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Commons Chamber

Volume 490: debated on Thursday 19 July 1951

House of Commons

Thursday, July 19, 1951

The House met at Half past Two o'Clock

Prayers

[Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair ]

Private Business

FAVERSHAM NAVIGATION BILL [Lords]

LANCASHIRE COUNTY COUNCIL (GENERAL POWERS) BILL [Lords]

SUNDERLAND CORPORATION BILL [Lords]

Read the Third time, and passed, with Amendments.

Oral Answers to Questions

Questions

Tshekedi Khama (Bamangwato Kgotla)

asked the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations whether he will appoint an acting chief of the Bamangwato Tribe, so that the proposed kgotla to consider the question of the return of the Tshekedi Khama to his home as a private citizen may be called in conformity with native law and custom.

No, Sir. There is provision under the law of the Protectorate whereby, during such a vacancy as now exists, the Resident Commissioner may authorise any fit and proper person to assemble a kgotla. In calling the proposed kgotla due regard will, of course, be had to native law and custom.

Is not my right hon. Friend aware that, unless an acting chief is appointed in accordance with practice, anyone who acts as chief does so in a manner which renders him not amenable to the law of the Protectorate's courts? Is it not desirable that anyone who acts as chief should be amenable to those courts?

The Question put down by my hon. Friend concerned the need to do this so that a kgotla might be held; but a number of kgotlas have been held during the vacancy. There is a provision in the proclamation which has been used to enable kgotlas to be held.

As events in the Protectorate have so amply borne out the warnings which we received from our local administrator, would it not be as well to leave this matter alone and not to have further mischief before we have a report?

I suggest to hon. Members that we should not forget that there has been grave disorder in the tribe. There was one occasion when it was very difficult for the police to restore order without opening fire. It has been shown that things said and done in this House have consequences in the tribal area. I hope it will be agreed that we should be wise to be careful in what we say until the observers get there, which will be in a few days.

What is it that decides whether a man is a fit and proper person to act as chief in a kgotla like this? Is it not, for example, the purpose for which the kgotla is held?

When my right hon. Friend says that there has been grave disorder in the tribe, is it not the case that there was no disorder at all on the occasions when Seretse Khama and Tshekedi Khama visited the tribe, since all the trouble began?

asked the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations what representations have been received from Bamangwato tribesmen on the undesirability under the circumstances of holding a kgotla on the return of Tshekedi Khama; and what reply has been made to those representations.

Members of the Bamangwato Tribe held meetings at Serowe on 15th and 16th July, at which certain resolutions were passed. These resolutions were embodied in a document that was handed to the District Commissioner. The effect of these resolutions was that they regretted they would be unable to hold the kgotla that I announced in Parliament I would invite the tribe to hold to establish its attitude towards the return of Tshekedi Khama as a private individual.

The reasons given were that the tribe had repeatedly decided that Tshekedi could not return to the Bamangwato Reserve; that the kgotla could only be held if Seretse Khama were present; that Tshekedi and his followers who have moved with him to Rametsane were members of the Bakwena tribe and could not be allowed to attend a kgotla in the Bamangwato Reserve; and that in view of the recent disturbances the kgotla could not be held if Tshekedi and his followers attended except in the presence of an armed force.

The tribe, however, wished to invite the observers who are to be sent out, to stay as guests of the tribe for two or three weeks, when they would be able to visit different parts of the Reserve, meet the people and ascertain for themselves the real attitude of the tribe.

On 16th July—that is, the second day of these meetings—the Resident Commissioner told representatives from this meeting that they should await the arrival of the observers and hear what they had to say before deciding what their reply should be to the invitation to hold a further kgotla. He told them that no formal request had yet been received from me to hold the proposed kgotla. He told them that he therefore refused to accept the resolutions as their reply and counselled patience until the arrival of the observers.

In view of the fact that there is considerable reason to think that the kgotla will not be recognised as a kgotla unless Seretse Khama is present, will it be open to the observers to recommend that Seretse Khama should be allowed to be present?

I am not quite sure what it will be proper for the observers to recommend. Their main duty will be to report on the attitude of the tribe to the return of Tshekedi Khama and to attend a kgotla for that purpose.

Surely the right hon. Gentleman must know whether it would be proper for them to recommend it? Would it not be intolerable that they should not be allowed to do so?

It would, of course, be proper in the sense that they can make any recommendation that they wish.

In view of the rather equivocal answer of the right hon. Gentleman, would he consider publishing the instructions given to these observers, so that the House may know what they are?

The general instructions were made quite clear in the speech I made in the House during the recent debate, namely, that they are to attend a kgotla and to report on the attitude of the tribe to this one question of the return of Tshekedi Khama. I have not anticipated giving them any further written instructions than that.

Has my right hon. Friend considered giving any instructions, formal or informal, to the observers to consult the African Advisory Council in Bechuanaland, or any other similar people in authority in Bechuanaland, who might take a more objective view of what is the native law and custom than the interested parties of the Bamangwato Tribe?

It will not really be for me to give instructions in the strict sense of the word to the observers. I have already written and told them, and will tell them when I see them, that I hope they will see other people in the Bamangwato Protectorate, including neighbouring chiefs and elder men who know about native law and custom. Certainly, it would be quite proper for them to meet the Advisory Council if that were available.

Before the observers go, will the right hon. Gentleman make clear to them whether it is open to them to make this recommendation that Seretse Khama should go back? They would be in an intolerable position if they were sent out without knowing.

It will be open to them to make any recommendations they think proper to achieve the main purpose of their visit.

In fixing the date of this kgotla, is my right hon. Friend bearing in mind that our "kgotla" may be held in October as well?

Has my right hon. Friend received from the Bamangwato Tribe a request that Seretse Khama should go back, and will the three observers be empowered to recommend that both Seretse and Tshekedi should be allowed to go back?

Is not the position that Seretse is excluded by the decision of the Government, that Tshekedi is excluded by the decision of the tribe, that the function of the three observers is to report whether the decision of the tribe with regard to Tshekedi is a genuine one, and that they are confined, and should be confined, to that function?

asked the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations whether the three British representatives at the projected kgotla to consider the position of Tshekedi Khama, will be empowered to make a comprehensive inquiry respecting the various charges and counter-charges of those involved and into all the circumstances related to this matter.

No, Sir. As I explained when announcing to the House the names of the observers, they are going out in order to report on the tribe's attitude on the single question of Tshekedi Khama's return to the Reserve as a private individual.

In view of all the charges and counter-charges which have been made, does my right hon. Friend think that the observers can possibly come to a considered judgment unless all these matters are taken into consideration?

They are entitled to take all necessary matters into consideration.

In view of the insinuation implied in an earlier reply of the right hon. Gentleman, that there had been no disturbance until after the debate in the House, is he going to say, later, that there has been something mischievous in the disquiet in the House today?

In view of the difficulties in this area, would it not be better to cancel the proposed visit of the observers and to hold a judicial inquiry?

Is not my right hon. Friend aware of the contradiction in his answer just now? In the latter part of his answer he said that all matters are to be taken into consideration, which obviously includes the proposals and counter-proposals and the charges and counter-charges. Therefore, the first part of his answer, when he said that the representatives would not be entitled to consider those matters, contradicts the second part of his answer.

Since the proposal to send out observers obviously gives rise to difficulties, would the right hon. Gentleman say what is his objection to holding a proper judicial inquiry?

It is very difficult to go into all these matters now. They were fully dealt with by my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister and by myself in the main debate.

asked the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations if, in view of the prospect that a substantial number of the Bamangwato may refuse to co-operate in the forthcoming kgotla, he will now make possible the only solution acceptable to both the main sections of opinion in the tribe and authorise the return to the territory both of Seretse Khama and his wife and of Tshekedi Khama, at least for an experimental period.

No, Sir. The kgotla which I am to invite the tribe to hold is to determine the one question of the attitude of the tribe to Tshekedi's return to the Reserve as a private individual. My officials have on a number of occasions so informed tribal representatives.

Will my right hon. Friend now answer my supplementary to a previous Question directly, and not by an oblique dig at hon. Members who took part in the debate? Will he say whether it is not a fact that there were no disturbances at all when these two men were allowed to return to their tribe? Therefore, would not this be the best way of ensuring order?

The disturbances were not anything like as serious as those which have recently taken place. It would not be altogether true to say that there were no disturbances at the time, but they were not serious.

Surely the disturbances are due to the fact that Seretse and Tshekedi are excluded, and would not the right hon. Gentleman consider allowing them to return for an experimental period?

I do not wish to go into the whole question of the reasons in the White Paper; we ought to get on with the one matter which we have in hand, which is obviously the matter which concerned the House during the debate— namely, whether Tshekedi should return as a private individual. We have told the tribe that clearly, and it would be unwise to change it now.

In view of further possible disturbances, would my right hon. Friend extend the period of direct rule? The White Paper which was issued on the subject clearly outlined the possibility of these disputes and, in all the circumstances, would it not be better to continue with a period of direct rule on an extended basis?

It is the Government's intention to get rid of direct rule as quickly as possible, and it is true to say that progress towards that end has now been set back.

Would my right hon. Friend clear up one point? I understood twice from his replies that he inferred that disturbances among the Bamangwato Tribe had arisen through the debate we had in the House. What evidence has he of that?

Pakistan (Frontier Security)

asked the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations what were the terms of the message he has had from the Pakistan Government concerning the security of the Kashmir and Punjab frontier; and what answer he has returned.

The Pakistan Minister for Foreign Affairs and Commonwealth Relations has informed our Acting High Commissioner in Karachi verbally of certain movements of Indian forces which the Pakistan Government believe to have taken place. No other message has been received from the Pakistan Government, and the nature of the communication to the Acting High Commissioner was not such as would call for a specific reply. The United Kingdom Government are, of course, watching the situation closely, and our representatives in New Delhi and Karachi are in close touch with the Governments of India and Pakistan.

Is not all this unhappy situation linked up with the failure to reach a settlement over Kashmir, and will the right hon. Gentleman do all he can to reach a settlement as soon as possible?

I am, of course, aware of the need to do everything possible to reduce tension in this matter, but I would ask hon. Members not to press me too much at the moment on communications which might be passing between us and the Governments.

Trade and Commerce

U.S. Glassware (Imports)

asked the President of the Board of Trade what types of domestic glassware are being, imported into the United Kingdom from the United States of America; and what is their cost in dollars per annum.

Almost all the domestic glassware imported from the United States. comes under the token import heading of plain stemware, tumblers, tableware and heat-resisting glassware. The dollar equivalent of recorded imports in 1950 is 13,000 dollars. As the token import quota for 1951 was doubled, the figure for this year is expected to be higher.

Does the Minister consider that these token imports of American glassware are necessary? The number of dollars involved is not great. Is he aware that we can manufacture all these articles ourselves in this country and that we need spend no dollars on them?

The token import scheme brings goodwill, and that, in turn, gives us greater help in exporting our own goods.

Manufacturers' Prices

asked the President of the Board of Trade what is the result of his inquiry into the practice of some manufacturers of selling their products at prices ruling at the time of delivery rather than at a firm price; and what action he proposes to take to end this practice.

I recently asked a number of retailers' associations if they could give me any information about the extent to which manufacturers of clothing were selling their goods at prices ruling at the time of delivery rather than at a firm price. When I get all their replies, I will consider what action, if any, should be taken.

Is my hon. Friend aware that the Carpet Trade Federation make it a condition of membership that its members shall accept orders only subject to the ruling that the price shall be that of the date of delivery and not that of the date of the order? Will he look into this serious case of a price ring?

Resale Price Maintenance

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether, in connection with the proposals he now has under consideration for permitting traders to under-cut agreed fixed retail prices, he intends equally to put an end to schemes under which traders are forbidden to sell goods above particular fixed prices; and whether, in view of the present and increasing shortage of consumer goods, he will again review his policy in this matter with a view to ensuring that any action taken to promote competition and instability in the retail trade will not result in more prices being raised than reduced.

As was made clear in paragraph 20 of the recent White Paper on Resale Price Maintenance (Cmd. 8274), nothing proposed by the Government would prevent manufacturers from continuing to fix maximum resale prices. Moreover, the Government has statutory powers to impose maximum prices if necessary. We see no reason, therefore, to expect the results postulated by the hon. and gallant Member.

Is the Minister aware that this proposed disturbance of the existing price maintenance system has gravely alarmed the retail trade generally? Does he realise that if persisted in it will drive out of business many small traders?

Would it not be better to tackle this question of retail prices by a change of policy and to get rid of the ceiling on subsidies, so keeping prices within the present wage rates and avoiding runaway wage claims by trade unions?

asked the President of the Board of Trade if he will give an assurance that the Bill to implement the Government's policy with regard to resale price maintenance will be applicable to the nationalised industries as to other industries.

Do I understand that it will be quite legal for a travel agency to sell British railway tickets at cut prices or for a village postmistress to sell 13 penny stamps for a 1s. if she so desires?

No, Sir. Those things are not goods; they are services for which a charge is made.

British Cars (Canadian Duties)

asked the President of the Board of Trade what estimate he has made of the effect on British exports likely to result from the restoration by the Canadian Government of anti-dumping duties on imported motor cars.

I understand that, under present conditions, the withdrawal of the waiver of dumping duty on motor cars is unlikely to have any significant effect on the volume of our exports of cars to Canada.

Is it not a fact that the restoration of these anti-dumping duties was made principally to keep out imports from the United States but that, owing to the rule of non-discrimination, they have reacted against this country as well?

The Canadian Government have shown great goodwill to us in our export policy.

Sweden and Spain (Trade Talks)

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he will make a statement on the conclusion of the trade talks with Sweden and Spain.

As regards Sweden, the arrangements made last December for trade in the current year were reviewed with a Swedish Delegation in London in the first week of July. This review provided an opportunity for a helpful discussion of trade problems, but did not lead to any material alteration in the earlier arrangements. The Swedish delegation indicated that they had authorised exports of softwood in excess of the estimates made last December, and certain additional import facilities were arranged on both sides.

In the case of Spain, the recent discussions in Madrid cover the period for the second half of this year. Arrangements were made in regard to export licences for raw materials needed by the United Kingdom and the special attention of the Spanish authorities was again invited to the claims of certain traditional United Kingdom exports to Spain.

Empire Tobacco (Imports)

asked the President of the Board of Trade what quantity of tobacco he estimates will be imported from Empire countries during the season 1951–52; and how far it will be affected by the increased dollar allocation for United States tobacco.

We expect to import some 130 million lb. of unmanufactured tobacco from Commonwealth sources during the year ending 30th June, 1952. The amount is not affected by the increased dollar allocation for the purchase of unmanufactured tobacco from the United States.

Retail Prices (Increases)

asked the President of the Board of Trade if he will give a list showing the percentage rise in retail prices authorised by him during the past six months and indicating what percentage of the rise was due to increases in the cost of materials and what percentage was due to higher labour and other costs.

In the first six months of this year 62 orders were signed authorising an increase in maximum prices. These orders cover many thousands of items and a great number of commodities and it is not practicable to give any precise estimate of the percentage increase in maximum prices in each case, or of what percentage of the rise was due to increases in the cost of materials and what percentage was due to higher labour and other costs.

With the hon. Member's permission, I will circulate in the OFFICIAL REPORT a list of the orders, and a rough indication of the percentage increase in maximum prices in each case.

Could the hon. Gentleman say how many of these orders are still illegal until they have been indemnified?

Those that are will be put right on Monday night.

The list is divided into three parts; the first part shows which increases took account only of increases in raw material costs, the second which took account only of increases in labour and other costs, and the third which took account of increases in both raw material and labour and other costs. The figures cannot be more than rough approximations, because they have had to be averaged over many different items and, in some cases, different commodities.

THE STATUTORY INSTRUMENTS LISTED BELOW INCREASED MAXIMUM PRICES BY THE PERCENTAGES INDICATED IN COL. 4. THESE INCREASES TOOK ACCOUNT ONLY OF THE INCREASED COST OF MATERIALS.

TABLE 1

Operative Date

S.I. No.

Goods affected

Percentage increase in Maximum Retail Prices

(1)

(2)

(3)

(4)

1950

Textiles and Clothing

1.1.51

1929

Utility Woven Blankets

66⅔

1.1.51

2080

Men's and Boys' Cotton Utility Shirts, Underwear and Nightwear

4

8.1.51

2082

Some Women's and Maids' rayon, cotton and linen Utility Outerwear.

12½ average

12.1.51

2083

Most Infants' and Girls' Utility Heavy Outerwear

15 average

1.2.51

2086

Wool and Animal fibre Utility Apparel Cloths

30 to 40

4.1.51

2109

Utility Oilskins

3½ to 6

1951

15.1.51

18

Utility Gloves

3 to 17

12.1.51

19

Women's and Maids' Knitted rayon Utility Underwear and Night-wear.

4 to 12

29.1.51

81

Utility knitted cotton cloth and astrakhan stockinette

9 to 14

Utility children's bodices and gaiter overalls

13

29.1.51

82

Men's and Boys' Knitted Rayon Utility Shirts

3½ to 10

Underwear and Nightwear

12.2.51

167

Most Utility Waterproofs

6 to 12

19.2.51

212

Infants' and Girls' knitted rayon Utility Underwear and Nightwear

12 average

19.2.51

213

Women's cotton Utility Domestic Overalls and Aprons

9 to 25

26.2.51

249

Utility Cotton Simplex and Duplex Cloth

18

Utility Knitted Rayon Cloth

5 to 11

26.2.51

250

Women's and Maids' Cotton Utility Underwear and Nightwear

16 to 18

26.2.51

253

Some Women's and Maids' Utility Outerwear

10

5.3.51

297

Nurses' Cotton Utility Uniforms

12 to 25

5.3.51

298

Utility Gaberdine Raincoats, Wool and Animal Fibre

2 average

Utility Gaberdine Raincoats Cotton

8 to 12

5.3.51

303

Utility Pram Rugs

22 to 30

14.3.51

376

Utility Industrial Overalls and Merchant Navy Uniforms

5 to 21

2.4.51

395

Utility Knitted Cotton Cloth

4

Utility Astrakhan Stockinette

15

Utility Silk and Rayon mixture, and Rayon Hose

9 to 13

19.3.51

398

Men's, Youths' and Boys' Cotton Utility Outerwear (see also Table II)

9 to 12

19.3.51

399

Utility Braces

17½ to 27

19.3.51

400

Men's and Boys' Utility Shirts, Underwear and Nightwear, Cotton

15 average

Men's and Boys' Utility Shirts, Underwear and Nightwear, Wool and Animal fibre.

25 average

19.3.51

401

Utility Corsets

5 to 30

16.4.51

585

Utility Handkerchiefs

3 to 10

15.5.51

586

Women's and Maids' Rayon Utility Outerwear (see also Table 11)

10

10.4.51

600

Some Men's and Boys' Cotton Utility Shirts, Underwear and Nightwear.

2 to 5

3.5.51

766

Men's and Boys' Knitted Rayon Utility Shirts. Underwear and Nightwear.

4 to 8

15.5.51

810

Some Women's and Maids' Cotton Utility Outerwear

7½ to 15

21.5.51

842

Some Utility Corsets

3 to 6

22.5.51

863

Women's and Maids' Knitted Rayon Utility Underwear and Nightwear.

6 to 8

Some Women's and Maids' Cotton Utility Underwear and Night-wear.

7½ to 15

31.5.51

893

Utility Woven Blankets

11

28.5.51

894

Women's Rayon Utility Domestic Overalls and Aprons

8 to 10

Some Women's Cotton Utility Domestic Overalls and Aprons

2½ to 5

30.5.51

900

Most Infants' and Girls' Utility Light Outerwear

11 to 20

11.6.51

985

Most Infants' and Girls' Utility Underwear and Nightwear

40 average

25.6.51

1055

Some Men's and Boys' Rayon Utility Shirts, Underwear and Nightwear (see also Table II).

22 to 35

Operative Date

S.I. No.

Goods affected

Percentage increase in Maximum Retail Prices

(1)

(2)

(3)

(4)

1951 (cont.)

Furniture and Furnishings

29.1.51

86

Utility soft mattresses

17½ to 60

Utility spring interior mattresses

15 to 27½

Utility pillows and bolsters

Approx. 25

29.1.51

88

Utility feather and down quilts

20

Utility wadded quilts

25

Utility Kapok quilts

15

19.2.51

205

Most upholstered Utility furniture

10 to 25

Dining chairs

2½ to 5

5.3.51

312

Carpets

18 average

7.5.51

750

Utility Stools

11.5.51

788

Linoleum

6 to 10½

Other Goods

12.2.51

166

Sewing Cottons and Threads

10 average

19.3.51

421

Galvanised Hollow-ware

Tinned Steel Hollow-ware

19

THE STATUTORY INSTRUMENTS LISTED BELOW INCREASED MAXIMUM RETAIL PRICES BY THE PERCENTAGES INDICATED IN COL. 4. THESE INCREASES DID NOT TAKE ACCOUNT OF ANY INCREASES IN THE COST OF MATERIALS, THE INCREASES BEING DUE TO HIGHER LABOUR AND OTHER COSTS.

TABLE II

Operative Date

S.I. No.

Goods affected

Percentage increase in Maximum Retail Prices

(1)

(2)

(3)

(4)

Textiles and Clothing

19.3.51

398

Men's and Youths' and Boys' Utility Outerwear made from cheaper wool and animal fibre cloths.

6 to 28.

1.5.51

661

Rayon Hose

2 average

4.5.51

731

Cotton Utility Gaberdine Raincoats (see also Table III)

2 average

25.6.51

1055

Most Men's and Boys' Utility Shirts, Underwear and Nightwear

1½ average

THE STATUTORY INSTRUMENTS LISTED BELOW INCREASED MAXIMUM RETAIL PRICES BY THE PERCENTAGES INDICATED IN COL. 4. THESE INCREASES TOOK ACCOUNT OF INCREASED COSTS OF MATERIALS AND INCREASED LABOUR AND OTHER COSTS AS INDICATED IN COLS. 5 AND 6.

TABLE III

Operative Date

S.I. No.

Goods affected

Percentage Increase in Maximum Retail Prices

Percentage Increase in Cost Materials

Percentage Increase in Labour and Other Costs

(1)

(2)

(3)

(4)

(5)

(6)

1951

Textiles and Clothing

15.1.51

6

Rayon Utility Apparel Cloths

12½ *

15.5.51

586

Women's and Maids' Wool and Animal Fibre Utility Outerwear.

23

30 to 40

12½

4.5.51

731

Wool and Animal Fibre Utility Gaberdine Raincoats.

20 average

40

12½

23.5.51

872

Men's, Youths' and Boys' Utility Outerwear.

Up to 28

30 to 40

12½

23.4.51

650

Cotton, Cotton Mixture and Linen Utility Apparel Cloths.

2½ to 15

Operative Date

S.I. No.

Goods affected

Percentage Increase in Maximum Retail Prices

Percentage Increase in Cost Materials

Percentage Increase in Labour and Other Costs

(1)

(2)

(3)

(4)

(5)

(6)

1951 (cont.) (cont.)

Textiles and Clothing—cont.

23.4.51

651

Utility Household Textiles

3½ to 15 *

27.4.51

682

Warp Lace

9 to 38

50 to 70

2

1.5.51

661

Knitted Cotton garments

10

10

4

Knitted Woollen garments

20

20

4

22.5.51

851

Utility Woven Rayon Apparel Cloths

3½ to 6½ *

11.6.51

984

Infants' and Girls' Utility Heavy Outerwear.

20 to 30

30 to 40

12½

25.6.51

1057

Utility Upholstery Cloth

10 to 20 *

25.6.51

1058

Utility Curtain Cloth

17 average *

25.6.51

1059

Utility Handkerchiefs

1 to 8½ *

Furniture and Furnishings

4.6.51

940

Non-upholstered utility furniture (except wood and metal-framed mattresses).

7½ to 15

40

10

Wood and metal-framed mattresses

5 to 40

40

10

Other Goods

18.5.51

846

Perambulators

12½

23

14.2.51

206

Candles

21

42

31.5.51

924

Candles

20

* In these cases the variations between cloths are so wide that it is impracticable to differentiate between material costs and labour and other costs.In these cases the variations between cloths are so wide that it is impracticable to differentiate between material costs and labour and other costs.

Fruit and Vegetables (Import Duties)

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether, in view of the fact that the proposals for higher tariffs on fruit and vegetables, submitted to his Department by the National Farmers' Union, would increase the cost of living, he will give an assurance that the House will have an opportunity of discussing the matter before any administrative action is taken.

Orders made under the Import Duties Act, 1932, imposing or increasing Customs duties, cease to have effect unless, within a period of 28 days from the date on which they are made, they have been approved by Resolutions passed by the House. There is already provision, therefore, for discussion by the House of any increase in duties chargeable under that Act.

Is it not a fact that if the proposals of the National Farmers' Union for doubling the present tariffs on imported fruit and vegetables come into operation, it will mean a very serious additional burden to housewives who are already faced with a difficult situation? In view of this, will my right hon. Friend give an assurance that the arguments for and against these proposals will be published before any S.R. & O. is introduced by his Department?

I am sure that my hon. Friend would not wish me to prejudge the discussions which are going on.

In view of the fact that, quite apart from the increased cost of living which will result, this suggestion is in flat contradiction to the agreement which has already been signed by His Majesty's Government on the reduction of tariffs, as recently as the conference at Torquay, would it not be better for the whole merits of this case to be discussed, as many people on this side of the House, at least, are greatly concerned about this increase?

I thought I had made it clear that these matters can be discussed in due course.

To protect both the consumer and the producer, will the Minister consider whether it would be wise to devise a scheme of ad valorem duty in reverse? When dumping takes place the tax could be high and when shortage occurs it could be removed altogether.

Will the Minister bear in mind that if very heavy losses continue upon those engaged in horticulture the ultimate scarcity of vegetables will lead to very much greater costs for the consumer?

Is it not a fact that when these tariffs were introduced in 1932 the case for them was not presented to the House until and at the same time as the order was actually laid? In view of the importance of this matter would it not be only courteous to the House to see that the proposals are published and that the House can discuss them before the order is made?

Far Eastern Private Chattels Scheme

asked the President of the Board of Trade why members of the Colonial Service, who suffered internment and financial loss at the hands of the Japanese and who are not now resident in the United Kingdom, are not eligible for compensation under the Extended Far Eastern Private Chattels Scheme.

The Scheme to which the hon. Member refers is not one of compensation, but is intended to provide limited assistance in rehabilitation to those United Kingdom British subjects who return to live in the United Kingdom. In this respect there is no difference in the treatment of members of the Colonial Service and other United Kingdom British subjects.

Does not the hon. Gentleman's answer disclose a twisted logic? These men have suffered as a result of their service to the Crown. What does it matter where they came from or where they are now living? Could not the Government be a little less mean and a little more generous to those who suffered as a result of their service?

The Government are responsible for subjects in this country.

The Colonial Governments are responsible for those who live under their jurisdiction.

asked the President of the Board of Trade the total number and aggregate amount of claims for compensation submitted to his Department under the Far Eastern War Damage and private chattels schemes; and the total number and aggregate amount of such claims so far paid out.

Up to 14th July, 5,381 applications had been received under the Extended Far Eastern Private Chattels Scheme covering estimated losses of approximately £5,250,000. At the same date, 4,278 of these applications had been approved for an aggregate sum which, under the limitations of the Scheme, amounted to £1,354,395.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the war against Japan has been over for five years? Can he tell the House why there has been this inordinate delay in settling these claims?

These claims are very complicated. They all ought to be dealt with fairly, but there are many of them and we are dealing with them as expeditiously as possible.

Australian Wool Prices

asked the President of the Board of Trade what was the price of wool in Australian markets as at August, 1950, September, 1950, and June, 1951; and when it is likely that the fall will be reflected in maximum permitted prices in this country.

Owing to the wide variety in type and quality there can be no single price for wool in Australian or any other markets. The average price of a typical quality, say 56's, in July, 1950, was 90d. per lb., in September, 1950, 148d. per lb. and in June, 1951, 135d. per lb. I cannot say precisely when the fall in wool prices will be reflected in the maximum prices for finished goods, but it will obviously vary from item to item.

As that answer is very indecisive, could I put it this way to my hon. Friend? When would he advise his wife to renew her household blankets?

I can hardly answer personal questions, but I have already indicated, on behalf of the Department, that we should like to see prices beginning to fall towards the end of the year.

Can my hon. Friend now advise housewives to put up a good stiff consumers' resistance until they do fall?

