to understand that.

There is no credit to the Government in that. It is pure, unmitigated nonsense.

In 1947, when our targets were mentioned, the sceptics were more sceptical than ever, since they said that we should never be able to supply the tools for the job, particularly the machines. We were told that we were super-optimists. Those who said that underestimated the plans of our planners. We not only saw that labour and factory capacity were made available, but that raw materials were made available as well. The result was that even between 1948 and 1950, the number of tractors increased by 25 per cent., combine harvesters were doubled, pick-up balers were trebled, milking machines increased by 50 per cent., and so on.

The change in the picture from 1946 is that while in 1946 we produced £26 million worth of agricultural machines, by 1950 we produced over £84 million worth. We not only met all the needs of our own farmers, but we won for ourselves an export market of something over £40 million. Therefore, we have not only helped to increase the output of food. We have, at the same time, rendered a great contribution to our balance of payments policy.

What of the man on the land? I am quite satisfied that security of tenure and the work of the county agricultural executive committees on the standards of husbandry and estate management are having a very marked effect on the general level of efficiency. I should like to repeat some figures given by my hon. Friend the Parliamentary Secretary in reply to a Question in the House on Monday, since we have often been chided that we were using Part I of the 1947 Act and were not using Part II. On 31st May of this year, there were 1,581 farmers under supervision on the grounds of bad husbandry, and last year no fewer than 54 dispossession orders took effect for the same causes. That is our answer to those who express either wonder or doubt as to whether we are using Part II of the Agriculture Act, 1947.

If I do not refer in detail to the immense contribution that scientific discovery and invention have made to farming efficiency during the past few years, it is because the results are so remarkable that one could not possibly adequately deal with them in a rapid survey of this kind. Likewise, the achievements of research workers and the work of our agricultural advisory officers, in bringing the latest scientific knowledge quickly to the men on the farms, have played an enormous part in bringing about the practical results which I am about to mention.

I think we can claim that at the moment manpower is nearly sufficient to meet all the demands made upon it. Moreover, the foundations are solid and durable, and are not a whole series of temporary props, as we have had to use in the past. Thanks to the encouragement given to agriculture—the Agricultural Wages Act and the Government's educational, housing, and smallholdings policies—the drift from the land has been reversed. We have 50,000 more regular male workers than in 1939, and our total labour force is something like 20 per cent, more than in that year.

At the end of the war, we had fewer regular workers than we had in 1939. We had to depend upon the members of the Women's Land Army, prisoners, Baits, Czechs and Poles—in fact, old Uncle Tom Cobley and all. We had to make use of all sorts of special schemes if we were to fulfil our programmes. Now, there is a greater sense of stability; employers know their men, men know their employers, and there is a greater sense of understanding which cannot fail to improve things on the farm.

Are there as many men on the land as at this time last year, rather than in comparison with 1939?

Unless I had the figures up to this morning I could not answer that question. What I am saying is that there are 50,000 more regular workers than there were in 1939, or an increase of 20 per cent. If the hon. and gallant Member notes the returns on 4th March, 4th June, 4th September and 4th December, he will find that they are fluctuating backwards and forwards all the time, and it would be impossible, in answer to a question which was put without notice, to give the figure he wants. I can only give the figures at the time of the last return.

From now on, it is true, there will be more competition for workers, and particularly if the call-up begins on 1st November, as we anticipate. I am hoping that farmers will feel that it is their duty to do their own recruiting, receiving all the help that the employment exchanges can offer them. The conditions for the workers of the countryside are more nearly equal, and in many cases superior, to those of the townsman than ever before, and these conditions alone ought to be able to attract sufficient recruits for our purposes.

I cannot, in this review, deal with all the activities of my Department. I have, however, referred to the land, the equipment, and the men who work on the land. I can do no more than mention the invaluable and devoted work of members of county agricultural executive committees and members of our district committees in the control of pests and the supply of labour and machinery services to farmers, which have had some useful results.

Now I come to the achievements. In August, 1947, we aimed at an increase in production in the United Kingdom within five years to the extent of about £100 million at the prices then ruling. This represented an increase of 50 per cent, over the output pre-war. Our latest figures for 1950–51—and they are, of course, now more certain than they were at the time of the White Paper—show that we are now approximately 46 per cent, in excess of pre-war production. The remaining 4 per cent, will take a good deal more earning, but I am convinced that with the present spirit of the countryside, and the confidence which farmers, workers, and landowners have in the Government, we shall reach our target without trouble.

Milk production has increased since 1947–48 by no fewer than 300 million gallons, and on the average it is now 30 per cent, higher than in pre-war days. The production of beef and veal has gone up since 1947–48 from 480,000 tons to 600,000 tons; the production of mutton and lamb from 108,000 to 144,000 tons; pig meat from 124,000 to 330,000 tons; and egg production from 338,000 to 499,000 tons, or the equivalent of a 30 per cent, increase above the pre-war level. Those are very substantial figures indeed.

Is not the Minister going to tell us of the failure he has made with horticulture? He has blown his trumpet the whole afternoon, but has not mentioned the line in which he has failed.

I have often heard of that red herring, but, like the flowers that bloom in the spring, it does not make any difference to the figures I have given. The hon. Member is not going to divert me from my point. If he would like to talk about horticulture—carrots, turnips, cabbages, or anything else—let him do so at the right moment, but he cannot divert me from the figures I have just used.

Even mutton and lamb which were the chief sufferers from the appalling winter and spring of 1947–48 have more than overtaken the losses incurred at that time. These increases in livestock products are in the main responsible for the increase in total net production since 1947–48, but our near approach to the 50 per cent, target depends not only on a higher rate of production but on the achievement of that production to a substantially greater extent on our home resources. In calculating net production we make an allowance for the value of imported feeding-stuffs and other raw materials; and it is because our volume of output of livestock products is in the aggregate larger than before the war and our imports of feedingstuffs are much smaller than before the war that our net production figure is as high as it is.

I need hardly remind the Committee that our total acreage of cereals other than wheat is 70 per cent, greater than it was pre-war. Nor need I emphasise the success that has attended our grassland improvement campaign. Production of silage last year was approximately 1,750,000 tons compared with 300,000 tons in 1947, and the output of dried grass was 200,000 tons compared with less than 60,000 tons in the previous year. Our improvements in permanent pasture are extremely difficult to measure but it is a striking fact that on an acreage of grass one-sixth smaller than before the war we are now keeping and feeding rather more grass-eating animals.

Turning to cash crops, acreages, although well above pre-war, have on the whole tended to decline since 1947–48. Our acreage of sugar beet and potatoes, however, has not fallen to any significant degree below the target. Although in only one recent year has our wheat acreage reached the target, that is perhaps due to our being a little too ambitious. Without being in any way complacent—and no hon. Member can afford to be complacent in these days—I think these figures reflect great credit upon the industry and, if I may say so modestly, no small credit upon the Government, too.

There is, I think, little doubt that farming efficiency is steadily improving with the help of the National Agricultural Advisory Service, that livestock are better managed, that improved breeding is making headway, that control of diseases and pests, both of animals and plants, is more effective and more widely practised than ever before, that better seed selection and seed dressings are being increasingly used, and that fertilisers are being more widely applied and applied with a better balance. All these improvements are leading to larger yields both of livestock and crops and—I address this to the hon. and gallant Member for Richmond, Yorks—are enabling farmers to maintain their incomes while at the same time carrying very large increases in the price of almost everything they buy.

We shall not hesitate to buy feeding-stuffs with dollars as long as they are available. In the past 12 months we have purchased over 500,000 tons of maize from the United States and we shall purchase more if the dollars are available and the maize is available and is required for the further expansion of our livestock programme. The present international situation and our balance of payments require still further progress, and I can assure the Committee that nothing that can reasonably be done will be left undone so long as the Government can help the industry to even greater success.

Before the right hon. Gentleman sits down, may we have one word about horticulture, because I do not think he has said anything about it? Are we not to hear anything about Evesham, Wiltshire and Kent and other horticultural counties? The farmers there are intensely interested in horticulture. It has been their livelihood for generations. The Minister has told us nothing at all about helping to develop this industry.

On a point of order. May I make a spirited protest, Sir Austin, against the Minister's absolute failure to say one word to enable the horticultural industry to carry on and develop in the future?

5.35 p.m.

The right hon. Gentleman has great charm and powers of persuasion but I am afraid that as I listened to him this afternoon I thought he showed quite a considerable amount of complacency. He definitely did not convince me nor any of my hon. Friends, and certainly not my hon. Friend the Member for Worcestershire, South (Mr. De la Bère) that his policy was sound, consistent and successful. In fact, far from being consistent I feel that he, as a hard headed Yorkshireman, is very easily led astray. He has been led astray by the blandishments of his hon. Friend the Member for Wednesbury (Mr. S. N. Evans).

Last April, far from issuing the farmer with a feather bed—which I maintain he never has—the farmer woke up and found he had a pebble bed, and now in July the right hon. Gentleman has added nails as well. If he continues in this way, agricultural production will so decline that we may well have hon. Members like the hon. Member for Wednesbury realising the importance of our producing the maximum quantity of food for this country, realising that we are dependent upon foreign countries for half our food and asking that the farming community should not only have a feather bed but a silken and quilted bedspread as well.

My first complaint against the Minister is of the way he is treating the agricultural worker. I do not want to raise what has been raised many times before—the question of his rations as compared with those of the miner. We have another example in Devonshire of the farm labourer being sacrificed for the sake of those who live in towns. Broadcasting is extraordinarily bad in Devonshire. We are told the reason it is bad is that there is not another wavelength available for use in this country. Yet the B.B.C. have taken two wavelengths, one of which might well have provided good reception in Devonshire, and have used them for the Third Programme.

The right hon. Gentleman spoke a great deal about good estate management and the number of farm houses that have been built. But what about the buildings that are already there? Costs of maintenance and insurance are rising every day. They are not in any way met by the rise in incomes. I am told that these costs have gone up five times compared with the increase in income per acre. This is having a very serious effect on the owner-occupier. It must be remembered that nearly 50 per cent, of our land is occupied by owner-occupiers.

In many counties there is a great deal of apprehension owing to the fact that the small farmer who owns his own land is unable to maintain buildings in a proper state of repair. We heard a great deal before the war about wheat-mining, the failure, particularly across the Atlantic, to maintain the fertility of the soil. Surely it is equally short-sighted now not to see that farm buildings are kept in the highest state of repair.

If the farmer is to produce the maximum quantity of food he wants consistency, stability and the confidence that he can sell all he produces at a remunerative price. One of my main charges against the right hon. Gentleman is that he has not been consistent. Since 1945—in six years—there have been no fewer than four changes of policy. In 1945 my right hon. Friend the Member for South-port (Mr. R. S. Hudson), the Minister, and his Parliamentary Secretary, the present Minister, announced that the policy for the post-war years was to be a great expansion of livestock. Believe me, that was the right policy because, by now we should have made good the losses caused by the war when we had drastically to reduce the number of our farm animals. No longer were farmers going to be forced to grow corn on land that was not suitable for growing corn. Also, no doubt a certain amount of consideration was given to the meat ration of those days, which many of us now look back upon with a certain amount of nostalgia.

What happened? A year later, in 1946, the right hon. Gentleman said, "There is a world shortage of feedingstuffs. It is a question of feeding animals in this country or human beings in Europe. Our allocation of feedingstuffs was cut very much more than that of other countries in Europe." I found it hard to give an answer to my farming friends when they came to me a year later and said "How is it that the foreigner in Europe, which was over-run and which we were told was starving, is now able to send us poultry, eggs and even beer?"

The hon. Gentleman must know that we did not get beer, eggs or poultry from any country to which we had to divert coarse grains to enable the human population to be kept alive there.

But the right hon. Gentleman knows perfectly well that we got beer, eggs and poultry from other countries in Europe. I believe that the English farmer should come first. I would have made those other countries in Europe divert grains; I should have submitted them to the same cuts to which we had to submit.

The hon. Gentleman said that he would make the other countries divert their grains. How would he do that?

The Foreign Secretary went across to the United States and apparently released quite a lot of grain that was booked and earmarked for us. The result was that agricultural production declined. That has been pointed out many times on this side of the Committee, and the Parliamentary Secretary in another place used these words on 10th December, 1946:

Three and a half years later, though costs had risen very rapidly, with the cost of feedingstuffs, tyres, etc., rising, we were told in the Annual Price Review that only a portion of the increased costs, which were entirely beyond the farmers' control, were to be met, and in particular milk and egg producers were to be hard hit. The Government were warned what would be the result. Already production is falling, and now in July we get this staggering rise in the cost of fertilisers. It can only adversely affect the home production of feedingstuffs. The Minister in his speech was boasting of how he developed an electric fence. Unless he has got fertilisers, there will be no grass to graze. I should like to give figures relating to a 300-acre farm in Devonshire—

Does the hon. Gentleman suggest that we had no grass to graze 150 years ago before there was an ounce of artificial fertiliser put on the soil?

Not a bit. All I am suggesting is that if we have to cut down the fertilisers there will be less grass.

I am afraid I was exaggerating. In any case, 150 years ago we did not have a 50-million population.

I think my hon. Friend's point was that we should not have sufficient grass to make an electric fence necessary.

That is what I meant to convey. This farm in Devonshire to which I was about to refer, consists of 300 acres and is highly mechanised, with a T.T. dairy herd, a flock of sheep, pigs and poultry, and it is a farm where great emphasis is placed on the production of grass. I should like to give the Committee the figures for their fertiliser bill. I have based my figures on the amount of fertilisers used this year, and have assumed that the same quantity was used last year, and will be used for the coming year. These are the figures: In 1950 the cost would be £475, or 30s. an acre. In 1951 it had gone up to £575, an increase of 6s. 8d. an acre, to 36s. 8d. an acre. In 1952, assuming the same amount of fertiliser is used the cost would be £875, an increase of £300 or 20s. an acre.

The cost of fertiliser on that farm, in other words, would have risen from 30s. an acre in 1950 to 56s. 8d. an acre in 1952. It would be a brave decision on the part of the farmer on that farm not to reduce his programme of fertilisers, especially with other costs going up, and this would inevitably lower production, especially of grass.

I am always proud of the fact that my father is one of the few surviving men who were in the House with Mr. Gladstone. Mr. Gladstone uttered very many famous sayings, and I have been brought up on them. One that strikes me as most apposite for today is a saying which he made at the end of his public career of 60 years. He used these words in a letter to a friend: food, but his Ministry will play its part in solving both the manpower situation and the housing shortage.

5.51 p.m.

I welcome these periodical debates on agriculture. Today I think the Committee has been given increased scope, and already hon. Members have touched on a number of subjects of vital concern to the industry. I am sure these debates on agriculture are welcomed on both sides of the Committee. First of all, they are welcomed by hon. Members opposite because the debates give them an opportunity to exploit any flaws there may be in Government policy—and that is what they have attempted to do again today. Secondly, these debates give the Minister and his supporters an opportunity, not to defend Government policy—because Government agricultural policy needs no defence—but to emphasise the very successful working of the agricultural industry in the last few years.

There has been a spate of agricultural policies in the last few years, but it is safe to say that Labour's agricultural policy holds the field. The policy of this Government is the nearest approach to a successful agricultural policy that I have witnessed and indeed there is a general admission of its success under this Government. For every criticism and every complaint that a farmer makes today about the Government's agricultural policy, he could have made 20 about the agricultural policies of previous Governments.

Hon. Members opposite do not like us to talk about the past, but when we are discussing agriculture we must talk about the past because we have to see from whence we came; and only a few years ago British agriculture was in a bankrupt condition, farms were two a penny and my own friends, the farm workers, were unemployed by the hundred, while those who were at work received what we regard, and what hon. Members opposite would regard, as a starvation wage.

Today farmers enjoy guarantees, confidence and security. Farms are difficult to buy or hire because too many people are after them. In my county every smallholder has paid his rent promptly in the last three years. All farmworkers are at work and are receiving four times the miserable figure of 25s. a week which the farmworkers in Norfolk had to defend under a Tory Government by going on strike. I do not suggest that farm workers are content with a wage of £5 a week. They are not. Without indicating any action which should be taken by another authority, I want to explain that there is an application before the Agricultural Wages Board for an increase in the national minimum wage.

In this connection, the farm workers' leaders have been criticised for reopening the subject of wages, and one farming paper has revived the old definition of we fellows who attempt to take a lead in agricultural labour circles, describing us as "merely agitators." I do not mind. I used to be called that years ago when the farm workers' wages were 25s. and I tried to get them another Is. The accusation has been revived again, but may I say that the agitators are not confined to one class of the industry. The farm workers' leaders are termed agitators when they ask for more wages for the workers, but when the farmers ask for more for their produce, I presume they are termed public benefactors.

What I have been saying about the position of the workers in the industry is part of the agricultural set-up under the present Government. I intervened in the speech of the hon. and gallant Baronet the Member for Richmond, Yorks (Sir T. Dugdale), to remark that there had been no strikes in agriculture. We have not had a strike in agriculture for 30 years and I am proud of it. All the time the work has gone on and the status of the farm worker has gradually risen from the point of view of wages and from the economic and social point of view.

I think that is a very proud record and I am delighted to have had a small part in bringing about the great change which has been effected. When the rush of work takes place on the farms, the men are there. Their motto is to get on with it, and in the earlier difficult months of this year, as we all know, the men, with the farmers, made a fine contribution and achieved great results.

It was stated recently that we had: achieved more than a 40 per cent, increase in agricultural output with only a 10 per cent, increase in the number of workers on the land, by comparison with pre-war days, and the Agricultural Economics Research Institute at Oxford has calculated that the net output per worker on the land has risen by 25 per cent, since the years immediately preceding the war. I give these facts to stress the point that in the important field of increased production the farm workers have an excellent record, and I am sure that when I say that I shall have the support of every hon. Member who is associated with the agricultural industry.

As I have said, a prosperous agriculture does not embrace only farmers and land owners. It must reflect itself in the position of men who work in the industry, and in my own humble way I have been trying in the last few years to ensure that the men who work in the agricultural industry enjoy a just reward for their labour. Despite what the Minister has said about the increased number of men who have come on to the land over a period of years, I am worried about the drift from the land in certain counties.

The census figures are very interesting. They reveal that many more people are living in the villages today than lived there before, and one newspaper in particular—I will not give its name, because it is a friend of mine and I have an affection for it—has concluded that because more people are living in the villages more are being attracted to the land. That is not so. People are going to live in villages today because they prefer living there. I live in a small country area and I prefer to live there, and it is so with many people.

Many of those who live in the villages are either engaged in other pursuits within the village or go to the nearest town each day to work. But I want to see—and I am sure we all do—the permanent labour force in agriculture further increased, and I think that it will be further increased when we are able to supply for the men who should be working on the land the incentives to go to work in the greatest of British industries.

With due deference to what my right hon. Friend said about the figures, I want to bring them up to date, for I think we have to be realists and face the facts. The numbers at work on the land have decreased in the last year or two. The agricultural statistics for March show that from March, 1950, to March, 1951. the total number of workers declined by 16,000. or 2 per cent. Some of this de- crease, I admit straight away, may have been due to increased use of power and mechanical equipment Of course, it is a mechanical age, and this machinery makes it possible to maintain and even to increase output with a decrease in the number of people employed.

However, there is another influence at work, and I want to stress this point. Agriculture is competing now, in conditions of full employment, with other industries for labour. I want to stress this further point. Work on the land must be made sufficiently attractive to recruit and to retain the young enterprising workers who are required for efficient production, and who are very different, may I add, from the placid old-stagers whose dominant characteristic was apparently an inexhaustible patience. The achievement of the agricultural expansion programme demands that this drift from the land in some counties shall be stemmed.

Despite what some hon. Gentlemen have been saying and what has been said outside, agriculture today is flourishing. No one who has attended an agricultural show this year will have any doubt about the healthiness of British agriculture. There is every evidence of it. Not only are our farmers and our farmworkers enjoying greater advantages through the tremendous improvement in agriculture, but the State is reaping, and will continue to reap, tremendous advantages from the increased efficiency of our great industry.

It is said that many farms can do with more capital. What I am going to say now may be entirely in opposition to the views held by other hon. Gentlemen associated with farming, but I think that a good many farmers are short of capital today because they lock up too much in machinery. This is a machine age and I should be the last person to get up in this Committee or outside to say that the employer of labour should not buy machines which will ease the human labour and increase production.

No one wants to go back to the days of the arduous toil of the earlier years, but I think that there is a limit to what the average farmer can carry in the matter of machinery. Some farmers would have been glad to have had a horse on their farms in the earlier part of this year when tractors could not get to work at all. I do not suppose that farmers are all going back to horses, but I shall be sorry if the day ever arrives when there is only machinery on the farms and no horses at all.

There is a great amount of machinery on the farms today, and I can never understand why a small farmer with, say, 150 acres wants to bother about buying a combine harvester; yet when one goes to the shows one sees that the things that a good many farmers are interested in more than anything else—and they are not the animals; the animals are generally at the back of the shows nowadays—are the machines. I really think that a good many of our farmers have got to have a kind of agricultural science training. I would hesitate to suggest that farmers should not take advantage of it, or of the scientific advice available to them, but I want to touch upon one aspect of agricultural science which is causing me very great concern.

I take the spraying of crops. I am going to admit that, undoubtedly, the modern spraying of crops is a great aid in farming, but I intensely dislike the poisonous sprays that are being used and which are harmful to human beings. There is in operation—or should be—a set of recommendations, unanimously agreed upon with the approval of the Minister himself, which were intended to serve as safeguards in the use of these poisonous sprays. My complaint is that those are merely recommendations. They are optional, and are not compulsory.

I was sorry to learn in the last few days that, despite the—or so I regard them—very efficient recommendations—which would be efficient if they were implemented—another farm worker has died from inhaling poisonous sprays. That is not good enough, and I say to the Minister quite seriously—and he has known for a long time what is in my mind on this subject—that I think it is time that these recommendations regarding the use of poisonous sprays should be made compulsory upon the industry. Any farmer can buy a machine for spraying today, and put a man to work it, without applying the safeguarding recommendations. It is not fair. I think that ought to be considered. I suggest to my right hon. Friend that if by the end of the year he considers that these recommendations should not merely be tightened up but changed in regard to their application, he should consider the possibility of making them compulsory upon the industry.

There is an aspect of the labour problem which, I know, will cause concern from now on. Agriculture will no longer be enjoying the comfort of the "blanket" so far as the Services are concerned. In other words, young farmers and farm workers will have to go to do their bit in the Forces, and young farmers and young farm workers are to be made available for the call-up from 1st November this year. I hasten to add that I have heard no serious objection on the part of the young men affected. I am glad that on food production grounds it will be possible for applications for deferment to be considered in certain circumstances. We all agree that we should grow more food and that a virile labour force must be retained on our farms. In any case, I hope that when these young men are called up for service in the Forces, the countryside will not be flooded with foreign workers.

I want to touch in a few sentences on a subject that was raised by the hon. Member for Worcestershire, South (Mr. De la Bère). I think it is the first time I have ever seen him present at a debate in this Chamber on the very serious matter of horticulture and agriculture. Now he has gone away, and he will not hear what I have to say to him. The hon. Gentleman touched upon the question of horticulture. I humbly express the hope that the Government are going to follow up their good work for farming by schemes which will deal effectively with the horticultural problem.

I am tired of hon. Members on both sides of the Committee who complain about the high prices, for instance, of lettuces in the shops but who neglect to mention the plight of many of the lettuce growers. Market gardeners and horticulturists, generally speaking, have been going through a very critical time. In the great Agriculture Act, 1947, we on this side of the Committee gave a pledge to the horticultural industry that we would look after its interests. Horticulture is a special case, and it requires special treatment. It is not easy, therefore, to deal with horticulture. It is one of the extremely difficult industries. However, it does figure very largely in our security and stability as a nation.

The industry is proceeding with marketing schemes that will effect a considerable improvement, but will not completely solve the industry's problems, and I think that there must be more effective control and regulation of the imports. The horticultural industry is a great national asset, and the call is for speedy action on the part of the Government, in co-operation with the industry, in an attempt at reform by co-operation within the industry and by regulation. I think the two together—regulation and reform within the industry—with the Government's fostering care, can effect the change for which we are all asking today.

May I say, in conclusion, that the Minister has done a good job of work? He has been at the Ministry in one capacity or another for about 10 years. They have been 10 very good years for the farming industry of this country, and long may he continue at the Ministry of Agriculture.

6.10 p.m.

I agree with many of the points made by the hon. Member for Norfolk, North (Mr. Gooch). I am glad that he took the opportunity to remind the right hon. Gentleman that an undertaking was given with regard to horticulture at the time of the 1947 Act. I was a little disappointed that the Minister, in the survey which he gave us this afternoon, was not able to tell us that the Government contemplated in the near future taking some action to assist the horticultural industry in the serious problems it had to face last year and may have to face this year. I hope, therefore, that the Parliamentary Secretary, in replying to this debate, will be able to tell us that his Department have not lost sight of this.

I also hope the Minister will bear in mind that one of his own supporters, who speaks with great experience and knowledge of agriculture, has said that it is an important problem to deal with now, especially with regard to the flow of imports into this country at unseasonable periods. I believe that Members for farming divisions and the National Farmers' Union and other responsible bodies have made representations to the Ministry on this matter, and I hope that before this debate is ended we shall hear something satisfactory with regard to the Government's plans for the future of the horticultural industry.

I also agree with the hon. Gentleman when he said that smaller farms can become too mechanised. One has to bear in mind that in the event of a serious international oil dispute affecting this country, or in a time of war, there might be urgent need for horses upon the farms. I should be glad to see even greater use made of what is known as the famous Suffolk Punch in this respect—a horse whose well-known attribute is that it "can be led but can't be druv." I hope we shall bear this in mind, more particularly with regard to the smaller farms.

The hon. and gallant Member for Richmond, Yorks (Sir T. Dugdale), in opening this debate, quite rightly said that we must consider it against a background of defence. I hope that the hon. Member for Wednesbury (Mr. S. N. Evans), if he is successful in catching your eye, Sir Charles, in this debate, will remember that there is this background of defence, and that the agricultural industry is not suffering from feather-bed conditions but may have to be regarded at some time in the future as our first or as one of our first lines of defence.

As the Minister said in his survey, we have better conditions today than we had in 1938 in this industry. It is generally accepted on all sides of the Committee now that the agricultural industry is enjoying today a relative prosperity both as regards farmers and workers. That prosperity is reflected in the increased prosperity of merchants and the shops in the country towns and villages. As one hon. Gentleman said, there has been some arrest of the drift to the towns, but we must maintain a stable and virile agricultural force upon the land, which may not be the same thing.

I had hoped that the Minister would make a statement with regard to the recent claims of the agricultural workers for an increased wage. The rising cost of living is hitting the village housewives. The agricultural worker, with his minimum wage, is no doubt feeling the pinch. As the hon. Member for Norfolk, North, referred to this, I want to reinforce what he said. Although we want to see prosperity and security for both farmers and agricultural workers, we must realise that the agricultural worker and his wife and family, having achieved an increased standard, are beginning to feel the serious effect of the rise in the cost of living.

I pay my tribute quite frankly to the Minister of Agriculture, who has earned the respect and esteem of the countryside. Farmers and workers recognise that he has done a good job of work, not only for five years but in fact for 10 years. Farmers do not always look at Governments but at Ministers of Agriculture, and I have a suspicion that at the last election in certain areas a number of farmers talked Tory but perhaps voted Labour to retain their prosperity. However, I hope the Minister will certainly not be complacent about this.

The right hon. Gentleman referred to the need for more cottages. Yes, there is definitely a need for more cottages, but they must be cottages which can be afforded by the agricultural worker. That does not always mean the council houses. The Minister also referred to the supply of water to farms and gave instructive figures of the increased number of schemes.

Is the hon. Gentleman advocating a lower standard of housing for the agricultural worker than we in the cities get for our workers?

No, I am certainly not advocating that. I am saying that, with the rising cost of living, the prices at which some council houses are being let to agricultural workers can hardly be afforded by them. It must also be remembered that the farm worker in some cases, though not in all, likes to get a cottage on the farm. We must take into consideration, when dealing with housing in rural districts, whether or not those council houses in the villages in future years, should a depression hit this industry as it has done before, would be occupied by agricultural workers or by black-coated workers from neighbouring towns.

Before leaving that point, and as I do not want it to go abroad that the hon. Gentleman has been advocating a lower standard of housing for the agricultural worker than we have in our housing schemes in the cities, would he clarify that point?

I am certainly not advocating a lower standard of housing for the agricultural worker. First, I am advocating that more cottages should be built and secondly, that they should be built at a rent which can be afforded by the agricultural workers.

Now I want to go back to water supplies. I hope the Minister will not be complacent about this, and that he will remember that there are still many thousands of agricultural cottages where they have to use the drainings of roads and the skimmings of ponds for their drinking water. If we have another drought this year, the wives of those agricultural workers will be carting water miles every day. That is an imposition which I have been pleading for over 20 years in the House should be lifted. I hope that the right hon. Gentleman will do his best to support me in the plea which I am making to the Minister of Town and Country Planning for a regional scheme. I agree that there has been improvement, but there is still a lot to be done and more schemes are required. When we had a debate on the supply of water to the rural areas, we found that there was a bottleneck existing which must be removed.

I hope, too, that the right hon. Gentleman, taking into account the background of defence, will watch his priorities on steel and on dollars. I hope that he will watch the situation very carefully, as he knows that a shortage of steel is beginning to affect farming. Will he also do everything possible to secure the dollars available to obtain feedingstuffs when they and the dollars are available?

One other question which I should like to refer to the right hon. Gentleman is that of transport in and around the farms. If, again, we are to regard this matter from the point of view of defence, it becomes increasingly serious. Sugar beet, coal and produce of all kinds is at present being carted as freight on some of the railway branch lines. Under the reorganisation scheme, some of these branch lines are now under sentence of death.

That is the case in my own constituency with regard to the mid-Suffolk railway. It has been fairly well established that we shall not be able to carry produce on the roads unless they are widened and rebuilt. There are large aerodromes in the Eastern Counties and in Suffolk in particular, and I would ask the right hon. Gentleman to press that this is taken into consideration before any final decisions are made for the closing of the branch lines. The question of freight carriage is one of particular importance to the farmers and to the right hon. Gentleman's Department.

Reference has been made to fertilisers. I have paid my tribute to the right hon. Gentleman as being a good Minister of Agriculture, but he must bear in mind that fertilisers are the Achilles heel of this debate. Very shortly we are to have a 12½ per cent, increase in sulphate of potash and 82½ per cent, increase in superphosphates. That coincides with the ending of the subsidies on fertilisers, on 1st July, and I hope that the right hon. Gentleman will listen to the plea made by the hon. and gallant Member for Richmond, Yorks, that he should make representation to the Board of Trade, or whoever is the appropriate Minister, that the ending of the subsidy on fertilisers should be reconsidered on defence grounds as well as the other grounds which have been put forward. The increase has been £6 12s. 9d. a ton, making the new price £14 13s. a ton.

Mr. David Black, an eminent Suffolk agricultural authority, gives in the "Farmer and Stock Breeder" some extremely interesting figures and arguments. Nitrogen fertilisers in 1940 to 1945 were 152,500 tons; and last year, 205,000 tons; phosphates in 1940–45, 283,000 tons, and this year 430,000 tons; potash in 1940–45, 82,000 tons, and this year 214,600 tons.

The right hon. Gentleman has made an appeal to the farmers to increase their production at lower prices. Yet by the removal of the subsidy, which I understand is the action of the Board of Trade, he is going to increase the cost of production, and if he discourages the use of fertilisers because of prohibitive prices, he will be taking away the very thing which will contribute most to increasing production at lower prices. I ask him whether he agreed to these new prices, and whether they were taken into full consideration in the last Price Review in the so-called global figure.

I want to refer to pigs and feeding-stuffs. The figures for March, 1950, were 270,000 sows for breeding in this country. In March, 1951, the figures were 390,000, an increase of 44 per cent. The right hon. Gentleman knows that we have had a bad winter and spring for home cereal crops. Can he give an assurance that if the farmers maintain their pig production, the feedingstuffs will be available? Otherwise, if he is trying to maintain the same pig population, I think that he will be very disappointed with the figures a year from now. This is a very serious matter and more must be imported. I hope, therefore, that the right hon. Gentleman can give an assurance that the price of fertilisers is not going to increase seriously, and that there will be a supply of feedingstuffs for pigs.

I think that the right hon. Gentleman has done a good job. We agree that the countryside is far more prosperous now than it was before the war, and when we consider this industry against the background of defence we have a much better position today than we had then; but he has much to do. I hope that it will be done.

6.28 p.m.

The hon. Member for Eye (Mr. Granville) will forgive me, I am sure, if I do not follow him in some of his arguments. I was particularly interested in one point that he brought forward, namely, the importance to agriculture of many local railways which are in danger of being closed. I have been interested in this matter in connection with Northumberland where we cannot get any satisfaction from the Railway Executive and where if the local railways close very great hardship will be caused.

So far, we have had an interesting debate. I think it is generally agreed that the importance of agriculture as the fourth line of defence cannot be exaggerated. This is realised outside this House, and I think that it is generally realised that the farmers, farm workers and landowners—those three partners referred to so often today—are ready and willing to undertake the very great task which lies ahead of them in the same spirit and with the same keenness as they did during the war and in the years since. When we talk about these three partners, I sometimes wonder if we remember that there is actually a fourth, and that is the farmer's wife, a very important person in the farming industry.

I know the importance of the farmer's wife, because I happen to be married to one. I think that hon. Members on both sides of the Committee will agree with me when I say that while they get a certain amount of sympathy, they do not get very much else, so far as outside help is concerned. Sympathy will not help the farmer's wife to cook the dinners, tidy up the dairy and take out meals to the men in the hay fields. I hope that it may be possible for the Government to consider very seriously what further steps can be taken towards the provision of home helpers where they are most needed. There are training establishments for young girls who wish to learn housecraft, and there can be no better training place than some of the farm houses in the country.

It is a great temptation in a debate such as this to ramble over a very wide field, but I promised to be brief and, therefore, I intend very largely to deal only with one aspect of food production, namely, our sheep population. I believe that by increasing our flocks we have one of the greatest chances of stepping up our food production, and of playing our part in agriculture in the defence programme. It is rather a remarkable thing that, although this debate has been going on for a couple of hours or so, only one other hon. Member has mentioned the word "sheep" once. Therefore, I make no apology for doing so.

As a background, I should like to give the Committee one or two figures. In June, 1939, we had in round figures 18 million sheep in England and Wales, and by June, 1945, that had been reduced to 12 million. In 1950 there was a very slight rise again. It is impossible to have the figures for June, 1951, just yet, but, judging by the March figures and by the very difficult lambing season in most parts of the country, there is not likely to be any substantial increase when those June figures are published.