Household Textiles (Prices)

asked the President of the Board of Trade how far permitted retail prices of sheets, pillow-slips, table covers, etc., have been increased as a result of increased prices in world markets; how far world prices have now fallen; and how soon he proposes to reduce his maximum permitted prices.

As there is an interval between the time when manufacturers' maximum prices are raised and the time when the dearer goods appear in the shops, I am answering the Question in terms of manufacturers' prices. The increases in manufacturers' maximum prices for utility cotton household textiles which came into operation on 5th July took account of increases in the cost of raw cotton up to the middle of May, and also of wage increases in the cotton industry.

As the hon. Member for Cheadle (Mr. Shepherd) was informed on Tuesday last, we are hoping that the recent fall in the price of raw cotton will enable us to reduce manufacturers' maximum prices for these utility cotton goods in the early autumn.

Can I take it, then, that housewives should be advised to buy nothing whatever until the early autumn, when these prices are likely to fall?

Would the hon. Gentleman advise the hon. Lady to join in the debates on the Prayers on these subjects occasionally?

U.K. Piece Goods (South African Duties)

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that, in addition to the 5 per cent. ad valorem duty on piece goods imported by South Africa, the South African Board of Trade has recently recommended that a further suspended duty of 20 per cent. be imposed; and what representations he is making to the Government of South Africa in the matter.

I am aware of the recommendations of the South African Board of Trade and Industry, and of the subsequent legislation which has established certain suspended duties. The United Kingdom Senior Trade Commissioner has approached the South African authorities, and I understand that the procedure normally followed will allow for the submission of evidence by United Kingdom interests before such duties are brought into force.

War Damage Claims (Business Chattels)

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether arrangements can now be made to meet the various claims still outstanding on business chattels under the War Damage Act. 1943, Part II.

I regret that I am not able to name a date for the general payment of these claims. In the meantime, claims are being paid in whole or in part where the Board of Trade are satisfied that the replacement or repair of the goods is expedient in the public interest or that payment is necessary to avoid undue hardship.

Will the hon. Gentleman bear in mind that the general public were induced by the Treasury to insure under this Act and that it is 10 years ago since some of these premiums were collected? Is it not dishonest on the part of the Government not to have paid all these claims in full by now?

Does not the shabby treatment meted out to those who insured under this scheme show how fortunate the country was in that the Government dropped their proposal to nationalise life insurance?

Does the hon. Gentleman know of any insurance company that would bilk on its claims for eight years?

Handwoven Tweed

asked the President of the Board of Trade if he can give an estimate of the amount of handwoven tweed produced in Scotland, Northern Ireland, England and Wales, respectively, in 1950, or in 12 months up to any more recent date.

I regret that the information on which such an estimate could be based is not available.

asked the President of the Board of Trade how much utility cloth has been produced in the Isle of Lewis in 12 months to the most recent convenient date; and the names of the producers.

Is my hon. Friend aware that the production of handwoven tweed is so negligible for the United Kingdom as a whole—I am taking the United Kingdom as a whole and including Northern Ireland—that figures can be made available only for the Western Isles and the Shetlands? In view of the fact that from 90 per cent. to 95 per cent. of hand-woven production is from that area, will he make representations to the Treasury to try to assist the industry to escape from the excessive Purchase Tax of 66⅔ per cent., which is killing the industry?

Hearing Aid Batteries

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that the increased price of electric batteries for hearing aids is causing hardship to deaf people in the lower income groups; and what steps he is taking, in conjunction with the Minister of Health, to prevent a further rise in the cost of batteries or to make them available at a reasonable price under the National Health Service.

I am not aware of any increase in the prices of high-tension batteries, which are the more expensive of the two types of battery required. They are subject to an undertaking by the principal manufacturers not to put up their prices without first consulting the Central Price Regulation Committee. This undertaking also covers low-tension batteries specifically designed for use in hearing aids, and the Central Committee have been notified of increases in the price of two makes. In one case, an investigation has shown the increased prices to be fully justified; and in the other case, the investigation is not yet complete. The battery service for National Health Service hearing aids is entirely free.

Is it not a fact that the price of one of these batteries—I do not know whether it was a high-tension or low-tension battery—was recently increased from 4d. to 9d.? Does not that represent a rather serious rise in price for those in the lower income groups?

I am not sure whether the hon. Gentleman refers to the second make or not, but in the case of the first one, I am assured that the increase was justified. An inquiry is going on about the second.

Is it not correct to say that deaf people would be wise to use the Medresco hearing aid provided by the Government?

Export and Import Trade

asked the President of the Board of Trade the export and import figures for the first six months of 1951, expressed as a percentage of the volume of export and import figures for the first six months of 1950.

I am only able to give rough provisional estimates of the volume of trade in the first half of this year. The volume of exports was about 6 per cent. higher than in the first half of 1950, and the volume of imports about 10 per cent. higher.

Civil Defence

Industrial and Commercial Premises

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he is yet in a position to report on the response which has been given to Civil Defence Industrial Bulletin No. 1 by owners and occupiers of industrial and commercial premises; and whether he is satisfied with the progress so far made.

It is too early to form any reliable view of the response of industry and commerce.

In view of the very important bearing which these industrial Civil Defence schemes have on recruitment for local authority schemes will the hon. Gentleman assure the House that this matter is being carefully watched? Persons who have been trained in industrial schemes in the areas in which they live—not necessarily where they work—would be of great value if they were fitted into their local authority scheme. Will he encourage close co-operation between the local authorities and industry in this matter?

Yes, it is most important to encourage that co-operation, and it is very important that this Bulletin should be acted on by industry.

In view of the fact that there was considerable delay in producing this circular, and a considerable demand for it for some time, will the hon. Gentleman do everything possible to stimulate action now?

The point at issue here is whether we can give information on how far this has gone. I could not do that without taking Departmental people off productive work in the regions. We are, of course, watching the position.

Is the hon. Gentleman satisfied that there is proper co-operation between the local authorities and industry in Civil Defence schemes?

Staff College (Expansion)

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department how far the present Civil Defence Staff College is large enough to meet present requirements; and what plans he has for its extension.

The demand for staff courses is increasing and it has been decided to expand the college to take 70 students per course instead of the present 45.

Can the hon. Gentleman say whether the extra students will be required to have had experience of Civil Defence in the last war, or will they be people who may possibly have new and valuable ideas?

Both types are very valuable at the college and will be welcome there, because the purpose of this college is to discuss the broad, stategic conception of Civil Defence in the future.

Will these extra students result in a reduction in the cost per student, which is exceptionally high?

It will result in some reduction. I cannot accept the statement that the cost is exceptionally high.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the excellent work of the Civil Defence Staff College is widely appreciated by local authorities?

Will my hon. Friend consider the advisability of establishing an intermediary type of school between the college and the general training schools?

We have been considering that for some time, and we shall shortly be opening a tactical school which will fulfil that task.

Foreign-Born Women (Entry Visas)

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he will introduce legislation to enable him to prevent foreign-born women gaining entry to this country to take up prostitution in London as the result of marriages of convenience.

No, Sir. According to my information the extent of the mischief is not on such a scale as to justify me in seeking powers to prevent the entry of British subjects to this country.

Has the right hon. Gentleman's attention been drawn to an important series of newspaper articles by the same people who helped to break up the Messina gang? Is not their advice worth taking?

I have read those somewhat lurid articles referred to. Let me point out that the action that was taken with regard to the persons the hon. Gentleman mentions had no connection with the articles at all.

Parking, Westminster

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether his attention has been drawn to the obstruction caused in Tothill Street, Westminster, on the morning of Wednesday 11th July, by the continued parking of a number of buses belonging to London Transport adjacent to signs, bearing the words, Festival of Britain, No Waiting; and whether special permission was granted to these buses to park in this manner.

I am informed that on the day in question the Commissioner of Police granted a number of exemptions from the general restrictions on coach traffic imposed by the regulations made by him under the Public Works (Festival of Britain) Act, 1949, with the object of enabling visitors to the International Advertising Conference to be brought to and from the Central Hall, Westminster. These exemptions authorised coaches provided for the purpose by the London Transport Executive to set down and take up visitors to the Conference in a short stretch of Tothill Street. The Commissioner informs me that the arrangements were carried out with little difficulty or inconvenience to the general public.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that, in addition to four coaches adjoining Central Hall, at one time there were six others further along the street which were lined up with vehicles already parked? Is he aware that the information supplied to him by the Commissioner is in complete conflict with what I myself saw? What report has the right hon. Gentleman had from Rochester Row Police Station as a result of the complaint I made?

I have taken the matter up with the Commissioner of Police. I do not dispute that the hon. Gentleman may have seen some things at a particular moment and I am quite wililng to go into the matter if he will let me have the details.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say what report he received from Rochester Row Police Station as a result of the complaint I made?

Taxicabs, London (Fare Increases)

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department what complaints he has received from drivers of taxicabs over the new charges now permitted for London taxicabs.

Does the right hon. Gentleman not realise that the present high fares being charged will ruin the taxi business; and does he further realise that drivers are now handing in less money than they were before the fares went up?

The deputation that I saw from the trade assured me that unless the fares were put up higher than the figure to which I finally agreed the trade would be ruined.

Is it not a fact that the London taxicab costs in the neighbourhood of £1,200, and will my right hon. Friend consider licensing smaller and cheaper cabs to operate at a lower rate?

That is going much wider than the original Question, which only asked how many complaints had been received.

Police

Identity Cards (Inspection)

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether revised instructions have been issued to the Metropolitan Police regarding the inspection of identity cards.

I would refer my hon. and gallant Friend to the answer given to the hon. and gallant Member for Stockport, North (Wing Commander Hulbert) on 2nd July.

As that answer begs a number of very important issues, and as this new police order has been issued after consultation with the Home Secretary, will my right hon. Friend publish the full text of this order for the guidance of the courts and the general public, so that we know exactly what instructions have been issued to the police on this matter?

Instructions issued to the police are not the matters that will be before the court. The law will be the matter that the court has to consider.

As the Home Secretary said in his original answer to the hon. and gallant Member for Stock-port, North (Wing Commander Hulbert) that the Commissioner of Police had issued a police order after consultation with him, will he, in those circumstances, being responsible to this House for this order, publish the text of the order for the benefit of hon. Members and of the general public?

I am not responsible for the order, but I will consider whether it should be published in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

Surely members of the public are entitled to know whether or not they should carry identity cards.

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department what replies have been received to his invitation, addressed to chief officers of police, to review their procedure with regard to the production of identity cards.

The letter addressed to chief officers of police did not call for a reply, but my information is that it was not the practice of the provincial police to call for the production of identity cards in traffic cases generally even before the recent judgment.

There being no obligation upon police chiefs outside London to take any notice of anything the Home Secretary has to say on this matter, is it not the fact that at present the House has no powers whatsoever to ensure uniformity of practice on the part of police authorities with regard to the production of identity cards?

The powers of the House to deal with chief officers of police, and my own powers, are defined in law and are not peculiar to this issue. May I say that I should regard it as very undesirable that the Secretary of State should be in a position to issue orders to chief officers of police.

Pay and Conditions (Inquiry)

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department the result of his negotiations with the Association of Municipal Corporations Police Committee in regard to the pay and conditions of the police force.

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department what arrangements he now intends to make to discuss wages and conditions in the police forces, in view of the fact that the Association of Municipal Corporations Police Committee refuse to be part of the negotiating panel and that this refusal is causing concern and unrest in the police service; and if he will give an assurance that such steps as he intends to take will be implemented before 3rd August, 1951.

I have called a meeting of the Police Council of England and Wales for Tuesday next, 24th July, to consider the pay claims submitted by the Police Federation. In order to provide for an impartial and independent adjudication on these claims in the event of disagreement—a provision which I regard as essential—I asked my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister to nominate three independent persons, one of whom I would appoint to be the Chairman of the meeting of the Police Council and the others to assist him as assessors. My right hon. Friend nominated Sir Malcolm Trustram Eve, whom I have appointed as Chairman, and Lord Crook and Sir Alexander Gray, whom I have appointed as the two assessors.

If agreement on new pay scales for the federated ranks is reached at the meeting of the Police Council effect will be given to it immediately by regulations under the Police Act, 1919. If agreement is not reached the Chairman, assisted by his two colleagues, will, after a meeting of the Scottish Police Council on a similar basis has been held, make recommendations to my right hon.

Friend the Secretary of State for Scotland and myself. These recommendations will be embodied in draft police regulations which will immediately be laid before the Police Councils with a view to their taking effect at the earliest possible date.

In view of the very serious recruitment position for the Metropolitan Police, can the right hon. Gentleman give an undertaking that any consideration which he thinks desirable by way of improving the conditions in the Metropolitan Police will not be held up while the position of police generally in the provincial police forces, who are not controlled by this House, is under consideration; in other words, that the matter will be considered on its own?

This is a general pay claim on behalf of the police forces of England and Wales as a whole; and I understand that my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Scotland has received representations on somewhat similar lines from the Scottish police forces. I am quite certain that the question of pay has to be dealt with on a national basis, and my own view is that conditions should also be dealt with on a national basis.

May we take it from that that, in addition to this inquiry on the subject of pay, the Home Secretary, in association with all the other police authorities in the country, will do whatever he can to improve conditions with a view to improving police recruitment, which is so badly wanted throughout the country?

I am anxious to do all I can to improve the prospects of recruiting. As I told the House last week, I am certain that conditions have a great deal to do with that, and I am anxious to remove any irksome conditions that can be justifiably removed.

Surely the Metropolitan Police have always been in a different position from that of police forces outside London. All I ask the right hon. Gentleman is whether he will consider improving their conditions irrespective of what happens elsewhere. The situation in London is far more grave than elsewhere; there is a greater lack of police in London than anywhere else. It is a most serious situation.

I agree with the noble Lord that the situation in the Metropolis is serious, but so it is in certain other large centres. Since the days of the Desborough Committee the police have regarded it as one of the essentials with regard to their service that these matters should be considered on a national basis.

Will the terms of reference cover looking at pensions paid to relatives of policemen who lose their lives in the performance of their duty?

No, this Council will not be concerned with that; but that is a matter which I have under my urgent consideration, separately.

South Bank Exhibition (Cab Ranks)

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he is aware that the taxicab ranks for the Festival of Britain are very unsatisfactory, and that they are some distance from the entrances and cannot be seen by people leaving the Exhibition; and whether he will cause inquiries to be made with a view to the provision of more satisfactory and convenient facilities.

I understand from the Commissioner of Police that, owing to traffic considerations, it has not been possible to arrange that the special cab ranks are within sight of the exits from the Exhibition, but additional notices are being erected inside and outside the Exhibition to draw the attention of visitors to the nearest ranks.

In view of the fact that the taxi drivers who are mainly concerned have recently asked for an opportunity to discuss with the Police Commissioner the making of more practical arrangements, will my right hon. Friend try to get the discussions going?

I will certainly draw the attention of the Commissioner to my hon. Friend's question.

Local Authority Building Programmes

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department if he will ensure that local authorities are given full details of buildings proposed to be built by his Department in their respective areas in sufficient time to enable the programmes of work to be prepared without undue wastage of expenditure and to prevent the present wasteful overlapping of two separate staffs.

I presume that the hon. and gallant Member is referring to a cut which had to be made in the building programme of the Middlesex County Council for the present financial year because of the demands of the defence programme.

The overlapping of work done by Government and local authority staffs is one of the questions which has been considered by the Local Government Manpower Committee and will, I understand, be dealt with by them in a report to be published in the autumn. My Department has already implemented the recommendations which were made in the Committee's first Report.

Will the right hon. Gentleman say how many local authorities have made representations on this matter, and whether he has received the recommendations of the Middlesex County Council?

I met representatives of the Middlesex County Council on one matter but I cannot give, without notice, the number of other authorities who have made representations to me.

Agriculture

Poultry Feedingstuffs

asked the Minister of Agriculture to what extent farmers and poultry keepers are not taking up the feedingstuff rations allowed to poultry since the rise in the price of feedingstuffs.

I have no evidence to support the suggestion in the Question.

Allotment Holders, Leeds (Dispossession)

asked the Minister of Agriculture whether he is aware that the Leeds Corporation and the private owners of the land propose to dispossess the allotment-holders of 3 acres of a 5¼acre plot at Haleys Field, Bramley, and to offer them 2¼ acres of rough uncultivated ground in exchange; whether he is satisfied that this is in the public interest; and what steps he proposes to take to safeguard those who have cultivated these plots since 1919.

I am aware of these proposals, but I cannot prevent the disturbance of the allotment holders, because the land is privately owned and is not protected by the Allotments Acts. I have, however, asked the corporation to level, and to prepare for cultivation, the site of about 2½ acres that has been offered in exchange. This will be enough for most of the present holders, and plots on permanent allotment land about half a mile away will probably be available for the rest.

Is the Minister aware that this has been allotment land since 1919 and that it was proposed to include it in the town planning scheme for permanent allotments? Can we have an assurance that people who have tilled their land for so long will not be capriciously removed by local authorities?

My hon. Friend will be aware that we passed an Act quite recently which was designed to give allotment holders slightly more security of tenure than hitherto, but I agree with him that it is unpleasant for allotment holders to be disturbed in this matter, if it can possibly be avoided. We are always trying to influence local authorities to provide permanent allotments.

Toxic Chemicals (Use)

asked the Minister of Agriculture whether he has considered the opinion of the Working Party on Toxic Chemicals in Agriculture that, despite the risk to human life, the use of these weed-killers and insecticides should continue; what is the policy of his Department in this connection; and what action he is taking to implement the working-party's recommendations.

As I indicated in reply to my hon. Friend the Member for Norfolk, North (Mr. Gooch), on 22nd February, I think that the working party's analysis of this problem is sound; and, in consultation with my Department, the organisations concerned have recommended to their members measures for this season on the lines proposed by the working party. The working party's recommendations that certain of their proposals should be reinforced by legislation is under consideration.

Is the Minister sure that the action he proposes to take will prevent a recurrence of tragic and fatal accidents such as occurred in the North Riding of Yorkshire, when two workers lost their lives? Is he satisfied that the recommendations of the working party are widely known throughout the countryside?

Yes, Sir. I think that if the protective clothing, etc., is worn and the other rules and regulations are faithfully observed, the danger would be almost wholly removed.

Is the Minister aware that there is a good deal of anxiety about this matter on account of the loss of life, on the one hand, and the need to use these chemicals, on the other? Will he see that the position is firmly and clearly dealt with so that farmers may know to what extent they can safely use these chemicals?

The Parliamentary Secretary made a statement last evening on this matter, and the question of legislation is now under active consideration.

Is the right hon. Gentleman not aware that the mere fact that these poisons are being thrown about the countryside indicates that something is very far from right, and that the matter is being tackled from the wrong end? What should be borne in mind is that it is the soil that produces the pests, and which should be dealt with; not poison scattered on after the pests have arrived.

Milk Supply

asked the Minister of Agriculture whether he will give some explanation to account for the decrease during the first five months of 1951 of the milk supply by 60,000,000 gallons, as compared with the corresponding five months of the previous year.

The decrease in milk production during the period mentioned may be attributed to the bad weather during the winter and spring, and to the shortage of fodder in some areas.

Are we to understand that the right hon. Gentleman attributes this entirely to the bad weather? Would he explain why he said yesterday that he was not concerned about the maintenance of milk production? Does he not realise that we shall have rationing of milk during the coming winter? May I have a reply? [HON. MEMBERS: "Answer."] As the Minister has made no attempt to answer my supplementary question, would he show some common sense about a matter which affects the whole country? I vigorously protest.

Egg Production

asked the Minister of Agriculture what steps he is taking to encourage an increase in the production of eggs in this country.

The range of seasonal prices paid to producers, particulars of which have already been announced, is designed to encourage an increase in egg production during the autumn and winter months when additional supplies are most required.

In view of the failure of the Minister of Food to provide eggs off the ration this year, will not the right hon. Gentleman take steps to increase the total production of eggs in this country and not merely the production in certain seasons of the year?

I have already informed the House that for the year ending March, 1951, we produced 1,000 million eggs more than in the previous year, and that during the spring months of 1950 prices had to be reduced twice in order to sell the eggs which were available to the people.

Does it follow, then, that the right hon. Gentleman is content that eggs should remain on the ration the whole year?

Fishing Industry (Subsidy)

asked the Minister of Agriculture how much has been paid in the form of subsidy to the fishing industry since the introduction of the scheme in April, 1950; and how these disbursements have been allocated to the principal near-fishing ports.

As the reply contains a table of figures I will, with permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

In view of my right hon. Friend's Written answer last week about the modification of the terms on which the subsidy is to be paid, will he tell the House what those terms are?

The slight modifications in the subsidy scheme were purely administrative.

In view of increased operating costs, would my right hon. Friend consider treating very sympathetically, any claim for an increase of the subsidy for

Port

Amount paid

For Near and Middle Water Voyages

To Inshore Fishermen

Total

ENGLAND AND WALES—

£

£

£

Brixham and Plymouth

21,988

14,697

36,685

Cardiff

5,455

5,455

Fleetwood

61,263

4,232

65,495

Grimsby

155,466

22,508

177,974

Lowestoft and Yarmouth

97,266

164

97,430

Milford Haven

79,722

8

79,730

Newlyn

6,060

13,719

19,779

North Shields

35,217

3,517

38,734

Swansea

6,127

1,767

7,894

Other ports

17,653

83,431

101,084

TOTAL, England and Wales

…£

486,217

144,043

630,260

SCOTLAND—

Aberdeen

194,626

15,766

210,392

Fraserburgh

9,501

14,840

24,341

Granton, Newhaven and Leigh

18,370

6,175

24,545

Peterhead

4,488

8,953

13,441

Other ports

16,958

150,907

167,865

TOTAL, Scotland

…£

243,943

196,641

440,584

TOTAL, Great Britain (to 31st May, 1951)

…£

730,160

340,684

1,070,844

Childbirth (Analgesia)

asked the Minister of Health in which local health authority areas in England and Wales it is proposed to start trials for the use of the new trilene machine by domiciliary midwives.

vessels which can prove that unless they get the subsidy they will have to work at a loss?

I think that when my hon. Friend sees the figures he will find that we have been fairly generous throughout the period of the subsidy payment.

Following is the reply:

The amount paid in respect of subsidy during the 11 months from 31st July, 1950, the date on which the subsidy was introduced, to 30th June, 1951, was £1,282,687, of which £882,672 was paid to the near and middle water sections and £400,015 to inshore fishermen, including £16,374 paid to inshore fishermen in Northern Ireland. Complete figures for this period are not yet available in respect of all the individual ports, but the following are the figures up to 31st May for the principal near and middle water fishing ports in Great Britain:

The areas have not yet been determined; they will be selected by a joint sub-committee representing the Medical Research Council and the Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists under whose control the trials are to be carried out.

While appreciating the right hon. Gentleman's desire to press on with this matter, may I ask if he appreciates that it has been under consideration for two years? Is it not time that the local health authorities in whose areas these trials are to take place were notified, so that separate preparations may be made?

We know that it has been under consideration for a long time, but we have not yet received an adequate supply of prototype machines.

Has my right hon. Friend had entirely satisfactory replies to his inquiries as to the safety of trilene when used by midwives?

It is because this is not yet clear that further trials are to take place.

Egypt (Sterling Balances)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he will prevent the release to Egypt of further drawings on the sterling balances until satisfactory reparation and assurances for the future have been received from the Egyptian Government with respect to that Government's interferences with British ships.

Does the right hon. Gentleman think that it is consistent with the national interest to release these balances to a country which is interfering with our own rights?

I do not think it right to interfere with arrangements recently concluded between Egypt and ourselves because of a dispute about which action has been taken on other lines which are open to us.

Was it not very wrong to conclude these arrangements to pay large sums of hard-earned British money to the Egyptian Government because of expense incurred in Egypt in defending that land from being pillaged and looted by the Nazis and the Italians? Is it so very wrong that we should ask that we should not have to go on paying these large sums while they maintain an illegal blockade of the Suez Canal?

No, Sir. We think these arrangements with Egypt are to our mutual benefit.

I feel quite sure that the Foreign Secretary will realise that this is an issue upon which there are considerable differences of opinion in this House, and which may well be brought to the test of debate.

Egypt (Detention of British Ship)

( by Private Notice ) asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he has received a reply to the protest made to the Egyptian Government on the boarding of the "Empire Roach."

No, Sir. But I take this opportunity to inform the House that in the light of the previous incident, and in the absence of a reply from the Egyptian Government, I took steps at the beginning of the week to ensure that this ship should not again be illegally molested.

I think that the House would wish to endorse that decision. Early in the week, in referring to a previous answer by the right hon. Gentleman, I said that the right hon. Gentleman said that this ship was on an international seaway, but I found, in fact, that the Foreign Secretary did not use that phrase, and I regret that I should have misquoted him, though he did not correct me at the time. But the point which I want to make, and which I hope the right hon. Gentleman will accept, for it is a fundamental point, is whether he would agree that it is a matter of international law that ships have a right to a peaceful passage whether inside or outside territorial waters?

I am very much obliged to the right hon. Gentleman for what he has said. If I did not contradict him he must ascribe that to my caution and my modesty.

With regard to the other point, I do not want to go into legal niceties at this stage. I am not sure that what the right hon. Gentleman said is necessarily accurate without any qualifition at all, but I agree that what the Egyptians did in this case was, I think, outside the provisions of international law.

In view of the great public interest in this matter, would the right hon. Gentleman consider publishing the text of his protest to the Egyptian Government?

It has been published, in full, in one newspaper and taken notice of by others.

If the right hon. Gentleman would like it circulated in the OFFICIAL REPORT I have no objection.

indicated assent.

"At 1700 hours on 1st July the British steamship 'Empire Roach,' bound for Aqaba, was stopped by Egyptian Navy corvette No. 61 in the approaches to the Enterprise Channel and detained for 24 hours. An Egyptian armed guard was placed about the steamship. No member of the ship's crew was allowed on deck between 1900 hours, 1st July, and 0800, 2nd July. During this time members of the Egyptian armed guard looted the bosun's store, removing goods to the approximate value of £200. In addition, they wrecked the ship's radio. Commander of the Egyptian armed guard gave no reason for their action except that they had received instructions to commit it.

His Majesty's Government, in common with other Governments concerned, have already had cause to protest to the Egyptian Government for their illegal and unwarranted interference with the movement of shipping through the Suez Canal. The present act of armed spoliation constitutes a further flagrant violation of international law, and His Majesty's Government presumes that the Egyptian Government will inflict exemplary punishment on those responsible. His Majesty's Government will in due course put forward a claim to the Egyptian Government for substantial damages, and for compensation in respect of loss caused by the Egyptian action."

Business of the House

Could the Leader of the House tell us what the business will be next week?

Yes, Sir. The business for next week will be as follows:

MONDAY, 23RD JULY—Supply (23rd Allotted Day): Committee.

Consideration of Third Report from Estimates Committee on Re-armament.

Motion to approve:

Additional Import Duties (No. 3) Order.

TUESDAY, 24TH JULY—Supply (24th Allotted Day): Committee.

Debate on Education in England and Wales.

Second Readings of the:

Price Control and other Orders (Indemnity) Bill.

Guardianship and Maintenance of Infants (No. 2) Bill [ Lords ].

WEDNESDAY, 25TH JULY—Supply (25th Allotted Day): Committee.

Debate on Foreign Affairs.

This will be a general debate on Foreign Affairs. It is the intention to arrange a debate specifically on Middle East problems for Monday, 30th July.

At 9.30 p.m. Committee stage of all outstanding Votes to be put from the Chair.

Consideration of Motions to approve:

Draft Civil Defence (Shelter) (Planning) Regulations and similar Regulations for Scotland.

Draft House of Commons (Redistribution of Seats) Order.

THURSDAY, 26TH JULY—Debate on the Financial and Economic Situation.

Motions to approve:

Draft Local Government (Payments by British Transport Commission) (Adjustment) Order.

Draft National Insurance (Mariners) Amendment Regulations.

FRIDAY, 27TH JULY—Committee and remaining stages of:

Guardianship and Maintenance of Infants (No. 2) Bill [ Lords ].

Price Control and other Orders (Indemnity) Bill.

Midwives Bill [ Lords ].

Midwives (Scotland) Bill [ Lords ].

Nurses (Scotland) Bill [ Lords ].

These are consolidation Measures.

Will Thursday's debate on the financial and economic situation be opened by a statement from the Chancellor of the Exchequer?

Could the Leader of the House tell us when the Government intend to adjourn for the Summer Recess and whether it is their intention to adjourn or to prorogue?