The war-time drop of 5½ million sheep is easily explained. We had the ever increasing emphasis on milk, a shortage of feedingstuffs and shortage of labour. We had also two very bad winters, which had a most serious effect on lambing, particularly in the uplands in the north of England. It is not quite so easy to account for the almost negligible rise in our sheep population since the end of the war, although one has to bear in mind the very heavy losses by floods, by blizzard, by snow, and by the terrible things that happened in the great storm of 1947. Even bearing that in mind, it is rather interesting to note that two counties which suffered as heavily if not more so, than any others in England, namely, Cumberland and Northumberland, have succeeded in making a remarkable recovery and their figures are almost back to pre-war.

There was the emphasis on milk production. That has been a very important factor, and the price weighting in favour of meat will have its effect, although obviously it will result, if it results in anything, in more beef rather than more mutton. I agree with my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Richmond, Yorks. (Sir T. Dugdale), in deploring the very rapid change that was made in price levels, and the tendency to move away from milk.

I say that against my own interests, because I am not a milk producer, but that decision was arrived at by somebody who had forgotten that agriculture does not work like a factory. Taps cannot be turned off and on and production started suddenly in another direction. Farming is a long-term business, and in all these matters it must be looked at as such. The result is that we are to get less milk, and it will be a long time before we get more mutton or beef.

Another cause of the delay in stepping up sheep production is the slowness on the part of the Government in implementing the Hill Farming Act. We have gone over that time and time again, and I know that a great many Members on this side of the Committee, and other farmers and interested parties in the country have been worried in case that was going to be frustrated and that the Livestock Production Act would be upset by that curtailing of the capital investment programme. What the Minister said today will bring a good deal of encouragement and hope to those interested in hill farming. We shall watch the position very closely hoping that there will be no substantial cut in the programme for those hill areas, which are so important if we are to build up our stocks once again.

I have done the best I can to go over the past very briefly. In the short time that remains I want to assess four or five other reasons which have militated against an increase in sheep since 1945.

In giving these reasons, I shall also try to give to the Committee and the Minister certain constructive suggestions as to how those problems may to a certain extent be overcome.

The first is that sheep have undoubtedly become unpopular. Up and down the country there is a great deal of prejudice against them. A lot of farmers have got what is called "a scunner" against them. To many farmers sheep today are at best scavengers—horrible word; at the worst they are nuisances, prone to disease and an unfair competitor to the milch cow. The second is, of course, arguable, and the disease question wants looking into for a moment.

It is true that in the past there was a tendency among sheep to develop all sorts of diseases, including some very highly contagious diseases. It was probably true to say in the old days that the worst enemy of a sheep was another sheep, and some of us may remember the old saying that a farmer might pay his rent with half a flock, but never with a flock and a half. To a certain extent the march of science, the wonderful research work done by the manufacturing chemists, the brilliant work of the agricultural departments of the universities and of men like Professor Lyle Stewart, of Durham University, has tended to overcome a great many of these difficulties.

In the last 30 years such diseases as liver fluke, lamb dysentery, a great many internal parasites diseases, and others too numerous to mention, have become, if not altogether preventable, certainly under control. Does the Minister think that the wonderful research that has gone on in the past can be carried on in the future by N.A.A.S., and, what is even more important still, can N.A.A.S. link up with the sheep farmer in order that he may become conscious of the wonderful advance of sheep hygiene during these years, and which we hope will continue to develop as time goes on?

The time has arrived when we ought to have more demonstrations, more propaganda and more education on these subjects. I am one of those who regret very deeply the taking away of the work of the agricultural departments in our universities and the giving of it to N.A.A.S. I look forward to the day when a lot of that work will be returned to the universities.

There is another thing which I have not yet mentioned and which needs ventilating whenever the opportunity occurs. It is a pest, although it is not a disease. I refer to killer dogs. I have a case in my constituency. A friend of mine with a very valuable flock of ewes suffered very serious damage one night at lambing time. Some of the ewes were rushed about the farm and they had dead lambs in them when it came to lambing time. That was outside a smallish market town.

I tell the Committee of this case because some people have it in their heads that this type of damage from killer dogs happens only in suburban areas, outside great industrial districts or cities. It does not. It is going on all the time in all sorts of places. While the financial loss is very serious there is something else just as important and that is the psychological effect that these killings have upon the sheep farmers.

The farmer begins to argue with himself and other people, "Why should I keep a highly expensive but extremely vulnerable animal unless I am to have much greater security, and rights under the common law?" I hope that this matter will be studied and looked into very carefully as soon as possible.

I will not tell the hon. Member how to do that.

The second reason which I will put forward is that a good many would-be flock masters would be willing to go in for sheep, but they think it would be very expensive and would make big inroads on any capital which they may have saved. I quite agree that in recent years the price of half breed stock, draft ewes, or ewe lambs, has been very high but there are a great many suitable crosses from other parts of the country. Here, I believe, that the Government can help.

I should like to see in the Ministry of Agriculture pavilion at the bigger shows examples of all the different types of grassland sheep, with their lambs at foot. I should like to see this at smaller shows, as well, and I would welcome more competitions arranged by the agricultural societies on county level and any suitable level, for classes for this type of stock.

I turn for a moment to labour. It is a tragic fact that the old race of shepherds is tending to die out. It is a national tragedy because, whether they were in the hills or in the lowlands, they were the salt of the earth. The only way to build up that class of shepherd again is by an equitable form of apprenticeship. I hope that the Minister will, in conjunction with the Minister of Labour, get down to this matter. Surely it is not beyond the wit of the National Farmers' Union, the workers' union and the Ministry to thrash out some equitable form of apprenticeship for this very useful form of work.

On the subject of fencing I do not want to go into detail. A great many farmers are doubtful about the stock-proofness of their fences and are not very willing to go in for sheep. This is a question of education and propaganda.

Let me turn, finally, to feeding. The close-fold system which was used so much in this country in the old days has gone for ever in most cases and most districts. It was expensive although it was extremely good for the fertility of the land. Stock farmers are beginning to find that the yellow turnip is expensive to grow as well as the sweet turnip. We need more propaganda for the use of grass silage. More experimental work is needed and more demonstrations.

I promised to be as brief as possible. I have attempted briefly to state five problems, and to give reasons why our flocks are not increasing in England and Wales. I have also tried to suggest four or five ways of overcoming those problems. I hope that the Committee will have noticed that I have not suggested further subsidies, or, indeed, heavy expenditure in any shape or form. I believe that a lot of these changes could be done not by subsidisation but by research, education and demonstration, as I have said over and over again.

I believe it has to be done. Anybody who travels about this country by car or by train, if he knows anything of the English countryside and remembers anything of it as it was, must be distressed to find in all areas, the downs, the Midlands, and all parts of the country, parishes which, in the old days, had good sheep stocks and which, today, have no sheep at all. It is a tragedy, from the point of view of the production of mutton, and wool, and also for the farmer's pocket.

Undoubtedly a properly managed flock can be worked very successfully in with a general farm. From the fertility point of view, when the prices of fertilisers have risen so vastly and quickly and when the subsidy has been dropped, something can be done, and ought to be done quickly, about this matter of sheep. Indeed, something will have to be done quickly to build up our sheep stocks once again. It is not for nothing that one of our oldest agricultural sayings was that a sheep had a hoof that turned sand into gold. It is not for nothing that he who presides over another place sits upon one symbol of England's greatness—a woolsack.

6.48 p.m.

It might be exceptional for an hon. Member who represents a constituency which is predominantly a mining area to venture to speak in a debate upon agriculture, but there is a problem, particularly in the coalfields, which is worrying our agricultural community. It concerns the amount of land which is going out of production as the result of coal mining and subsequent damage. I am not speaking in the interest of any side of the industry but in the interest of agriculture as a whole.

This problem has developed over a few years and is now having a cumulative effect, particularly in the north of England, where it is most widespread. I know that it has developed in other parts of the country, but my information is that it is most widespread in Durham and Northumberland. There is a practice by which farmers have no redress in this matter. It was more prevalent in the days when the coal industry was privately owned than it is now.

The practice is one by which farmertenants working farms which were owned by the coal companies were given notice to terminate their tenancy agreements, and about the same time as, or before, those notices took effect, to make an offer to renew the tenancy on what was called a "no-damage-claim" tenancy agreement. Admittedly, in such cases the annual rent for the farm was reduced compared with the rent prior to the termination of the tenancy agreement but the average amount of damage, crop damage and otherwise, which the farmer had been able to claim prior to the termination of the damage claim agreement was very often much greater than the reduction in the annual rent.

In consequence over the years some farmers have been having the utmost difficulty in maintaining standards of good husbandry on their farms. This is not due to their personal inability or to the inefficient organisation of their farms but merely to the almost insurmountable difficulties which have developed as a result of coal mining subsidence damage. It is estimated that in Durham County at present more than 10,000 acres of land are out of use for agricultural purposes because of this damage. Some of this land is so badly damaged that it can be used neither for cultivation nor for grazing cattle. Some of the land contains holes, and it is too risky to graze cattle on it. I do not propose to deal with the problems arising from opencast coal mining.

Under the Livestock Rearing Act we agreed to increase the amount of capital to be made available for bringing into use for livestock rearing purposes land which may be many miles from any agricultural community. In my part of the country many thousands of acres of land near communities of people have gone out of use. Would it not be more reasonable to give some attention to the bringing back into use of such land which is near communities than to spend £20 million, which is provided under the Livestock Rearing Act, to bring back into use land which may be many miles from a community? It is estimated that the cost of bringing back into use, reclaiming or restoring all the land in the country damaged by coal mining subsidence would cost about £3 million.

In reply to a Question of mine recently, it was said that the responsibility for dealing with coal mining subsidence was not that of the Ministry of Agriculture. Nevertheless, the Minister of Agriculture cannot ignore this growing and urgent problem. I know a farmer almost half of whose land is out of use because of drainage damage through coal mining subsidence. The National Coal Board have agreed to give some assistance in this case to establish a surface drainage scheme, but the assistance is slight and it is not a solution to the problem. Much more attention nationally must be given to the prevention of such damage to land. There is need for co-ordinated action, and it should not be left until the land is so badly damaged that the cost of reclaiming it may be prohibitive.

I have an example which illustrates the kind of thing that can be done in providing a practical solution to at least part of the problem. Opencast coal mining operations were taking place a few fields away from an area which had been so damaged by subsidence that it could not be used for grazing cattle or for growing crops. I suggested to the authorities, who were not the Ministry of Agriculture, that the opencast coal mining plant might be used to take the topsoil and the subsoil from the land damaged by subsidence and that debris or refuse from an adjacent colliery might be used to build up the land so that the topsoil and subsoil could then be replaced. Farming interests agreed with me that that was a practical way of dealing with such a problem.

I realise that this matter is not the responsibility of the Ministry of Agriculture, but I appeal to the Minister to confer with his right hon. Friend the Minister of Fuel and Power in an effort to deal with the matter. The Turner Committee, the implementation of whose recommendations is the responsibility of the Minister of Fuel and Power, dealt with this subject. The principal recommendations were that existing no-crop-damage-claims tenancy agreements should be allowed to take their course but that no such agreements should be made between the National Coal Board and the tenant farmers in future so that past injustices should not be repeated, and that the farms held by the National Coal Board should be transferred to the Ministry of Agriculture—in no sense transferred to private enterprise but merely to another Ministry.

In reply to a Question a few weeks ago, I was informed that there is no prospect of early legislation to implement those recommendations. Without waiting for legislation, the Ministries concerned and the National Coal Board should confer in an effort to find a practical method of preventing damage and of reclaiming land already damaged. I am not competent to assess the amount of agricultural produce lost to the nation because of coal mining subsidence damage to thousands of acres of land. I appeal to the Minister of Agriculture to take steps, in consultation with the parties I have mentioned, to relieve the agricultural industry of this problem, and thus make a substantial contribution to our food production, which can come as a result of this land being brought into good use.

7.1 p.m.

I do not propose to follow in detail the interesting speech of the hon. Member for Chester-le-Street (Mr. Bartley) but he has certainly reminded us that often in this debate speeches on particular topics are those which are of most interest to the Committee, and will perhaps, incidentally, help to stir the Minister out of some of the complacency which he exhibited in long passages of his speech. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh."] Indeed he exhibited complacency in long passages of his speech. I will remind the Committee and hon. Gentlemen opposite of some of the less happy sides of farming today, and point out to them the difficulties which undoubtedly are building up and the dangers which lie ahead unless some of the policies which have been followed recently over milk production are reversed.

Primarily, the trouble is inherent in the whole system of the Price Review, though it is the best we can have in present circumstances. But obviously, looking at the country as a whole, parts of it have flourishing farms, other parts are far from flourishing, as is inevitable in building up the average on which all the figures for the Price Review are based.

One part which is certainly not flourishing at the present time are the farms in East Lancashire. There we have a peculiarly intractable climate; many of the farms are high up on the hills, 600 feet or over; the soil is poor, the farms are small, and yet about 10 to 15 per cent, of the total milk production of our country comes from East Lancashire. Per 100 acres it is one of the heaviest milk-producing areas in England. In the past that milk production and the traditional farming of the area, has been built up on the use of feedingstuffs. In the past 10 or 12 years it has not been possible to get the quantities of feedingstuffs needed to carry on that type of farming; but with their energy and drive, the East Lancashire farmers have greatly increased the productivity of their grassland—one crop which can be produced in that area. Yet owing to its poorness, they still have to carry on at the back end of the winter—and indeed all through the winter months—using large quantities of feedingstuffs.

These farmers are penalised at present by the enormous rise in the cost of feedingstuffs, and also of fertilisers which have been referred to in many speeches today because obviously in farming an area where they depend upon grass and want to improve the grass, they have to use greatly increased quantities of fertilisers. Unfortunately, the cut in the fertiliser subsidy came just at a time when there was a marked rise in the cost of fertilisers caused by the increased cost of raw materials, including the freight charged to bring some of the raw materials to this country. The additional cost of producing milk in our part of the country amounts to about 3.05d. per gallon, but the rise in price allowed in the last Price Review was 1⅝d. per gallon.

Those are nice statistical figures, but let me illustrate what they may mean to an average farmer in East Lancashire. The average acreage would be about 40 acres. The farmer would have probably about 20 cows, each producing 600 gallons a year. His gross income will therefore be about £1,600. It is difficult to get accurate costs for these small farmers; and anyhow, they are to some extent confused by the small quantities of eggs, and to a less extent pigs and sheep, which some of them have.

Many of them, however, do not have these side lines, so we will assume that for a farm of the size I have mentioned the gross income will be about £1,600. The easily ascertainable outgoings of rent, labour and feedingstuffs, will halve that, so that the farmer will be left with £800 to pay for all the other costs on the farm, including veterinary medicines and fertilisers, which certainly ought to run at more than £100 a year, plus the depreciation of his cows, as well as the depreciation and obsolescence of his equipment, and to leave him with a reward. It is clear from these figures that the great majority of these farmers are earning but a few hundred pounds a year for all their labour during 365 days in the year, which a dairyman has to work.

The result has been what one would expect: milk production has begun to come down very noticeably. Some farmer friends of mine told me that their production had fallen between 40 and 50 gallons a week on a herd of the size I have mentioned—a reduction of about 12½ to 15 per cent. If that is common to other parts of the country—I do not know whether it is or not—it is quite certain that in a few months' time neither the Minister of Agriculture nor the Minister of Food will be worried with any glut of milk.

The weather has not helped. Certainly it did not help earlier in the year; but I do not think it had quite that effect in setting back milk production more recently.

There has also been a very marked killing off, not only of dairy cows, many of them in calf, but also of heifers. The right hon. Gentleman referred to that as happening in the past, but it is continuing to happen, at least in East Lancashire, however much in more prosperous parts of the country that tendency is beginning to die down at the present time. I strongly support my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Richmond, Yorks (Sir T. Dugdale), in saying that, while we want to have more meat raised in this country, the change has come much too quickly.

In East Lancashire it has coincided with a period when, in any case, there would have to be heavy slaughtering, and the change of emphasis of price on to meat has undoubtedly accentuated that tendency. Nor can our farmers be helped by the supplementary line in eggs which they had before the war. The costs are up, and the prices are unsatisfactory. Again, we find that the slaughter of poultry is continuing, although I understood from the Minister that there is less of this in other parts of the country now than earlier.

I should like, in conclusion, to put to the Parliamentary Secretary for his consideration some proposals which might help in this very difficult situation. Would it not be possible for those farming in difficult areas such as East Lancashire—and there must be similar areas in other parts of England—to be given an addition to their milk price if they receive the supplementary protein coupons—the "Red coupons," as we call them? Would it not be possible for the county agricultural committees to make a return to the Milk Marketing Board of the names of those who are having to be supplied with the supplementary coupons, the Milk Marketing Board paying the additional price with the monthly milk cheque.

I know the difficulty of the Ministry regarding the limit on the subsidy, but in order to keep inside the subsidy limit would it not be possible for milk farmers in more prosperous parts to receive a slightly lower price? I do not believe that that would create either the injustice or the abuse which might at first sight appear, because the cost of feedingstuffs is at present so high that no farmer would buy them unless they were absolutely essential.

I put forward that proposal for the Ministry to consider, because in East Lancashire we are confronted not only with an economic problem, and one which may affect consumers all through the north-west of England; we are confronted also with a great social problem. Just as hon. Members on both sides of the Committee remember the distress, frustration and the whole disturbance of the social structure caused by unemployment between the wars, so today, unless action is taken to make East Lancashire farming reach again at least the "break even" point, we shall see great social disturbance amongst all our farmers. They cannot turn to meat production. They do not have the experience in that line, nor are their farms laid out for it.

If my proposal is unacceptable, I press the Minister to get his advisers to consider again this problem, of which they are very well aware, if they and all of us in East Lancashire are not to be confronted with what may be a disastrous tragedy in the not-too-distant future.

To what area does the hon. Member refer by the term "East Lancashire"? Does he mean simply his own constituency of Clitheroe, or does he go as far as Skipton, Burnley, Accrington, Nelson, Colne and those areas, or does he include Lancaster and so on? There are districts outside the Clitheroe area where we have seen poultry farming grow by leaps and bounds. Will the hon. Member explain exactly what he means?

Certainly. I should include the whole area running from somewhere about Rochdale, right through up to above Skipton and down on to the Fylde side until the Pennines begin to run into the plain on the east side of the Ribble Valley.

7.14 p.m.

I cannot help feeling that the speech of the hon. Member for Clitheroe (Mr. Fort) is typical of the kind of speech that we heard from the Tory Member of Parliament in the old days, when he came along with the suggestion that we should take money from farmers in other parts of the country and give it to the farmers who happened to be living in his own constituency.

If that is the wisdom that the Tory Party have now, then let us pray reverently that they will not get the chance of muddling up the great advance which has been made in British agriculture in recent years. [HON. MEMBERS: "Rubbish."] I thought that the opening statement of the hon. Member was a typical statement which had been prepared even before he heard the speech of which he was to be critical. That much was obvious, and nobody was more complacent than the hon. Member while my right hon. Friend was making his speech.

We should not let this occasion pass without a reference to the fact that my right hon. Friend the Minister will next week complete six years in the office of his Ministry and in doing so will, I believe, create a record. I doubt whether any other occupant of that office has held it for so long. Even if I am wrong, no previous holder of that office has grown in the esteem and affection of the agricultural community in the way that my right hon. Friend has done; it does not matter to which part of the country one belongs.

Nobody, whether from a political or any other viewpoint, can throw mud at my right hon. Friend and make it stick. The farming community—farmers, landowners and workers—hold my right hon. Friend in very affectionate esteem, and rightly so. [ Laughter. ] I am not referring to kissing or to patting ladies' knees when they have been rebuked by Mr. Speaker. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh."] I have seen it.

It is a very important fact that the condition of British agriculture stands higher today than at any time in history. I thank my right hon. Friend—he is not present, but he always reads my speeches—for the step he has taken during the past year in issuing a White Paper on the review of agricultural prices. I first asked him to do this in a question in the House following the Price Review in 1950. Later, I raised the whole matter during an Adjournment debate. It is interesting to note that on that occasion the hon. Member for Guildford (Mr. Nugent) commented on the great difficulties of producing such a White Paper. But this has been done very successfully, and I hope that it will be a feature of the Government each year to issue a statement covering the economics and prices of agriculture.

There is a very important footnote in the White Paper to which so far no reference has been made from the other side of the Committee. Hon. Members opposite have dug into the past—one of their speeches dealt with the whole of 1946 and hardly ever got beyond that year—but on page 12 of the White Paper it is pointed out that for the year 1937–38 the actual aggregate farming net income in the United Kingdom reached £59 million. The footnote points out that in that year in British agriculture. Yet this meagre income was all that the farming community could get.

Surely the net income in 1950–51, estimated at. £293,500,000 when allowance is made for changes in money value is a tremendous improvement on those pre-war years. My right hon. Friend, not only during his six years as Minister, but his five years as Parliamentary Secretary before that, had something to do with this great improvement that has been brought about. Therefore, I am very glad today that he can rejoice in the affection which the agricultural community showers upon him.

The hon. Member said that he was bearing in mind the difference in money value, but has he really borne in mind the full difference in money values? It happens to be very nearly the 40 per cent, which is the increase in output?

The hon. and gallant Member should get the White Paper and read it. Then he will be able to follow what I have said more clearly and convey it to his constituents in the Isle of Ely, who will be interested in this matter.

I would not say that we have solved all the problems in relation to agriculture. Certainly, we do not expect to do that, but, having done so much, no doubt the country will have confidence in my right hon. Friend and the party on this side of the Committee when called upon to make a choice in the matter.

One of the features of British agriculture today is that which my right hon. Friend pointed out, the value of our land on the open market. It has gone up enormously. I should also say that the average age of our farmers has gone much higher because they are staying on the land. Today, they are staying in agriculture whereas, in former days many of them were being driven out earlier in life. This is a real problem because today we have the finest crop of young farmers that has ever been reared in this country and they are wanting to own their farms.

We have a very fine crop in Norfolk in particular. They know how to farm there and how to rear young farmers as well. I was at a Festival celebration the other day at which these young farmers won the tug-of-war against all comers.

I am not going into their politics. They are friends of mine, whether they vote against me or not. We need not worry about that.

What I am asking is that before long we must give consideration to this human problem. One way or another, we must provide openings for these young men more rapidly. It may be that the industry and the Ministry will have to give consideration to a system of retirement on pension for farmers giving some supplementary allowance in order that they might be encouraged to make way for younger men.

Also, perhaps, we shall have to give consideration to the fact that in some parts of the country there are very large estates, very large farms, where it might be better if we did the same as other countries have done and took action to divide some of the larger farms and estates to make provision for these younger men.

The hon. Member is advancing a very interesting suggestion. Will he tell us who is to provide the money for the pensions?

I am not afraid of that. I said that the industry would have to give consideration to it. It is a matter which the National Farmers' Union might very well consider. It may be a voluntary scheme or be incorporated in a National Insurance scheme. Farmers could make a contribution to a scheme so that when a farmer, whether because of physical disability—as some do suffer from physical disabilities—or for some other reason, could be assured that he could retire and live in a way in which he would like and, at the same time, provide an opening on his farm for a younger man. It is something worth thinking about, even if only in the course of this debate. I think some such scheme could be incorporated into our national life.

There is also the problem, which has been referred to by hon. Members on both sides of the Committee, that today the dominating factor in British agriculture is rising costs of production. Whether it is artificial manures, machinery, or anything else, it is being reflected in every aspect of our agricultural problems. It is true that with more machinery there is greater production per man, yet for the present this problem, from a practical point of view, overshadows all others and we must try to see that for fertilisers, feedingstuffs, machinery and other things essential to agricultural production, which have to be purchased abroad or at home, the price factor is looked after. Already reference has been made to binder twine, which is now some six or seven times higher in price than pre-war.

It may be eight times. The hon. Member was very good at buying things cheaply before the war and probably he got his things cheaper than I got mine; but I do not want to exaggerate.

The increased price is obviously due to the supply position of material which is not obtained in this country. There is perhaps a substitute, not necessarily for binder twine, but for what sisal is also used for in other cases, and that is hemp. In the Eastern Counties in pre-war years a good deal of hemp was grown, and the Ministry might give consideration to encouraging the production of hemp with a view to meeting the shortage of this material.

Will the Minister look into the question of whether it would be possible either to encourage in this country or in other countries—the Colonies—the production of hemp, which, I think, can be produced much more quickly than sisal, to help in meeting this problem which, unless we can solve it, will be with us probably for several years. I ask my right hon. Friend whether he will get the Ministry to look into this problem.

We are, thank goodness, increasing the production of cattle in this country. I have referred to this previously. The calf subsidy scheme has, in that respect, been a great success in encouraging the rearing of more stock, and we have to try to continue that trend. Hon. Members opposite are critical of the change that has been indicated this year from milk to beef. It is not a definite move from milk to beef, but a matter of asking the farmers not to continue increasing their production of milk and of asking more of them to go in for beef.

The nation's need today is, and for the next year and for the next 10 or 20 years is bound to be, for more meat, and it is as well that we should begin giving encouragement for more beef at once and let the farming community know that to the extent that they have the feedingstuffs for the cattle they cannot produce too much beef for the country today.

The hon. Member for Penrith and The Border (Mr. Scott) was more, shall I say, sheep minded. He was concerned about our having more sheep; but if one has a good cut from a bullock one will be satisfied for a much longer time. Therefore, we have to encourage the production of far more beef. I think that we should try to do this hand in hand with our sister island to the west, for the Irish have the great asset of grass for nine or 10 months of the year on which they can rear store stock. It may be better to encourage them to rear greater numbers of stock and send them over to this country to be fattened rather than to encourage them to rear mature cattle and send them over here at a heavier weight.

Is my hon. Friend aware that the Irish Government are expressing great disappointment at the result of a deputation which has just been over here and has met the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations and other Ministers, who are not able to fulfil the coal promises they gave in the 1948 Agreement? The Irish desire to send increased meat for the coal we promised them.

I thank my hon. Friend for that interruption. I realise that this is a problem of two-way trade with Ireland and, indeed, with Canada, because if we are to be faced with a war within the next year or two Ireland and Canada are the two nations which are close at hand and which can supply us with the greatest quantity of food direct for human consumption, and freedingstuffs for the cattle and other stock that we shall have here.

It is a problem of the balancing of trade between this country and Ireland and this country and Canada. No doubt the constituency which my hon. Friend the Member for Stoke-on-Trent, South (Mr. Ellis Smith) represents, and others in the Potteries, are doing their best to increase their production for export to those countries to help to pay for greater quantities of food and feedingstuffs. It is for the Government to go most seriously into this problem of the balancing of our trade with those two countries so that we can supply them with what they need and they can develop their natural resources to a greater extent to supply us with what we require.

I am sure that there is more hope there than in other parts of the world. Indeed, those countries are much nearer to us, and the North Atlantic can be kept open as a food supply route in time of war. I am certain that we must give more consideration to this problem in its relation to our trade with Canada and Ireland. I hope that the Government will view this problem from that point of view and that they will be able to achieve some success.

I have noticed in recent weeks, at our collecting centres, that there have been more cattle coming forward for slaughter but that they have been of a lighter weight and smaller size, and that does not mean a greater quantity of meat. Having encouraged farmers by a subsidy of £5 per head for each steer calf that they have reared, we should then see that the cattle is brought to maturity and is of the best weight and not the smallest weight for consumption. Having got it to that state for slaughter surely there is then room for improvement both at the collecting centres and at the slaughterhouses, so as to make better provision for slaughtering and for the handling of the meat afterwards.

Do I understand that the hon. Member is in favour of withdrawing the penalty on heavy beef?

That is only one aspect of the problem. I think that the reduction of 5s. per cwt. on the 13¾ cwt. animal is wrong; in the case of a 16 cwt. animal it is 10s., and that is wrong. I do not think that we should encourage the production of beef over 16 cwt., but, surely, below that weight and over 12 cwt. there is room for the production of the very best beef which the English housewife can ever expect to have. We used to do it in the old days, and some of us are still doing it. I had the pleasure last month of eating some of the beef I produced on my own farm, and which had gone through the collecting centre. So did my neighbours and friends; we know what we are talking about.

But if we are to grow our cattle to a greater weight then, after slaughtering, they require to be hung for the right time before they are cut up and enjoyed by the housewife. That is where our arrangements are lacking at present. The cattle are slaughtered and cut up and distributed, and there is not a proper appreciation of the value of the meat because it is not treated as it was when the butcher gave personal attention to the selection of his cattle. It is a difficulty which we have to try to surmount as quickly as we can so that we can satisfy our people. I have spoken for rather a long time, and I apologise, but agriculture is a very interesting subject to me, and, I am sure, to everyone else here.

7.40 p.m.

The Minister made a speech which, if not complacent, was at least a satisfied and buoyant speech even though it might not have been an electioneering speech. But he was shot down, first by his hon. Friend the Member for Norfolk, North (Mr. Gooch). The Minister produced statistics to show improvements in the agricultural industry, including figures to show that there were 50,000 more regular workers now than there were in 1939. In fact, in the last year or two the numbers have been declining.

I know that there is a case for an increase in wages before the Agricultural Wages Board. We must bear in mind that men are leaving the land and not coming in greater numbers to work on our farms. Two or three men have left my farm within the last year to go to better paid jobs. That may be an indication of what is happening on other farms.

The Minister also said that there had been improvements, as indeed one would expect, in the supply of electricity and water. But those improvements are not being carried out quickly enough. In the realm of electricity, we are far behind other parts of the world with whom we have to compete. I think that about one farm in seven in Great Britain has a supply of electricity, whereas in Denmark over 90 per cent, of the farms have a supply. That gives them a considerable advantage.

I speak as a farmer. It is, of course, the privilege of farmers to grumble. Although times have been good for farmers, the indications are that they are in for a more difficult period. I do not speak only for myself. I am repeating the general views expressed to me by many other farmers. Costs are rising rapidly. My hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Richmond, Yorks (Sir T. Dugdale) estimated that, since the Price Review, the additional costs capable of estimation are in the region of £20 million. That figure is probably correct, though it may be too small.

The increased cost of fertilisers alone, discounting the subsidy which was taken into account at the Price Review, is something like £10 million. There have been considerable increases in the cost of machinery, large increases in the price of feedingstuffs, and no doubt there may be an increase in wages. Nevertheless, there are people in the country—and one hon. Member to whom the Minister referred—who think that the farmers have done very well, are doing very well and are likely to continue to do very well.

Perhaps it is worth while to look at the White Paper, to examine some of the figures and to try to draw conclusions from them. The principal difficulty in the Price Review procedure is that one has to estimate costs for farmers for which no statistics are available. It is nearly true to say that the prices are built up as a result of figures which are one year out of date while the farmer has to farm on costs existing at the time, and, indeed, on increases which come after the Price Review has been agreed; though I admit that probable rises and alterations in costs are taken into account in the Price Review.

Profitability and increased costs are shown in the Price Review. They are worked out on various calculations which no doubt hon. Gentlemen have read. But discrepancies are known to have occurred in recent years between the Departmental calculation of farm incomes and what is called the raised sample. The Departmental calculation, according to the White Paper, is made by taking into account all known sales off farms to the Ministry of Food and other known sources, and estimating, where known, the costs to farmers of the purchase of feedingstuffs, fertilisers and other necessities. The difference gives the gross farm incomes.

On the other hand, the raised sample is calculated from the experience and costings of between 4,000 and 5,000 farm accounts prepared for the University Departments of Agriculture and the N.F.U. farm accounts scheme, and so on. These are actual accounts and they are the results of farming for the year before the Price Review. They are one year out of date. In the White Paper one can compare the Departmental calculations for former years and the raised samples.

The White Paper shows that in 1948–49 the Departmental calculation estimated farm incomes to amount to a gross of £291 million, whereas the raised sample showed them to be £260 million, a difference of £31 million. That is not a very great difference. In the year after that, however, the difference was between £313 million and £247 million—a considerable difference of over £60 million. That shows an error of no less than 20 per cent. I should be prepared to wager that at the present rate of inflation and with the present trend of increases in costs to farmers, the discrepancy in the Departmental calculation and the raised sample calculation made from actual farm accounts will, in a year's time, be even greater than 20 per cent.

In the last Price Review the increased costs to the industry were agreed at £89 million, and the farmers were recouped to the tune of £43 million. Of that sum, £11 million went to wool gatherers and was of no benefit to those farmers who do not keep sheep. In fact, it was a perfectly fair profit made by sheep farmers, so that quite half the increased costs—that is of the £89 million—are being carried this year by the farming community. If we discover that there has been as big a discrepancy between the Departmental calculation and the raised sample in a year's time, we may well find that the farmers have carried, as I believe they will do, the whole of the increased cost of production in the current year, and it may be more.

I do not think that those people who believe there is an ever increasing profit being made on our farms have any grounds whatsoever for that assumption. I am quite certain that the profit is insufficient to sustain the necessary expansion. There is no doubt at all that there is still a great potential expansion in the industry, and it may be that a reduction in costs could be made by more efficient production, but most of that increase in efficiency should be financed out of a reasonable margin of profit which will not be realised during the current year or in future years if the inflation of costs continues.

Speaking as a farmer, it is quite extraordinary how, in order to become more efficient, one thing follows another. A farmer buys a combined harvester. No sooner has be done that than he finds he must have a pick-up baler. No sooner has be got a baler than he finds he must make capacity for grain storage. Then the grain gets wet and he has to dry it. So it goes on, year after year. We hope the day will come when we can produce good corn efficiently and cheaply, but a great deal of capital must be put into the industry before that day dawns.

Therefore, there is every reason why a wide margin of profit should be permitted to farmers.[ Laughter. ] Hon. Members may laugh, but they should remember that money must be ploughed back into the industry. Farmers do not spend it merely on pleasure. It is the best way to inject captial into the industry; indeed, it has been recognised as such in the White Paper. Unfortunately, the amount which is to be allowed to be ploughed back into the industry is purposely reduced in this White Paper, and I maintain that the amount that is still allowed will probably not be available owing to the optimistic and rosy interpretation of the calculations made during this current season.

I should like to mention one other matter to which I hope the Parliamentary Secretary will allude. I am sorry to switch from the sublime to a minor issue, but the whole purpose of the Price Review is to give stability, security through the arrangements for assured prices. Perhaps the Parliamentary Secretary will take special note of this point. Many fanners will have expanded their enterprises in one form or another, and in my opinion with justification, on the assumption that the existing level of feedingstuffs rations will be maintained.

Perhaps I am speaking personally here, but I feel that this applies to any other farmer. One can easily calculate the capacity of one's land to provide rations for a certain number of cattle, pigs, chickens or whatever it may be, and one can calculate equally the amount of production to be expected in the form of milk or eggs or pig meat, and so forth. From that one can assess the amount of bonus rations which should be available. I think it is extremely important to the breeding policy and, indeed, to the whole policy of agricultural expansion that we should try to keep the level of rations and bonus rations steady and secure, and that farmers should know what to expect a reasonable time ahead.

I know it is extremely difficult when we have to negotiate and buy from abroad. It may be asking a great deal to expect the Government to say what our supplies are likely to be a year ahead, but I feel that whenever opportunity offers the farming community should be kept informed of the supply position of feedingstuffs and that they should never experience a serious decline. I hope that the hon. Gentleman will mention that topic when he winds up the debate.