There is a good deal of outstanding business which we wish to get before the Recess, but I hope that we shall not have to sit on August Bank Holiday or during that week. It is our intention to adjourn, not to prorogue.

Have arrangements been made for a debate on the draft Japanese peace treaty?

I understand that that matter will be included in the Foreign Affairs debate on Wednesday of next week.

As a large number of Members would like to take part in the debate on the Price Control and Other Orders (Indemnity) Bill, is it intended to suspend the Rule on Tuesday?

This is a Supply Day, and it is quite clear that we shall have to ask for the suspension of the Rule to enable the Measure to be discussed at all.

Surely the importance of the draft Japanese peace treaty makes it unsuitable for inclusion in a general debate on Foreign Affairs. Is it not possible for a special day to be allotted to it?

It will be very difficult to arrange a special day for it. I understood that there was a suggestion that it should be discussed on Wednesday.

Will my right hon. Friend provide time to discuss the Motion on the Order Paper in my name and that of my right hon. Friend the Member for Ebbw Vale (Mr. Bevan) and other Members:

[ That the complaint of the hon. Member for Bolton, West, be referred to the Committee of Privileges. ]?

The Motion in the name of my hon. and learned Friend asked that a certain matter be referred to the Committee of Privileges. I hope to be able to make arrangements some time during next week for that Motion to be debated.

The right hon. Gentleman did not answer my question whether the Rule would be suspended on Wednesday. He merely said that a Motion would be submitted to take the business of Supply before 10 o'clock. That Motion has nothing to do with suspending the Rule.

That was what I did not say. I said that because it was a Supply Day it would be necessary to move a Motion to suspend the Rule if we were to discuss the Measure to which the hon. Gentleman alluded.

If I may return to the plea which has been made for a discussion of the proposed draft Japanese peace treaty, may I ask whether the Government realise that it raises points of considerable importance for the textile industry of Lancashire and Yorkshire and that it is very essential that we should have a discussion upon it before we adjourn for the Summer Recess?

I would like to ask my right hon. Friend whether he is prepared to afford time for the discussion of the special Report from the Select Committee dealing with the Kitchen and Refreshment Department, in view of the grossly unfair and untrue charges made against myself as Chairman of that Committee?

The Report was published only this morning. My attention has been drawn to it, and it appears to me to be a matter that the House will expect to discuss. I shall have to try to find some time in which it can be mentioned.

Can time be found to discuss the annual Report of the Transport Commission, which has been in our possession for some time?

May I ask the Leader of the House again to consider the question of the draft Japanese peace treaty? If it is to be discussed in the Foreign Affairs debate, I would remind him that the treaty will have important repercussions on the Lancashire textile industry and that, in the interests of Lancashire, there should be more time, even if my right hon. Friend has to extend the debate on Foreign Affairs.

My right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary and I both realise the importance of this treaty, particularly to the area named by my hon. Friend, and we would desire that it should be discussed. We will see what arrangements can be made to ensure that.

Will it be necessary for the House to ratify the treaty? If so, will it not be advisable to have another day later?

I must point out that as far as I am concerned there is no time left for such a debate.

May I press my right hon. Friend to be more specific about the allocation of time for discussing the seriousness of the draft Japanese peace treaty? Is he aware that already the United States have spent a large amount of time on this treaty? As some Members of the House represent important industrial areas, which are vitally affected, and as there are no economic clauses in the proposed treaty, the House should be given ample time to discuss the matter.

I have put forward the views of His Majesty's Government on the matter. We are anxious that the draft treaty should be discussed, but it will be necessary to have conversations to see how that can be arranged. I hope that an adequate discussion may take place.

Orders of the Day

Consolidated Fund (Civil List Provisions) [Money]

Resolution reported:

"That, for the purposes of any Act of the present session to complete the charge on the Consolidated Fund of the provisions made by the Civil List Act, 1937, it is expedient to authorise the payment out of that Fund of the sums the payment of which is required by section six of the said Act of 1937."

Resolution agreed to.

Consolidated Fund (Civil List Provisions) Bill

Considered in Committee.

[Major MILNER in the Chair]

Clause 1.—(CHARGE ON THE CONSOLIDATED FUND.)

"with the substitution for the yearly sum of six thousand pounds therein mentioned of a yearly sum of three thousand pounds."

The Amendment in the name of the hon. Member for Ayrshire, South (Mr. Emrys Hughes), is out of order.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Clause stand part of the Bill."

3.45 p.m.

I believe that the Bill would be substantially improved if Clause 1 were deleted. When the Bill came before the House for Second Reading, the Prime Minister explained that it was for the purpose of remedying a technical error. I am anxious that by trying to remedy a technical error we do not, as is sometimes done with printers' errors, make the technical error worse. I submit that this is likely to be done if we accept the Clause. [An HON. MEMBER: "Nonsense."] I should like to ask the Committee to review the Clause in the light of the persistent demands that have been made in recent weeks from the Opposition about a reduction of Government expenditure.

I must point out to the hon. Gentleman that only one matter arises, and that is out of what fund the sum in question should be paid. The principle has already been decided by a previous Act of Parliament. We are here merely deciding out of what fund the amount shall be paid.

Yes, Sir, but I submit that Clause 1 has not been passed by the Committee and that we are entitled to put a case for the Clause not standing part of the Bill. That is what I am proceeding to do. I am asking for the support of hon. Gentlemen opposite hopefully, because I believe that their arguments throughout the last few weeks in innumerable speeches have been in criticism of the Government, because they say that Government expenditure should not be increased. I want to quote from speeches made by a noble Lord who sits opposite, and who has put the point of view that, in the present situation an increase of Government expenditure—

On a point of order. In view of the Ruling which you have just given, Major Milner, surely it must be out of order for the hon. Gentleman to pursue the general question of whether there should be greater or less expenditure?

I have indicated that the only question is out of what fund a sum already decided upon shall be paid.

Yes, I realise that, but whatever fund it has to be paid from, there will be some Government expenditure. I cannot conceive of expenditure being made out of no fund. So far as the noble Lord is concerned, I was not referring to him at all.

May I ask for the protection of the Chair? When a Member rises to a point of order, he is entitled to receive an answer. It is contrary to the practice of the House to question why he put the point of order. The Chairman has given me his answer. If the hon. Gentleman continues to persist in referring to me, I shall raise another point of order.

All that I would say. Sir, is that when I become the Father of the House, I shall not behave like an infantile delinquent.

On a point of order. Is it in order for the hon. Member, who has used a slang term sui generis —even he will agree that it is a somewhat feeble joke—to refer to another Member, whoever he may be, as "an infantile delinquent"? It may be very funny, but it happens to be contrary to the rules of the House, and I ask him to withdraw it.

I completely withdraw it. This matter arises because I referred to "a noble Lord opposite." I was not referring to the noble Lord the Member for Horsham (Earl Winterton). I was about—

The hon. Member must apply his remarks to the Question of the Clause standing part.

My argument was directly relevant to the Clause. I was referring to a noble Lord opposite, and I wished to quote from the noble Lord who is the Member for Dorset, South (Viscount Hinchingbrooke). It was nothing to do with the noble Lord the Member for Horsham, at all. After all, there are two noble Lords.

The question to which noble Lord the hon. Member was referring does not enter into the matter.

I was seeking to quote the noble Lord the Member for Dorset, South, who was adjuring us to watch Government expenditure. In the Budget debate he said:

I am further fortified by the speech of the right hon. and learned Gentleman the Leader of the Liberal Party. In that debate he said:

On a point of order, Major Milner. Is it open to the hon. Member, in view of the Ruling which you gave a few moments ago, to raise general financial questions of this kind, or is he to be confined to the procedural position?

I have said that there is only the one question, the fund from which the sum shall be paid. The general question does not arise.

As Clause 1 specifically refers to the 1937 Act, I thought I was in order in discussing it. I was fortifying myself by going back to the 1937 Act, in which I discovered that the total Civil List is the huge sum of £570,000.

I am sorry, but I have clearly indicated to the hon. Gentleman the limits of debate. I am bound by the rules of the House, as is the hon. Gentleman, and the sole question is the fund out of which this amount should be paid. Provision was made under the Act of 1937 for matters which do not arise under the Bill. There was an omission from that Act and the omission is sought to be corrected procedurally by the Bill. The only question is whether the sum shall or shall not be charged to the Consolidated Fund. The hon. Member must confine himself to that.

Further to that point of order, Major Milner. As far as I can gather, the Clause makes it clear that the Bill is to complete the charge on the Consolidated Fund as a result of the provisions of the Civil List Act, 1937. If that is embodied in the Bill, surely we are entitled to make reference to the Act; otherwise it should not be mentioned in the Bill.

On Second Reading reference was of course permissible, but it is not permissible here, except in passing, because the Bill remedies an omission from the 1937 Act but does no more than that.

Clause 1 begins by stating:

"Section thirteen of the Civil List Act, 1937…"

If we are dealing with a Clause which makes special reference to the 1937 Act, surely we are entitled to make reference to the Act in the debate.

I am sorry, but I am afraid that the matter is purely procedural and it does not entitle one to go into all the details of Section 13 of the 1937 Act.

I am not going into all the details, Major Milner. If under the rule of procedure I were able to go into all the details, I am sure that I should carry the Committee with me. I suggest that this sum should come out of, not the Consolidated Fund, but the £570,000, which should be a global sum and should not be increased in any way, because of the argument in favour of economy. That is the substance of my argument.

I only wish to make the further point that this has been commended to us by the Leader of the Opposition. He seemed to take some degree of satisfaction from the fact that something I had said in the debate was an embarrassment to the Government. I do not accept the Leader of the Opposition as infallible on constitutional issues of this kind, because he was wrong in 1937. He was a greater embarrassment to the Government in 1937 than I am to the Government today, because if his advice had been taken at that time this Bill would never have arisen, as there would have been a different King. I suggest that we should not accept the Clause as part of the Bill.

I support what has been said by my hon. Friend the Member for Ayrshire, South (Mr. Emrys Hughes), in opposing the Clause. More than anything else, the Bill is evidence of very clever draftsmanship. Apparently something went wrong in 1937 and we are allowed only within the very narrowest limits to discuss the issue again. That rather indicates that the decision taken in 1937 is binding on the membership of the present House of Commons. The best that can be said about it is that there has been very clever draftsmanship in bringing in the Bill in this way.

Accepting, as I am bound to do, the Ruling of the Chair, I believe that the £6.000 should not be taken from the Consolidated Fund. As far as I can gather, we have to give the £6,000 in any case. I should have thought that the Government, which contains many hon. Members who were in Parliament in 1937 and expressed very strong views at that time, would have found some other method of getting the £6,000 in view of the very dire straits in which we are at the moment. I have the feeling that they might have been able to come to the House with another Bill saying that the Civil List was sufficiently large already and that provision for the £6,000 should be delayed at present.

I am speaking within very narrow limits, but I know that if any reference is ever made to any member of the Royal Family in the House of Commons, there is an outcry from hon. Members opposite, and I am not surprised at that. I am trying to argue the case within the very narrow limits in the fairest way, and I say that, even if it comes out of the Consolidated Fund, it is £6,000 from the Treasury and from the national resources, and I do not believe that this is the time to take it out of that Fund, in view of all the arguments about economy which are submitted to the people from time to time. Let us hear the voice of the ordinary man-in-the-street. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh!"] Yes, there is a point of view in addition to that of the noble Lord.

4.0 p.m.

Go to the country and see what happens. The hon. Member is being true to his real instincts.

If the noble Lord has any desire to address the old pensioners in my constituency, I will give him every opportunity. Shortly we shall be discussing the economic conditions of the country, when a full day will be devoted to that subject. I say that the attitude of the ordinary man-in-the-street to this is that if everybody else is being called upon at this time to recognise the serious financial state of the country, it is within the powers of this Committee to find ways and means of delaying this payment. That is my candid view. I express it because I think I am expressing the will of the people I represent. [An HON. MEMBER: "Cut your own salary."] If I had to argue the case, I could put up a much stronger case for increasing my salary than for giving £6,000 to Princess Margaret, because I do not manage to manoeuvre into directorships like a few people on the other side of the Committee.

I am sorry for delaying the Committee, but it is unavoidable. I finish on this note. I do not think there would be any serious deprivation of the good things of life for Princess Margaret if we did not take this £6,000 out of the Consolidated Fund. I have never heard that she is in such dire straits that it is necessary to plunge into this Fund to get £6,000. I know that we have to give it, but I do not see why it should be rushed through at this moment and that we should go to the Consolidated Fund for this money. I have never heard any complaint from the Royal Family that because they are in dire straits this money is required.

Therefore I say now, with all due respect to the Government and with full recognition of the serious mistake made by the Tory Party in 1937 when they were in office, that I object to this payment coming from the Consolidated Fund. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh!"] I hope the hon. and gallant Member for Knutsford (Lieut.-Colonel Bromley-Davenport) will not interrupt unduly, because I have heard him making many speeches in the House and often I have felt that he needed a lecture on how to deliver them. I want to say once more that I lodge my protest, and leave it at that.

Of course, hon. Gentlemen opposite are entitled to put their view. I only raised a point of order upon it. What really interested me was the great support that they have both had for their views from the party opposite. But that party will not give them any sup port in the Lobby, and henceforth in these matters the Socialist Party will be—

Order. That does not arise on the Question "That the Clause stand part of the Bill."

I will conclude my speech by saying that in future the motto of the back benchers of the Socialist Party will be, "Willing to wound—

On a point of order, Major Milner. Is the noble Lord the Member for Horsham (Earl Winterton) subject to the rules of this Committee or not, and if he is, will you see that he obeys them?

I am here to see that every hon. Member without exception obeys the Rules.

Of course, Major Milner, I withdraw what I said in the manner in which I put it. I will only say that the implication left upon this side of the Committee by the attitude of hon. Gentlemen opposite is, "Willing to wound and yet afraid to strike."

I do not propose to delay the Committee long, but I want to join in the protest against this Clause. It is preposterous that in this time of economic difficulty we should be thinking of increasing public expenditure. Reference has been made, in the few minutes in which this debate has been going on, to the feeling of the public and the feeling of this party. The debates of 1937, which I read last night, made it quite clear that the majority of people on this side of the Committee believed in the Monarchy, but they believed in a democratic and constitutional one with no great gulf between the Monarch and the ordinary people.

This morning I received a postcard which was quite unsolicited and which I did not propose to quote. However, in view of the statements that have been made by the noble Lord concerning the views of the ordinary people, I feel bound to quote it now. [An HON. MEMBER: "Order."] It is quite relevant to the Bill and I intend to quote it. It says:

Order. I should be obliged if the noble Lord, and any other hon. Members who feel inclined to intervene, would be good enough to leave matters to the Chair.

I am merely quoting that to illustrate that the public are not 100 per cent. behind this Bill and neither is every hon. Member on this side of the Committee.

You have already ruled, Major Milner, on no fewer than four occasions that we cannot discuss on this Clause the merits of the Bill, but merely the allocation of the money. You said on three occasions that it was a procedural matter. The hon. Gentleman is attempting to support an argument against the whole Bill by quoting from a postcard. How can that be in accord with your previous Ruling?

I agree that the line is a very thin one, but the question is out of which fund this sum will be paid. Assuming it was decided by the Committee that it should not be paid out of the Consolidated Fund, presumably it would not be paid at all. Therefore, in arguing that it may be that the hon. Gentleman to whose argument I am listening may be within the bounds of order.

I am grateful for that Ruling. I understood we were discussing whether this Clause should stand part of the Bill. I am suggesting that it should not stand part. We are quite in order in discussing why it should not stand part, and this point of view is expressed by the person who signed this postcard, although there is no address on it. Of course, she may be a constituent of some hon. Member opposite, but the point is that the public are not unanimous in accepting without comment this charge being made on the Consolidated Fund or on any fund at all in these times of economic stress. I should have great pleasure in going into the Division Lobby against it.

As one who put her name to the Amendment that was on the Order Paper, I want to make my position clear. I have nothing against Princess Margaret. I have the greatest admiration for her, first because she is a wee Scottish lassie, and secondly, because she takes a great interest in the affairs of the country. But assuming that great sacrifices are having to be made by all classes in the country. I am sure that a reduction in the £6,000 would not entail any hardship on the Princess.

Question put, and agreed to.

Clause ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Clause 2 ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Bill reported, without Amendment; read the Third time, and passed.

Broadcasting (Committee's Report)

4.10 p.m.

I beg to move:

I would emphasise, as is made clear in the White Paper, that the recommendations of the Government are not final recommendations. The purpose of the White Paper is to facilitate Parliamentary and public discussion. We are eager and ready to listen to all views put forward during this debate and, in the light of those views, to proceed with the drafting of the draft Charter and the Licence.

I should like, on behalf of the Government, and I am sure on behalf of the whole House, to pay a tribute to the Broadcasting Committee and the great work they did, and to their Chairman. Once again Lord Beveridge has given his name to a Report on matters of great national interest which concern every man, woman and child in the country. The Beveridge Committee was the fourth Committee on the B.B.C., or on broadcasting in this country; but owing to the war and the continuation of the old Charter it was the first Committee for 14 years.

There have been immense developments between the time of the previous Committee, the Ullswater Committee, and the time of the Beveridge Committee. Not only have developments like television become realities, but the place of broadcasting itself has become immensely more important. In 1935, at the time of the Ullswater Committee, there were 7,500,000 licences in the country. In 1950, at the time of the Beveridge Committee, the number had gone up to 12,250,000, of which 400,000 were for television.

I am sure that the House will agree that the Beveridge Committee proceeded with great speed and energy and that it made the most thorough and fundamental inquiry into broadcasting that has ever taken place in this country. It managed to achieve a very high degree of unanimity on matters which necessarily arouse a good deal of controversy. Even the hon. and learned Member for Wirral (Mr. Selwyn Lloyd), who wrote a minority Report, was able to say that over a great part of the field he was in agreement with his colleagues on the Committee.

A tribute to the Beveridge Committee is also a tribute to the B.B.C. and to its Director General. We should like to endorse what is said in the Report about the B.B.C. and about the Director General. Broadly speaking, the Beveridge Committee has said that the B.B.C. should remain as it is. That is a very great compliment to it. The Government endorse, in particular, the reference in paragraph 183 of the Report to the efficiency, the public spirit and the high standards of the B.B.C. That is a great tribute to the Governors and all members of the staff of all departments of the Corporation.

Broadly speaking, the Government accept the conclusions and recommendations of the Beveridge Committee. We agree with the Beveridge Committee that the country has evolved the sort of broadcasting system that suits it, and that it should stick to it. It is very significant that there was really no serious criticism put to the Beveridge Committee of the standard and impartiality of the news broadcasts by the B.B.C. It is one of the very great achievements of the B.B.C. that, both here and overseas, the integrity and accuracy of the news broadcasts is taken for granted. It is taken now as a matter that is above comment. That is perhaps true of no other organ of information in the whole of the world.

While we are ready to listen to all views expressed in the House, it is important to remind hon. Members of a distinction drawn in the Beveridge Committee's Report. It is between those matters which are properly for the Government—the Charter and the Licence—on which, therefore, Parliament and the Government can properly take action, and other matters which are really internal to the B.B.C. It is right, and indeed desirable, that hon. Members should express views on both these matters—on the internal as well as the Governmental field—but at the same time it is important that we should not trespass, or suggest actions that would trespass, upon the proper field of the independence of the B.B.C.

It seems to me that there are two great over-riding issues on which the Beveridge Committee are perfectly clear and on which they report that there is a substantial weight of public opinion in favour, and on which the Government agree with the Committee. These are the two great matters: that there should be a monopoly of broadcasting in this country under public control; and that there should be no commercial broadcasts.

I should like to begin by giving the advice of the Government to the House on these two questions on which we agree altogether with the conclusions arrived at by the Beveridge Committee. On the question of monopoly, the Corporation has not, of course, a statutory monopoly. The position is that the Postmaster-General has an unfettered right to issue licences to anyone he likes, but in fact he has always issued only one licence. The Beveridge Committee propose that that system should continue, and the Government wholeheartedly agree.

There are two main arguments in favour of this line, and I think that they are convincing. The first is that there are a limited number of wavelengths and frequencies available in this country and that we are a very small and densely-populated country. Unless there is an integrated system under a public Corporation, there will be no way of ensuring that the limited number of wavelengths are used in the public interest and that every listener gets a reasonably balanced choice of programmes. I admit, of course, as is shown in the Beveridge Report, that it is conceivable that in due course, with the development of very high frequencies, it might be possible technically to run a number of corporations. Therefore, we rest our case in the main upon the argument of principle.

Secondly, we agree with the Beveridge Report which says, in effect, that if broadcasting is to serve a social purpose there should not be competition for numbers. If there were a number of corporations competing for numbers of licences, the public powers that we could take to control them would necessarily be of a negative and restrictive character. It would be impossible, as the Report points out, to give any positive urge to broadcasting to keep up standards, and so forth. The very advantages sought to be achieved by those who are in favour of a number of corporations can be better achieved by a single Corporation. In paragraph 173, the Committee says that the:

It is noteworthy that the main argument put to the Beveridge Committee in favour of a number of corporations instead of one was put forward by Sir Robert Watson-Watt and Mr. Crowther, and that their argument, which was powerfully put forward, was rejected by the hon. and learned Member for Wirral, who was the only member of the Committee who dissented from the rest of his colleagues on this issue of monopoly. He rejected the main arguments in favour of a number of corporations rather than one.

The Beveridge Committee, I think, showed beyond doubt that there is a great weight of public opinion in favour of continuing the present system. Some of that opinion likes the monopoly but the rest recoils from the alternatives. Though they are not in favour of the monopoly, they recoil, as the hon. and learned Member for Wirral recoiled, from the alternatives. We think that monopoly, the single Corporation and single Charter, should include under the Charter and Corporation overseas broadcasting and television, and I wish to say a word about our views on those two matters.

Overseas broadcasting during and since the war has become an immense undertaking. It costs £4,750,000 a year. It broadcasts 290 hours a week to Europe and 380 hours a week to the rest of the world. I think that by common consent it showed itself to be invaluable in wartime. It has adapted itself to the needs of peace and has shown itself to be of permanent value to the nation in peacetime, broadcasting news and impartial reports, presenting Britain objectively to our friends abroad, and to those who do not like us. From the experience I have in my present office, this overseas service is one of the most important links between the members of the Commonwealth.

It is impossible to apply the same tests to the success of the overseas service as can be applied to the services at home, to which we can listen, but there are a certain number of tests all of which show that this service has been, and is, extremely successful. For example, there are the letters received by the service in London from listeners overseas. In 1949, the last year for which we have complete figures, the General Overseas Service had no fewer than 16,970 letters from listeners, and the European Service had 32,536. There is also the encouraging fact that the present B.B.C. Exhibition in London is very largely attended by foreign visitors to London. They make it one of the things they go to in very large numbers.

I think the most important piece of evidence of the success of the Overseas Service is the jamming which it has to meet. Jamming is, of course, a very great nuisance, but it is also a very great tribute to the service which is jammed. On 25th April, 1949, Russia started jamming our programmes designed for listeners in Russia. That was the first time that jamming had been heard on the ether since the defeat of Hitler. At that time there were three broadcasts a day going out from London on five transmitters.

In order to meet this jamming, the B.B.C. and the State Department made a joint plan by which three times a day they should use and mass together the maximum number of transmitters to get through this jamming. They are now broadcasting from 50 to 65—the number varies from time to time—three times a day, and the B.B.C. recently raised the number of transmitters it uses on these three occasions in the day to 36. There were only five when the jamming started.

That is a tribute to the adaptability and enterprise of the Corporation in meeting this challenge. It is the view of experts that a keen listener in Russia, at least in summer-time, can get reception on one frequency or another of the bulk of the programmes at these three periods. Jamming itself is very good evidence that there are quite a lot of keen listeners; otherwise it would not be worth while to jam the programme.

The Government are content with the present arrangement for the overseas programmes—that the three overseas departments should determine the countries to which broadcasts shall be sent and that the B.B.C. should be independent in preparing the programmes and broadcasts; they should, however, continue to seek information from these departments about the countries to which broadcasts are directed and also about the policy of His Majesty's Government towards those countries. This system works very well indeed and we are content with it.

Therefore, we do not endorse two of the proposals of the Beveridge Committee on these matters. Recommendation 42 says there should be a standing committee of the Corporation for the Overseas Service. This, of course, is an internal matter for the B.B.C, but none of the three Government overseas departments wants this change made and we do not think it either desirable or, for that matter, practicable.

A rather more important matter is Recommendation 15, in which the Beveridge Committee recommend that the grant-in-aid for overseas services should be increased to include a share of the overheads of the Corporation. The present system, which we think ought to go on, is that the Government pay, by grant-in-aid to the B.B.C., a sum equivalent to the definable additional costs of overseas broadcasting. We do not see any reason, and it certainly was never the intention of the Government, why the carrying on of the Overseas Service should bring additional money to the Home Service. It is quite right that no extra cost should be caused to the B.B.C. That is provided against, but we see no reason why the overseas broadcasts should bring greater revenue to the Home Service than otherwise would be the case.

I come to the question of television, on which there are a number of issues which concern hon. Members. We feel that television should be included within the single Charter and the single Corporation, and in principle we base that on the same arguments as I have deployed in regard to sound broadcasting. But there is one additional argument and also one or two very special problems arising in the case of television which do not arise in the case of sound broadcasting.

The first task, as we understand it, of the Corporation in regard to television is to bring television to the maximum number of viewers as quickly as possible. In August, 1949, the Corporation made a plan under which 80 per cent. of the population would be in reach of television by 1954 but, unfortunately, in March, 1951, this programme had to be modified by the Government because of the need for national economy.

The present modified plan is that by mid-1952, 36 million people will be within reach of television. That compares with 18 million today. By mid-1952 it is planned that by building new transmitters the number of people within reach of television shall be doubled. If that plan is to succeed it is essential that television should be centralised. It would greatly hold up the extension if we attempted to regionalise television.

Would the right hon. Gentleman develop that a little?

I think it is partly because it is much easier to send out on a single programme and with a single organisation; the one aim in mind is to bring television to as many people as possible as quickly as possible. Once this is achieved, the question of regionalisation would arise, and properly arise, and I do not see anything in principle against it, but it must be centralised until the plan is carried through.

It means, however, that the studios have to be in London. Building these studios is a very complicated matter and if the time, money and resources of the B.B.C. have to be used in setting up very elaborate studios in many parts of the country at this stage, we should have delay in carrying out this programme. I do not know whether many hon. Members have seen these television studios. I went to the new ones at Lime Glove recently and I am glad to say that the Corporation are making very good progress in setting up these great, elaborate new studios, although a lot remains to be done there.

I have no doubt at all that if we did this in many parts of the country, the net effect would be that the plan could not be carried out as fast as we hope it will be. The content of the programmes does not have to be wholly centralised merely because the organisation of the television and the studios should be in London. It is perfectly easy—and it is already being done as new transmitters are being built—to feed into the system and then to televise over the whole country, local events as long as they are within a certain range of the new transmitters; as new transmitters go up, the area of the country from which local events can be put into television programmes is steadily increased.

There is one very special problem referred to in the White Paper in connection with television, namely, what ought to be done about the question of television for public showing. There are two aspects of this problem which I think we ought to keep apart for convenience of argument. The first is whether B.B.C. programmes, especially sporting events, ought to be shown, or can be shown, in the cinemas for public viewing. This is very largely a question of copyright, and the Copyright Committee, I hope, will be considering this matter and reporting on it before too long.

In the meanwhile, the Corporation is very agreeable that its programmes should be televised in the cinemas if they wish to do it, and it hopes—and we hope too—that this problem can be solved between the Corporation and the cinemas even before the Copyright Committee reports. Copyright is clearly a very difficult obstacle in the way of achieving this aim.

Then there is the much more difficult problem of cinemas producing their own programmes, and televising them either through the ether by radio, or by land-line to cinemas. On this matter, as we made clear in the White Paper, the Government feel that the time has not yet arrived when it is possible to reach a permanent conclusion. For one thing, the cinema interests are not themselves in agreement on their side as to the best way of doing this; and one necessary step will be that the cinema interests do reach agreement on propositions which can then be argued and discussed.

As we make clear in the White Paper, although we cannot make up our minds yet, and it is really impossible to do so at this stage, there are certain conditions which we feel must be met under any detailed arrangements which may in due time be made. These are, first, that if the cinemas decide that they should televise to their own cinemas by radio and not by landline, then of course they must not use frequencies which are needed for the home television or, indeed, for other important purposes.