7.56 p.m.

The hon. and gallant Member for Ludlow (Lieut.-Colonel Corbett) made a very persuasive and informed plea for more financial aid from the Minister. Almost the whole of the speeches from the other side of the Committee have contained pleas for financial help for the farmer.

:No. I did not wish to give that impression, and I do not wish to do so now. I merely pointed out that the errors with regard to the discrepancies in prices were explained in the White Paper, and I gave my opinion that the degree of profitability estimated in this year's Price Review will not be realised. I asked for nothing, save feedingstuffs.

I should have thought that the logical deduction to be made from that plea amounted to a request that there should be larger financial help of some kind or another for the farmer to make up that loss in profitability. Certainly, in the course of his speech the hon. and gallant Gentleman made no suggestion of any other kind, and, indeed, in hardly a single speech from hon. Members opposite has there been reference to the contribution by the farmer to our future profitability.

Economic democracy is not a one-way process pumping money into agriculture, although I agree with the hon. and gallant Gentleman when he pointed to the need for capital investment. It is essentially a two-way process, as indeed the farmers, the N.F.U., and the agricultural workers have recognised.

My hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Ludlow (Lieut.-Colonel Corbett) has just made the point that as a result of the last Price Review the extra costs of £89½ million which fell on the farming industry were only approximately half recouped. The other half of the additional costs fell directly on the farmers' incomes. There is the two-way contribution.

:As I understood the hon. and gallant Member's reasoning, he was asking for a bit more cash to cover the other half. If I misunderstood him I am sorry, but that was the line of his reasoning as I understood it.

I do not know whether hon. Members opposite are familiar with the very important pioneering work which has been carried out by the Hampshire Agricultural Executive Committee, in conjunction with the Hampshire Central Council of Grow More Clubs, dealing with precisely the question of farm efficiency, and efficiency of production—pioneering work started in the war and carried on to the present day. Great discrepancies in efficiency have been shown between one farm and another—discrepancies in which a variation of 109 per cent, in the productivity of farms on a similar type of land is not uncommon.

The hon. Member shakes his head, but I could give him particulars of these reports if he has not seen them.

:I know the working of this yardstick arrangement in Hampshire, and it is not all that it appears to be on the surface.

There may be a lot below the surface, but the general effect of this experiment, carried out by experienced farmers, is precisely as I have put it. There is a discrepancy of as much as 100 per cent, and more between farms. The fact which is brought out is that the dominating factor in farming output is quality of management rather than land, and that being so, I suggest that there is considerable scope for a larger contribution by the farmer himself towards the increased efficiency of production which is needed to make his fresh contribution towards lower farm prices.

My right hon. Friend has referred to the fact that over £70 million of capital has been sunk in farm buildings alone. Surely, in an efficient industry we are now entitled to look for a return in lower costs of production as a result of that capital investment. Although I am not suggesting that there should be no further capital development, this is a fact which must be borne in mind; we have been inclined to overlook in this debate the contribution which can come from the land in addition to the contribution which can come from the central Government.

I was very glad indeed that the hon. and gallant Member for Richmond, Yorks (Sir T. Dugdale), who opened the debate, touched on a point which has not been mentioned by anyone else—the world background against which the future of agriculture must be seen. He referred to the increasing pressure on world resources as a result of the rise in population of something like 10 per cent, in the last 10 years, and he referred to the effect that must have in a food importing country such as ours. I was very glad he mentioned the point, because I believe it is the key to the whole future development of British agriculture.

Last week, the hon. Member for Winchester (Mr. Peter Smithers), opening a debate on the West Indies, gave another example when he said that there would be a 40 per cent, increase in population in the West Indies in the next 25 years. The Colombo Plan, if fully implemented, will just cover the increase of population in that vast area and maintain standards at their present level—but no more; and for a food importing country—and we are the biggest food importing country in the world, relative to our population—that crisis in food supplies, due to declining food production and mounting population, and to mounting world demand for both food and for the raw materials which come from the land, must be the background against which our policies are formulated.

It is against that background that I want to make a few remarks to the Minister about the future development of British agriculture, because against that background our prime need is to get out of our own land every bit of food we can, which in itself involves an agricultural revolution and means that we must look at maximum production per acre instead of maximum production per man or per man-hour. The first thing we have to do is to cut down our imports. In that connection I ask my right hon. Friend to investigate the possibility of fattening cattle in the winter in some of the Eastern Counties on home-produced food.

The experienced farmers I have spoken to on this subject for whom I have the greatest respect in everything except their political beliefs, which differ from mine, are practical men. We have done magnificent things in hill farming and upland farming, but the complement to that is the fattening of the stock which are reared on these hills. I believe it to be possible to fatten cattle during the winter months in some of the Eastern Counties on home-produced food, and I think that is a possibility which deserves investigation. I would not put it higher than that because my own researches do not cover a sufficiently wide area to show whether a very big increase is possible, but I believe such a step could be taken, and hon. Members opposite may be able to confirm that. The point is that the high-quality feedingstuffs which have to be imported are not needed for the older cattle; the coarser feedingstuffs of our own production are adequate for fattening these older cattle.

The major method by which we might increase our food production lies in the millions of acres which we term marginal land, however we define that indefinable term. There are still millions of acres of heathland and moor which, if the capital investment were made, might bear substantial crops of food and carry substantial numbers of beasts. I do not want to speak too long, because time is getting short, but I would suggest that capital invested in that way is of first strategic importance.

I was glad to hear the Minister say that the strategic importance of agriculture was recognised and that the production of food was a strategic investment. I suggest that there is this difference between it and most other forms of strategic investment; it gives us just as great a dividend in peace as it does in war. I urge the Minister to consider whether it might not be possible to have a yet further extension of the plans to bring back into optimum production some of these marginal acres, and to consider whether they could not be dealt with even more urgently under the pressure of re-armament than perhaps was the case some years ago.

I want to take this opportunity of making a plea for the allotment holders, because they constitute a substantial element in food production. It is one of the more intensive forms of food production. There is a tendency amongst planning authorities to push the allotment holders and smallholders around when it comes to a question of considering plans. I believe the allotment holder should be given top priority in matters of local planning, and the Minister could perhaps help in that way by making his own influence felt in their favour. Even today, there are many areas in which the number of allotments is not sufficient to meet the demand, quite apart from the fact that some smallholders are being turned off their holdings.

In conjunction with that, I would remind my right hon. Friend of the very successful campaign we had during the war—"Dig for Victory"—which aimed at bringing the backyard producer into the national plan. If the world situation is as bad as has been suggested, if it is as grave, and is worsening, as I believe to be the case, are we not in just as great a need of a "Dig for Peace" campaign, aimed at the individual, as we were during the war of the "Dig for Victory" campaign?

The real job would be done by local authorities, who would have a tremendous part to play, but they need the encouragement, the guidance and the direction of the central Government to bring them to make their contributions. Given support by the Minister, I believe we could bring into production many holdings in towns and in the country. We could bring them back into production if we had a campaign aimed at those individuals—a "Dig for Peace" campaign on the same lines as the war-time "Dig for Victory" campaign.

In these circumstances we cannot afford to waste one acre or one half-acre of our land. One hon. Member during the course of the debate has referred to the fact that good agricultural soil is taken for building operations. The virtue of that land lies in the topsoil which is removed for building. It takes anything up to 1,000 years to produce one inch of topsoil. If that topsoil were used—it would not matter how, so long as it was used in the agricultural or horticultural industries—it would take much of the agricultural sting out of building operations.

My right hon. Friend the Minister of Local Government and Planning has at present no authority at all to insist on local planning authorities compelling the proper use of topsoil removed for building operations. If the Minister of Agriculture would get together with the Minister of Local Government and Planning and see whether means could be devised to prevent the wastage of top-soil removed for building operations in the building of housing estates and of factories and of all the other kinds of buildings which take good agricultural land, then a good deal of the abuse of the land from this cause would be stopped. It has been done in other countries—there are ordinances in one or two other countries prohibiting this waste of topsoil. It is a provision of which we are in real need in this country.

The other sort of waste to which I would draw my right hon. Friend's attention is town waste and roadside waste. There is a big field for pioneering work in bringing to an end the present one-way stream from the fields to the towns, and from the towns to the incinerators, the tips and the sea. There are vast quantities of town waste which ought to be turned back, and which in any healthy agricultural system must ultimately be turned back, to agricultural production. A number of interesting experiments are being carried out throughout the country by local authorities; but here again the local authorities need encouragement, direction and help from the central Government in order that these enormous wastes—and they really are enormous—should be turned back to the productive soil.

We have heard people talk about cheaper chemical fertilisers. I am not so sure that it is a bad thing that the farmer should have to think twice before he pours too much chemical fertiliser on to his land. Certainly, if fertilisers are used otherwise than in conjunction with the putting of farmyard manure, compost, and the rest of it on to the land, in the long run, and indeed in the short run, too, fertilisers do more harm to the land than any other single cause. We should help the farmer by securing a return to production of these vast quantities of town waste and roadside waste that we see up and down the country.

In all that I have said, there has been no criticism of the Minister. Very far from it. We have achieved magnificent things. The farmers have achieved magnificently. It is not just a political puff when I say that I think we are grateful to the Minister for the support, the encouragement and the incentive which he has given to the farmers and farm workers alike to achieve as they have done. But against the background of the need to develop production against the world's food shortage, production must go on. We must set our sights even higher to achieve still more than we have done, though our agricultural production is higher than it has been at any time in this century, or before.

We must bring into use every idle acre. There are plenty of idle acres. We have heard of about 10,000 acres lost to production through subsidence caused by coal mining. In spite of all the difficulties of the approaching and developing decline in our own overseas food supplies, we may then face the future with confidence, and once again, as we have done in the past—in the last five years, indeed, above all—save ourselves by our exertions, and the world by our example.

8.14 p.m.

With much that the hon. Member for Bedfordshire, South (Mr. Moeran) has said I agree, and particularly that we should bring the idle acres that exist in Great Britain into production. However, I do not propose to deal with that at the moment. I shall have to see how my time goes, for I promised to be brief. What I want to deal with tonight is the matter of the guaranteed prices and the matter of the Price Review. I want to make it quite clear that I am speaking as an individual. I am not speaking on behalf of the Conservative Party. Indeed, I do not believe that all I shall say will meet with the approval of many of my hon. Friends on this side of the Committee.

I want to say first, with regard to the guaranteed prices, about which the hon. Member for Wednesbury (Mr. S. N. Evans) made such a fuss during the Budget debate, that I have no confidence in them. I have no confidence in the guaranteed price system so long as it is administered by the Socialist Party. I want to make this quite clear. I am not attacking the Minister of Agriculture. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh?"] He is quite sincere in wanting to keep agriculture in its rightful position. He is doing his best and he has done his best, and he has the affection of all sections of the agriculturists in this country.

But the right hon. Gentleman is only one apple on a very big heap. He has many friends behind him who will attack the price system and who will go for cheap food if and when the occasion arises. Therefore, I say I have no confidence. In fact, I have never believed in subsidies or guarantees except in cases of emergency. I believe that in the agricultural industry we should receive only the same tariff protection as all other industries get. Under that tariff protection we should fight our own battle; and let the best man win.

That I have no faith in the guaranteed prices is the result very largely of the White Paper which has been mentioned on one or two occasions. I must say that I was rather astonished to see how the machinery works. I think that many of the farmers also will feel astonished. I think they have it in their minds that the Minister of Agriculture and the National Farmers' Union meet at the February Price Review and negotiate the prices for the future—prices based very largely on the cost of production. That is not the case.

I want to call the Committee's attention to the preliminary steps which take place before the Price Review starts. There is a committee formed with officials from the agricultural Departments, the Ministry of Food, the Treasury, the Central Economic Planning Staff, and the Cabinet's Economic Committee. That is a nice body of economic experts. What have they got to do? They have to decide the production target for the agricultural industry, and before the Price Review starts between the Ministry of Agriculture and the National Farmers' Union, this economic committee, upon which there is no representative of the farmers of this country, decides what the production target is going to be.

How does that committee start to work? How does it decide the production target? It is going to operate under Part I of the 1947 Act, and it is going to decide what in the national interest it is desirable to produce in the United Kingdom.

During the passage of that Act we questioned the Minister of Agriculture on what it really meant, and we asked him time and time again, "If food becomes cheaper abroad than it can be produced in this country, will it be in the national interest to buy from abroad?" We had no reply except this from the right hon. Gentleman. He said that if and when that time came "all the relevant factors would be taken into account." If the farmers of this country can get any satisfaction from that, they are pretty cheerful. Therefore, I say that before the negotiations start that economic body tell the negotiating committee what the target is to be. It is under Section 1 of that Act of 1947 that they decide what this target is to be.

Before the last Price Review took place they apparently decided that too much milk was being produced, and that they did not want an increase in poultry and eggs. Therefore, the figures they gave to the negotiating committee were such that a price emphasis had to be put against milk and eggs. Although the increase of the cost of the milk was admitted to be 6d. per gallon, only ½d. of it was recognised, and the result may well be that we shall have milk rationing again at some future date.

We can never expect anything else if the target for agricultural production is left in the hands of economic experts. If there is one man in the country I am afraid of, it is the economic planner, the man who wants to tell us exactly how to carry out our work. Therefore I, as a farmer, have no confidence in the price review as carried out under the present machinery.

A great deal has been said about increased production, but I cannot reconcile some of the figures given with those shown in Appendix I. The figure for beef and veal pre-war is given as 578,000 tons; the forecasted out-turn for 1950–51 is given as 601,000 tons, an increase of 23,000 tons. I cannot see a 40 per cent, increase there. Mutton and lamb production pre-war is given as 195,000 tons; the forecasted out-turn for 1950–51 is 152,000 tons, a decrease of 32,000 tons. Not much of an increase there Pigmeat products pre-war is 436,000 tons; the forecasted out-turn for 1950–51 is 334,000 tons, a decrease of 100,000 tons. Wool production pre-war was 51,000; the forecasted out-turn for 1950–51 is 40,000 tons, a decrease of 11,000 tons.

I cannot see where all these increases which we have heard about today are coming from if those figures are correct. I think that a lot of the information given in that document is very illuminating, because it shows that the negotiations and the figures arrived at are absolute guesswork.

There is another figure in the Price Review that I wish to dispute, and that is in Appendix IV, the university data, showing the specimen net incomes for different types of farming in 1949–50. I cannot believe this. I wish there were a representative of Wales in the Committee at the moment so that I might know whether he agrees with the figures that are given. Under the heading "Average size of farm," for Wales they give a farm of 96 acres, with an average net income per farm of £690. I wonder whether the hon. Member for Brecon and Radnor (Mr. Watkins) would agree that farms in his constituency of 96 acres are showing a net return of £690.

I venture to say that many of those hill farmers are not getting agricultural workers' wages. On the other side we get South-East Kent and Sussex, with an average farm of 167 acres and a net income of £411 per farm. If farms of 96 acres in Wales are making £200 a farm more than a farm of double that size in South-East Kent and Sussex, I should be very astonished. I therefore say that the figures we have had given to us here are, in my opinion, to a very large extent "phoney."

The hon. Gentleman is aware that the figures are not those of the Ministry of Agriculture. They are the figures of the independent university agricultural economists.

I am quite aware of that. Of course, there are the National Farmers' Union schemes as well. To arrive at a true return they should go to various Income Tax offices throughout the country and get all the farm accounts. They need not disclose to whom the accounts refer. If they took all the accounts of a taxation office and saw the returns the surveyor accepts for the net profit of those farms, we should get a real return and not an estimate. After all is said and done, who can say whether the farmers who sent their accounts to the National Farmers' Union represent a proper cross-section of the community? I myself doubt it very much.

I think that at the recent Price Review the production target and the figures given made the negotiations extremely difficult. In my opinion, when the National Farmers' Union very nearly walked out on the negotiations, it was because they realised that an impossible task was to be given to them; but they got some recognition of their claims because they were on a good wicket.

I ask the Committee to think out for themselves what sort of negotiations the farmers will be able to stand up to if by any chance meat from the Argentine becomes available in sufficient quantity to feed this country. Will our farmers be able to negotiate a worthwhile price for their beef? Today we are being asked to increase our beef production, but we want some confidence for the future, and we shall have no confidence as long as that sort of machinery exists.

I am not pessimistic about the future. The hon. Member for Bedfordshire, South (Mr. Moeran) realises that the population of this world is increasing at such a rate that this country must change its whole economic outlook, which at present is completely unbalanced. Unless the problem of our waste land, amounting to something like 10 million to 15 million acres, and all the common land which is entirely idle today, is tackled in a more forthright manner, the day may come when this country will be very much shorter of food than it is today.

Two things are necessary, and they are migration from the towns into the countryside and migration from the towns into the great vast spaces of the Empire. If we had 10 million people fewer in this country planning our existence, we should get more work done. We are a nation of people taking in one another's washing and buying the soap from abroad, and the day will come when we shall not be able to continue to do that, and I therefore want to see that migration.

The Minister of Agriculture was very complacent in what he said about the labour position. Indeed, one of his hon. Friends pointed out that the labour position is not as stated by the Minister. The right hon. Gentleman compared prewar with today, but he did not go back to 1929–31. I say that agricultural labour in this country is getting scarcer. There is still a drift from the countryside to the towns.

Because the Government ought to build houses in the country for agricultural workers to live in. It has been stated that in the last five years 29,000 houses have been let to agricultural workers. What we want in the countryside are 100,000 houses let to agricultural workers. We want to increase the agricultural labour force by at least 100,000 men. We have been making use of displaced persons and holiday labour—all of it unskilled and very expensive. German labour has all gone, and the problem we face today is how to harvest many of our crops. Unless some steps are taken to increase our labour force for the forthcoming harvest of crops this autumn, there will be a great decrease in production next year. Many of us are finding it difficult to hoe the beet, and how we shall get it to the factory I just do not know.