Secondly—and to this we attach great importance, because it is a very important principle—it must not be done in such a way that television by commercial interests is introduced into private homes. The introduction of it into private homes is the proper field of the B.B.C. There would be the danger of commercial television programmes getting into the homes in spite of the general terms of the Charter. This may make it difficult to find and accept any system of radio transmission of television programmes into cinemas.

Is it not a fact that in the United States and Canada they are televising programmes to cinemas under systems which provide a complete safeguard against the pro- grammes being seen on domestic receivers?

—and if the cinemas in this country made such a proposal, then we should consider that system.

Thirdly, any arrangement we make must be fair to other competing interests besides the cinemas, and there should be proper safeguards to make sure that the B.B.C. is not deprived of events for home showing. The right hon. Member for Cirencester and Tewkesbury (Mr. W. S. Morrison), who will speak next, has been good enough to give me notice of a point in which he is interested and which concerns particularly Paragraph 333 and Recommendation 29 in the Beveridge Report. These deal with the views of the Beveridge Committee on the powers of the Postmaster-General to require the film industry to make television programmes available to the B.B.C.

I should like to say to the right hon. Gentleman that this is one of those matters on which we feel it would now be unwise, if not impossible, to make up our minds, and we do not intend the words in the White Paper to give a detailed endorsement to those ideas in the Beveridge Report. But we do feel that the general conditions will have to be met, and that it is important that viewers should not be improperly deprived of seeing events merely because the cinemas may make arrangements with promoters, or whoever it may be. On all these matters the Government will seek the advice of the Television Advisory Committee.

I should like to draw attention to Paragraph 44 of the White Paper in which we say that there ought to be the fullest possible independence for television within the Corporation. We are very glad to hear that the Corporation is developing its internal organisation in accord with this principle. Therefore, we feel that on the first great principle the monopoly should continue and that it should include overseas programmes and television.

Then I come to the second great principle, where again the Government agree completely with the Beveridge Report, namely, that there should be no commercial and no sponsored broadcasts in this country. This rests on Clause 3 of the present Licence. That clause has subsisted practically unchanged from the very first days of the Corporation. This is a matter on which this country made up its mind very early and which it did not see any reason to change on the various occasions on which inquiries were made into the Corporation.

The main arguments on the other side, in favour of commercial and sponsored broadcasts, are those put forward in the minority Report by the hon. and learned Member for Wirral. But I think it would not misrepresent his views to say that his ideas on this matter, as shown in the minority Report, spring rather from an objection to monopoly than from a positive desire for commercial or sponsored programmes. He himself frankly sets out the dangers that would arise from commercial broadcasting in this country. He says that for those reasons he wants one public service system, that he wants strict control of advertisement matter, if this were allowed, and for example he would ban certain kinds of programme altogether, such as the "give-away" programmes.

Therefore, I think it is fair to say that his argument is not really based on the view that is sometimes put forward, that commercial broadcasts would be wholly beneficial. Indeed, he admits that they would have to be strictly controlled. I think it is a fair comment on his argument that the method he puts forward would involve more public control than is necessary today, but in circumstances which would make it more difficult to operate.

The advertisers in this country have shown no unanimity in favour of sponsored or commercial broadcasts. The Incorporated Society of British Advertisers, Limited, sent out, as the Beveridge Committee reports, a questionnaire to 1,330 firms on this matter and received 382 answers, which does not in itself show any very great enthusiasm amongst the advertisers for sponsored broadcasts. Of these 382 answers, 52.6 per cent. were in favour of commercial broadcasts and 47.4 per cent. were against. Here presumably, amongst the commercial interests, are the strongest advocates in the country for this change—amongst advertisers themselves and amongst the small number who felt it was right to reply to the questionnaire.

Why "presumably"? Why does the right hon. Gentleman presume that those who are most likely to make money out of the cessation of monopoly should be those who are most interested in the matter?

Why does the right hon. Gentleman assume that the I.S.B.A. are fully representative of British industry or advertisers?

I understand they are fairly representative. Of course, it was open to any other interests concerned to put their views before the Beveridge Committee, and I do not think any other interests of this sort did so. The Incorporated Society of British Advertisers. Limited, also gave a fairly good indication of the sort of firms that would be likely to advertise if we had sponsored programmes in this country. They say that they would be firms in the medical, toilet, cosmetic, food and drink trades. So if we were to make this radical change in our affairs we should do it with our eyes open, knowing the sort of "commercials" to which we should have to listen in this country.

The right hon. Gentleman, in his capacity as Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations, will obviously know that in Australia, where there is a dual system, they have just this control over advertisements, and advertisements regarding health are put to the Medical Board. It was suggested in the Minority Report that the same sort of regulations should exist in this country.

Australia certainly has both systems running side by side, and that is for the people of Aus tralia to decide from time to time. As the Beveridge Report showed, the great weight of public opinion in this country is against this system. At the end of their exhaustive examination of this—

I have read the Beveridge Report carefully and can find nothing which says that an overwhelming weight of public opinion is against this. On what is the right hon. Gentleman basing that statement?

I will ask the Postmaster-General to deal with that point. It is somewhere in the Report, I do not remember the exact words, that the great weight of public opinion is against this. It also says, in paragraph 375, that those who advocate commercial programmes

"cannot produce either strong desire or strong reason for a major change in our broadcasting system,…"

I think the paragraph to which my right hon. Friend was referring is paragraph 357.

Paragraph 357, on page 99 of the Report states:

"The weight of authority in Britain against allowing broadcasting to be used for advertising of goods or services is impressive."

I think that "impressive weight" means that it is greater than the weight on the other side. There is another paragraph which is stronger still. Hon. Gentlemen will be hard put to it to find arguments in the Beveridge Report, apart from the Minority Report, which are in favour of commercial broadcasting; otherwise there would be no need for a Minority Report.

Could the right hon. Gentleman say something about the Minority Note that was put in by the Chairman, Mrs. Stocks and myself on the question of commercial broadcasting?

I was about to come to that point. Three members of the Committee, including the Chairman, said they wanted advertising time—hours set aside by the B.B.C. corresponding to a column of advertisements in a newspaper—but they really provided their own argument against this in the Report signed by all the Members of the Committee, except the hon. and learned Member for Wirral, when they said that the advocates of commercial programmes

Fundamentally one has to settle this matter on principle. One has to decide whether broadcasting should be controlled by those who have broadcasting interests and broadcasting interests only at heart; or whether broadcasting should be controlled as a sort of by-product by those who have other interests at heart. We have no hesitation in advising the House to take the view that it would be fatally wrong that our broadcasting should be put in the hands of people to whom it would be a by-product of their other major interests. Therefore, on this question of maintaining a monopoly and not having commercial broadcasting, the Government's advice to the House is very clear and firm, that we should adopt the recommendations of the Beveridge Report.

In this large and comprehensive Report there are, of course, many matters of great importance. I cannot cover them all, and my right hon. Friend will deal with any questions. But there are a certain number which seem to me of the greatest importance, and I should like to say a few words about them. First there is our view that the Charter should be extended for 15 years. We do not think it is right that there should be no term at all, as the Beveridge Committee suggest. We think it is right that there should from time to time be great inquiries into the Corporation. That is the most effective way, after all, of bringing public opinion to bear.

On the other hand, we think that 15 years is a reasonable time. There are great developments ahead in television, colour television, very high frequency, etc., and desirable as these great inquiries are from time to time, they constitute a great upheaval in the affairs of the Corporation. It seems to us fair and right that the Corporation should be given a reasonably long run, especially as there are these great technical advances ahead.

The Government agree with the Beveridge Committee that there should be periodic interim reviews of a lesser scope than that of these great Committees, like the Beveridge Committee. It may well be a good idea that when an interim committee is set up, perhaps in the middle of the term of the Charter, its terms of reference should include inquiring how far the Corporation is carrying out the various recommendations that may be contained in the Charter or in the Licence or in any White Paper that is before the House, including matters internal to the B.B.C. It seems to me wrong to interfere in detail in matters internal to the B.B.C. but proper that from time to time views held by the Government or by Parliament should be looked at and inquiry made to see how far they are being carried out.

Would the right hon. Gentleman include in such reviews a question such as monopoly?

Personally, I would not, but it will be for the Government of the day to decide when the time comes. No doubt the hon. and learned Member will still be urging the Government of the day to do it and they will still be refusing.

I was not quite able to follow the right hon. Gentleman's argument that because we were on the brink of big technical advances this was the moment to freeze the present system for a term of 15 years. I should have thought that the weight of argument was on the other side.

In order to develop these great advances properly the Corporation needs a certain secure term during which plans can be made. No one can say how long these developments will take. If round the corner is another great inquiry after five years it will be calculated to disturb the minds of this or any other Corporation which is concerned. I think the Corporation should be disturbed, but not too often. [ Interruption. ] We might argue on that basis for annual elections in order that hon. Gentlemen might be continually disturbed.

The last inquiry began in late 1948. It is very disturbing to the Corporation to have these inquiries going on at very short intervals.

I quite agree. For something like four years there is disturbance—about three years before and during the inquiry—and then it takes about a year for the Corporation to settle down again. Perhaps the 15-year Charter would be equivalent to about 11 years.

The Government agree with the Beveridge Report, and this is new, that the Charter should lay on the Corporation certain obligations to pursue certain aims: objectives should be defined in the Charter. They are set out in paragraph 12 of the White Paper. There are two to which I should like to refer in particular. One is that an arrangement should be made to bring the work of the Corporation

Secondly, I should like to emphasise very much that we feel that there should be in the Charter an obligation on the Corporation to give its staff

I should, perhaps, declare a certain personal interest in this matter, because when I was employed by the Corporation in the Overseas Service during the war I was first a member of the Staff Association, and, when a branch of the National Union of Journalists was formed, I became a member of that body. Hon. Members will therefore understand that I am particularly glad that the B.B.C. are in consultation with the Trades Union Congress, both on Recommendation 7 (ii), which is what I have just read out to the House, and on Recommendation 93 of the Beveridge Report, which is concerned with the recognition of trade unions in certain conditions.

Many people, and I think with some justification, feel that the Corporation has been very slow in moving into the position in which it now is, and that it might have done so more rapidly, especially after the debates in this House when the present Licence and Charter were continued for five years. The B.B.C., I think, rested on a recommendation in the Ulls-water Report, a Government report which recognised only the Staff Association. Now, there is a new recommendation in the Beveridge Report, and I am glad to see that directly this was published the B.B.C. immediately took the initiative in starting discussions with the T.U.C.

Will my right hon. Friend tell us the exact date of the first approach by the B.B.C.?

I cannot, without notice, but it was very soon, I think, after the publication of the Report. My right hon. Friend the Postmaster-General will no doubt be able to do so.

I am sure the whole House will realise and agree that these are industrial matters that are for proper and normal negotiation, and that it would be wrong for the Government or Parliament to seek to interfere in detail in negotiations that are going on, but I would repeat that we attach very great importance to the proper solution of these problems.

I may here, for convenience, mention one or two other matters concerning the staff of the B.B.C. There is Recommendation 89 of the Beveridge Report, which says that the B.B.C. should reconsider the question of the outside activities of their staff in order to give them greater liberty as ordinary citizens and individuals, and the Governors of the B.B.C. accept that recommendation. There are other recommendations concerning the question of favouritism or charges of favouritism in the B.B.C., and Recommendation 92 states that machinery should be set up by the Corporation to examine, rapidly and independently, such charges. Recommendation 97 lays down that there should be occasional independent outside inquiries into these matters, and the Governors accept both of these recommendations.

The Government have decided not to repeat the requirement that in fixing salaries and wages in the B.B.C. regard must be paid to the conditions of the Civil Service. That was a request which the B.B.C. put before the Beveridge Committee, but we feel—and this is in Paragraph 45 of the White Paper—that: posals of the Beveridge Report. We accept the increase from seven to nine, and that they should include the appointment of Governors who are in close touch with opinion in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. We agree that the term of appointment should be four years, but we reject the proposals for rather considerable increases of salaries which were made by the Beveridge Committee. We feel that the present figure of salary is just about right; that we can expect on that figure to get the right sort of men and women of great qualities whom we need as Governors, and that the present rate of salary is in accord with corresponding salaries paid in public boards.

We lay great weight upon one proposal of the Report concerning the Governors, namely, that they are collectively responsible for the affairs of the Corporation, that this should be made even clearer than it has been in the past, and that, for example, the Whitley Document, as it has been called, should disappear. We endorse what the Beveridge Report says about the Governors being completely masters in their own house, and that they can only act corporately and are the supreme authority in the Corporation.

We also agree with the Report that there should be no Minister for Broadcasting. We think that the present arrangement has worked pretty well and ought to be continued. It is an arrangement by which my right hon. Friend the Postmaster-General is the Minister responsible for the exercise of the powers of the Government, and by which, on major issues of broadcasting policy that may arise, the Prime Minister designates a senior Minister to answer on that subject and be responsible for it, unless the matter comes clearly within the province of some other particular Minister.

Before the right hon. Gentleman leaves that point, may I ask him if he considers that, within the ambit of that particular responsibility, should come responsibility for religious broadcasting, and, if so, does he accept Recommendation 60 of the Beveridge Report or not?

The general question of broadcasting, whether religious or otherwise, should be a matter for the Corporation, and it continues to be; and unless it raises some great matter of broad policy, I do not think any Minister would be answerable for that. I am looking up Recommendation 60, which, I think, is a recommendation of the Committee to the Governors, not to the Government, and, if so, that is, of course, one of the internal affairs of the Corporation and not a matter upon which a Minister would be answerable.

Is the right hon. Gentleman not aware that this matter has been brought to the attention of the Prime Minister long before this debate, and that there is considerable resentment about this among the Church of England Men's Society, which has taken a strong view about this, and which is something on which the Government should give their views?

I still think that it is properly a matter within the internal jurisdiction of the B.B.C. I do not want to go on too long, and, perhaps, if hon. Members have some particular points to raise, they will put them when they catch your eye, Mr. Speaker, and my right hon. Friend will reply to them.

I would say a word on the restriction of broadcasts by various interests which are not, for some reason or another, prepared to allow the B.B.C. to broadcast events of which they are in control. The Government deplore any interference with the rights of the public to broadcast entertainment. This is not a question of the right of the B.B.C., but a question of the reasonable right of the public to hear or to see spectacles and so forth in which they are interested. We also feel that this is really another matter which is much better left to negotiation between the B.B.C. and the interests concerned. It is not a good thing for the Government to start interfering in it; similar problems have arisen before and have been solved from time to time. We do, however, concur with Recommendations 95 and 96 of the Report on this matter, and we hope that the general lines of the Beveridge Report will lead to a changed attitude on the part of the various interests concerned.

Now I come to a matter on which there has been some little controversy—the decision that the Corporation should be given 85 per cent. of the net licence revenue for the next three years, or rather. for the first three years of the new Charter. In the controversy which has arisen about this, I think the B.B.C. have argued their own case with great skill and tenacity, but it seems to have been assumed that the getting of 100 per cent. is a sort of sacrosanct principle which has always been in operation, and that the Government in proposing this are making some revolutionary proposal.

As a matter of fact, in the whole history of the Corporation it has only had 100 per cent. of the revenue for 18 months of its existence—that was in 1950 and up to date in 1951. It will have had it for two years by the end of 1951. Throughout the whole of the rest of its history its percentage of the net licence revenue has varied between 46.5 and 85 per cent., and it has never been more than 85 per cent., except in these last 18 months. Therefore, there is no sacrosanct or eternal principle involved in this at all. Indeed, the Beveridge Committee, which recommend that it should be 100 per cent., also make it clear that they had not decided that on principle. They state quite specifically that it is a fiscal matter. The Report says:

We calculate that the expenditure forecast in the Beveridge Report can be covered by 85 per cent. of the net licence revenue over the next three years. That is the proposal for three years, and at the end of that time it would necessarily have to be reviewed. When we come to look at it as a fiscal issue, we feel that in present conditions, when it is necessary to restrict both current and capital expenditure in many directions and when everybody has to make sacrifices in the interests of re-armament, it is perfectly proper that listeners and viewers should make some contribution to the public revenue. I think all other entertainments without exception pay tax, and some of them pay a very high tax.

On what principle? On the same principle that raids were made on the Road Fund?

No, because that Fund was totally different. That is the false idea that is being put about—that this is a sacrosanct and eternal principle. The Road Fund was set up as a fund and was later raided. The B.B.C. has never had 100 per cent. licence revenue until 18 months ago.

Why has the B.B.C. not been entitled before to its licence revenue? That is what we should like to know.

Because it has always been regarded, as the Beveridge Committee says it should be regarded, as a fiscal matter and not a great principle. I should like to point out that, together with the proposal that the B.B.C. should have 85 per cent. of the licence revenue, the Government propose that the B.B.C. should be given borrowing powers up to £10 million.

Before my right hon. Friend leaves that question, would he express his views upon the propriety of the Governors of the B.B.C. making an announcement on this subject on the eve of a debate in this House?

I think, on the whole, I would sooner not. Borrowing powers would be subject necessarily to the consent of my right hon. Friend the Postmaster-General and also to any control of capital investment in force.

Finally, I should like to deal with devolution to the regions of one sort or another. With regard to the English regions we do not suggest to the House that any radical changes should be made. We think the Advisory Councils should continue to be appointed by the B.B.C. but should be made more representative and that they should be given the power, which at present they lack, to appoint sub-committees and that the chairman or one of the governors should be present at meetings of the Advisory Council from time to time. Regional controllers have almost complete programme autonomy at the moment, but the B.B.C. have told us that it is considering how to develop administrative devolution to the maximum possible extent.

On this question of English regions I should like to say a word on the very vexed matter of sharing a wavelength between the North Region and Northern Ireland. Of course, it is a very deplorable thing that two separate regions have to share a wavelength, but frankly we see no immediate way out of this difficulty. I have gone into it very carefully, and we will watch it all the time. But the simple fact is that there are not enough medium wavelengths for both Home and European Services, and it is to the national interest that we should sustain the European Service too.

Today there are eight medium wavelengths available for the Home Service compared with 10 before the war. At the Copenhagen Conference in 1948 we tried very hard to have an extension of medium wavelengths, but we did not succeed, and therefore somehow or other two transmitters have to be synchronised to provide for two regions. That produces what is called a "mush area" between them, where hearing is impossible, or at any rate very difficult indeed.

By synchronising the transmitter at Stagshaw and the transmitter for Northern Ireland it is secured that this mush area falls over the Irish Sea. If any other two transmitters were synchronised the mush area would fall over land. Therefore, any other arrangement to synchronise transmitters would be much more disadvantageous and many listeners would be unable to hear their own programme. The only solution is the development of very high frequency stations for use in these areas, or to release medium wavelengths at present used elsewhere for these wavelengths. The development of V.H.F. stations will get very high priority indeed so that we may get rid of this mush area over the Irish Sea.

There must clearly be a limit to the time during which the Broadcasting Council for Northern Ireland can have full control for their home programme. There must be common sense in settling the division of time between the two Regions, and I think a reasonable solution would be that control over their home programme to be exercised by the Northern Ireland Council should extend only to part of the time, and that it should not carry with it the right to poach on the time of the Northern Region.

I do not know what term the hon. Lady the Member for Anglesey (Lady Megan Lloyd George) would apply, but for lack of a better word I should like to say something about what I shall call the "National Regions,"—that is Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. The Government agree with the Beveridge Report that broadcasting can make and should make a more valuable contribution to the culture and traditions of the national regions, and that those regions themselves should make a greater and more vigorous contribution to the broadcasting of the whole country.

As regards the powers of the Broadcasting Councils, we accept very largely the proposals put forward in the Beveridge Report that there should be Broadcasting Councils set up in the three national regions under a chairman who should be what we call the national governor, that is the governor appointed to the Board of Governors with special contact with local opinion in each of the three national regions. The one appointed governor with special contact with public opinion in Wales, for instance, would be the chairman of the Welsh Broadcasting Council. We propose, and suggest to the House, that these councils should be given a greatly extended power of controlling the policy and content of their home programmes, and, further that they should be responsible for the appointment of the staff wholly employed in connection with these home programmes.

We also propose that the overall responsibility for finance should rest with the B.B.C.—that of course, the system of block grants at present in operation should continue—and that the ultimate control of capital development should also rest with the B.B.C. We propose that in respect of these two things—finance and capital development—the broadcast- ing councils should be advisory. Over the content and policy of home programmes they should have control, but in these two other matters they should be advisory. We also agree with the Beveridge Report that they should make reports to Parliament—I suppose, year by year.

In all this we broadly accept what the Beveridge Committee say. Where we differ from them is on their proposals for the composition of these broadcasting councils. The Beveridge Committee suggested that a commission of about five should be set up in each of these national regions, to be appointed and paid by the Government. The Government's view, and what we would like to put forward to the House, is that these broadcasting councils should be more representative than the Beveridge Report suggested, and that they should also be made independent of the Government of the day. They should be broadly based, and therefore, we think, drawn from the local authorities.

In the great controversy that has started on this issue, certain considerations have been overlooked, and I should like to draw them to the attention of hon. Members. It has been said that this would bring politics into the B.B.C. That is a very grave reflection on the high standards of local government. [ Laughter. ] I do not know if hon. Members who are laughing suggest that the local authorities bring politics into education, for which they are responsible; it is a matter that has nothing to do with the content of education. Will any hon. Member get up in his place and seriously suggest that local authorities use their controls over education for political considerations and advantage?

Furthermore, it must not be assumed that any appointments made by a central Government—not only the present Government, but by any future Government—of a small number of commissioners would be altogether free from political pressures. They would tend to be exposed to all sorts of pressures; to pressures from bodies and groups whose powers are out of all proportion to their popular support. Indeed, it would be found, I think, that if the Government—that is, any Government—were to make appointments as suggested by the Beveridge Report, we should get at least as great a danger of political pressure as we should, it is alleged, through the system that we suggest. It is also said that local authorities would be totally incompetent to do this. I have heard it said by people who are themselves members of local authorities, but this seems to me to underrate very greatly the vigour of local government, which on other occasions in the House I have so often heard praised.

The purpose of the broadcasting councils and the intention behind the whole idea is to bring to bear on the home programmes in these national regions the national culture and independence over the whole of these national regions, so that all parts, and not merely one bit or one interest, should be represented, geographically and by population. It is not a question of wanting great experts to run these matters, but of representatives of ordinary men and women who can bring the general views of men and women to bear on this problem.

Certainly, we would be very happy to listen to alternative proposals, but I cannot think of a better system, if we are to represent the ordinary men and women of all parts of a national region, than the proposal that we put forward. I hope that when alternatives are put forward, hon. Members will remember that it is necessary to represent ordinary men and women and to represent the whole area of these national regions. We do not think that the broadcasting councils need be the same in each of these national regions. There must, of course, be discussions with the B.B.C. and local authorities.

Perhaps I may sketch to the House some details of the sort of thing we have in mind. For example, in regard to Wales, members might be nominated by county councils and county boroughs in the proportion of one member for, say, each complete 120,000 of the population, with a minimum of one each, which would give a council of about 25. In Scotland, it might be done by panels nominated by the three local authority associations, with the Secretary of State selecting the most suitable and, perhaps, having power to add representatives of cultural and other interests. In Northern Ireland we must, of course, consult the Government on the best manner of comprising the Council, but they have accepted the broad principles that we have put forward in the Report. In all cases the formal appointment of members of the broadcasting councils would be done through the Postmaster-General.

There is, I think—and we cannot escape it, because it is inherent in things—a genuine problem in trying to give proper autonomy to these national regions and yet fit them into a national system of broadcasting. We really have to reconcile two principles, both of which are right and both of which have a lot to be said for them. One principle is that there should be a single corporation running everything, and the other that there should be some proper field of autonomy for the national regions. I do not think it is any good to try to get a completely logical solution, if we want to satisfy both these principles. We can only have logic, if we want to satisfy one or the other and base ourselves on that.

Of course, we have always reconciled irreconcilable principles in the B.B.C. For example, the powers of the Government over the Corporation, which are laid down in the Charter and Licence, are absolute, but we have enabled the good sense, practice and traditions that have been established to be reconciled with the equally absolute independence of the B.B.C. It is not a new thing that we have to find illogical but commonsense solutions of these problems, where there is more than one principle to reconcile.

What we shall have to do, of course, is to build up a new pattern of national broadcasting. The broadcasting councils in the national regions will not only have this very large autonomy, but they will also be a part of the nation's broadcasting system. They will not be independent corporations; they will be councils with control over their own programmes. The national governors—the governors of each of these three broadcasting councils—will have a very important part to play in making it work in commonsense terms. They will be a very important link, because in their own persons they will be both chairmen of their particular broadcasting councils and members of the governors as a whole; and the governors as a whole, with their collective responsibility, will be supreme in the Corporation. They will be, as the Beveridge Report says, "masters in their own house."

We quite agree with the Beveridge Report that, if individual governors undertook to give decisions contrary to the corporate character of the Corporation, they might destroy efficient administration. Therefore, these national governors will in their very persons have to reconcile the collective responsibility of the governors as a whole, which is the supreme authority, and the autonomous rights of these broadcasting councils of which they will be chairmen.

Of course, the duties and obligations laid upon the Corporation as a whole by the Charter and Licence—for example, that there shall be no commercial broadcasts, or that there shall be constant review from outside—must apply to the broadcasting councils just as they apply at present to the Corporation as a whole. And we suggest in the White Paper that any arrangements made between the parties for party political broadcasts should apply equally to the national regions. The broadcasting councils will, of course, have a general duty to maintain the high standards of impartiality of British broadcasting, whilst at the same time putting out diversified programmes and making a contribution not only to their own culture but to broadcasting as a whole.

We agree very strongly with what the Beveridge Report says about the need to preserve the interchangeability of staff in creating these new broadcasting councils. That must mean that whilst the broadcasting councils are responsible for the appointment of staff wholly employed in connection with their home programmes, the contracts of service will have to be made with the Corporation, because only thus can two very important objectives be achieved.

First, the terms and conditions of employment, pensions, etc., of the staff must be common throughout the Corporation, as, otherwise, one cannot get interchange-ability; and, secondly, only if the contracts of service are with the Corporation can the Corporation carry out the duty to be laid upon it in the Charter to give the staff the means of discussing by representative organisations terms and conditions of employment, and so forth—in other words, to have trade union recognition and consultation. Only if the contracts of service are with the Corporation can that vitally important objective in the Charter be carried out.

Then the Regional Controller, whose position is obviously going to be very important, would also have to be appointed by the B.B.C. He is not wholly connected with the home programme; the staffs, for appointing which the broadcasting councils will be responsible, are those wholly connected with the home programme. The Regional Controller, of course, has many other responsibilities. He is responsible within the national region for finance, which is one of the matters to be reserved, we suggest, to the Corporation, and also for the contributions, which I hope will become more and more important, made by these national regions to other programmes, both at home and overseas. But, of course, although he will be appointed by the B.B.C., it is clearly implied that as regards his duties in the production of home programmes, he must be responsible to the new broadcasting councils.

I think that these new powers which we suggest should be given to the broadcasting councils present a great challenge to them, because there is no doubt that the Light Programme is the most popular in the country, and it will be up to them to prove that those are right who argue that greater autonomy in the national regions will produce home programmes more suited to the people in the regions, and, therefore, more popular. They will be competing with the Light Programme—already the most popular in the country—and all will be watching with great interest and hope to see that they succeed.

There are bound to be difficulties and strains in a change of this sort in the Corporation and, clearly, the possibility of friction, where there are overlapping responsibilities and divided loyalties. It will only work if there is goodwill and good sense, if everybody concerned recognises that broadcasting in this country must have a social purpose, and if they accept the general objectives laid down in the Charter.

If any great institutions are to work, there must be commonsense and cooperation and the will to make them work. There can be no doubt that if this attempt is launched, there will be between the Corporation and the councils that measure of commonsense and the will to make it work that will make success certain; it will, I am sure, bring greater vigour and vitality to broadcasting, not only in the national regions but in the country as a whole, and benefit to a broadcasting system which has stood the test of time and which after the most searching inquiry has been shown to be in need of very little fundamental change.

I think these new arrangements will benefit and add to the vigour of a system which by overwhelming opinion here is accepted as the best sort of broadcasting system for our needs in this country, and which is by many qualified observers abroad regarded as the most efficient system of broadcasting in the world.

5.25 p.m.

The Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations has given us a very interesting and a very detailed speech covering the activities of the British Broadcasting Corporation. I hope the House will forgive me if I do not propose to occupy its attention for the same length of time as the right hon. Gentleman found it necessary to do, a length of time, I ought to add, made necessary by his own courtesy and readiness to answer interruptions and questions during his speech.

But the Motion before us is that we take note of the Government's recommendations in this White Paper on broadcasting, and, clearly, we cannot refuse to take note of what has been said. Consequently, this is not a matter which can possibly lead, even among the most bellicose of us, to a Division. For my part, I think it is a very good opportunity, and one of which we should mate use, because the White Paper itself says that the Government have not yet reached any firm conclusions, but will reach them later in the light of our discussions.

I have no doubt that we shall later have a chance of seeing what the firm conclusions of the Government are when they have considered all that is said to them in the House today, and we may then have a debate of a more definite character than the one we are charged with conducting today. It may then be that any difference of opinion between us on that future occasion will be resolved by our time-honoured method of dividing the House. We can, possibly, take advantage of the relatively freer position in which we are today if every hon. Member present speaks his mind freely as to what he thinks of the proposal.

After all, the Government have been careful not to pledge themselves to be finally committed to the views expressed in the White Paper, and they should, therefore, extend to hon. Members in all parts of the House a similar latitude as to what they say today and as to what they may say later after consideration of what other hon. Members say and after widening their acquaintance with the problem as a whole. Later, no doubt, opinions will crystallise more definitely in one direction or another, but today we can speak with a free mind and without committing ourselves, and fly, as it were, on unpinioned wings.

I suggest that although hon. Members get plenty of practice at listening, they are not very good listeners to the wireless. They do not get so many opportunities of listening to it. Not for them the slippered ease of domesticity when the normal working day comes to an end. That being so, I for one cannot set myself up as an expert on wireless programmes. When I do switch on the wireless set and hear coming forth from it the wailing voice of a crooner, male or female, I have just time for an emotion of surprise before I switch off. I have no doubt at all that the B.B.C. know better than I what the public likes. They maintain a very large, and, I have no doubt, efficient organisation for listener research, and though I sometimes marvel at its conclusions regarding the public taste, I am not in a position to dispute them.

Therefore, it is very valuable for us to have today, bad listeners to the wireless though we are, this voluminous report of the Committee presided over by Lord Beveridge. I agree with the right hon. Gentleman that our thanks are due to the members of that Committee for their industry and zeal, for the patience they must have exercised in conducting these long examinations, and for the care with which they have examined this many-sided problem. On that Committee were three Members of our own House, the hon. Lady the Member for Anglesey (Lady Megan Lloyd George), my hon. and learned Friend the Member for Wirral (Mr. Selwyn Lloyd) and the hon. Member for Greenwich (Mr. Reeves).

The three of them did not reach identical conclusions on that Committee any more than they do here, but I am sure we are all indebted to them, individually and personally, for undertaking this additional toil on top of their ordinary Parliamentary labours.

The main issue, as the right hon. Gentleman said, is that of monopoly. It is an issue of which the public are daily becoming a little more irritable and suspicious. I think that is due to the mounting experience they are acquiring of monopolies in coal, transport, electricity and so on. I think there is a feeling—and certainly I have it myself—that of all monopolies the worst is State run.

I was just saying that if there is a private monopoly at least one can call the State in, but if the State is the monopoly people feel rather defenceless.

Let us face this frankly, since we are speaking freely: there is a vague and powerful feeling that control, either direct or indirect, by the State of any medium of expression is contrary to the cause which we are rearming so strongly to defend, and I think, therefore, that it would be proper to say that the climate for considering all monopolies is less favourable today towards the prolongation of a monopoly than it was before.

I do not think that is in any way the fault of the B.B.C. I join in the tribute which has been paid to them by the right hon. Gentleman and I would say myself that the war services of the Corporation and its officers and staff greatly enhanced its reputation and the regard with which it is held by the British public.

Before the war, there was a tendency to regard the B.B.C. as rather Olympian and avuncular, although I doubt whether avuncular is the right adjective in gender. This arose, of course, from the fact that the B.B.C. was discharging an obligation laid upon it by Governments, supported in the past by Conservative majorities in this House—I frankly admit it; and the obligation was not only to entertain, but also to educate and inform. We all like education in the abstract and we make great speeches about its value, but there is in the human breast a slight repugnance towards having the process directed at oneself.

To return to my thoughts about the war, I think the experience of the war taught us that the first "B" in the Corporation's abbreviated title meant something—it was British. It was in the war with us and, in its own sphere it was a powerful and efficient element in the national effort. Looking back at those times I think the calm and punctual announcement of news, the good humour and cheerfulness of the entertainment at a time when entertainment was hard to come by and, therefore, was doubly prized, and even the more serious programmes of music and talks, at a time when all culture seemed in danger of going down, and also, as the right hon. Gentleman has reminded us, the forceful presentation of our own case to Europe and the rest of the world—I think they all constituted a great body of service to the national cause which we should never forget.

But since then the background of events at home and abroad has made us more and more suspicious of these State concerns, particularly in the realm of thought and culture, and what was harmless and perhaps, indeed, necessary in the early days of the Corporation's development begins nowadays, against the modern back ground, to take on more of the ordinary aspect of the pattern of everything being run by State corporations. Indeed on this matter I find the Beveridge—

Before the right hon. Gentleman leaves the subject of monopoly, will he give us an instance of what he means? I gather that he has changed his mind on this matter because, if I make no mistake, he was in the House when the first Charter went through. At any rate, he obviously agreed to the monopoly then. What has transpired since, what has the B.B.C. done since, to make him now wish to alter it?

I have said nothing of the kind. I have tried to express my personal view of the fact that the climate of public opinion on this question of monopoly requires watching today, and I shall later come to my own views as to what our attitude should be.

I find the Beveridge Report on this matter a slightly curious document. It is very eloquent on the dangers of monopoly, yet concludes in its favour for an indefinite period. In particular, I am disturbed by the position of the employees of the Corporation. Broadcasting has been in existence for some 30 years, which means that a man who entered the service 30 years ago may well be over 50 and has learned nothing else which he can do in the world except the specialised techniques of collating programmes or the specialised engineering which is involved in B.B.C. transmissions.

It seems to me that if such a man has a momentary disagreement with his superiors and is dismissed, there is no alternative master to whom he can offer his services. I believe that that is a serious thing and it would be the normal thing to expect of human nature that that situation makes for an attitude of caution rather than independence in the employees of such a system.

I am sure, myself, from what I have read and heard and talked about with various people, that the B.B.C. has been a good employer and that the Governors do their very best to secure fair play. I am making no charge against the B.B.C. but simply trying to draw the attention of the House to one of the dangers which is inherent not in the Governors but in the very system itself, especially when it reaches the size it has reached today.

Much has been made, too, of the fact that in our contentious democracy it is dangerous to have a single control of the transmission of information and news. But here I am bound to say, for myself—and I speak for myself—that in a considerable number of years of contentious political argument, taking the rough with the smooth, I do not think either party has much to complain about in the presentation of political matter. We have all had jokes made about our attitudes and we have heard sentiments issuing from our wireless sets which made us wish to jump up with the answer and to controvert the statement on the spot, only to feel baffled that we cannot do so because radio emanation is a one-way street. But certainly I would say this: I have heard the feature "Today in Parliament" and it has always seemed to me to be admirably done, when one con- siders that our proceedings of eight or nine hours have to be condensed into 15 minutes and that, perforce, much wisdom and eloquence must be omitted and seen, if at all, only in the columns of HANSARD.

Weighing one thing against another, with a full recognition of its achievements, many of my hon. Friends cannot regard the issue of monopoly as finally closed one way or the other. We are here dealing with a new social force which, on the technical side, has made enormous strides within the memory of the youngest of us. We cannot foresee the developments in this strange wireless world which may be made in the next decade.

It may be that the development of very high frequency, of which we heard something from the right hon. Gentleman, will remove some of the technical obstacles otherwise insuperable and will overcome the great obstacle of the limited number of wavelengths which we can use—limited because we are so cheek by jowl with our numerous and garrulous European neighbours. V.H.F. may open a new field in the future—who knows?—and it may even make desirable—who can prophecy?—the participation of energies other than those of a monopoly in the great endeavour of broadcasting and television.

I believe, first of all, that the period of 15 years proposed by the Government for the renewal of the Charter is too long. Let us think back 15 years and see what has happened in that time. That would bring us to 1936. I would remind hon. Members that it was not until 1939 that what we now call radar became a practical appliance.

I had some responsibility for defence at that time, and I can well remember the scientists telling our small committee that they had made the tool which applied this principle. It had a great effect in the Battle of Britain, with all the historic consequences that followed from that. That was only 12 years ago, and now radar is in every ship of any size and it has become a commonplace in aeronautics.

We are dealing in the wireless world with something which is moving at a great momentum and great acceleration, and I think that we shall be presumptuous in imagining that we can see ahead with clarity for 15 years so as to be certain—I put it no higher than that—that a monopoly in one body of persons should exist for so long a time.

I think that we would all agree in this House that the B.B.C. should not suddenly cease operations on 31st December next. Some renewal of the Charter for a certain time will be obligatory, but I hope that the Government, when they finally reach a conclusion on this matter after considering what has been said, will do so in a manner that will leave the matter open to consideration in the future and that will not tie the hands of any Parliament to come.

Certainly, my own view of the monopoly has been somewhat affected by the two recommendations of the White Paper to which the right hon. Gentleman referred and which called forth, when issued, such a spirited and vigorous rejoinder from the Governors of the B.B.C. I was cheered up to see in the newspapers the rumour that the Government were to reconsider the proposal about regional councils staffed by local authorities. I thought I should not have to deal with it. We may all make mistakes at times, but it appears that this proposal still stands. I beg the Government to reconsider what they are proposing here.

It is no good the right hon. Gentleman saying that politics would not enter into it. Politics on both sides would enter into it. For the first time we should give authority over the programmes and the staff of the B.B.C. to people who derived their authority from the electorate on account of their political views, and that would be to introduce into the system of the B.B.C. something which would detract from that element in it to which I have given praise, namely, its impartiality in matters of politics.

I have made that fair appraisal of what I consider the B.B.C.'s conduct has been in matters political—not that I have not been annoyed from time to time—largely because the set-up of the B.B.C, both nationally and regionally, has been free from political bias and control. I think that in the future, if this proposal is proceeded with, everything that is said on the regional programmes will be scrutinised to see whether it was councillor "red" or councillor "blue" who put the man up to speak.

I have the greatest respect for local government and for the men and women who undertake the arduous duties of public service which are involved in it, but I would not pick them out as the people to choose the programmes for the B.B.C. There seems to be great confusion of function here. Nobody ever elects a councillor because he has a good ear for music; and his artistic and cultural qualifications are not in issue when he is at the hustings.

It would be the merest fluke, in my estimation, if we got a body gathered together out of local authorities who had the first idea of how to start about forming a programme. To say that is not to run them down. There are other valuable activities in life besides an ear for music and ability to devise a programme. I believe that these worthy men would be the first to repudiate any suggestion that they should be asked to undertake tasks which not their nature nor their education nor their interests necessarily fit them to do.

Would the right hon. Gentleman be kind enough to say how many members of the advisory committees he thinks are so fitted, or of the Governors, for that matter?

The more, both among the Governors and the present advisory committees. If the hon. Gentleman will look down the present nominated lists I think he will find that they have been chosen with an eye to the functions which they are to perform. But it would be a mere fluke if we got a body of town and county councillors who could devise a programme. At least there is an attempt at intellectual choice and selection in the composition of the advisory committees which there would not be in that of the others.

I would remind the right hon. Gentleman that the advisory committees do not interfere with the programmes, and that these new councils are not only to interfere with the programmes but to have an absolute authority over them.

I am obliged to the right hon. Gentleman. That was the point I was about to make when he so kindly interrupted me.

There is all the difference in the world between advisory committees like the present ones and bodies so curiously culled and chosen as these we are proposing to set up. These are to be entrusted not only with executive powers but with very wide ones, with complete control over the programmes and complete control over the appointment of the staff to be employed on the programmes.

I say that it is nonsense to proceed on those lines. If we have one body appointing the staff we shall have divided loyalties in the staff between the local board and the B.B.C. We shall make an already difficult problem of recruiting for the B.B.C. doubly difficult. I hope that we shall have some assurance later, if not now, that this will be dropped.

The right hon. Gentleman posed a question when defending the proposal just now. It is, he says, difficult—and I admit it—to get some method which will give greater autonomy to the regions, though he reminded us that the Beveridge Committee reports that a regional director under the present set-up has almost complete autonomy as regards his programmes. He asked, "Could we think of a better way?" He also said his way was better than the way proposed by Lord Beveridge's Committee; and he pointed out two difficulties in the suggestions of Lord Beveridge's Committee. I would say to him, with all the earnestness of which I am capable, that if he cannot do better than this he should leave it as it is at the moment.

I want to get this clear. That means the rejection of the Beveridge Committee's proposals?

If the right hon. Gentleman finds the difficulty in the Beveridge Committee's proposals which he put before us, and if his only alternative is this one, he had better leave things as they are. They are working not too badly, and it would be far better to leave them alone.

After all, what do the regions involved think about the proposal? Northern Ireland does not want it in the slightest. It does not want it. It does not want it in any shape or form. As regards Scotland, I am a Scotsman myself. I do not think anybody exceeds me in loyalty to my native land, and I am a Scotsman as well as a citizen of the United Kingdom. I can say nemo me impune lacessit as well as anybody—though I do not go around sticking my thistle into the skins of other people. I claim to speak for Scottish sympathies in this matter, and I would say that, though we may find some small body of extremely vocal opinion in Scotland for this, we should affront the intelligence of the average Scotsman by offering him this proposal because he would see that this was inefficient and would not work.

I hope that we shall hear from the noble Lady the Member for Anglesey about Wales. I live—when I can get there—in Gloucestershire, and I get the Welsh Regional Programme. I turn it on from time to time by mistake, and again I switch it off, because it is always shouting Welsh at me; so I do not see what this new council would do to make the Welsh Programme more Welsh than it is, or do anything of that kind for it. I say that unless the Government can find some method of dealing with this matter which would not have the effect of, as I think, ruining the impartial standards of the B.B.C. by setting up an unworkable administrative machine and complicating problems of recruitment and staff, then they had better leave it as it is.

The other proposal is one with which the right hon. Gentleman dealt, namely, the Exchequer deducting 15 per cent. of the net revenue. The right hon. Gentleman is quite right in saying that in the years before the war it was customary for the Exchequer, in consultation with the B.B.C., to fix the licence fee and to allow the Corporation a proportion only of the net receipts, giving them a sum just sufficient to carry on the programme they had ahead of them; and, indeed, it was enough to finance the steady and remarkable progress made by the Corporation in those years. But it is my view that at the present moment, with the arrears of development due to the war and the heavy charges involved in the development of television, it would be very unwise to give the B.B.C. less than the whole of their licence revenue at this time.

I am satisfied that the finances of the B.B.C. are prudently and expertly managed. The highest tribute to this side of their work is paid in the Beveridge Report. Therefore, I believe the Governors when they say that, even if they receive 100 per cent. of the licence fee and are given no remission of Income Tax they would, in a 10-year period of development, face a deficit of nearly £7 million calculated on 1949 prices—and we all know that between 1949 prices and the prices of today there is a great deal of difference. If this development can be postponed, it is only postponed; it cannot be avoided.

It seems to me foolish to drive the Corporation to borrow money which they will ultimately have to repay with interest. If the B.B.C. are not allowed to have enough income for their purposes, one of two things must happen. Either the quality of the service must seriously decline or money must be found from some other source, and this involves the disliked sponsored programme of advertising, either on sound or television, or both.

It seems quite inconsistent to deny the B.B.C. a sufficient income from their licence revenue and at the same time to forbid them to have recourse to the only other existing source of revenue which there is. The argument that the B.B.C. ought to make a contribution, as is said in the White Paper, to our national necessities, omits to state that in the last five years, or less than five years, the B.B.C. has paid in Income Tax no less than £4,666,330. I cannot see why they should be asked to pay more than that in present circumstances.

The arguments in the White Paper which support this exaction are very curious. It is said that their revenue has increased greatly since the war. But so have their charges and the burdens of their expenses. It is said that they have accumulated considerable reserves. Well, is financial prudence to be penalised by a fresh exaction? I believe that the reserves are not a penny too much for their future obligations.

This is shown by the fact that the Government are giving them power to borrow £10 million. If they have reserves greater than they require, why should they be given power to borrow money? If their reserves are no more than they need, why should they be depleted further by diverting 15 per cent. of the licence revenue? I listened with care to what the right hon. Gentleman said on this matter, But I could not help reflecting that a large "mush area" gathered on certain parts of his argu- ment—an expression which I heard for the first time in my life today, from the right hon. Gentleman.

I have now time to do little else than glance at the further matters. I must say that I do not like the proposal to increase the number of Governors from seven to nine for the purpose of instituting on to the board national Governors to represent national interests. I need not go into that again; it is part of the other proposal, and I hope they will drop it. The Governors' duties are to the whole of the Corporation, and the position of a Governor charged with a special interest, with a particular national axe to grind, seems to me both anomalous and open to objection.

I am obliged to the right hon. Gentleman for dealing so fully with the question of which I gave him notice about the relations between the cinema industry and television. The short point is this. I think we all agree that in any arrangement the cinema industry should not be allowed to make a corner in any national event of such importance that it ought to be available on the home television screen. I think that is right.

It is difficult to see how there could be an exact quid pro quo bargain, that the cinema industry must render available to the B.B.C. for television purposes any film they make at a price which is not freely negotiated but is to be determined by the right hon. Gentleman, the Postmaster-General. That, I think, will need further looking into. I have no particular axe to grind myself, and I can say only this about it, that I have been told by those who prompted me to ask the question that they are now all agreed in various parts of the industry about what they want to say, so perhaps in that respect the prospects for successful and fruitful negotiations are more favourable than they have been

That enables me to be a bit shorter in my remarks than I would otherwise have been, and I conclude with only a few general observations, which are perhaps of value and perhaps not. It must be apparent to all of us who have studied this question of broadcasting that it is an organ of great power for good or ill. We in this House set about trying to devise legislative enactments which will steer a certain activity into the proper channel and fight evils inherent in it.

But I have the feeling that what is more important than what we do in this House is, perhaps, the spirit of the men who work the machine, and theirs is a particularly powerful position over the rest of their fellow men. Men whose avocations put them into a position of particular power over their fellows are not new things in our social life. The doctor, the teacher, the journalist and the lawyer—all these can, if they act badly, wreck ordinary life as we know it, and they therefore took the step of organising themselves into professions a long time ago, and superimposing upon their own particular virtues the ethical code which is peculiar to a certain profession or occupation.

The Civil Service is another admirable example of that. I remember when I was Financial Secretary to the Treasury a long time ago the late Sir Warren Fisher asked me to look at a file of papers which concerned the conduct of a civil servant, which was thought perhaps to merit censure or even worse. I studied them very carefully, listened to the evidence, and came to the conclusion that the man, although perhaps a little indiscreet, had acted honestly and in the public interest. I conveyed my impressions to Sir Warren, who said, "Honest? Why, it is the duty of an ordinary person to be honest, but a civil servant ought to be fastidious."

Each profession has its code which it uses to buttress the virtues of the individual against the temptations which his power gives him. I hope that those engaged in the daily work of broadcasting, whose good conduct is more important even than that of the Governors— although it is very important that we should get the best Governors we can—will in time evolve a code which takes into account the high position of trust and responsibility they hold. I think that if that could be achieved, it would be the best safeguard we could have that whatever may be the future of broadcasting, it will always remain an instrument, as it was intended to be, of service and benefit to the public.

6.0 p.m.

:As the right hon. Member for Cirencester and Tewkesbury (Mr. W. S. Morrison) said, the issue of monopoly was the main question which the Beveridge Committee had to decide, and there can be no doubt that many inside the House as well as outside will regret the decision that the Broadcasting Committee made to leave the B.B.C. monopoly virtually unaltered—[HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear."] It is obvious that that point of view will receive a great deal of support in this House, but mainly, I think, from the benches above the Gangway.

I agree with the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations—that the vast majority of the people of this country will approve and applaud that decision. I am convinced, as a member of the Committee, that it was the only possible verdict that we could come to after hearing the evidence. I realise that the hon. and learned Member for Wirral (Mr. Selwyn Lloyd) came to a different conclusion, but the rest of the Committee were convinced, not so much that the case for monopoly had been made out, but that the case for commercial broadcasting or for alternative corporations had not been made out.

The Committee paid a sincere tribute to the B.B.C. for the very high standards they have set and maintained, for their impartiality, and for the public service which they have rendered since their inception. But I should like to add this. I do not think any Committee which has inquired into the broadcasting system of this country has ever been more acutely conscious of the dangers of monopoly in this particular field than the Beveridge Committee, and quite rightly so. It is because of these fears which are very largely shared by the nation as a whole that the Committee put forward safeguards and proposals for greater diversity, an element of competition, and a system of internal and external criticism of the B.B.C.—as we put it in our Report, not only to provide watchdogs but watchdogs over the watchdogs.

The right hon. Member for Cirencester and Tewkesbury said that broadcasting was moving with a great momentum. In some respects it is; in some respects it is not in some instances where it should be. I think that the V.H.F., a system whereby we can have far greater diversity in this country, has been neglected. In America it is very largely used to the great advantage of listeners. Over here it is still largely in an experimental stage. I agree, as is stated in the Report, that this system should be used to give greater coverage in the "mush areas" in England, Scotland and, what is even more important, in Wales.

We believe also—and we said so in the Report—that the Governors should have power, after consultation with the Corporation, to licence approved public authorities and voluntary societies to establish local stations under this system. I think that is a very important recommendation of the Committee and one which I hope the Government will accept. In the White Paper they said that they would give it consideration. I hope that they will not allow it to be put into cold storage or, what is perhaps more likely, into a deep freeze.

Perhaps the most important proposal for de-centralisation and for neutralising the monopoly was that made by the Committee for the devolution of the English regions and, above all, of the national regions of Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland. I believe that, despite everything the right hon. Gentleman said in his speech, what I would call the "Londoni-sation" of broadcasting and television has been a very bad thing. What we want to do is, as the Beveridge Report says, to substitute federal harmony for centralised unity in London. I am perfectly certain that the majority of hon. Members in this House would say that if the regions had greater autonomy they would inject a blood transfusion into the general system of the B.B.C., which—let me be quite frank—suffers, not infrequently from anaemia.

I hope that under that system we may induce the right hon. Member for Cirencester and Tewkesbury to turn on the Welsh region not by accident but by design, and make him grateful that he can listen to the very high quality of that most international of all languages—music.

I should like to say a word more, especially about national devolution, about which there has been a good deal of criticism. There is no disagreement between the Committee and the White Paper on the aims which we wish to achieve. The Broadcasting Committee expressed the view that each of the national regions should have its own distinctive voice on the ether. There is no disagreement about that. That recommendation was made largely in response to the demands both from Scotland and from Wales that the distinctive national cultures, and in the case of Wales an ancient language, should not be obliterated wholly or in part by broadcasting dominated from London.

There is no difference at all, therefore, between the aims of the Government and the Beveridge proposal if words mean anything at all. The Government say in the White Paper that they attach great importance to the maximum devolution of all areas and programme policy, and they agree with the Broadcasting Committee, unlike the right hon. Member for Cirencester and Tewkesbury, that the existing arrangements are inadequate. They say that this applies particularly to Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland— and this is a phrase which I would ask the House to observe—

Now we come to the crux of the whole matter: How are these aims on which the Government and the Broadcasting Committee are in agreement to be achieved? The Broadcasting Committee originally made proposals for a commission. I do not presume to speak for Scotland, but the original demands put forward from all Welsh witnesses appearing before the Broadcasting Committee was for a separate corporation for Wales. The witnesses were very impressive. There was first the Welsh Parliamentary Party, which includes the three political parties. Then there was Cymru Fydd, a cultural organisation which includes all political parties, and there was the Nationalist Party. All were unanimous in their demands for a separate corporation for Wales.

The Beveridge Committee did not go as far as that. They suggested that there should be a commission of five persons, whose chairman would also be a Governor of the B.B.C., and that the commission should initiate and decide a home service programme in its region and should have power in relation to finance, accommodation and staff sufficient to allow of this. It was true we made it clear that overall responsibility for finance must be reserved to the Corporation.

That, in my judgment, was a workable, practicable and acceptable plan.

What do the Government propose? They meet a number of those demands. That I concede. There is to be a body to initiate a home service in Scotland, in Wales and in Northern Ireland. Those are important concessions, but the constitution of the body is to be entirely different. I am afraid that the status of the body is not going to be quite as influential as the Beveridge Committee hoped it would be.

The proposals of the Government are for a Council, the majority of whose members are to be representatives of local authorities. The Government's argument is that such a Council would be representative. Certainly, it must be representative, as the right hon. Gentleman said, of the ordinary man and woman. But this is not the way the Governors of the B.B.C. are chosen, though they are representative. The Government commends the system. The White Paper says so. They say that the system is admirable and could not be improved upon. These are the words they use. They say that they are representative of the public which they serve. But why do they want to alter the system? Why one system for the Council and one for the Governors?

It seems to me that the Government in this instance—and I agree with what the Governors of the B.B.C. said—are introducing an entirely new element into the structure of the B.B.C. No matter what the right hon. Gentleman may say, they are introducing a political element. I think that that is a very regrettable thing to do.

It is not that anyone says that members of local authorities are not competent. The point is that they are not likely to be suitable for this particular function. They are elected for an entirely different purpose. They are elected to look after education, health, planning and other kinds of local activity. None of the electors in their wildest dreams when voting for them thought that they would be elected to initiate a home service programme for broadcasting. It does not fit.

:It is not to initiate but to control. There is a different wording from the Beveridge Report.

:I am not sure, but I think the word "initiate" is in it too. I think the right hon. Gentleman is wrong. I think both "initiate" and "control" are there, but if the word "initiate" is not in, it shows that the whole scheme is worth just nothing at all. Therefore, I hope the right hon. Gentleman, for his own sake, will find that he is wrong.

:Then I hope the right hon. Gentleman will make it clear that he means initiate as well, because if the B.B.C. from London are to initiate the programme, I do not see what purpose there is in setting up the Council. In fact, it is completely worthless.

:The words are very carefully chosen, and "initiate" is not brought in. Their primary function will be

"to control the policy and content of their Home programme."

:If that is so, members of local authorities are still not elected for the purpose of controlling broadcast programmes, and in that I am sure that the right hon. Gentleman and I will be in agreement. They should be drawn from entirely different sections of the community, as the B.B.C. Governors are selected.

I hope the Government will reconsider their decision in this matter. Let them go back to the Beveridge proposals, to which a great deal of thought was given. The right hon. Gentleman looks sceptical, but that is so. A great deal of thought was given to these proposals, and they were hammered out with very great care. They do not meet with the full demand of the people of Wales, and I am sure that he would want to consult and adhere to the views expressed by the elected representatives of the people of Wales in this matter; but they are at any rate an acceptable minimum.

I want to raise only one or two other points. The first is about commercial broadcasting. The Secretary of State said that three members of the Committee had signed a minority note on commercial broadcasting, but that they had answered their own arguments by signing the main Report. If the right hon. Gentleman will look at it, he will see that the third paragraph of the present Licence prohibits any commercial advertising without the consent of the Postmaster-General. All that our note suggested was that that prohibition should be raised in suitable cases. I think the Chairman, Mrs. Stocks, and myself made that abundantly clear.

There are many people who think that this proposal about commercial broadcasting does not go far enough, and there are many more who think it goes too far. I believe it is reasonable and not open to any serious objection. After all, we are not suggesting the adoption of the American system. We are simply saying that the B.B.C. should set aside specified hours for programmes admitting advertising, and that they should control the manner and the matter of those advertisements as, in fact, they do in the "Radio Times."

:The noble Lady is keen on keeping political influence out of broadcasting. She does not want the power of politics in it, but surely the power of money is infinitely worse. The American system was not exactly adopted in that country, but once the commercial principle was conceded, then the American system adapted itself.

:Of course, in America there is no other system but this and there is no other competitor. Here we have the monopoly of the B.B.C, which will be responsible for the great volume of the programmes on the air. All we say is that certain specified hours should be set aside for controlled advertising. I cannot think that any very great danger will arise from that.

It is unreasonable that the air and television should be barred for all time to legitimate advertisement. [HON. MEMBERS: "Why?"] Because it is a great medium of advertisement. Why should it be prohibited here any more than in a newspaper? It is a great medium of communication. I really am amazed that hon. Members on the Government benches should be so very scared by a modest proposal of this kind, which would have to be approved by the Postmaster-General and have the consent of the Corporation, and would then have to pass the editorial board of a kind of "Radio Times" inside the Corporation.

:How would the noble Lady draw the line about who would be allowed to advertise? What would be her attitude if the party above the Gangway came into power and tried further to make broadcasting a commercial medium?

:It is no part of my job to defend the party above the Gangway. It is a duty which I should repudiate utterly. The answer to the hon. Lady is that the B.B.C. should have the responsibility, as they do now for advertisements in the "Radio Times." I do not know that any objections have been raised or any suggestion made that the "Radio Times" has been a racket controlled by any particular section of the community. I do not see why, if the B.B.C. have control over the manner and the matter, as they would have, of this very restricted measure of advertising, we need fear a revolution in this respect.

There is only one other question to which I should like to refer, and to which the right hon. Gentleman made no reference in his speech. I think it is a very important matter indeed. That is the question of political and controversial broadcasts. The B.B.C. quite rightly set great store by their duty not only to entertain but to educate and inform. There is no duty more important under this heading than that of informing listeners on vital public questions of the day, however controversial they may be. The more controversial they are, the greater the need for public discussion, information and ventilation.

The B.B.C. in the past have been very nervous about controversy on the air. If the controversy has been stone cold it has been perfectly safe, and they ventilated it to their heart's content. But they have, in the main, avoided controversies when they were red hot, which of course is the time when they are interesting to the public, and which is the psychological moment, when the public were being asked to make up their minds on these particular problems. It is for that reason that the Committee wished to have the ban removed on the discussion of any question within a fortnight before it is debated in either House of Parliament. It really would be thought, and quite rightly so, an intolerable restraint upon our liberty of comment, debate and discussion, were such a rule applied to newspapers. Why should it apply to broadcasting?

I believe that controversies should be fought out on the microphone, in the Press and on the platform as well as and at the same time as in the House of Commons. I hope, therefore, that the Government will alter their decision in this matter. I believe, from the evidence that we had before the committee, that the Director General, to whom tributes have been paid that were well deserved and well merited, that the B.B.C. themselves would not be averse to a change in this matter.

Certain objections can be raised to the present method of choosing speakers for political broadcasts. There have been difficulties in the past when distinguished personalities have been excluded from the air because at that particular moment they were not the white-headed boys of their particular parties. The classic example is that of the right hon. Gentleman the Leader of the Opposition who, in the days before the war when he was in the wilderness, was refused permission to broadcast because he was not eligible as a nominee of the Conservative Party. That might happen in other parties, in any party at any time, and therefore it is all the more important that a decision should be taken upon it.

The Government say, "We are going to consider this matter of party political broadcasts with the Opposition and the B.B.C." I hope that the B.B.C. will not allow itself to be tied and inhibited by party hierarchies in this matter. Particularly do I hope that, if there is any failure to come to an agreement with a political party, the Governors of the B.B.C. will take the responsibility themselves of allocating speakers to go to the microphone. I regard this as a matter of the greatest importance and as one on which the B.B.C. will, I hope, really take its courage in its hands.

The Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations said that the recommendations of the White Paper were not final. I am very glad to hear it. I hope that he will take account, as he said he would, of the views expressed in this debate in the House, of the feelings in all parts of the House upon the development of this increasingly important medium in the lives of the people.

6.30 p.m.

:The speeches which we have heard so far seem to indicate that no one in this House wishes to have any fundamental changes in our system of broadcasting in this country. The Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations has indicated that the Government wish to make no fundamental changes in the proposals which the Broadcasting Committee has made. He said particularly, "We accept its proposals." Even the right hon. Member for Cirencester and Tewkesbury (Mr. W. S. Morrison) said that, although the question of a monopoly is one for discussion, we must keep our minds open, because so far the public have not come to any final decision on the matter and that it is still one for consideration.

It ought to be said right away that the Beveridge Committee considered the question of monopoly perhaps more carefully and longer than any other issue that came before it. Obviously it was important that this great concern, which has so much effect upon the lives of our people and which has power to influence opinion in all manner of ways, should be under the control of the people and that its powers should be so regulated that in no circumstances could it be a danger to the community. But in spite of the very great investigation which it made into the whole question, the Committee was forced to the conclusion that, compared with systems in other countries, we had the very best possible system in the circumstances, and it felt that there was no reason to ask for any fundamental change as regards the matter of monopoly.

The Committee undertook a very thorough investigation into broadcasting. It covered the whole of home and foreign broadcasting, many visits were paid to the regions to find out how the regional people felt on the question of automony and the Committee studied broadcasting systems in other countries, including European countries, Australia and New Zealand, and certain members of the Committee paid a visit to America and Canada to study the systems in those two countries on the spot. There was an exhaustive inquiry into the wishes of the various interests, all of whom were consulted, and the Committee interviewed most of the organisations interested in broadcasting; I think I can say from the Musicians' Union to the spiritualists.

After all this work it was discovered that our system was, on balance, infinitely superior to that of any other country in the world, and, as the Minister has said, the Committee was constrained to pay a very high tribute to the efficiency of the B.B.C. and to the sense of public spirit which animates it in its substantial success in maintaining impartiality, which is a very important thing.

While I was in America investigating the system there, I was a little surprised to find how our American friends reacted to our system. I discovered that they were very much afraid of this country adopting the system prevalent in America. I was warned on more than one occasion that to take their system as a criterion would be to disregard the great mass of informed opinion in America. They said that, having started in a certain way, they found very great difficulty in changing their system. The American people have a service of broadcasts for which they make no payment, but I was told that in the long run they are really paying a very high price for it. Certain university groups referred to our Third Programme as the "University of the air"; although it was pointed out that there was no mass listening to the programme in Great Britain, they said the programme was well worth defending and preserving.

I shall confine my remarks to four main points. First, there is the need to preserve what I prefer to call, not a monopoly, but a great public service. The word "monopoly" is being bandied about quite erroneously. This is not a monopoly in the ordinary connotation of the word, but a great service which the people of this country have established. It is like our educational and health systems; they are both monopolies in a sense but we can hardly describe them as monopolies in the sense of the normal use of the word.

I want also to refer to the proposal to deprive the B.B.C. of 15 per cent. of its licence fee income and to say a few words about school broadcasts and official facilities for minorities to express unorthodox views; but the big issue is, of course, that of monopoly.

The B.B.C. control the radio, the television and the overseas broadcasting, and the proposal is that in the main this system is to remain unaltered and the Government agree that for the next 15 years there shall be no change. When we compare our system with the one in America, ours stands out as incomparably superior. In spite of America's technical progress and efficiency, our service reflects great credit upon our national genius and our ancient civilisation.

I found that in America the advertising interests have a complete stranglehold on the great radio and television networks; the service is becoming debased compared with ours and many Americans are ashamed of it. We find commercial ownership with private concerns outbidding one another for artists, which has resulted in programmes becoming completely unbalanced, some programmes costing many thousands of pounds while others represent sheer rubbish. It would be a very sad day if we were to allow that influence to affect our broadcasting system.

I read an article some time ago by a very well-known American radio commentator about the attitude of the networks in America to United Nations broadcasts. Some time ago Gladwyn Jebb was almost the pin-up boy of the radio world because, in his arguments with Mr. Malik, he was presenting what was considered to be the American point of view. The television service was almost monopolised by the United Nations broadcasts. Then the advertisers started objecting to all this because they wanted that time. It was the time when most viewers are able to look in. What did John Crosby say?—

My second point is about the proposal to deprive the B.B.C. of 15 per cent. of its revenue. I know that the Government maintain that the B.B.C, except for nearly two years, has never had the full amount of the radio licences. However, we must not forget that when it was decided to grant the B.B.C. 100 per cent. it was on account of the enormous developments which were in hand, and the possibilities of further developments arising out of scientific discoveries made during the last decade or so.

Not only will the 100 per cent. not be sufficient to finance the radio, television—including colour—and very high frequency, but the B.B.C. will require to use its proposed borrowing powers on account of the enormous cost of these services. We have already heard that the B.B.C. anticipate that eventually there will be a deficit of round about £6,800,000. I hope that the Government's decision with regard to the 15 per cent. is not irrevocable, for I am sure that the B.B.C. could use all the funds at its disposal and even then never make up the technical lag which we are experiencing in this country compared with America.

As hon. Members know, America has gone forward much more rapidly in the field of very high frequency and colour television than we have in this country. We are now being told that it will be 10 years before we shall have colour in Britain. The Colombia Broadcasting System in America is already giving so many hours per day to colour over the whole of its network. I have seen colour in America, I have seen colour at the B.B.C. experimental station, and I am convinced that our colour is as good as theirs. Yet we have to wait 10 years for it because insufficient money is available on account of the special conditions under which we are living in the process of re-armament. But whilst colour may be difficult, I think it is almost criminal for us not to go forward with the possibilities of very high frequency services.

As I have said, America has already done a great deal in this field. I visited Cleveland and witnessed the service provided by the Cleveland Board of Education. It has its own broadcasting station and studios. It works on what is called frequency modulation It is broadcasting every day of the week to all the schools in Cleveland, which has a population of two million. If Mr. Speaker will permit me, I should like to place in the Library of this House the programmes for which one city in Cleveland is responsible on the educational side. In every classroom there is a receiving set for the children, even for the little ones of five years of age. They are helped in their music lessons and in their dancing by broadcasts on frequency modulation as a result of a grant which the Carnegie Foundation gave to Cleveland four or five years before the war. It cost only 40,000 dollars to install and equip this frequency modulation station, so that it is infinitely cheaper than the normal broadcasting services to which we are used in this country.

Taking up an American paper a few days ago I saw that the Board of Regents of New York State are convinced of the educational value of this medium. The director, Dr. Lewis A. Wilson, who is the Commissioner of Education, was asked to present to the Federal Communications Commission a case for allocating time and high-frequency bands for education in New York State. He is now asking for channel reservations for 11 stations, a network which will cover the whole State, the overall cost of which work out at about 3,500,000 dollars. William J. Wallin, Chancellor of the Board of Regents, says:

In a book written by an ex-employee of the B.B.C., Mr. Siepmann, who went over there to control one of the university radio systems, he said of this system that 450,000 children listen regularly to broadcasts in such subjects as nature study, and that as a result of these broadcasts on this specific medium, which is used for schools only, children have planted seven million trees in 214 school forests. This shows the terrific potentialities of this medium, a medium that we have not considered using in any conceivable way.

I want to refer, in passing, to the work already done by the Schools Broadcasting Council. They have done fine work, but it has not been taken up seriously, particularly by the local education authorities. The money which is being spent is, in my view, being largely frittered away because the local education authorities have not been brought to an understanding of its great value. In any case, the receiving sets which are being used are not only very often out of date, but are not properly serviced. We in this country must take this service very much more seriously and develop it much more than we have done so far.

I should like, finally, to say a word on the facilities for minorities to express unorthodox views. During our discussions, we had in front of us many bodies who complained that because they were minorities, because they held unorthodox views, they did not have the facilities for broadcasting which bodies with more popular views were given. The B.B.C. ought to be scrupulous in this matter. The minorities have a right to be heard over the air. No matter how unpopular may be their views, they should be given their proper place. It was said that numerical strength ought not to be the criterion, and I accept this point of view.

There is, for instance, the Religious Broadcasting Department, which controls religious broadcasting. To my amazement, I heard that Unitarians have no part in that Committee because it is considered that they are not within the broad stream of Christian thought; that because the Unitarian does not agree with the Trinitarian concept, he is not permitted, or is rarely permitted, to have broadcasts. There are hosts of religious bodies who are not included in this work, simply because they are unorthodox. Not only were the unorthodox religious bodies denied a proper outlet, but many bodies such as the Ethical Union—those who would be classified as unbelievers—had no share whatever in the work.

This branch of broadcasting must be broadened out very considerably. We must be very much more broadminded than ever before. We do not want the minorities to be functioning under this great grievance. They have their rights, as have the majorities, and in my view they should have their share of broadcasting time, so that people may be aware of the controversies not only in politics and in other matters, but also in religion.

6.54 p.m.

:I should like to say a few words on the subject of devolution, which is referred to in Paragraphs 18 to 22 of the White Paper, particularly with reference to Northern Ireland. I speak on behalf of my hon. Friends the Ulster Members of the House, on behalf of the Regional Controller of the B.B.C, on behalf, I believe, of every responsible person in Northern Ireland who has any interest whatever in broadcasting, and on behalf of the present Advisory Council in Northern Ireland, which is a highly responsible and representative body of opinion.

I must endorse what was said by my right hon. Friend the Member for Cirencester and Tewkesbury (Mr. W. S. Morrison), that Northern Ireland is against the proposals for devolution in any shape or form. That, broadly speaking, is the position, and that is what I should like to develop.

We might ask ourselves, what is the object of the present regional system? The answer is given by a quotation on page 15 of the Beveridge Report that:

We might then ask ourselves, what is the purpose of further devolution? The Minister said that this devolution did not include fiscal autonomy. I see no possible reason for devolution if it does not include fiscal autonomy, for if we look at the Beveridge Report we see on page 157, under the heading "Proposals," that it says:

If we have devolution and include with it a certain measure of fiscal autonomy, we shall put places like Northern Ireland and the smaller regions at a tremendous disadvantage, because under the present arrangements, if I am right, Northern-Ireland is subsidised to the extent of approximately £10,000 a year. This takes no account of our freely drawing on the Home and Light Services, and takes no account of our share in the research service, money to reserve, and so on. Northern Ireland is now subsidised, and I think that one or two other regions are subsidised also.

If there is complete autonomy we will get to the position where a region like Northern Ireland will not be able to afford to maintain the present high standard that we get. I see that the Postmaster-General is getting restive because the question of fiscal automony does not arise. But if it does not arise, devolution means nothing at all; it is merely a devolution in the control of the contents of the programmes.

When we turn to the more precise proposals in this direction, again in Northern Ireland, we are absolutely opposed to them. I think that every responsible person in Northern Ireland is against them. We agree about the appointment of a national governor. It is very important indeed that there should be an Ulsterman on the Board of Governors of the B.B.C. That is a reform which is long overdue, and I am sure that it will improve that body. It will improve not only the interests of Northern Ireland, but the interests of the Board of Governors also.

:And, no doubt, of Ulstermen, too. From that point of view the present system is lacking in something, but from every other point of view the present system is a good one. It has worked extremely well in Northern Ireland. We have had very few complaints about anything, even the question of the impartiality of the B.B.C.—and the impartiality of anything is liable to question in Northern Ireland. The B.B.C. is one thing which seems at present to have got itself into a position where it is absolutely above question on grounds of impartiality.

We get occasional complaints, but I am glad to say that complaints are from both sides, which is a good indication of the fact that people have begun to regard the B.B.C. Home Service as something almost in the position of the King, above politics. It is very important in Northern Ireland, where there are questions of politics and all the things which go with politics over there, questions of religion, of culture and so on, to preserve this absolute sense of the impartiality of the B.B.C. It should not be brought down to the level of politics.

The present Advisory Council, is very broadly based, and from a political point of view it contains not only a Unionist Member of Parliament but an hon. Member of this House, the hon. Member for Fermanagh and South Tyrone (Mr. Healy), who is so interested in the B.B.C. over there and in his duties on the Advisory Council that so far he has not been able to find time to come to this House at all.

I submit that the proposals of the Government will bring the B.B.C. down into the realm of politics in Northern Ireland. The Government propose that we should have regional devolution, that we should have an advisory committee to control the policy and content of programmes— I suggest that means almost the initiation of programmes as a whole—control of policy and content, broadly speaking, by negotiation with the Government of Northern Ireland, and that they should be representative of local government authorities and should be drawn from the county councils and the larger urban councils by whatever method is chosen. I have been brought up and lived all my life in Northern Ireland, and I consider that in view of the minorities there that would lead to the most appalling complications.

The members of local government authorities, county councillors and so on, as several hon. Members have pointed out, are not elected to arbitrate on matters of taste and entertainment. They are not elected to look after broadcasting, but to look after drains, housing and all sorts of important things. They are chosen according to their ability, their common sense, their appeal to the electors and ratepayers. Surely it could not be argued that they are necessarily, therefore, qualified to judge in matters of public taste in entertainment. In Northern Ireland we shall get most undesirable wrangles taking place.

:Probably we would, but so far we have not had it over the B.B.C., and it is a pity to bring it into the B.B.C.

The object of this devolution is stated to be to help to forward national culture. But we shall get interminable wrangles about what is the national culture of Northern Ireland and most heated discussions about it. I can foresee some of my county councillors having arguments and representatives coming from Europe saying that the national culture of Northern Ireland should preclude the broadcasting of His Majesty's Speech on Christmas Day. I can foresee coming from other places equally vehement protests about excluding certain ceilidhe bands I can think of. We shall have these representatives going forward from their councils to the Advisory Council, putting their points of view and having arguments, and then going back to their councils. It comes down to bringing the B.B.C. not only into the realm of politics, but of local politics.

:Who settles that kind of question now? When that kind of question arises now, who settles it in Northern Ireland?

:That kind of question is not arising, and if it did arise at present it would be settled by the Regional Controller on the advice of the very impartial Advisory Council he has at present.

This would mean having a new issue in local elections in Northern Ireland. When it came to voting, ratepayers, instead of asking, "Is this man a good man to represent us in matters of housing and education?" would ask, "Does he prefer 'Twenty Questions' or Sandy Macpherson?" Things of that sort would be asked at local government elections, and it would become intolerable. When local government elections were over, people would ask, not which party gained or lost control of which urban or district council, but which party gained or lost control of the Broadcasting Council, and that is most undesirable. I suggest to the Postmaster-General, to the Minister who opened the debate, and to the Government, do please keep the B.B.C. in Northern Ireland above the realm of politics.

In his opening speech, the Minister suggested that perhaps the Government of Northern Ireland were in agreement. I do not know, but I cannot believe that the Government of Northern Ireland, if in agreement, are in agreement with any great relish or great enthusiasm. I am quite sure that if they accepted the proposals it is only because the Government have stated that they are going ahead with the proposals in the case of Scotland and Wales.

:I am sure the hon. and gallant Member will allow me to say that what was put to the Prime Minister of Northern Ireland was put in all good faith and was no indication to him at all that he was being asked to agree to something in Northern Ireland because Wales and Scotland had agreed to a somewhat similar pattern.

:I accept that from the right hon. Gentleman, but I repeat that I cannot believe that the Government of Northern Ireland accepted the position with any great relish. I do not know; I am not specially in their confidence, but I am speaking for the people of Northern Ireland.

:I wish to say a word about the vexed problem of shared wavelengths, to which the Minister referred in his opening. I was very disappointed that he had nothing to propose on this question, because it is one which causes great difficulty between ourselves in Northern Ireland and listeners in the North-East of England. The transmitter in Northern Ireland and the transmitter at Stagshaw are on the same wavelength, and we reckon in Northern Ireland, compared with Wales, that we lose 18 hours broadcasting time listening to purely North of England programmes, time which might be allocated to hearing more Home Service broadcasts or in extending the time given to purely Northern Ireland broadcasts. We feel there are many disadvantages.

The Minister spoke about a "mush" area in the Irish Sea, but there is another complication, a sort of secondary mush area which falls in part of my constituency in South Down and parts of the North and West of Northern Ireland because of a secondary wave from Stagshaw which is reflected back—I am not particularly technically minded, but I believe it is reflected back—and meets the primarily horizonal wave from Lisnagarvey, making this secondary mush area. Therefore, it is not only in the Irish Sea that it fails. Surely, the Government and the B.B.C., with all their technical ability, could find some way out of this difficulty.

:The Postmaster-General shakes his head, but have the Government asked for any alteration to be made in the Copenhagen Plan in order to get one more frequency on condition that that frequency would only be used by the Northern Ireland transmitter? Would not that, perhaps, be an argument for getting one more? If not, why not then put the two transmitters, the one at Stagshaw and the other at Lisnagarvey, on the same frequency and leave Northern Ireland itself to decide?

There is another alternative. The hon. Lady the Member for Anglesey (Lady Megan Lloyd George) mentioned the subject of V.H.F. broadcasting, the urgency and importance of which is stressed most particularly in the Report. Why not use Northern Ireland as an experimental area for V.H.F.? It is the place in which there is the smallest number of listeners, and it is the region which experiences this difficulty of shared wavelengths, and, therefore, the most obvious one for this experiment. I recommend that suggestion to the Postmaster-General and to the Corporation.

While the right hon. Gentleman is speaking to the B.B.C., perhaps he would mention the fact that we in Northern Ireland feel aggrieved on the subject of television. I understand that by the end of next year every region will have television covering some part of its area, but that Northern Ireland will not. I feel that in this respect another injustice to Ulster has been done, and I hope the Postmaster-General will look into that matter, because, after all, listeners do subsidise viewers at the rate of some 4s. in the £. While we in Ulster always like to look after our more unfortunate brethren on this side of the Irish Sea, we think that 4s. in the £ is going rather too far.

While he is on the subject, would the right hon. Gentleman discuss the possibility of our having the Third Programme in Northern Ireland? I know that my hon. Friend the Member for Antrim, South (Professor Savory) is very interested in the Third Programme and in hearing the European Service on 434 metres. I hope the Minister will carry out the undertaking given in the first paragraph of the White Paper, to the effect that he will listen to the views expressed in this House and will be guided by the debate, because we in Northern Ireland view with very great seriousness this matter of devolution. We feel it would be absolutely detrimental to the impression that is at present growing in Northern Ireland that the B.B.C. is above politics, and, therefore, we hope the Minister will take note of what we have said on that point.

7.14 p.m.

:I congratulate the hon. and gallant Member for Down, South (Captain Orr) on the manner in which he so skilfully stated the case for Northern Ireland and on doing so without getting involved in any serious way. I gathered from the beginning of his speech that he was representing a great number of people and organisations. He is a very fortunate Member who has a brief of that kind. I say quite frankly at the outset that I speak for myself, having gathered as much information as I could on the one point I want to make tonight.

First, I accept the view in the White Paper that there is strong justification for devolution, and that it should apply particularly to Wales and Scotland. As far as I can gather, the people of Northern Ireland have no desire to have it. That is a matter for them to decide, but I think we can say quite frankly that Wales and Scotland have undoubtedly very strong national characteristics. [An HON. MEMBER: "And England."] I think that England, which has a good control of this monopoly, is able to express its own view. I believe in accepting the view that distinct characteristics may come from Cornwall and Westmorland. The Midlands, like many other parts of the country, is composed of a gathering of people from all areas of the country. Therefore, one cannot expect a distinct opinion to come from there.

:All round the area of Birmingham and in the great agricultural counties, we regard ourselves as being the central core of English tradition in the heart of the country.

:I do not blame the right hon. Gentleman for speaking in defence of the Midlands; he is quite correct to do that. But I would point out to him that even quite recently, when the economic position there was insecure, we sent a great batch of people from Scotland to build it up again. They have integrated themselves in the Midlands, and whatever else one might say, one cannot ignore them.

I accept paragraph 18 of the White Paper, which gives an outline of the broadcasting councils. I think the case put forward is a sound one, and I would go even further and say—and I do not want any further interruption on the point —that if it can be extended to bring in other people, so much the better.

My main reason for rising tonight is to object to the composition of these Broadcasting Councils because, having read the White Paper very carefully, I do not think there is a single bit of evidence to justifying the line we have taken. I could point out a great number of objections to the suggestion, but I cannot find a single valid reason to support it.

My first objection to the suggestion in regard to Scotland is the fact that it is proposed to have 25 members on each Broadcasting Council. I do not think that 25 members on a Broadcasting Council can properly get down to the job they have undertaken. I think that number is far too big for the purpose of carrying out the executive and controlling work of the kind required.

But, having decided that the number is to be 25, where do we find the necessary people? Apart altogether from party politics, there are the views of Edinburgh and Glasgow, and, while we have very much in common, there is always the town rivalry and civic opposition between the one and the other. The same thing applies to the other big towns. Let us assume that we are going to have 25 members and are to take one from the large towns. Does that mean that the other important towns of Scotland are to be excluded from or included in the county?

Then we get to the political side of the matter. Nobody is more keen about expressing politics on every available opportunity than I am myself. I will never allow anybody to take away my right to express my political convictions when the proper occasion arises. But I contend that this is the last medium for emphasising politics, the medium of the local authority, on the Broadcasting Council. Take the City of Glasgow. It would completely unbalance the Broadcasting Council, because at one time there would be a member from the major party, which at the moment happens to be the Conservative Party, and at another a member from some other party. They do not call themselves Conservatives. In complete contradiction to the word "conservative" they are called Progressives; a complete denial of the word "conservative."

If called upon to elect a person to the Broadcasting Council, that majority would obviously select one of its own members. But at the following election there might be a turnover in the composition of the City Council and decisions would rapidly be made to remove that representative and put on the Broadcasting Council a member of the party in power. I do not see how it could be otherwise, and how a good deal of wrangling, opposition and hostility could be avoided on the local authority on a matter which should be completely divorced from party considerations. I am not arguing from any party; I am opposing the idea of any party having that monopoly.

That does not exclude the right of a person, if he be a councillor, to be on the Broadcasting Council. A person should not be excluded because he happens to be an active member of a civic authority, but I do not think it is the civic authority's duty to be responsible for the election of that person. I object to that and in doing so I am sure I have the majority of the people of Scotland with me.

My final point is that members of local authorities have many responsibilities. Membership of the Broadcasting Council will be a voluntary job. So far as I can gather, the Governors will be the only people who will be appointed, and I would add that I make no objection to that. The Broadcasting Council will be composed of people who are giving of their time from their profesion or work. One of the big problems in local government today, particularly in large counties and cities, is to find men and women who have the time to devote to that work apart from earning their wages or other income. It would be wrong to enrol people of that kind.

I hope that the Government will take another look at this matter, because the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations has quite reasonably said today that they are prepared to look at all the points of view submitted. I think that I am stating very reasonably the view of the Scottish people. We desire a Broadcasting Council and we accept the idea of the Chairman being one of the Governors of the B.B.C., but we desire that the local authorities as such be left out.

My last suggestion is that the job of making the selection can be left to the Secretary of State for Scotland. I say that with long experience of the work of Secretaries of State for Scotland. They have appointed all kinds of committees and I have never known a Secretary of State of whatever party having been charged with unduly weighting a committee with or against one party. He has sought to represent the broad view of the country as a whole, and I think that this selection can well be left to him.

7.23 p.m.

:I wish to put forward a point of view which is rather different from any that has been put before the House in this Debate. I confess that so many provoking remarks were made during the earlier speeches that my notes are now quite illegible, which may or may not be an advantage. My first comment is that I do not think that we as a House have arranged our affairs very well in respect of the amount of time devoted to the discussion of this subject. We spent considerable time discussing the Finance Bill, and I should be the last to suggest that we spent too much time on it. However that may be, our sense of balance is a little out.

We should certainly have had one day to discuss the Overseas Service. That is a very big topic about which there is a great deal to be said which has not yet been said. We should have had one day to debate the issue of monopoly, and certainly at least one other day to debate many of these other topics which have been raised. I hope that the usual channels will take note of that observation when we consider our further discussions on this very important matter. When I mention our further discussions, I take it that we shall have a further opportunity of discussing this matter before the new Charter is issued.

:I am glad to see the right hon. Gentleman nodding his head. I hope that there will be plenty of time on that occasion for people to express their points of view, and that we shall not be faced with a finalised Charter when we are discussing it, and that it will still be possible for amendments either of detail or of importance to be accepted before the Charter is finally issued.

My own views are known. They are on record in pages 201 to 210 of the Beveridge Committee's Report. I realise that there are many people in the House who know a great deal more about broadcasting than I was able to learn during my work on the Beveridge Committee—there are many people who have worked in the Corporation and who have watched the work of the Corporation, who know a great deal more about it than I do—but it was a most interesting time. The 18 months of our investigations, with visits to America and Canada, were extremely interesting, as were the contacts with representatives of Australian and New Zealand broadcasting.

It is never very pleasant to have to disagree with an agreeable collection of colleagues but on that occasion I found it impossible to assent to the decision of the majority of that Committee on what I regarded as the main principle. Many of the issues which have been raised today are extremely important, but I submit that they are side-issues compared with the main one. So far as regional organisation is concerned, I agree with almost every word of the hon. Member for Bridgeton (Mr. Carmichael) about the composition of the local body. I strongly ask the Government to reconsider that matter and accept the original proposals of the Beveridge Committee, or if they will not do that, leave things as they are.