There is a great deal more on this subject that I should like to say, but I promised to be brief. This problem must be tackled in a more forthright manner. I give the Minister credit for the Hill Farming Act, the Livestock Rearing Act and the marginal land scheme. That all helps, and in going through Wales a short time ago I was immensely pleased to see the work being done on these hills to reclaim them and bring them into production; but it is no good bringing them into production and spending money on them if prices are not such as to keep those hills in production.

8.30 p.m.

It is always a joy to be able to follow the hon. Member for Leominster (Mr. Baldwin), and I do so with a good deal of feeling for him, because we are both members of the same profession. It seems to me that, so far as the opposite side of the Committee are concerned, he is rather a rare bird. His leader this afternoon expressed complete satisfaction with assured markets and guaranteed prices and the Price Review, and although there has been some difference of opinion on the other side about the working of the Price Review, I think it is a fact that while we have this great boon to agriculture of assured markets and guaranteed prices, the Price Review is the only way of stabilising the prosperity of the industry.

The hon. Member for Leominster wants to go back to the old days of free enterprise prices. He objected to the Price Review being administered by the Socialist Government. With my experience of the past, I certainly object to the free enterprise prices administered by any Tory Government. I am perfectly certain there is hardly a farmer in the land who would go back to the old order of things.

I rise at rather a late hour in the debate, and I want to tidy up one or two things that have been said. The drift from the land has been mentioned. It is quite true that during the last few months there has been a drift from the land, but it is also true, according to the Census report which has just been published, that the population of rural Britain has increased. That being the case, it is for any Government administering this country to see to it that the prosperity of agriculture is so great and so real—as it is at the moment —that the people who are now in the country areas will remain there and, if we are to safeguard our agriculture, form the nucleus of a great agricultural working population. Therefore, it behoves this Government or any other Government to make the amenities of the countryside so good and efficient that people will remain in the agricultural industry and add to the prosperity and economic life of the nation.

In that regard, I must say to the Minister—and I want him to raise this point with his right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer—that I am a little perturbed at the cut in the capital expenditure on the electricity services. We cannot hope to retain our men in the industry if we do not supply them with electricity in great quantity. In my own area—we all speak for our own constituencies—there is a village which is probably the wealthiest agricultural parish in the whole of the country, I was met only a few days ago by at least 50 men and a few farmers who were crying out for electrical services. The electricity board told me that, owing to the cut in capital expenditure, the scheme for the electrification of one end of the village would have to be held up, and likewise other schemes.

I reiterate the hope that means will be found to ease the cut in regard to the amount of money that the electricity boards can spend on rural England. Some of the farms have been electrified but some of the farmers are not using the amount of current that they might. There are hundreds of rural cottages occupied by humble people to whom electricity would be a great boon indeed.

With one point made by the hon. Member for Leominster I entirely agree. He was not pessimistic about the future; nor am I. I have been through the past in British agriculture, and I know the present; I have never known the industry enjoying such prosperity as it has during the last three or four years. I admit that things may be easing slightly at the present time, but I hope the farmers will not be alarmed by the questions raised in this Committee about the difference in costs and the Price Review. I want the farmer to put his house in order and to get on with the job, without always worrying and fretting about where the money is coming from.

It can be produced if the land of England is properly farmed and cultivated. The Minister gave us one set of figures, which stand as a credit to the industry but which can be improved. He mentioned that there were 1,582 farmers under supervision. That only represents four in every 1,000 British farmers. We do not want any more. We want to improve on that figure, but even as it stands it is to the credit of the farmers and the farm workers that it is so small.

There are those four out of every 1,000, and there are hundreds and hundreds of fertile acres which have not been properly cultivated and looked after. It is the job of the farming industry to make the best possible use of the land and they will do it if they are not for ever hearing about the difference of the Price Review. I want them to close the difference themselves. They are getting fair prices. The hon. Member for Eye (Mr. Granville) was talking about relative prices and relative prosperity. It is real prosperity, and I am with the hon. Member for Leominster when he says that there should be no pessimism about the future of British agriculture. The nation is crying out for our products. The industry is satisfied with the Government, which have shielded them during the last few years. Make no mistake about it, the farmers know when they are on a good thing. I am prepared to tackle any hon. Member opposite in any rural division.

I will do so in my own division or anywhere when the time comes. The British farmer and the British farm worker know what a good time they have had during the last few years, and they will not make any mistake when the time comes—shall we say in 1953 or 1954?

I do not want to say much else but my hon. Friend the Member for Norfolk, South-West (Mr. Dye), raised a matter of importance when he urged the creation of an opportunity in British agriculture for the young man and the young woman. At the moment such opportunity is lacking. There is a scarcity of land for those people who want to farm. It is not good, and it is of no use to the industry, that men should increase the acreages of already large farms. In my area in parts of the Fens, there are hundreds of fellows waiting for smallholdings—good chaps who could produce what we want. I want the Government to see, quite apart from the Small Holdings Act which is on the Statute Book, that the young men of England have an opportunity to carry on farming.

In conclusion, I want to tell the horticulturists of Britain that it is time they did something to help themselves. I know the need, but let them produce their schemes. They have been through bad times. I have never heard one of them complain about the strawberry prices this year. They are in a state of great prosperity at the present time in regard to that product. In the same way, if they tackled the problem of the proper marketing and distribution of horticultural products in conjunction with the unions, their mates, and the Ministry, we might solve the problem of the prosperity of horticulture as we have solved the problem of the prosperity of ordinary agriculture.

8.41 p.m.

I share, with many hon. Members who have spoken, the very sincere admiration of all our people for farmers, farmworkers, landowners and other professional men who live on or by the land, for the efforts they have made to help us in our difficulties in recent years. I want my speech to be brief, and therefore I hope I shall be forgiven if I do not say many obvious things which one's constituents might expect one to say, but which have already been said by other hon. Members now that we have had a long debate.

I consider that the system of fixing prices each year for the main products of the land is one that should go on, and which is much more likely to commend itself to our people as a whole in town and in country than any system of tariffs. It is, therefore, hardly worth while, as my hon. Friend the Member for Leominster (Mr. Baldwin) attempted to do, to argue whether tariffs might be simpler and better. They would not commend themselves, having regard to the long political history involved. If we avoid making party matters of this marketing mechanism and Price Review it may be that the system will last for a generation or more and will become part of the tradition and history of our country.

For that reason I shall forbear to take up the challenge issued by many hon. Members who would like people to think that this method of dealing with our farming finance was invented by Socialists, or by the present Government. It was, of course, designed by the pre-war Government, in the prototype system of the milk scheme, and was continued in the early years of the war by an all-party Government. My own feeling is that it is a pity that this matter should become one of party politics.

Think of the good farmer on good and fertile land, and the poor farmer on poor land; there is every kind of grade in between but I take those two extremes to illustrate what I regard as perhaps the most important matter to which all of us should address our middle-term and long-term thoughts.

The method we have adopted of fixing a price each year is one which must inevitably give a greater gross return than is necessary to the good farmer who is well equipped and is on good land. It must do that if it is to give enough to the poor farmer who is badly equipped and is on poor land. It is, therefore, an extravagant way of paying for food from British land. It must go on because there is no other way which is politically possible or that we have yet been able to work out, but I want to make one or two suggestions as to the lines on which we should think.

It would be far better to put some of our money into the capital improvement of the medium and bad land than to put it all into payments for the products of the land at increasing rates to meet increasing costs. If we could bring up the standard of all land to that of the middle-class or best land, we should put something into the country which would enrich our agricultural industry for ever and would not be subject to the caprice of politics.

It follows that the investment of capital in our farming industry as a whole is the most important of all. I have not time to develop this argument and can only outline it. To secure an investment of capital we require a Chancellor of the Exchequer who realises its importance. We need a Government other than a Socialist Government, because no capitalist can have confidence in a Socialist Government. That is inevitable in the long run. We require a reduction in Death Duties, not because any of us need to be sorry for very rich people who inherit great sums of money—we need not shed tears for them—but because it is not in the national interest to denude the land of that money.

We want action taken which is precisely the opposite of that taken by the Chancellor when he removed the initial allowances. That was a small matter, but it was a foolish, retrogressive action. If we are to continue raising the prices paid as a result of the February Price Review, to take account of increased costs, we most certainly require some adjustment of taxation, because now we get the worst of both worlds. We have the most expensive way of getting our food. For those who are well equipped and on rich land there is no incentive whatever to produce more food, because if they begin to make real money they come into a higher bracket of taxation which makes the job not worth while.

A great deal must be thought about our method of paying for our farming, because the present method is a little askew. The hill farming idea is on the right lines; that is, to specialise in getting products from land which would not otherwise be so productive. The recent livestock Measure is also on the right lines, and so are the proposals to improve marginal land.

To improve the supply of electricity is, without doubt, an obvious, fair, non-controversial way. It does not favour anyone because it is for all to have who can get it. It does not favour one property as against another, but increases the efficiency of all. To bring water, and piped water wherever possible, is another capital improvement which cannot be taken away by any whimsy of politics. These are the kind of things that we should try to get into our land because they can never be taken away and are permanent sources of wealth.

Feedingstuffs have gone up 50 per cent. in the last 12 months. Fertilisers have gone up 100 per cent, in the last 12 months. As a temporary expedient the subsidising of these aspects of farming is better than putting the difference in the Price Review because, at the moment, when one particularly wants to increase production, it is surely better to be selective in the spending of money and to direct it towards fertilisers which, if used, greatly increase the yield.

I could mention another minor matter, the Petrol Duty. In my constituency the Ferguson tractor is the most suitable, and very many of the farmers have bought them but find they are increasingly expensive to run. These are all directions in which we are not doing much good because we are discouraging the farmer or else adding to the price which we have to pay through the February Price Review.

The land of England is being taken away from agriculture, I am told, at the rate of 50,000 acres a year. That is 500 farms a year. A great many of our young people, the sons of our farmers and others, cannot get a farm at anything like a reasonable price. A fair number of people come out from the cities and with money which they have made there, they buy farms.

I do not blame them for that, whether they are stockbrokers or retired trade unions leaders. They have their farms, but they compete with the sons of farmers for them.

I do not think the Minister of Agriculture, genial as he is, is really able to stand up to the other Ministries. I think they seek his advice, but they seem to over-rule him and take the land. It is not much good building houses for people to live in if we have not food for them to eat. Therefore, we have to think first of this land which can grow food and which, once it is taken away, will never come back to food production.

I have only one last word to say, and that is to emphasise what so many hon. and right hon. Members have said. The agricultural industry, the greatest of our industries, is of even more importance to us now, at a time when our communications and our life are threatened by war, and when we are re-arming to try to ensure peace. There can be no better support for all our efforts at re-armament than a strong, vigorous and well supported agricultural industry.

8.54 p.m.

The attitude of many hon. Members opposite reminds me of an attitude of an old farmer in the Chorley area to whom I was speaking only a short time ago. He opposes me on every occasion possible. I said to him on the last occasion, "Can you not give me any support whatever in the agricultural programme of the Labour Government?" He thought for a moment and then said, "If only we had a Conservative Government in power doing what Labour is doing, I should be satisfied." I rather think that the attitude of hon. Members opposite is very similar to the attitude of that old farmer.

I should like for a moment to follow the speech of the hon. Member for Penrith and The Border (Mr. Scott), who emphasised the grave need for a bigger sheep stock. I do not know how it is possible for the sheep stock to be increased. The hon. Member put forward five difficulties, and I agree, in main, with what he said. There is at present a certain prejudice against sheep, even by those who were sheep farmers before the war. It seems to me that in the main this prejudice has arisen because of the increase in the difficulties of keeping sheep. The problem of fencing is one of the major difficulties, because to get a flock of sheep means in many cases the re-fencing of the whole of a farm.

As we all know, sheep are great trespassers. They cause a great deal of trouble between neighbours, and unless fencing is put into proper order this trouble always exists. That creates a prejudice by the farmers against sheep. If we can overcome it, the sheep population will begin to increase, but it is a very difficult problem to face.

My hon. Friend the Member for Norfolk, North (Mr. Gooch), raised the question of over-capitalisation in machinery. This is a very real danger on the medium and small farms. One can spend a tremendous amount of capital on machinery. I have in mind a farmer who, two years ago, sold out. On his farm he carried 28 head of cattle. He ran 24 milkers the whole year round. He kept horses and had horse machinery. The man to whom he sold his farm and his stock went in for machinery and replaced his horses with a tractor. As a result, the tractor requires tractor machinery. He has various machines, but instead of 28 head of cattle he has only 10. That is where we are losing: when a farmer over-capitalises his farm by machinery and fails to build up his stock, which is the real production that the country needs. It is amazing how many cases there are of this type of over-capitalisation.

In the very short time at my disposal I want to raise with the Minister a question that I raised two years ago. I join with those Members who have said that the industry is now prosperous—we all know that that is true. I do not think the setbacks of the last 12 months—I refer to the fall in milk production—is at all due to the Price Review. Much of it is due to the unkind weather that we had through the winter and the late spring, the late spring especially.

In our part of the country we are two months behind in the spring flush of grass, and this has caused a tremendous drop in the flow of milk. If, in the autumn, we get, as I hope we shall, a flush of grass we shall make some recovery; the cows will be calving, and we shall make some progress. But far too much emphasis has been laid on the Price Review so far as the fall in milk is concerned.

The weaving of agriculture into the economic fabric of the nation has been a great success. Where the process still lags behind is in taking action more quickly and vigorously in those difficult areas of the country which need special treatment. It appears to me that both the Government and the county agricultural committees are really afraid to grapple with this problem. The various schemes which have been applied have so far only touched the fringe of the difficulties. The danger is that now the Government are withdrawing somewhat the small but very helpful assistance they have given in feedingstuffs and fertilisers, we may lose the small advance already made.

We all realise that before agriculture can play its full part in the present situation, not only the good land, but marginal and hill land must be brought into economic production, and it is with this aspect I wish to deal. The success of a policy is not shown by its results in production from good, fertile land—and, therefore. the easiest land—but from the way in which it brings into fertility and greater production that kind of land which is most difficult to work.

In the debate on agriculture in June, 1949, I raised the question of farms in the difficult areas and, on the invitation of then then Parliamentary Secretary, I provided him with cases which he promised to investigate. The result was disappointing. My criticism was fully justified, but there was no indication on the part of the Ministry that some action would be taken to bring them into line with a more productive effort. I received a letter from the Ministry. I cannot read all the points I wanted to read, but I will read one or two. This was the reply I received from the then Parliamentary Secretary:

I wish to point out how the Ministry is doing it. In this area the Ministry has set up an experimental farm, which we welcome, and we hope that great things will come from it. In the "Preston Guardian" of last week it was stated that in the past this farm, which is now one farm, comprised 12 holdings. This is an experimental farm and to bring it about, in the centre of this huge area of 200.000 acres, the first thing that has been done has been to put into one farm 12 small farms, making it 350 acres in extent. If that is necessary for the experimental farm of the Ministry to be a success it is surely equally necessary for the commercial farm to be a success that there shall be amalgamation to make it into an economic unit.

9.7 p.m.

It is always a pleasure to follow the hon. Member for Chorley (Mr. Kenyon) because he talks such good common sense about our farming problems. We are having an amiable debate, and we have an amiable Minister of Agriculture. He told us a good tale this afternoon. He put some gloss on where it was needed, and I particularly admired his ingenious handling of figures. Does the housewife really believe that we are getting 30 per cent, more home-produced eggs than before the war?

But we do not grudge the Minister some self-satisfaction in this debate. It may perhaps be his swan song as Minister of Agriculture. Who knows what may happen in the next few weeks or months? I would say to him that whatever the future holds we shall always think of him personally in the kindliest way, and be grateful to him for what he has done as Minister of Agriculture in a Government which we wholly abhor. In agriculture, we might have been very much worse off.

Many kind things have been said about the Minister and about the Ministry of Agriculture. It may be useful and proper if I throw a few pebbles at the windows of 55, Whitehall, so as to make the inhabitants look up from their complacent calculations of increased output and their general conception of everything being beautiful in the garden. There has, of course, been increased output since 1947. It would be appalling if there had not been because by 1947 we had drifted a long way back from our war-time output of food in this country, and it was high time for the Government to wake up to what was going on and take fresh measures to restore a higher level of food output.

None of us in this Committee can feel fully happy that our farming industry is yet taking its full part in strengthening the defences of this country or, indeed, in strengthening its economic position. It has been truly said that if British agriculture had not performed so well in recent years we should not yet be able to do without American dollars by way of Marshall Aid. Our people are still on short rations. They would be on shorter rations if it were not for the increased output from our farms. But production still lags far behind what consumers need. I am thinking particularly of meat, not only beef and mutton but pig meat—pork, which we have almost forgotten about, as well as bacon—and eggs.

On the subject of eggs, there is a lesson to be learned from the experiences of this spring. Ministers got themselves into a bad tangle. The Minister of Agriculture will recall that he took several opportunities to warn farmers that spring egg production had gone far enough and that he proposed to lower the price of eggs in the spring and put a higher price on eggs in the winter. We certainly want more eggs in the winter, but we also need full production in the spring.

Acting on the Minister's advice, farmers killed off many thousands of hens in full lay in March and April. I was on a farm in Gloucestershire the other day where 1,200 hens were killed off at the end of March. The price was good. They got 16s. a bird. They had calculated that if egg prices were to be lower in the spring and they had to face the usual drop in the summer price of table birds and get 11s. or 12s. a bird at the best, then, with feedingstuffs costing 38s. a cwt, it would pay them to wring the necks of these birds and cash them in March.

They were right in their reckoning, but how many million dozen eggs were lost as a result of actions like that? The Minister of Food did not know what was happening. He was not in the confidence of the Minister of Agriculture about this. The Minister of Food went out and bought 366,000 cases of spring eggs to put into store to distribute later in the winter. He spent £60,000 on oil treatment to preserve those eggs in the most modern way.

Of course, the spring eggs were not being laid, and the Minister of Food had to take these eggs out of oil store and put them on the market to satisfy, to some extent, the needs of the housewives during April and May. Surely the lesson is that our farmers should never be discouraged from producing to capacity all the year round. It is folly for the planners in Whitehall to try to dictate to the hen when eggs should be produced.

I think that in my own county of Berkshire the N.F.U. Poultry Committee are right in the suggestion which they have made to headquarters and, no doubt, through there to the Ministry, that the right proportion between spring egg prices and winter egg prices should be a 50 per cent, range. That is to say, if egg prices in the spring are 4s. a dozen, they should be 6s. in November and December. That is probably about right in order to maintain full production through the year. There are bound to be seasonal peaks of production whether we are talking about eggs, fat lambs or beef. It is no good anybody in Whitehall—the Economic Planning Staff or anybody else—imagining that they can dragoon Nature into producing most at a season of the year when it does not suit Nature to produce to the full.

If we want to get extra production at reasonably economic prices, we must take that into account. After all, New Zealand does not try to produce fat lambs through the year. Nor does the Argentine try to produce beef through the year. We must work with Nature. When we have a bounty, as we shall have at the end of the grazing season in September and October, of home-killed lamb and beef, surely the sensible thing is to increase our slaughtering capacity. I was very glad when one of my hon. Friends spoke about that problem.

If we have more than can conveniently be distributed at the time, or if we are likely to be short in the winter, some of that home killed meat should be put into store. There is nothing to be frightened about in that. It can be done perfectly well. The Minister of Food seemed to think that it was terrible even to mention such an innovation in the House of Commons.

But I am sure that we shall come to that. If we are to have economical meat production in this country it will mainly be by increased production off the grass and by the provision of facilities for putting some of the seasonal surplus into store. Price manipulation should never be used to discourage full production. I hope the Minister will bear that in mind. We are rightly asked to get not only full production but economical production, and we should do nothing by price manipulation to discourage that.

I want to say a few words about feedingstuffs, although I know the Minister of Agriculture is not master in this sphere. It is the Minister of Food who actually does the buying of feedingstuffs, and I understand that he is busy trying to do a deal with Russia and the Argentine. It is very important from the point of view of poultry farmers and pig farmers, and, of course, housewives, that the Minister of Food should be successful in those business negotiations. I only wish we could employ rather better methods than those which seemingly have to be employed under a Socialist Government. However, we wish the Minister well in his efforts.

As my hon. Friend the Member for Richmond, Yorks (Sir T. Dugdale), reminded the Minister, there are supplies of feedingstuffs, particularly tail wheat—low-grade wheat—which can be bought in Canada, and I hope the Minister will, if necessary, get tough with the Chancellor of the Exchequer so that we are allowed to use some Canadian dollars to buy low-grade wheat and coarse grains from Canada. We have not got a good trading reputation in Canada at the moment. We have played fast and loose with newsprint, bacon, timber, cheese, and so on, but if they are approached in the right way the Canadians will give us a square deal over their low-grade wheat and coarse grains. We certainly need those supplies in this country.

I have spoken about eggs, which the Minister mentioned. He also mentioned milk production which, he said, had fallen a bit in the last six months. It depends on what is meant by a slight fall. I think the fall is actually 7 per cent. That means between 50 million and 60 million gallons of milk, which is a lot, and if that is going to continue through the year—I gather that the Minister thinks it will not. Well, he will have to get busy and get the right feedingstuffs for next winter. I hope the Minister is right in saying that it is not going to continue, but he will have to watch that position very carefully.

I want to throw another pebble at the windows of Whitehall. I was glad that my hon. Friend the Member for Penrith and The Border (Mr. Scott) mentioned the problems of sheep farming and the possibilities of using our hills and uplands to get greater meat production. I want to remind the Minister of an answer he gave me in the House last week, to the effect that 6,000 sheep in Britain were killed by dogs last year.

I was seeking to induce the Minister to take sterner measures to deal with this problem and to co-operate with his right hon. Friend the Home Secretary to see, at any rate, how the magistrates are dealing with proved cases of dog worrying when they come before the courts, to ascertain in how many cases the magistrates have ordered the dogs to be destroyed and in how many cases they have let the owners off with an admonishment. Apparently, on the advice of the Minister of Agriculture, the Home Secretary said that he did not think that it was worth finding out.

But surely we must educate public opinion on this matter, and one of the best ways is by ensuring that the penalties which the law provides are, in fact, inflicted in proved cases of dog worrying. I know that politically it may be difficult even to take the risk of offending dog owners by saying that some of them will be shown up if they have rogue dogs which are in the habit of killing sheep.

Cruelty to sheep can be just as unhappy an affair as cruelty to a dog. I do not think that is always realised. If, at the same time, we are preventing hundreds of farmers from keeping sheep, then I suggest that some action is necessary. As my hon. Friend the Member for Penrith and The Border said, this trouble occurs not only round the big towns. I have had experience of it close to a small village, where we lost 30 ewes through dogs. This trouble is, indeed, widespread and it is only, in the first instance, by insisting that the penalties which the law provides are carried out and are made known to the public that we shall establish a sounder opinion in the country.

It may be that the further discussions the Minister is to have with the leaders of the N.F.U. on this problem will lead him to take further action, but I am not hopeful about it. It may also be, as I have suggested, that it would be helpful to appoint a committee to advise him as to what would be effective. I certainly hope the Minister will grasp this problem more firmly than he has done so far.

I want to throw another large pebble at 55, Whitehall. I do not know whether it is really necessary for me to throw it, because the report of the Ryan Committee has already come back as a hefty boomerang against the plate glass. They made recommendations which, if they were put into effect, would result in a further amplification of the administrative functions of the right hon. Gentleman's Ministry. Various new components would be set up in the counties. It was suggested that there might be some saving of staff, but when new organisations are set up we rarely have any saving of staff.

In my view, too many people are today supposed to be looking after farmers. The total staff of the Ministry numbers 15,037, with 1,674 in the National Agricultural Advisory Service and 6,986 employed by the county agricultural executive committees. This is a six-fold increase compared with pre-war days. Not even the most ingenious use of statistics could convince us that there has been a six-fold increase in food production.

I want to give the Committee my personal views on this problem. In my view, we need to keep the county agricultural executive committees to see that proper standards of husbandry are preserved and that all farm land is used to the best advantage. Indeed, that is an essential part of the bargain which we farmers have made within the terms of the Agriculture Act of 1947. The other side of the bargain is guaranteed markets and prices—and here I would say to my hon. Friend the Member for Leominster (Mr. Baldwin)—[HON. MEMBERS: "Where is he?"]—I expect he is seeing that everything is in order; that few of us would attack the principle of guaranteed markets and prices. In my view, that is an essential basis for full and economical food production in this country.

I suggest that the county committees are an essential part of the organisation which we need and that the counties are the natural focus for all agricultural education and advice. Using the farm institutes, which we are now setting up in every county, each county agricultural executive committee should be responsible for the local agricultural advisory service. I believe that there is no need for a National Agricultural Advisory Service, sprawling right through the country from Whitehall. I do not think we are getting value for money.

Excellent men, now employed in the N.A.A.S., have to spend most of their time sending minutes to one another, either in the same office or between their office and the provincial office. That ensures that Civil Service traditions are observed, but I do not believe that it is either an effective or an economical way of transmitting technical advice to farmers. Indeed, the way in which the N.A.A.S. system has grown up in the last few years has set up a resistance among farmers which is hindering rather than furthering the vitally important business of spreading new and more economic methods. Full production is achieved, not only by following modern scientific principles but by good business management, by proper and economical application of all new methods and knowledge in farming systems.

Civil servants—and inevitably the N.A.A.S. have become civil servants—are not the best people to put across technical advice to farmers. It does not come as well from them as from some others. Let the farmer who wants technical advice go of his own accord to the farm institute, who would have the university experts at their back to deal with the more abstruse problems.

That is the system established in Canada, New Zealand, and many other countries where the agricultural advisory services are fully used by farmers. Here, by using the farm institute or agricultural college we should have the most effective channel. It would be the duty of the county agricultural executive committee to deal with the fanner who is failing to manage his land properly. It is essential that the county committees should have members of the highest repute, known by their fellows to be successful farmers, and to be men who are making their farms pay.

The simple way would be, where a farmer is reported not to be farming properly for two members of the committee to go and see him, size up the problem, and, if necessary, tell him that he is going wrong here or there, and that he should go and get advice from the county farm institute; that they will come back in six months' time, either to congratulate him or to tell him that they regret that they must recommend the Minister of Agriculture to dispossess him. There would, of course, be provision for appeal to the agricultural land tribunal. In my view, advice provided in that way, through practical men who are known to be good farmers, would effectively and economically maintain the standard of husbandry in this country.

Security of tenure can be carried too far, and I was glad to hear the hon. Member for Norfolk, South-West (Mr. Dye) say that today we are raising a fine crop of young farmers waiting for farms. There are plenty of young men, well qualified by technical training and practical experience, who are eager to take up vacant farms. I hope that the Parliamentary Secretary will be able to say something about the Ministry's smallholdings' policy, and tell us how far the county councils are getting ahead with the provision of smallholdings, which we discussed in the last Parliament.

I think the arrangement is that the Ministry pay 75 per cent, of any loss incurred and the balance falls on the county council. The present cost of establishing smallholdings is very high, running up to £7 an acre, and we should all be interested to know how far the Minister is able to make progress today in providing more smallholdings. I put these points forward in no controversial spirit. I think it is essential that we should pool our ideas in trying to get the right solution of these problems, so vital for the well-being of our country.

I would say this, too, to the Minister of Agriculture, that we on this side of the Committee do not want to see any unnecessary expenditure of State money on agriculture in the way of extra subsidies or in the way of extra administrative costs in the Ministry. In my view, some administrative savings might be made today. We must call a halt to the increase of administrative staffs before they grow any more unwieldly than they are now. If we can make economies in that way I hope that either the present Minister or his successor will consider the very sensible suggestion made by my hon. and gallant Friend the ember for Richmond, Yorks, that we look again at the effects of removing the fertiliser subsidy.

I hope that farmers will have the sense to go on using fertilisers fully, but the rise in price is so sharp that I am afraid some may not realise the economy of continuing the use of fertilisers. I think the rise in price has been made too sharp by the removal of the remaining part of the subsidy at this time of rising prices.

All of us can take pride in the achievements of British agriculture during the last 11 years. Clearly, there is much more to be done; and clearly, too, in the present circumstances of the country, that extra bit has got to be done economically. Costs are rising against us. It has been mentioned that increased costs falling on the farmers have amounted to £20 million since the February Price Review. I do not know whether that figure is correct or not, but certainly all of us who have to buy supplies today know that costs are rising very sharply against us. It is clear that there are no easy times ahead for any of us in the farming industry.

We look to the Minister of Agriculture, not for spoon feeding or constant mothering, but for ready understanding when help is needed; and at Cabinet level we look for a tough determination that agriculture shall be allowed every opportunity to produce food to capacity. I am sure that, whether we are farmers, farm workers or land owners, we can all pledge ourselves to the country in that way.

Did I understand the hon. Gentleman to say, earlier, that if two members of a county committee visited a farmer and warned him about the state of his property, and that if, six months' afterwards, they found that no progress had been made, he would advocate dispossession? Did I understand that?

I said that it would be for them to decide whether they should recommend to the Minister that he should dispossess. There would then be a right of appeal to the Agricultural Land Tribunal.

9.33 p.m.

I feel that the Government and my right hon. Friend must feel satisfied with the course of this debate. That was rather to be expected, because we are discussing an industry that is a fundamentally sound industry, and one whose economic health is excellent. The debate has not produced even a sizeable pebble thrown against the windows of 55, Whitehall. Most of the pebbles were very much more like bubbles than pebbles. Certainly the missile thrown by one hon. Gentleman opposite must have gone back like a boomerang.

It is inevitable that there should be some disagreement on the diagnosis of the fundamental health of this industry in these conditions. The hon. and gallant Baronet the Member for Richmond, Yorks (Sir T. Dugdale) said that this was an industry that was kicked time and time again. I am sure that if my hon. Friend the Member for Wednesbury (Mr. S. N. Evans) had happened to have got into this debate, he would have described the farmer as one who reaches out from his feather-bed for his midday bottle of champagne. That diagnosis disagrees with much that has been said from the benches opposite tonight. Indeed, it appears from there that the farmer is a poor yogi lying on a bed of nails. Neither of those views, of course, is a true one.

This is an industry in which accounts of farmers being sold up used to be a regular feature of our farming journals in pre-war days and which are no longer to be found either in the daily Press or in the farming journals. There is—and I think this is the real test of the state of this industry—not a single farm vacant from Land's End to the Border. I do not know about John o' Groat's because my right hon. Friend's writ does, not run above the Border.

The economic climate surrounding the industry is such as to bring reasonable prosperity, and the Government can claim that their actions have contributed very largely to this condition—this climate that I have been talking about. Why not? Surely it is right that the Government should take action and do everything in their power to try to create and to hold a sound and prosperous economy in this country, and then to hold the balance as fairly as possible between the various interests.

I cannot conceive—and here I think we sometimes make a mistake—that there is any real divergence of interest between town and country. I believe that town and country are not warring interests at all but complementary, and it is part of our job and part of the farming community's job to ensure that the farming point of view is made known in the towns and that this is also done in the opposite direction. Healthy primary industries are absolutely essential to the general prosperity of this nation, and I believe that it is right to say—and we shall be right to maintain this when the time comes—that too cheap food or too cheap labour is not a satisfactory basis for a happy, sound, national prosperity.

I do not want to talk about my personal experiences which are limited, except to say that I do not -want again to see people, such as my relatives did, hawking around fine, malting samples of barley, turning them out on to their hands at the corn exchanges before a number of bored and uninterested buyers. I do not want to see that happening again because it seemed as if they were going around almost in a state of supplication. Mine was a hill farming experience between the years 1922 and 1927. It was an experience when it was really a hard grind with no margins at all, and when suddenly the sort of thing that could happen in those days came upon one—the catastrophe of a cow slipping her calf and the realisation that contagious abortion was upon us.

Perhaps the most pleasing thing that I have known of during recent years is the fact that strain 19 vaccine is providing the cure or rather the prevention of contagious abortion, and I think it right to pay tribute to those research workers and scientists who have produced this tremendous boon to the agricultural industry. The fear of contagious abortion has been removed. We should be praising and assisting the calf vaccination scheme which enables the farmer to have heifer calves vaccinated at a very low cost. I am pleased to see that, according to the latest figures, there were some 340,000 calves vaccinated under this scheme in 1950.

To turn to some of the points that have been specifically raised in the debate, I thought that the hon. Member for New-bury (Mr. Hurd) was hard up to find something to say against the Government. I was amazed to hear him, an expert farmer, telling us that it was not possible for us to persuade hens to lay out of the normal laying season. As I understand it, what happens is that by the hatching of pullets at the right time of the year and by feeding them properly, we are attempting to get them to lay in the winter when prices are high.

It is our job so to adjust the prices that it will make it more profitable for the poultry breeder to produce hens which lay eggs at the time when we want them most. That is the reason for the adjustment in the Price Review. I should point out to the hon. Gentleman that every pint of our winter milk is produced against Nature. How many cows would normally calve in the autumn? That condition is a wholly artificial one, which farmers have introduced in order to produce this winter milk, because they know that winter milk secures the better price and is required by the community.

It was surprising to hear the hon. Member's criticism of the National Agricultural Advisory Service. Visitors to this country—and I think they are right—see in the N.A.A.S. something which arouses their envy, and which they would like to see copied in their own country.

The hon. Member raised one point with which I am in very great sympathy, and that was the killer dog. The subject was also touched on by the hon. Member for Penrith and the Border (Mr. Scott), who made a very valuable speech on the whole subject of sheep keeping. This problem of the killer dog is one of great concern throughout the industry. My right hon. Friend, in consultation with the National Farmers' Union, who are putting proposals to him, will do all that is reasonably possible to cure this evil. We have to be careful what we do about anti-dog legislation in the House. It is not easy, and will never be easy, to get through even if contemplated by my right hon. Friend.

The hon. Member also suggested that we should do everything in our power by education to bring the facts of the position home to the people. Not only have we to bring it home to the dog owners, but it is possible for the magistrates to do it very much better themselves by education than by my right hon. Friend the Home Secretary sending them a circular. That is a thing which is done, if at all, on the rarest occasions. We can rely on the hon. Member and his friends, the National Farmers' Union and the rest to help in educating the public in this important matter.

He also mentioned the Ryan report which was presented recently to my right hon. Friend, who has promised to consider it, not in order to shelve it, but to ensure that all the points in it will undergo searching examination with a view to some being put into operation. My right hon. Friend has promised to consult the C.A.E.Cs., the heads of the administrative divisions, technical services, the staff associations, the N.F.U., the C.L.A. and the workers' unions. They are all being asked for their views.

My right hon. Friend has set up what he calls a "working party." I must agree with the hon. Member who said that he did not like that term for "committee," which was a better term. I feel rather the same about it. It is under the chairmanship of the principal establishment and organisation officer of his Department. It will examine the Report and collect the views. Action has already been taken at headquarters on the financial structure arising out of the recommendations of the Report. At lower levels, there has already been a separation of the accounting and financial control of the trading operations. I think that all that is important.