The question of the percentage of the licence money to be kept, television for public viewing, copyright and all the rest are side-issues compared with the main question of monopoly. May I seek to remove one or two misconceptions? I say categorically that the technical objection to a change is not a valid one. I have been at some pains to take competent technical advice on this matter and the truth of what I am saying is indeed implicit in the evidence of the B.B.C. itself. I see that the Secretary of State agrees with me that it is technically possible to have a considerable variety of transmissions in this country now.

:I think the B.B.C. view was that it soon would be rather than that it was now possible.

:I say that it is only the actions of the B.B.C. which have prevented that situation from being possible at present. I was talking yesterday to someone who was employed by the Corporation, who told me that in his opinion it would be possible, by very small adjustments, to have regional low-power transmissions without any question of V.H.F. entering into the matter. It is obvious that if we had V.H.F. we could have at least a hundred local transmissions throughout the length and breadth of the country. That is a modest plan to put forward when we remember that New York has 45 different sound programmes and seven television programmes serving a population which is less than that of London.

The other misconception which has to be removed is the question of the capital investment programme. The cost of developing these local broadcasting facilities is relatively very small. I instanced in my minority Report the case of a 100 watt transmitter costing about £1,500; and I saw near Washington a station, the F.M. section of which was estimated to cost about 30,000 dollars. These figures are of such a nature as to show that no serious objection on capital investment cost can be raised against the institution of local broadcasting.

I come to the question whether we should alter the structure. I do not wish to disparage the work of the B.B.C. It has attracted to it the services of many people of great distinction, and I think that, broadly speaking, the B.B.C. has done a good job of work. If I have any criticism to offer, it is that I think that, in the higher quarters, the tendency is slightly one of self-righteousness, because there is still a tendency to regard any criticism as being a sort of sin against the Ark of the Covenant. I also think the B.B.C. are subject to criticism for their quite deliberate action to prevent the growth of local broadcasting and to prevent the alternative methods of transmission now technically possible. I think it would be fair to state that that is fairly well substantiated. I do not want to use the word "deliberate" to suggest any wicked intuition. But it certainly has been the deliberate policy of those in charge of the B.B.C. to see that only the monopoly is technically possible.

I have no desire to disparage personalities. I have nothing really against the B.B.C, except what I have just said, and my sole purpose is to see that we have the best possible set-up in this country. I do not agree with what my right hon. Friend said or implied in suggesting that this was not the time to make a change and that a change was impossible at present, or that we should consider the Charter during the next seven years and consider whether to make the change then. I consider that if we do not make the change now or in the near future, it will become increasingly difficult to do it at all, in view of the enormous developments in television and in V.H.F. I think it will be technically very difficult to try to make a change after another seven years have elapsed.

I entirely agree, however, with my right hon. Friend that it would be wrong to extend the Charter for 15 years. I personally agree that every five years we should have this investigation into the operations of the Corporation, not on such a grand scale as that of the Beveridge Committee, but that it should be in the power of the Government to refer to that investigation committee any policy matters, if they wished so to do. I think that is not a bad compromise between the Government's point of view and that of some of my hon. Friends.

I come back to the basic question of the monopoly. I think that it is quite intolerable that, in this field, which does so much to inform, educate, entertain and instruct, there should be any single body of people deciding what is to be put over the air or shown upon the screen. I think it would be intolerable if there were to be in this country a single national newspaper, with a 6d. edition—the Third Programme—and a 3d. edition—the Home Service—and a 1d. edition—the Light Programme—and with the control of these three newspaper editions vested in a single national newspaper corporation. We should have no local newspapers of any kind, and should have only one system of dissemination of news conducted by this national newspaper corporation.

I think it would be quite intolerable, whatever may be the defects—and there are different views of the merits or defects—of our present Press system, but we cannot forget the findings of the Press Commission in regard to them. Or, in regard to the theatre, would it really be tolerated to have a single national theatre corporation deciding what was to be put on at every theatre in the country? Or, again, with regard to publishing, would it be tolerated that we should have one body of people deciding what books were to be published, so that, if the decision of that body went against one, one would have no chance of getting a book published at all? I think that would be completely intolerable in any sort of free society. It is quite inconceivable that a single body of men and women, however good and however responsible they may be, should be allowed to have the final say in that matter.

Concurrently with that basic view, we see the ordinary faults of monopoly, and there were certain matters on which I agreed with my right hon. Friend concerning a public monopoly. I think that, on the whole, a public monopoly is rather worse than a private monopoly, although I have no love for a private monopoly either. I think it is quite wrong to have these great aggregations of power in the hands of small sections of people.

So far as the evils of monopoly are concerned, I think they are conceded, and that makes the conclusions of the Report all the more extraordinary. It seems to me that the B.B.C. is far too big already. It is suffering from the evils of an over-large bureaucracy and over-centralisation. It is impossible for the Director-General to know every member of his staff, or, I should think, even a great number of the staff. The thing has grown quite out of proportion to what it was in the days before the war. I think the figures show that in 1935 the B.B.C. had 2,500 employees, while at the moment it has at least 13,000, and I think the number is going up fairly rapidly.

If we have that monopoly or a single organisation controlling this new development, we are bound to have a conservative attitude towards new techniques. I am against conserving in this field; I am for change. If we have one large organisation, the tendency is for the old technique to be a little suspicious of the development of the new technique. I think that has happened on television, and I am quite certain that it is happening in regard to V.H.F.

Again, in the case of a single organisation, we have another evil to which I do not think sufficient emphasis has been given this afternoon—the evil of the single employer. It was not always very easy to pin down various allegations which were made, and it would be very difficult for me to produce the precise individual cases in which evil results from this fact of the single employer, but I am perfectly certain that this operates in two ways. So far as those in charge are concerned, it must make them much more reluctant to dispense with the services of someone whom they think has become incompetent, and, in the case of the individual employee, it must make him much more reluctant to take action which he would otherwise take if he had an alternative source of employment. I think that has a depressing effect on the whole organisation.

Even more important than those two objections is the question of the concentration of power in the hands of a few individuals. The hon. Member for Greenwich (Mr. Reeves) said that the B.B.C. was not a monopoly. With regard to that issue, I think I prefer the words of Lord Reith, and I quote from his evidence:

I could go on, if time permitted, and refer to the evidence and example of the Labour Party. There is a reference in the main body of the Report to the evidence of the Labour Party, and in paragraph 359 we find:

I agree with what my right hon. Friend the Member for Cirencester and Tewkesbury (Mr. W. S. Morrison) said about education. But surely in a free society moral uplift should not be a matter of compulsion. Surely we should have a degree of freedom in this at all events— whether we should be educated or entertained. It is quite intolerable that any people, whatever their motives, should sit down and say, "That is what is good for the British people to listen to over the air." That argument was really decisive in my mind and I am quite satisfied this monopoly is wrong and therefore should go.

It has been suggested that this issue of monopoly is disposed of. I think it is not being unfair to commentators in the newspapers to say that when they suggest this issue is not a very live one, they have a very strong vested interest in the issue of monopoly being disposed of. Should any form of sponsorship of radio programmes be permitted, it might affect the resources devoted to other forms of advertising.

There are also other people who feel strongly about this issue of monopoly. And because I think this is not an occasion for venting party views, and particularly because I referred to the Labour Party evidence rather disparagingly, I now refer to the Fabian Society and thereby, I hope, display a degree of impartiality which will be welcome to the House. The Fabian Research Group, in Paper 56 in Appendix H of the Memoranda submitted to the Broadcasting Committee, expressed views on the issue of monopoly which I think are extremely sound and well put. They say on page 319:

It does not rest only on that evidence. We had interesting evidence from the Liberal Party—from Mr. Dingle Foot, who is well known to many hon. Members, from Mr. Aubrey Herbert and from Mr. Bruce Belfrage—and in their evidence they come out in very forcible terms against the continuance of this monopoly. I know that many of my hon. Friends on this side of the House, and I believe some hon. Members opposite, share my view that this monopoly should not continue. The speech of the noble Lady the Member for Anglesey (Lady Megan Lloyd George) was not insignificant when she was describing the attitude of the majority of the Committee on this matter. It was not so much that they liked monopoly as that they disliked the alternative. I thought that was really pretty tepid support for the continuance of monopoly.

If we agree that the monopoly should go, or if it is still an open question whether it should stay or go, we are forced to consideration of the alternatives. I agree that on this matter there is room for considerable difference of opinion, because I think one can draw a line between a set of alternatives which admit of sponsorship and commercial broadcasting and a set of alternatives that do not admit of that. In my Report it is clear that on the whole I come down in favour of the set of alternatives that admit of sponsorship; but if these are not acceptable to the majority of the House, I willingly accept the second set of alternatives in preference to the continuation of the existing set-up.

What are the alternatives which should be considered? The hon. Member for Greenwich had something fairly harsh to say about American broadcasting. I do not want to divert the debate into an attack or a defence of American broadcasting. There are many things about American broadcasting of which, on the whole, we would not approve but it is, of course, quite a different set-up from anything suggested here because there is no public service there at all. The whole thing is left entirely to the large commercial networks and to the private commercial stations. There is no public service system at all, and that to me is at once a serious disadvantage.

In the Canadian system there is a public service parallel with private stations. The public service system to some extent depends on sponsorship for some of its revenue owing to the size of the country. But in Canada they have the very wise rule that private stations cannot become a kind of chain stores. One cannot have a private network. Each private interest is permitted to have only one private station. In Australia and New Zealand there are, again, different methods, and I do not think it is necessary to go into them now. But it is not insignificant that America, Canada, Australia, South Africa and New Zealand all have sponsored radio in some form or another.

The suggestion is made that sponsorship somehow is itself an evil, that it is evil to depend on revenue from advertising to carry out these activities. That is about the most hypocritical thing that can be put forward seeing that the biggest revenue earner for the B.B.C. is the "Radio Times" and about £1 million a year flows into the coffers of the B.B.C. from advertising revenue. So I do not think there is anything actually evil in itself in accepting money for advertisements.

Then it was suggested, I think by the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations himself, that people in control of sponsored radio do not care for broadcasting and that only people who work for a public service system can care for broadcasting. That is completely contrary to my impression of those I met in America in charge of public networks. I think they care for broadcasting just as much as anybody in the employment of the B.B.C. because, after all, the object of commercial broadcasting is to obtain an audience. If it does not obtain an audience it does not last long; and is not that the object of a great many B.B.C. broadcasts? All the time they are watching audience figures and I do not think there is as much difference between the two outlooks towards broadcasting as people try to make out. The leaders of the broadcasting industry in America and Canada are animated just as much by the idea of good broadcasting and public service as the people concerned with broadcasting in this country.

There is also the suggestion that sponsorship would bring in the power of money. I suppose money has a great deal of power whether there is much or little of it. Making money is a motive which influences people very much. But in the case of commercial broadcasts the object is the obtaining of an audience and it seems to me that that is not so different from the object of the B.B.C. as to make it something which should be rejected for that reason.

:I interrupt the hon. and learned Member because I gather his reference was to the comment I made about the power of money. The point is—and I think the hon. and learned Member should take it into consideration —that it is just those programmes designed for the minority audience which do not attract sponsoring money, and therefore commercial broadcasting reduces rather than increases variety.

:I do not think that is true, certainly not so far as New York is concerned. I think the programmes put out by the Municipal station in New York are as good as any on the Third Programme. I think that in New York there are programmes for minorities. I think there is something in the point, as I said in my Report, that probably 80 per cent. are monotonously similar, but I think in the remaining 20 per cent. one has that great variety. But I am not arguing for a counterpart of the American system. I quite agree that it is necessary to look after minorities. I do not believe we shall ever get as many wavelengths as they have in America; we cannot have the extreme number they have. The most we could ever hope to have for any large area would be, say, three national transmissions and about half-a-dozen local transmissions.

I would, therefore, maintain the public service with adequate safeguards. I believe there is a great deal of truth in what has been said about B.B.C. news and I think there is a good deal to be said for the B.B.C. educational service, and also for the way in which they carry on the Overseas Service. Certainly I should seek to have a public service system continuing to carry on those services, in parallel with the competitive commercial enterprises.

So far as advertisements are concerned, of course one can ridicule the thing and say that it is not very pleasant to have a wonderful concert interrupted by an advertisement for bile beans, but I do not think that happens now. In America things are changing; they are changing there a good deal at the present time. It seems to me perfectly easy to make rules and regulations to see that our tastes are not offended.

When I was considering the question of personal taste I remembered a journey in a tube train. Travelling in the tube one day, I looked at some of the things advertised on the side of the tube—laxatives, and things to prevent spots—

:But we do not have people writing to "The Times" saying what an impact and a bad influence those advertisements on the sides of the tube have on the travelling public. I am sure that we could get a code which would be acceptable. Certainly I should not have individual items interrupted by advertisements. Certainly we should have to restrict and supervise and control, and I think the advertising industry could probably make a very good code of rules for itself, although I quite agree that it would have to be supervised.

This is a matter upon which one should put forward concrete proposals, and the set-up I advocate is this. The retention of the B.B.C., with the duties to which I have already referred—news, education, overseas service, the provision of a national Home Service catering for minorities and probably being the main vehicle for the principal political broadcasts and that sort of thing. Its revenue would be secured by a licence fee. Alongside that I would have certainly one national network given over to commercial broadcasting and as many local stations as wavelengths and finance could be found for their operation. In that way we should get a very considerable variety in our British Broadcasting.

The question of television and of a separate corporation for television is a very wide subject in itself. It has not yet been mentioned today, and I therefore propose to keep off the subject altogether, although I have very strong views upon it.

Above these systems of the B.B.C, the independent national network and all the local private stations, we should have to have a national regulatory body with considerably more powers than has the F.C.C. in the United States of America. This body would have the duty of seeing that the taste of the public is preserved and of dealing with matters like the prevention of one interest obtaining more than one private station and the laying down of policy for religious broadcasts and for political broadcasts. If we had that commission for the control of broadcasting at the top, and underneath it these other bodies, we should have a set-up which would suit the needs of a free country.

7.55 p.m.

:At the outset, I should like strongly to support the plea of the hon. and learned Member for Wirral (Mr. Selwyn Lloyd) that a much longer time should be provided for debates on the subject of broadcasting. It is quite impossible to cover the various important aspects of the national issues raised in one day.

The hon. and learned Member for Wirral and the noble Lady the Member for Anglesey (Lady Megan Lloyd George) both made very temperate and moderate pleas for some kind of advertising on our radio. I have no doubt that both hon. Members would themselves endeavour to restrict the kind of advertising on the air to reasonable and, I would say, tasteful bounds, but my fear is that once commercial advertising came on to the British air we could not stop it ultimately, by sheer commercial pressure here and outside, from infesting every item put forward. It may be that a code of taste could be evolved, but I very much doubt whether we could keep that kind of thing within bounds on the air in this country.

:How does the hon. Gentleman square that remark with the control maintained at the moment by the Newspaper Proprietors' Association over the advertisements in the Press? They do not infest the editorial columns at all. There is a definite standard of content, with certain items excluded.

:The analogy between newspapers and the radio holds to a certain extent, but it certainly does not hold all the way. I am quite sure that there is a difference between using advertisements in a newspaper and permitting advertisements on the air.

I want for a few minutes to return to one question which has already been dealt with by the noble Lady the Member for Anglesey. Like the hon. and gallant Member for Down, South (Captain Orr), and the hon. Member for Bridgeton (Mr. Carmichael), I want to say a few words on the proposals contained in the White Paper for a larger devolution of power to the so-called national regions. If I speak in particular for Wales, it is because that is the country I know best. I should not deign to try to impose upon either Scotland or Northern Ireland a Welsh policy, just as I should resist any attempt by the Northern Irish or the Scots or the English to impose their policy on Wales.

Let me say at once that, in so far as it deals with Wales, the White Paper shows wisdom. I want especially to commend my right hon. Friend the Postmaster-General and the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations for the courageous good sense they have shown in facing this urgent problem of devolution in the Principality. There is deep feeling about this matter in Wales. We are a small nation which for centuries has been struggling to maintain the facts of our cultural individuality, and in so far as we have met with some success it is through our own efforts and through our own institutions.

Obviously, for such a people broadcasting, which touches life at its most intimate points, can be a major threat or a welcome servant, and it is for that reason that for some years there has been in Wales an increasing demand not merely for a measure of autonomy in broadcasting, but as the noble Lady said, for a separate corporation. This was the content of the united recommendation of the Welsh Parliamentary Party, as she has said, when they met the Beveridge Committee last year. Indeed, we were fortified in that view by the fact that a former Director-General of the B.B.C., Sir Frederick Ogilvie, also agreed that the best way to break down the monopoly of the B.B.C. was to have territorial variation on those lines. The Beveridge Committee unfortunately rejected this solution and propounded a modified scheme of federal autonomy which, in essentials, the Government appear to me to have adopted.

I think it would, be well to clarify our minds as to the extent of the devolution which is proposed for Wales. These are the proposals. The first proposal is to appoint a representative for Wales on the central board of Governors; the second is that there should be a report on the progress of broadcasting in Wales contained in the B.B.C.'s annual reports to Parliament, and that fuller financial and other data about the Corporation's work in the Principality should be made available. That is an important recommendation about which, I hope, we shall hear more when my right hon. Friend winds up.

But it is, of course, the third proposal, which comes in for criticism—it is, indeed, the one I wish specially to defend—the proposal to set up a Broadcasting Council on a representative basis to control the policy and the content of the Welsh Home Service. I think it is important at the outset to recognise how limited the proposed control would be. It would, in fact, extend to only a very small proportion of what is broadcast in Wales.

The Broadcasting Council would have no control, of course, over the Overseas Service, the Light Programme, the Third Programme. Its only concern would be with that half of the Welsh Home Service which is produced in Wales—which is indigenous. That is the extent of this control. In fact, its power, yet to be defined, would be far less in scope than what we in Wales would like it to be. The other half of the Welsh Home Service would still be injected into the Welsh programme from London, and that would give the central B.B.C. every opportunity of putting across on a countrywide basis whatever item or programme it wished to broadcast; and that really makes nonsense of the complaint of the B.B.C. Governors the other day that, if this system were adopted, they could not guarantee to broadcast on a countrywide basis any item of information or of entertainment.

It is then said that a representative body, a body drawn from county councils, would not be competent to control a cultural agency. The hon. and gallant Gentleman the Member for Down, South, thought that county councillors dealt only with drainage. Actually, county councils not only control county education systems of a complicated and vital character, but they also, through joint committees, in many parts of the country, and certainly in Wales, run, or have general supervision of, institutions like museums, libraries, and universities.

:County education committees do not control the syllabus—the content of educational policy.

:I hope to show that the Broadcasting Councils, too would not in any way control the actual programme. They would generally supervise and direct, and serve as bodies to whom the executive staff would be generally responsible. But just as a university controlling body does not interfere with the curriculum, so they would not interfere in such a minute and intimate way with the programme of a region.

But the point I was making was this that, as far as Wales is concerned—I speak for myself and, I think, for a very large proportion of my people when I say this—we thrive on democracy. We prefer to run our institutions on the basis of representation, by means of representative bodies; and we do not respond well to nominated boards of any description.

:I am very glad that the noble Lady agrees with that, because in her speech she argued for precisely the opposite, namely, a small "specialist" oligarchy of four or five, instead of a typically Welsh and democratic, representative body.

:I am sorry to interrupt the hon. Gentleman, but really he must not put words into my mouth. What I said was that I wanted the Broadcasting Council for Wales to be selected and nominated exactly as the Governors of the B.B.C. were for the same purpose.

:Far be it from me to cross swords in public with my most influential constituent.

The Broadcasting Council for Wales having been set up on this representative basis, would set up its own specialised panels for school broadcasting, for religious broadcasting, for controversy and citizenship, and—particularly, I think, in the Principality—for adult education. There are a good many things which we should press forward in Wales, perhaps to an extent which England and possibly Scotland would not care to do, if we had more power in our hands.

The setting up of the specialised panels would, of course, bring in in the proper way and in the proper frame the specialised view and attention which, I think, the critics of this suggestion have in mind. That brings me to the objection that a representative council would, perhaps, try to interfere with the day to day activities of the executive staff. Such representative bodies are not interfering in that way with the university of which I am a governor, as is the noble Lady the Member for Anglesey, or with the National Library, of which also I am a Governor, or with the other institutions that I have mentioned. It just does not happen.

I suggest that if a representative body were set up it could set up its own Cabinet—its small committee—to stand in with the director and his staff for certain purposes, and particularly for making appointments. There really is no need to fear that because we draw from among the representatives of the people a body of this sort we run into interminable dangers.

As I see it, as far as Wales is concerned, this is the right way to move, and I appeal to the Government, I appeal to the Postmaster-General, who understands the feeling in Wales on this matter and who understands Welsh democracy as well as any—I appeal to him and to the Government and to my hon. Friends on this side of the House and to hon. Gentlemen, too, on the other side of the House —to support this very modest concession to Welsh national feeling, and to give this method of constituting a controlling body in Wales a trial. I believe it will succeed. As far as the Principality of Wales is concerned—I say nothing about Scotland or Northern Ireland for the moment—I think this will be the best method of constitution for the purpose of drawing out the best we have in Wales, and for our making our choicest contribution to broadcasting as a whole.

8.9 p.m.

:I am afraid that I do not feel qualified to follow the hon. Member for Caernarvon (Mr. G. Roberts) in his learned disquisition into affairs in Wales. However, I was interested to hear from him confirmation of what the noble Lady the Member for Anglesey (Lady Megan Lloyd George) had already said, that Welsh opinion was practically unanimously in favour of a separate corporation for Wales. Therefore, I gather that Welsh opinion, like that which is fairly widespread on this side of the House, and, I think, on that side of the House too, distrusts a monopoly.

I was greatly surprised that the Government in their White Paper dismissed the question of monopoly in about eight and a half lines. They seemed to take it for granted that the question was dead; that it was not a live issue. In the Beveridge Report a very different attitude is taken. No fewer than 29 paragraphs are devoted to the arguments on monopoly, and a further 13 paragraphs to safeguards against the dangers of monopoly. In Paragraph 155 they speak of

Everybody distrusts monopoly. That is true of hon. Members on both sides of the House. The right hon. Gentleman the Minister of Local Government and Planning, when he was at the Board of Trade a little while ago, set up a committee in that Department to watch monopolies. There is this material difference between the two sides of the House, that we think a State monopoly is even more dangerous than a private monopoly, because there is nobody to keep it in order, whereas hon. Members opposite think that a State monopoly has material advantages.

:The right hon. and gallant Gentleman is apparently very much opposed to State monopoly. Does he not admit that the Navy, the Army and the Air Force are complete State monopolies? Surely the right hon. and gallant Gentleman does not want a private Army?

:I am not discussing the Services. I am discussing something which might be an industrial enterprise. To compare the B.B.C..

even at its noisiest, with the Army or the Navy is absurd.

I do not want to develop this side of my argument at too great length, but I do wish to endorse what has been said by my hon. and learned Friend the Member for Wirral (Mr. Selwyn Lloyd), and what is laid down in the Report on the dangers to individual employees who come under a monopoly. In paragraph 156 there is a list, including radio writers, actors, music-hall directors and the Radio Industry Council, who are all solidly against a B.B.C. monopoly. It is a formidable list. After all, competition is the life blood of initiative and progress, and one can well see that with no other possible outlet these men and women, should they quarrel with their immediate employer, have no other chance of earning their bread and butter at their own job.

They have no qualifications at all on posing technical arguments in the way that they have been posed by hon. Members, but it is perfectly apparent from the Report that the present juncture, when the Very High Frequency system is just about to be developed, gives an opportunity for a change, if ever a change has to be made. I will not say that it is the only opportunity which will ever occur, but this is certainly a most favourable opportunity. It is therefore amazing to me to find His Majesty's Government coming down to the House and saying that they are going to renew the Charter for 15 years.

I must say that I think Paragraph 11 of the White Paper rather puzzling. I have difficulty in understanding what is meant. There is talk about possibilities of revision and of powers being altered and curtailed. I do not know what is meant by that. Do they mean that the monopoly itself can be altered and curtailed, that the whole thing could be cut about provided the B.B.C. is not put out of business? Or do they mean that for 15 years the monopoly must be maintained but there may be small alterations in the provisions?

:The Charter will run for 15 years, and what is in the Charter cannot, therefore, be changed during that time.

:If that is indeed the picture, and if the present Government, with a ridiculous majority of six in this House, and nearly, if not in fact, in the last weeks of its career are coming down to this House to ask us to vote a monopoly to the B.B.C. for 15 years to come, then I suggest they will have to think again, and think quickly.

It is to the financial side of these proposals that I wish to devote my remarks this evening. I am amazed at the consternation that has been raised in the Press by the proposals to take this 15 per cent. I ask the House to examine this matter closely and dispassionately. I remind hon. Members of the circumstances in which we as a country are at the moment of this debate, because so far there has from neither side of the House been any indication that we are in a position other than one which would allow us to spend what we like, where we like, when we like and how we like. I remind the House that we are today spending at the rate of £4.000 million a year. I remind the House also that prices are soaring; that it is becoming more and more difficult for large sections of the people to live week by week. I remind the House finally on this point that every £1 which is spent unnecessarily by the Government is inflationary in its action and makes these difficulties greater.

That is the background, and in front of that background I wish to place before the House five points on this subject. The first is that licences are for the possession of receiving sets, not for the privilege of listening to the B.B.C. My right hon. Friend the Member for Cirencester and Tewkesbury (Mr. W. S. Morrison) spoke about there being a question of the B.B.C. making a contribution to the State. There is, of course, no such question at all. These licences are for receiving sets, and were the B.B.C. to be closed down this week millions of people would go on drawing their licences in order to listen to foreign stations broadcasting advertising programmes.

:Does the right hon. and gallant Gentleman suggest that there would be any justification for maintaining the licence fee at 20s. a year if the B.B.C. were closed down and their sole listening was to foreign commercial stations?

:I am not speaking about the justification of it. I am speaking about the fact of it. There is no justification for my having to pay £25 a year for my car because it happens to be an old one, whereas the hon. Member may pay only £10 for the same horsepower car because it happens to be a new one; but that is the law. We should have to pay for this licence whether the B.B.C. were going or not. I am not speaking of justification. I am speaking of facts, and if the B.B.C. were shut down it is most unlikely that the Chancellor would take away this particular impost.

Secondly the right hon. Gentleman made it perfectly clear that in the last 18 months only has the full amount of tax been paid by the B.B.C. Up till then the quota of the B.B.C. varied from 53½ per cent. to 85 per cent. Thirdly, why was this change made two years ago by the former Chancellor of the Exchequer? I do not think it was for any valid reason; or if it were made for a reason, it must have been a reason which has been proved wrong by the facts, because the B.B.C. have not been able to spend this money.

In fact, this year, they have transferred £1 million from their Revenue account to their capital account, and, as the right hon. Gentleman told the House, they have now got £4½ million in liquid investments and in cash assets in the kitty. Well, all power to them. All power to them if they have more money than they can spend, and if they can save it until such time as they need it, but let us cut out all talk about the danger of the B.B.C. becoming bankrupt if a change is made in this system.

My fourth point is that there is no essential difference between this tax and the licensing of such things as guns or motor cars. They are both for a mechanical device for our own pleasure. The analogy between cars and wireless is a very close one indeed. As a matter of fact, all these three licences can be bought through the post office. Motor car licences and B.B.C. licences are lumped together in the financial statement in one small column under different headings as general revenue. Therefore, why should one pretend that the B.B.C. licence is in a completely different category? I say that so far as motor cars are concerned the analogy is particularly close. Many of us in this House remember the day when the Road Fund was raided, and when that was mentioned a little time ago it was quite clear that it still leaves a nasty taste in some people's mouths.

Would anyone suggest today that all the money raised by motor car taxation should be used on the roads? Would anyone suggest that an extra £20 million a year should be spent on the roads just because that money is available. [An HON. MEMBER: "Yes."] There may be one or two, but if they reflect more closely they will probably realise that by expressing such a view they are not being very wise.

I would remind the House of what the Chancellor of the Exchequer of the day said on this subject when that change was made, because it seems to me to be extraordinarily appropriate to the present discussion. He said:

Those are the five points, and there are one or two others which I want to make in support of this financial attitude which differs from that of the right hon. Member for Cirencester and Tewkesbury (Mr. W. S. Morrison) before I sit down. One of our leading daily papers, in a leading article yesterday, said: x million pounds.