A tribute was paid by my hon. Friend the Member for Norfolk, North (Mr. Gooch) to my right hon. Friend and to the industry. It must be assessed at the level of my hon. Friend's peculiar knowledge of this industry as a great trade union leader. He was rightly worried about the drift from the land. How great is this drift? Whether there is a drift from the land is a matter of argument, because actually, as between 1938 and 1950, we saw that the number had been increased by the figure which my right hon. Friend gave. We must not exaggerate this talk of the drift from the land. After all, if there be any point in increased mechanisation on the farms, it is that we employ fewer people to do the same jobs. Largely as a result of increased mechanisation we have reached the point where each labourer is producing some 25 per cent, more than was the case in pre-war days.

I am bound to agree to some extent with my hon. Friend, and with my hon. Friend the Member for Chorley (Mr. Kenyon), that there is a serious danger of too much capital being unnecessarily locked up on small farms. I hope that farmers will carefully consider this point and not plunge too rapidly into wild mechanisation by investing money in implements which, for 11½ months of the year, and for more than that in some cases, will be lying about the farm. Some farmers are a little bit careless about this matter and leave them to rust out in the fields. It is one of the things one sees when passing through the countryside.

I want to come to the point which was rightly raised: What are we going to do about the Reports which are being presented to us by the Gowers and Zuckerman Committees? I am not going to outline the recommendations of the Gowers Report on legislation. I do not think this is the place to do so, but I am bound to say that we regard both the reports as of tremendous importance to the workers within the industry.

Precautionary measures against the use of toxic chemicals in agriculture are a matter of great importance. There have been some detailed recommendations about how we should use these chemicals. There have also been recommendations about legislation. A conference with the interests concerned brought agreement on a voluntary basis for the 1951 spraying season. This was widely publicised and circulated by the National Farmers' Union and by the workers' unions concerned, in addition to the contractors. The experiences of this season will be reviewed in the autumn and the Zuckerman recommendations on legislation will be considered at the same time.

We have had one death this year—we regret it as much as my hon. Friend does—but up to now there are no final conclusions on the Gowers recommendations. Work is proceeding on the details of both reports, and I can assure my hon. Friend that this matter is under active consideration. I do not mean what is sometimes meant by "active consideration." that the matter is being buried; this matter really is under active consideration and I can assure my hon. Friend that legislation and necessary action will flow from this as soon as possible.

The hon. Member will see that I have a Question on the Order Paper about this matter. Perhaps I could get the answer now, as he is dealing with the subject. Does his reply mean that he does not intend to legislate on the Zuckerman Report or does it mean that he will wait for an indefinite period before he reaches a conclusion?

The answer to that is that we cannot expect legislation before the end of this Session unless the hon. Member is prepared to extend the Session very much longer than I and most hon. Members are prepared to extend it. I have given the undertaking that active consideration really means something in this connection and that after the examination action will flow, and I think that that is all the hon. Member can really expect now.

The hon. and gallant Baronet the Member for Richmond, Yorks, dealt with the important subject of fertilisers, which was also mentioned by many other hon. Members. It was inevitable that hon. Members should mention the subject. The hon. and gallant Baronet asked how much of the increased cost of fertilisers was taken into account in the Price Review.

I do not need to go into the history of this, because it is known to everyone, but I ought to say in answer to those who have asked questions that in the 1951 Price Review we included among the increased costs an amount for the removal of the final part of the subsidy and for the expected rise in prices of raw materials, such as phosphate rock, and also higher freights. Actually, these increased costs have exceeded our forecasts, but we must remember that it is always possible that freight and raw materials costs will fall before the next February Review. We hope so, for:

I think it can be shown that the fertiliser price increases are generally in line with the increase in the farming and other prices. But I ought to say here that it is sincerely to be hoped that because of increased prices farmers will not use less fertilisers. They result in an increase in productivity which is well repaid when the final article appears on the market. I believe we can appeal to, and expect, the farming community to consider that this is part of their cost of production, and that the results which will flow from it will be of advantage to them.

I must deal with one other point raised by one of my hon. Friends, the question of the call-up of young agricultural workers. The Ministry of Labour and National Service and the agricultural Departments have been working on the details of the arrangements, and discussions have been held with representatives of the farmers and farm workers. The details will be available soon. It is true—and I ought to tell the industry now in case they are under a misapprehension—that there is no possibility of altering this decision on the call-up. However, it is the job of my right hon Friend—and he is doing it—to see that agricultural needs are taken into account, and the decision to defer until after the harvest of this year is evidence of this desire.

The position of regular farm workers born before 1st January, 1933, will not be affected by the call-up. The call-up will be suspended, as far as they are concerned, as long as they are satisfactorily employed in the industry. Men born after that date will have their claims for deferment considered in case of a holding or farm where not more than two whole-time male workers are employed, and where the loss of the worker would result in substantial loss of food production. The grant of this deferment will be dependent on whether it can be shown that no arrangement could be made to enable the withdrawal of the worker without substantial loss in food production, and that there is no prospect of finding suitable alterna- tive labour within a reasonable period. Where a period of deferment is granted, this can be renewed from time to time until the difficulty is overcome.

I should mention in connection with this that deferment will be considered in exceptional cases where the worker is employed on a farm with more than two whole-time male workers where the worker is an experienced stockman whose immediate withdrawal would leave the farmer with no alternative but substantially to reduce the number of cattle or sheep upon the farm. Arrangements for considering applications are being worked out with the Ministry of Labour, and they will provide for a full and careful consideration of the agricultural aspects of each case and for fair decisions to be reached.

I regret very much that I am not able to reply to every point that has been raised in this debate. No one ever does. What I shall do is to promise on behalf of the Department which I am representing at this Box that we will study every word that has been said in this debate and consider the application of some of the suggestions.

In conclusion, I want to say that I can claim justifiably on behalf of the Government that the policy which was clearly stated by this Government in 1945 of guaranteed prices and assured markets has been successful, and that the expansion and the achievements since that date justify the claim that I have made.

Whereupon Motion made, and Question, "That the Chairman do report Progress and ask leave to sit again"—[ Mr. Sparks ]—put, and agreed to.

Committee report Progress; to sit again Tomorrow,

Gas (Staff Compensation)

Draft Gas (Staff Compensation) (Amendment) Regulations 1951 [copy presented 5th July], approved.—[ Mr. Neal. ]

Roads, Birmingham

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House do now adjourn."—[ Mr. Sparks. ]

10.2 p.m.

I wish to draw the attention of my right hon Friend the Minister of Transport to what, I think, is an imperative necessity for the great City of Birmingham. That necessity includes the widening, extending and renewing of Birmingham's arterial roads and other main roads. This requires the authorisation of the Minister before any progress can be made.

Let us not forget that Birmingham is the second largest city, in the country, with a population now of over 1,110,000. It is a great metropolis of industry, commerce, marketing and culture, and it deserves more attention by the Minister. It is a city which is attracting newcomers, and over 60,000 people have come into Birmingham during the last four years. In addition, it has many visitors.

Birmingham is the most efficiently governed city in the United Kingdom. It began to be so in the time of Joseph Chamberlain, who has been backed up by the local trades and labour councils. For these reasons, it is a city with extensive goods yards, the major ones being in my constituency. It has vital markets and abattoirs adjacent to my constituency, and for all these reasons I have cause to have a special interest in this mater.

The city centre has but few good streets, and even those which it has are damned up by the great New Street Station, which might have been removed a few hundred yards away to municipal territory had the old owners consented to this course generations ago. This situation, naturally, is causing considerable traffic delays, business losses and casualties, as must be expected. We have a very competent Chief Constable, but no matter what is done with the one-way system and policing, casualties continue to rise.

In my constituency, for instance, in 1950, between High Street, Bordesley, as we call it, and the city boundary, there were four fatal casualties, 123 injuries and 233 people concerned in accidents, making a total of 471 persons, in that one stretch of road. I should like to give to my right hon. Friend more of the figures which have been supplied by the Chief Constable. In 1950, within three miles radius of the city centre, there were 124 fatal and 716 non-fatal casualties.

These figures are important and cannot easily be ignored. Despite all this fearful congestion and waste of life and things, the City of Birmingham from the viewpoint of the roads which exist is still a music-hall joke. That is not good for a city like Birmingham, nor for the country.

The chief engineer and surveyor, a competent official, has made a special appeal to the Minister regarding High Street, Digbeth, in my division. That street is a bottleneck leading into three important roadways to the south of Birmingham, particularly Coventry Road and Stratford Road. For this purpose the city, under the Corporation Act, 1935, acquired much property and demolished a lot of it. The city spent £126,000 and could have borrowed, under the Act, £342,000.

The city had to pay a large amount of compensation. It had to assist in finding new accommodation for business men and residents, which was quite natural, but the project was held up by the Minister. I wrote to the Minister early in the year and he replied in a very reasonable and understanding letter on 2nd May. He told me that he appreciated the city's worries and projects it had in hand, but was very much concerned about the three quarters of the cost he would have to find.

Finally, he wrote: It is no use merely resurfacing these roads; that tends to be something of a waste of labour, materials and manpower.

The Birmingham City Engineer is very much concerned. I have a long statement from him here, but on these occasions one can quote but little. There are, however, several passages which I beg leave to quote, since they are more informed than I can be. In referring to the amelioration of traffic in the city centre, the statement says: dollars, as everybody well knows. It is retarding the necessary expansion of the city to meet its growing needs. It is unjust to its fine people who are extremely industrious and who are contributing much to the nation. Indeed, it is a national loss.

The city could do much with the labour available and with its own finance, provided that the Minister would play his part also. For to withhold authorisation for these schemes, at least the earlier ones I have mentioned, on the grounds either of labour or financial shortage is, as it were, cutting off the city's nose to spite the nation's face. It is a penny wise and pound foolish attitude on the part of the Ministry in this situation since the holding back of these arterial roadways means that the city is not contributing to the national needs and assets as it might if given its rightful opportunity. I ask the Minister to give the City of Birmingham help so that the city might help herself and the nation at large.

10.15 p.m.

I feel that I must support my hon. Friend the Member for Small Heath (Mr. F. Longden). Having served on the Birmingham City Council for the past 28 years, I know something of the difficulties which face the city. It is well known that whoever goes to Birmingham in a car never wants to go there again in similar circumstances. My hon. Friend mentioned that Birmingham was one of the finest governed cities in the country, but there is no doubt that there is great congestion in the centre of the city. Whoever planned Birmingham some 50 or 60 years ago did not plan it to take motor traffic.

I live about half a mile or three-quarters of a mile from the centre of the city. When one wants to go into the centre it is much easier to walk than to take one's car. The roads are in a terribly bad state. Whether or not the Minister is withholding permission on financial grounds, I think that thousands of motorists are being put to great expense as a result of broken brakes, broken axles and so on. One's car almost bounces up in the air when one drives along the streets. Recently I travelled up to the north, and I knew when I got back to Birmingham again. All the way from outside Birmingham up to the north it was a pleasure to drive, but it was awful to drive around Birmingham.

I hope the Minister will take note of what has been said. Birmingham bought an enormous amount of slum property with the object of making a great ring road to take the heavy traffic. I feel confident that both the public who have to travel in the buses from a long way outside into the centre of the City, where many of the factories are, and also the visitors and the industrialists, are looking to the Minister to do something. As my hon. Friend said, Birmingham is the United Kingdom's second city. The time is long overdue for something to be done to improve the roads. Something should be done to space out the traffic and to give Birmingham its due right—decent roads and decent transport.

10.17 p.m.

I wish to associate myself with the remarks made by my hon. Friend the Member for Small Heath (Mr. F. Longden) about the importance of the City of Birmingham, its efficient municipal administration, and the care and attention with which the police apply themselves to our traffic problems. There are difficulties in all our great cities and it is only right that when hon. Members raise matters of this kind they should recognise the contribution made by the police under most difficult circumstances.

My hon. Friend's reference to accidents is bound to appeal to me, because that is easily the most disturbing and distressing side of the administration of the Ministry of Transport. The general conclusions that he has drawn from the state of the highways in Birmingham apply generally throughout the country. The growth of motor transport has outstripped our highway system. The circumstances of the last 20 or 30 years, with the great military conflicts in which the country has been engaged and the financial stringency which has followed, have not permitted funds to be spent on road developments which are essentially desirable.

In view of the limited time at my disposal, I want to reverse my approach to the problem and to deal with the specific scheme to which he referred, the High Street, Digbeth, length of road. While it is possible to deal with a special problem, it is not within our capacity at present to tackle the whole of the highways and traffic arteries of a City like Birmingham. What has been said about this applies to all our great industrial cities.

I disagree. It is very difficult indeed to assume that the circumstances in one city are graver than in another, and many of the points which have been raised apply with equal force to schemes that have not been sanctioned in other parts of the country. But be that as it may, I only want to say, in relation to my hon. Friend's interjection, that it would be quite wrong to place on the Minister of Transport the responsibility for the whole of the highways, streets and thoroughfares of Birmingham.

It must be remembered that county boroughs are governed by the block system of grants with regard to their highway construction. But having said that, I frankly admit that in this post-war period, under the necessity of controlling investment expenditure on the whole of our highways, permission is refused for many schemes which local authorities themselves would probably undertake, because they would upset the whole of the investment policy of the Government.

In the limited time at our disposal I think it would be more to our advantage if we got down to some of these specific points. I do not dispute at all, and neither does my Department, the case made by my hon. Friend the Member for Small Heath with regard to this stretch of roadway; it was correct in every respect. This stretch of roadway will eventually form the commencement of two radial roads, one to Coventry and one to Stratford.

I believe this scheme was originally thought of as far back as 1919, and powers were obtained in 1935. As Minister of Transport, I cannot help occasionally wishing that some of these authorities had got on with the job quicker in the past and had not left it to these particularly difficult times when resources are so strained.

In this instance, the council have acquired the necessary property. A good deal of it is demolished. Sites have been cleared and, in the main, they are ready to commence. In correspondence with the city authorities I have advised them to proceed with all preparatory work right up to the contract letting stage, because I do not at all dispute the urgency of this proposal. It would be inadvisable in the present circumstances to spend a lot of money patching up or improving the surface of this road. Neither could we reconstruct it on its present alignment.

While I cannot give an actual date to my hon. Friend, I assure him that I am moving this scheme up in the direction of priority as fast as I can, and I hope it will not be unduly long before we can make the financial provision for its commencement. However, I would remind my hon. Friend that the Road Fund allocation is determined year by year, and it is quite impossible for me to lay down firmly when any particular scheme will commence. I do not dispute in any way the claims of this project, and I give my hon. Friend the assurance that I will advance it as much as possible.

I cannot accept the general allegations that Birmingham is suffering adversely as compared with the rest of the country. I have gone into this matter fairly carefully, and I think that Birmingham has had its fair share both with regard to the sanction of loans and actual schemes carried out. My hon. Friend the Member for Small Heath mentioned the very large project of the inner ring road on which consultations have taken place with the Treasury. Subject to the consent of the Minister of Local Government and Planning, and always with the reservation that at each stage it must be subject to re-examination in the light of existing circumstances, that large scheme is moving forward, but it is of such a magnitude that no one standing at this Box at the moment could put a time to its accomplishment.

In connection with the reconstruction of roads generally, in August, 1946, the Birmingham City Corporation received a loan sanction of over £2 million to carry out a five-year programme. Up to 31st March, 1951. over £800,000 had been authorised out of that loan of £2,020,000, and in the current year works to the value of £454,000 have been authorised. In the current year applications have been received for works costing a total of £181,292, of which £13,000 has been recommended for authorisation. £17,000 has been refused and £150,000 is still under consideration.

In view of the severe limitations which the financial conditions of the moment impose on the Road Fund, that is not an unreasonable achievement. Hon. Members cannot escape the position which has been set out by successive Chancellors when dealing with the finances of the country, and the House has accepted those general statements of policy. When, within that framework, I am able to quote figures such as those I have given tonight, I think I have clearly indicated that Birmingham is not suffering unduly. Nevertheless, I frankly admit the general case put forward and that it applies throughout the country. I only hope that, following this discussion, my hon. Friend will before long have at least some satisfaction as a result of his intervention.

10.27 p.m.

There is one point I should like to take up with the Minister. We are, of course, grateful for his promise, even though it is a qualified promise, but there is the question of whether Birmingham is getting its fair share of the allocations from the Road Fund. The point I want particularly to impress upon the Minister is that Birmingham has a special traffic problem of its own which is quite distinct from that of any other large city in the country. There are many reasons, among them the history and structure of Birmingham.

The centre of the City of Birmingham, through which a great part of the traffic passes, is extremely small for the size of the city. I think it is smaller than the centre of Leeds and a fraction of the size of the centre of Manchester. The consequence is that an immense volume of traffic is congested in that small area. A one-way traffic system has been instituted in Birmingham—a rather remarkable system.

Whatever puzzles it may hold to the immigrant into Birming- ham, it keeps the Birmingham traffic moving and prevents what would otherwise have happened—the complete choking of the centre of the city.

Notwithstanding this or any other traffic system, if the volume of traffic continues to increase—and it will—the centre of Birmingham will be completely choked. In my view this scheme is an urgent scheme, and I want the Minister to bear that in mind. Birmingham is a great industrial city, as my hon. Friend the Member for Small Heath (Mr. F. Longden) has already mentioned. A very large number of the firms use road transport to transport their wares, and if there is congestion, involving loss of time and waste, it will be a serious matter not only for the city but also for the country. I want the Minister to recognise Birmingham's special problem and to give it special consideration.

Question put, and agreed to.

Adjourned accordingly at Half-past Ten o'Clock.