Their expenditure has gone up from £3½ million before the war to about £17½ million now. The number of people employed has gone up from 2,500 to nearly 12,000. Quite clearly, if the Chancellor of the Exchequer were able to give the B.B.C. £20 million or £25 million a year they could give us much better service and much better programmes. Equally, if he were only able to give them £12 million they could not give us the same service and the same programmes.

Therefore, I urge that the proper attitude to be adopted in this matter is one of balance between the needs of the service and the capabilities of the country to meet the liability. The Committee took a very fair view on this point. They said that they would not prejudge the issue, though they recommended 100 per cent. for five years. They mentioned the fact that the Crawford Committee in 1925 and the Ullswater Committee in 1935 said that they should have the whole of the revenue.

When the Crawford Committee reported we were about to go back on to the gold standard. Now we are just emerging from a period of devaluation of the £. In 1925, when the Ullswater Committee reported, we were leading the world to recovery from the slump. We were nearing a balance of our foreign trade, and today we have an adverse balance of £1,000 million a year against us.

These are, I think, considerations of immediate importance as great as that of monopolies. When these subjects come up for discussion in the House and when other items of expenditure come before us it is our duty to weigh our responsibilities and to weigh our potentialities most carefully. In this particular matter, there are many enthusiasts. We are apt to be swept away by enthusiasm for better services. I urge the House not to allow that to happen, but to judge this subject and others on its merits and to decide to spend only what we can properly afford.

8.28 p.m.

:I hope the right hon. and gallant Member for Leicester, South-East (Captain Waterhouse) will forgive me if I do not follow him in his remarks because I want to confine my remarks to two points about what is happening in the North-East. I hope the House will not assume from this that I accept everything in the White Paper, but there are many points about which one can feel some doubt. I want to bring to the notice of the House the raw deal that the people in the northeast have received from the B.B.C. since the end of the war. There has been much criticism of the B.B.C. for the treatment meted out.

The North-East people have felt time and time again that they have been treated as hangers-on. In the first place, they have had to share a wavelength with Northern Ireland; secondly, until recently the Third Programme has not been accessible to the North-East; and thirdly, we have been informed that we are not to expect television for a long time to come. I propose to deal with only two of these points, the first and the third.

There can be no question that the people of the North-East have felt the whole effect of a disgusting Home Service transmitted from Stagshaw. It was in July, 1945, that the B.B.C. commenced to operate for the North-East a common frequency transmitter with Northern Ireland. It is well to remember that they deplored the necessity for this, and explained that it was just a temporary arrangement until they secured another wavelength. They admitted that the service would be less satisfactory, that its value would be considerably reduced by this common wavelength operation, and also that it would be necessary for the Northern Ireland transmitter and Stagshaw always to give the same programme. The B.B.C. undertook to see that the programme would be shared.

What really happened was that in the first 12 months the North-East people got a real idea of the B.B.C.'s views of a shared programme. Night after night, month after month, the Northern Ireland programmes, which incidentally are not of any interest to the people in the North-East, were forced down the aerials during the peak listening period. My right hon. Friend was well aware of the general comments at that time. I have in my possession some cuttings from newspapers where people were making very strong protests, but I will not weary the House by reading them. In view of these comments and the other things that were said, the B.B.C. should have dealt with the matter then. I could well understand the excuse put forward by my right hon. Friend that until another wavelength was procured nothing could be done, if that were the whole position; but nothing has been done.

It may surprise the House to know that when the B.B.C. Newcastle studios produced a local programme they had no authority for seeing it was sent on the air in Tyneside. In fact, on many occasions many local programmes did not go out from Stagshaw because the B.B.C. Northern Ireland headquarters alone decided what should be transmitted. I believe they still do, despite the fact that the North-East region has some ten times the number of licensed listeners that Northern Ireland has.

I agree that a shortage of wavelength was the reason for sharing with Northern Ireland, and I might have accepted it but for the fact that I learnt that after the war the pre-war Northern Ireland wavelength, when released from its war-time service, was given to the West Region so that their wavelength could be free for the new Third Programme. I understand that that is not the only wavelength which was available and which could have been used for the people of North-East England. Even after the Copenhagen Wavelength Conference there was no new wavelength allocated. There had been no wavelength given to Stagshaw, so that it seems as if this temporary measure is to become permanent.

I will conclude this part of my remarks by reading a letter which was received by a certain individual in reply to a complaint about the quality of the programmes, which he sent to the B.B.C. The reply was as follows: consideration to a separate wavelength for North-East England?

I am glad that my right hon. Friend the Postmaster-General is in his place. He cannot say that the criticism which I am going to make is entirely new. He may be aware that I questioned his predecessor on television in the early part of 1949. He himself has come under the same kind of questioning time and time again. He has already had strong representations made to him by various sections in this House, particularly on behalf of my colleagues in the North-East. I therefore urge him not merely to fob us off by saying that we shall not have television in the North-East for a long time but to give us an assurance that he will do his best to urge his colleagues in the Government to change their minds on the issue and to allow the power station at Pontop Pik to be completed.

I know the stock argument. I know what my right hon. Friend is going to say. I have a letter here, dated 14th July, 1951. I am not going to read it. I will tell the House what it means, in essence. It means the need for rearmament, the need for our defence effort, and for turning our ploughshares into swords instead of swords into ploughshares. In case I may be misunderstood let me say that I know the need for re-armament and for the defence effort. No one can prove to me that if we carry out the power station project it will cripple our defence effort. Indeed, I am convinced that the expenditure on this small power station will be so slight compared with the expenditure on rearmament that it will not hurt the defence effort in the slightest degree.

I might be asked to give further proof. I will do so very briefly. I think it is true to say that the co-axial cable has already come as far as Durham. If that is so, the largest part of the cost has been met and it means that the rest of the cost will be very small. It seems silly nonsense to have the main essential to a project on your doorstep which cannot be used to complete a job which is more than half done. I ask my right hon. Friend to give serious consideration to this point and to remember the great investment value it would have in the amount of satisfaction and pleasure which it would give to the people of the northeast.

I do not complain about London getting television first, for I am prepared to admit that London was in a favoured position for the beginning of television, but on many occasions in history it has looked as if the people in the north-east were not regarded as suitable recipients of modern amenities. For important events, whether they be cultural, musical or even the Cup Final, London is the place when they have to be staged.

:Does my hon. Friend forget that his people have the Ministry of National Insurance

:These things are outside the Report and I should be out of order in discussing them, but I mention them because it seems to be thought that no such place as Durham City, Sunderland or Newcastle exists. I put forward these points because these circumstances are compelling the people of the North-East to think that they are in the backwoods and can only get the benefits of modern science after other people have been served. I would remind my right hon. Friend that the great industrial North has played its part in making this country what it is, and it lays claim to any modern amenity with which mankind is blessed.

I appeal to my right hon. Friend to use his influence with his Government colleagues to allow this project to be completed. If he does so he will earn the deep gratitude of a class of people which has been hard hit time and time again in the past, which is second to none in its appreciation of good things, which is very conscious of it when it is being treated shabbily, but which will respond well when good things come its way.

8.42 p.m.

:I hope that the hon. Member for Durham (Mr. Grey) will not object if I leave his points to sink in on the Government Front Bench and attack the "overwhelming support"—to use the words of the right hon. Gentleman— which the retention of the monopoly holds.

It is difficult, because at the time of the Beveridge Report no public opinion poll was conducted. However, a poll has recently been conducted by the "News Chronicle" which showed that 52 per cent. of the people favoured some sort of competition to the B.B.C. and, even more than that, felt that the B.B.C. would improve its programmes and its general outlook if competition were introduced. Surely, in the face of those figures the hon. Gentleman cannot say that "in the country as a whole." or "in areas up and down the country" or in similar phrases, there is overwhelming support for the retention of the existing monopoly.

If I may complain of one small thing in the Beveridge report, it is that it is almost too unwieldy and too indigestible for any politician fully to study. I hope that if a future investigation is held it will be possible to subdivide it into sections and to publish the sections one at a time so that they may be discussed by the Press and this House, instead of our having the whole 1,000 pages or two million words flung at us at one moment, which certainly gives us the most alarming indigestion.

My hon. and learned Friend the Member for Wirral (Mr. Selwyn Lloyd) referred to the Fabian Research Group as among those who gave evidence, but he did not refer to the opening words of their report, where they say: the B.B.C. themselves, early in their evidence, on the third page of the 245 pages which they submitted, said:

:Would the hon. Gentleman complete the story by telling the House that the Beveridge Committee by a majority came down on the side of a monopoly?

:I am most grateful to the right hon. Gentleman for his interjection. If I may develop my speech in my own way, I will come to that point later. The point I am trying to make is that we desire to seek a compromise between the public service monopoly at the one extreme and the free and competitive system of the U.S.A. at the other extreme. In the past, one of the arguments for a monopoly has been a technical argument. We have been told by successive Postmaster-Generals of all parties that it is technically impossible to do this and technically impossible to do that. In the Beveridge Report there is an exchange of correspondence between Sir Robert Watson-Watt and the B.B.C, at the end of which the B.B.C. admit that as long as V.H.F. broadcasting is developed the technical argument will no longer hold water.

Before I leave the question of the technical argument, may I say that I read the White Paper with great care, and now that the technical argument has been dispersed I hope we are not going to have put before us the capital resources argument. Perhaps I am anticipating the speech of the right hon. Gentleman, but we are constantly told that the capital resources argument will not allow us to go ahead at this stage with extra V.H.F. broadcasting stations.

The majority of the Beveridge Report—and here I agree with the interjection of the right hon. Gentleman—finally accepted the monopoly, but it sought to break up the power of the sea of monopoly with breakwaters. Why I am quarrelling with the White Paper is because some of these breakwaters have been dispersed.

The House will remember that one of the recommendations running right through the Beveridge Majority Report is for greater decentralisation, devolution and diversity. There can be no quarrel with those sentiments. It is certainly necessary when we have the Light Programme controlled by and sent out from London, the Third Programme controlled by and sent out from London, the Television Programme controlled by and sent out from London.

These three of the four B.B.C. Home programmes come from centralised sources in London. Now is the moment, I believe, to institute a small amount of freedom in our broadcasting system. Lord Beveridge backs this up. He advocates local V.H.F. broadcasting. I would add one extra thing: that is, local television in order to provide an alternative programme for television viewers.

I want to make a third point. I believe that now is the moment—and I will develop this later—to set up a commission of British broadcasting which would deal with the many outstanding problems which will arise, both technical and programmatic, if we institute a degree of competition to the B.B.C. In case there is any question on this, let me say that my hon. Friends who have spoken on this point and I wish to see a public broadcast service maintained.

We only wish to see these local V.H.F. stations brought in as an additional facility. We wish to see them acting equally as a spur and a pace-maker, both a technical and a programme pace-maker, to the B.B.C.

Why do the Government turn down the Beveridge Report which recommends V.H.F. broadcasting?

:The right hon. Gentleman shakes his head, but the recommendation, which originally was Recommendation No. 31, in the Report says: to build new stations it would be these countries, who had so many of their industrial buildings and their houses demolished, but there are today 57 different V.H.F. broadcasting stations operating in Western Europe If there are 57 there, surely we can go ahead and have some here.

In case the Postmaster-General, when he replies, says that there will not be sufficient room within the V.H.F. waveband, I include also the term "U.H.F." because there is plenty of room on these frequencies. I know that the V.H.F. waveband is getting filled up, alarmingly so with ambulance and other services. The world has reserved the rest of that band for this kind of broadcasting, but as long as we can bring in the U.H.F. band there is room for all.

I should like now to touch quickly on the question of capital cost. The electronic equipment for a local V.H.F. station, run by universities or other approved authorities, would cost between £1,000 and £2,000—that is a quotation I received this morning. It really is absurd, when we are spending £50 million on electronic equipment for re-armament, to say that we cannot afford between £1,000 and £2,000 to secure a degree of freedom for thought in broadcasting.

It may be said, "That is all right for the transmitting stations, but what about the receivers?" According to the type of adaptor which is used, these can be produced from £3 to £5 each, provided that the Chancellor of the Exchequer does not hang a millstone of 66 per cent. round the poor infant at its birth and drown it before it makes an appearance—before it gets a chance to make its presence felt. There is, Major Milner—

:I hope the hon. Member will make a point of addressing the occupant of the Chair by the proper title.

:I apologise, Mr. Deputy-Speaker. I made the mistake through force of habit after long hours on the Committee stage of the Finance Bill. I cannot believe it right, as recommended in the Beveridge Report, that the B.B.C. should have referred to it applications for local stations to do broadcasting. Surely the B.B.C. should not ask to be judge, jury and defendant when a person applies for freedom to compete with it. It should surely be the Postmaster-General or, as I recommend, a Commission of British Broadcasting, which I hope the Government will seriously consider setting up.

I turn for a moment to the field of television. In the few hours given to this debate we are trying to lay the foundation stone for some years ahead, not only in the field of V.H.F. broadcasting, but also in the television field, and I think it extremely important that we should think most clearly on this subject. I am afraid it is not generally realised how far we have slipped behind the United States of America in television.

:The right hon. Gentleman shakes his head, but it is not realised that one can sit in New York and switch on seven alternative programmes and there are 80 television studios. It seems pathetic that we have only succeeded in building two new studios in the whole of this country and that, with the two built before the war, makes a total of four. If it were suggested that their programmes and ours are not comparable, I would point out that from the seven programmes one can generally find something of first-class entertainment value, and what my hon. and learned Friend the Member for Wirral (Mr. Selwyn Lloyd) said is borne out by the Report.

I think the most outstanding factor is the amazing distances over which these programmes are relayed. We felt quite proud in relaying from Calais, but, if I read the Press correctly, we are having difficulty in relaying from Margate sands. Is it generally realised that one can watch programmes from Chicago in Washington 900 miles away? It is as if we were sitting looking at events taking place in Malta, which is the same distance from London. Within two months they will link the East and West Coasts of the U.S.A., a distance of 3,000 miles, which would be as if we were watching events in Persia at this moment. There might be some interesting events to watch. It is the technical prowess and flexibility of their networks to which I wish to draw attention.

The Beveridge Report mentions in one paragraph the desirability of setting up local regional studios to feed television stations in the region. Before they pub- lish the Charter, I hope the Government will give this matter consideration. Under the present plan all television programmes will emanate from London studios. We have heard a great deal this afternoon about devolution and about the desirability of having something for Wales and something for Scotland. Surely they ought to have television studios in which to create their own programmes from their own regions and not have something imposed on them from London and merely relayed in their vicinity.

I realise, as I think the whole House does, that the one difficulty which television is up against is finance. We do not wish to see a single programme. We want the consumers to be given a choice in the future. How are we to provide an alternative television programme from existing resources? If there must be sponsored programmes in order to achieve consumer choice surely the great majority of the House and of the country would accept some form of sponsorship in order to get alternative programmes. It is not only that in that way we shall get more programmes, because there will be a choice available, but I believe we shall get better programmes because there will be a pace-maker which will make the B.B.C. show more initiative and make it move faster in every sphere.

At one period in my life I had to negotiate with some big boxing promoters in order to try to get facilities for the televising of boxing matches. It was desperately difficult to have to go and say, "Will you accept £300 or £500?"—those figures have been published, so I am not committing any breach of confidence— when they knew the enormous figures that sponsors were offering in the United States. How different the case would be if one could go to Mr. Jack Solomons or some other of the big promoters and say, "We offer you not £300 but £3,000 or more."

I know there are difficulties about getting permission to televise boxing matches, the Derby and the Grand National. It is very significant that since the war we have seen none of those events in the television service of the B.B.C. The greatest obstacle to that is the tightness of money. Surely, in order to obtain these programmes we should allow some sponsored programmes. This would open up more avenues from which programmes could be sought, and would give consumers a choice between the national B.B.C. programme and a regional service sponsored for large parts of its programmes.

I know there is a serious worry—we have heard it expressed in many speeches today—as to whether the advertising content would begin to lower the standard of programmes. But this is something of which our great Dominions have had experience. I cannot help feeling that if we instituted a Commission of British Broadcasting they could, with the advertising associations, work out a code which would be perfectly acceptable to the people of this country. We need some means of regulating our broadcasting. It is surely not right that every factor should have to be referred back to the Postmaster-General.

We had a debate recently on the question of the football ban. This has, in some cases, to be referred to the Postmaster-General. We have the question of copyright in sport, a development in connection with which the right hon. Gentleman had to set up an ad hoc committee. We have the Television Advisory Committee who we are told are to have extra responsibilities placed on their shoulders for V.H.F. broadcasting. In the recommendations of the Beveridge Report we have reference to the need for a committee to consider victimisation or other malpractices within the B.B.C.

Surely it would be right to follow the example of other English speaking Dominions and set up a Commission of British Broadcasting which could consider all these questions and would take them outside the sphere of this House. It is surely a little lowering to the dignity of this House to have individual cases taken up on the Adjournment about A and B being victimised and not being allowed to broadcast. [HON. MEMBERS: "Why?"] As a safety precaution, yes, but in the first instance the evidence should be heard by a Commission of British Broadcasting.

If I may summarise the points I have made the first is that now is the moment to develop V.H.F. broadcasting, and we should not put it off any longer because we are only falling further behind the rest of the world. Second, we need to build regional and some local television stations which can provide alternative programmes, and which can act as pacemakers to the B.B.C. Third, we should recognise that some form of controlled sponsorship is necessary to provide these alternative television programmes if the licence fee is not to be raised to £5 or more, which is beyond the reach of many television owners. Four, we should set up a Commission of British Broadcasting to regulate the conditions under which this development of broadcasting shall take place.

If the Government will consider these suggestions most seriously, and many others which have been made so much more ably from these benches today, we shall be able to say that we have struck a blow for freedom, that we have introduced an element of competition against this authoritarian monopoly, which is growing ever bigger, and we shall have done our job as a House of Commons.

9.5 p.m.

:I should like to devote most of my speech to the consideration of the alternative which hon. Members opposite do not believe exists; that is to say, the re-organisation of the British Broadcasting Corporation in such a way as to avoid many of the monopoly dangers which they have pointed out.

I do not, therefore—indeed, I cannot, in the time available—rebute the arguments so brilliantly put by the hon. Member for Hendon, North (Mr. C. I. Orr-Ewing), and by the hon. and learned Member for Wirral (Mr. Selwyn Lloyd) with regard to commercial broadcasting, but I would simply say two things about it. First, the financial argument advanced is an extremely curious one. There is somehow a suggestion that money which comes from the customer or from the consumer is not public money, but money that comes from the taxpayer or from the licence holder is public money.

That is surely completely untrue. If we are to finance the development of V.H.F., with which most hon. Members on this side are in complete agreement, the money has to be found; and we are advocating a revision of the public service system whereas hon. Members opposite are advocating the use of money drawn from the public in their capacity as customers. It is a question whether we are not taking enough money or whether hon. Members opposite would not be taking too much.

The second argument is that there would be a greater variety of programme if we were to have the commercial system. It is very difficult to reach a proper decision about this, but my own impression, from my visits to the United States and from listening to their radio programmes—certainly, in the average city, as against New York and Chicago, which are rather special cases—is that although one has a number of stations to which to listen, one does not get the same variety as on the B.B.C.

The hon. and learned Member for Wirral asked the House to ponder on this question and to consider what we would think if all publishing and all the Press were in the control of one body. That is indeed a comparison that deserves consideration, but I think that there are very few foreigners coming to this country who do not also ask themselves this question: Would it not be worth it, if we had the same high standard of drama, talks and discussions, and the same high standard of impartiality in news broadcasts, as they have in the B.B.C?

It is very often difficult to draw the line, but I think that there is a very strong case that could be put on this side for saying that the test of a public service broadcast is whether it maintains an approved standard and ensures that the minority is not always disregarded. It is because the White Paper accepts this responsibility for maintaining the public service that I welcome it.

I regret, on the whole, the reduction of the licence revenue to 85 per cent., and I hope the Ministers responsible will perhaps be prepared to reconsider that proposal now that the House has made known its opinion.

To take another point, I am glad to see that the great importance of those who work in the B.B.C, as I did myself at one time, is recognised on this question of staff representation. It seems incredible to me that in an organisation which exists to transmit the voice of Britain in electrical impulses at 176,000 miles per second should, in its own organisation, allow the voice of the staff to permeate to the top, at the speed, by comparison, of an injured tortoise. Something must be done about that, and I hope the Governors will pay real attention to the recommendations in the White Paper.

The main problem in the B.B.C. is, of course, this question of centralisation, and I think it can best be brought to the notice of those who are not familiar with the detailed set-up by mentioning two people who are working in the B.B.C. First, there is the Director General, who is at the apex, as the Fabian Research Group said, of the "gigantic pyramid." He is responsible only to the Board of Governors. Here is the first difficulty. Although I take this opportunity of paying tribute to the brilliance of Sir William Haley in that post, it does not alter the fact that the position of Director General has a paralysing effect on the flexibility of the organisation.

The second person who illustrates this danger is the Director of Home Broadcasts who is, on the Board of Management, responsible for the Home Service, the Light Programme and the Third Programme; and all the regional controllers are responsible to him. Up till about six or eight months ago television was also his responsibility, and he represents in his function the fact that programmes which should be competing are in fact not competing. Unless we can devise some sort of system for breaking down that organisation into its component parts, we shall never get to the root of the trouble.

It is not surprising that the B.B.C. should have this difficulty. After all, the Corporation was set up in 1927 to do one job, to transmit a basic national service from London, and in the last 25 years it has had three other jobs thrust upon it —regional broadcasting, television and overseas broadcasting and each of these four aspects of broadcasting are quite different. They have different problems involving different techniques and the B.B.C. try very gallantly to do those four jobs using the old techniques previously reserved for national broadcasting from London.

I would not advocate a great deal of alteration in the way in which the national service from London should be organised. I think there is a very strong case for doing it the way the B.B.C. do it. That is what they were organised to do. They have the Light Programme, the Third Programme and the basic Home Service so well organised that we could afford to leave those services running on their present lines.

Television is quite different. I have not the expert knowledge of the hon. Member for Hendon, North, but I can well believe him when he says that television has been cramped in its development in this country and that it is because television has financial difficulties. At the moment it is being subsidised by sound broadcasting. That is true even in the commercial set-up as it is in the United States where television was subsidised at the start and still is subsidised to some extent by sound broadcasting.

Television has to find its own place in society. It may supersede sound altogether, though I do not think that is likely for some time. It is certainly bound to enter into special relationship with the film industry. We must do nothing to prevent television from finding its own place in society and we must help it to develop. For that reason, there must be some other arrangements for the development and organisation of television.

I come now to the Overseas Service. Basically we broadcast a short-wave service all over the world 24 hours a day in English and many other languages. But in many countries, and certainly in the United States, we obtain most of our listeners by re-broadcasting; that is to say we send a programme to the United States on a gramophone record or else by short wave and it is recorded when it arrives, and we get a local radio station there, or a network, to transmit that programme over its own transmitters. It is that type of listening audience we really want because it means that foreign listeners have the programme reaching them from their home station.

I worked in the North American Service of the B.B.C. concerned with this job. It involves entering into relationship with what is predominantly a commercial radio set-up, and if this department of broadcasting is hampered by the "no advertising" rules, which I believe we rightly have in this country, it may find itself hindered in its negotiations for re-broadcasting in the United States.

To take another example, we in the Overseas Services were selling Britain abroad in the widest sense, and also in some narrow senses as well. We were trying to put over our way of life, and if our way of life is well represented by a thoroughly good Shakespeare play which has been produced by the drama department in London, why should we not send it to an American network for them to sponsor, if that is the only way we can get it over in the United States?

We have to adapt the overseas broadcasting technique in that way. Let us take another example. If we are to try to use the B.B.C. in order to help British exports abroad, which is a perfectly legitimate object, why should we not make some arrangement with the Board of Trade, which has an export promotion department and take advantage of the dollar allowance made available to the Board of Trade, and possibly even that allowed for British manufacturers, so as to sell our goods in a commercial broadcasting country like the United States?

These things call for quite a separate directive to overseas broadcasting from this country. The same is true of regional broadcasting. We must develop V.H.F. and ultra high frequency if it comes in this country, and I do not believe the techniques which are suitable for the basic national service from London are suitable for broadcasting on a regional basis. It is quite a different job which involves creating a much greater degree of de-centralisation than there is at the present time.

It is to these problems that the White Paper turns its attention, and the proposals which have been much discussed and much criticised this afternoon are mainly an attempt to overcome the regional problem in British broadcasting. Most of the arguments against these White Paper proposals have already been advanced, and I want only to allude very briefly to them once more, if I may. If we have the national Governors as chairmen of the local Broadcasting Councils, we shall tend to destroy the corporate responsibility of the Governors and tend to put a geographical vested interest at the very top, where we want collective responsibility. That is the first point.

Secondly, I think there is a real danger of politics in the Broadcasting Councils. From what I have heard of the debate and from talking to people, the system advanced in the White Paper delights the Welsh and is not very popular with anyone else. I am not trying to suggest that the Welsh should not have their own system, and I listened with great sympathy to my hon. Friend the Member for Caernarvon (Mr. G. Roberts) when he spoke about the problem in Wales and the feeling which they have that they must get away from the London influence. For all that, I do not believe the political medium is the best way of doing it.

Thirdly—and I do not think this has been adequately mentioned—I think the proposals will result in a chaos in the command structure. The nearest equivalent I can think of is putting the Gloucestershire Regiment under the tactical command of the Gloucester County Council. That is the nearest equivalent I can offer. It might be that when the regiment was at home some disagreement would arise over the orders of the day, with the county council probably taking a more liberal view of military requirements than the War Office, sending their directives through the usual channels. I fear that confusion will arise, for the real power of the B.B.C. remains with the Director of Home Broadcasting.

Whatever we do with our local councils, we cannot get away from the fact that the real power is on the Board of Management, and even the regional controller under the new scheme has no entrée to the Board of Management, no direct access to the Board of Management, let alone to the Governors. I suggest that we must have genuine de-centralisation along lines which should be carefully worked out, and I make some proposals, very tentatively, for the consideration of the Government.

I believe that we must have four boards of management at least, in the B.B.C. at the present time. I say "at least" because I think there might be a case in the future for having four corporations. Obviously at the moment there is not such a case, but there is a case for having four separate directives handed down by this House of Commons to the Governors and having four boards of management on whom is laid the responsibility for carrying out these directives.

I believe that the overseas broadcasting should have its own board of management and its own directives written into the Charter, that television should be in that postion too, and that the Home Service should be in that position, and that the regions should have a regional board of management of which every regional director is a member—or the regional controller, as he is now called.

All the regional controllers sitting in their capacity as programme planners at their monthly meetings should collectively be charged with the responsibility of stimulating local broadcasting in every way. When we have V.H.F. and U.H.F. developed in this country, it should be the responsibility of the regional boards of management to see that these new wavelengths are used to the advantage of all the regions in the country. Only they can do it effectively.

Then we come to the regional controller himself. I am afraid it is rather complicated—I am afraid that I am, as it were, drawing a graph in mere words. When we come to the regional controller controlling his region, I think it is necessary to have some local body and that its relationship with the controller should be similar to the relationship which exists between the Governors and the Director-General of the B.B.C. We should get in each region a small team —not so many as 25 people, a sort of kgotla—to control the regional controller; but a comparatively small body —in Wales, picked by the Welsh. How this could be done would be a matter for discussion, of course. It would be a small body which could go into much greater detail on policy proposals. The regional controller in his region should be answerable to this Broadcasting Council for the carrying out of the directives that it would issue to him.

I do not see why there should be any complication in that set-up with regard to the chain of command, because we should have the regional controller answerable to his local Governors, as it were, and we should have him sitting as a member of the Board of Management in London.

We should, of course, have the general Board of Governors as at present constituted, drawn from all sections of our national life. There would have to be a Welshman on it, and a Scotsman, and someone from Northern Ireland; and, if I may say so without being accused of being too nationalistic, an Englishman might from time to time be allowed to sit on the Board of Governors.

In that way we should get a chain of command from the top to the bottom: from Parliament which gives the Charter; from the Government which appoints the Governors; from the Governors to the regional boards of management, and from them to the regional controllers, each responsible to his local Broadcasting Council. I think it would be possible to get effective devolution in that way without sacrificing the very high standards which we have maintained as a result of having public service broadcasting, and without sacrificing the present set-up of the B.B.C. as it now stands.

Of course, these proposals are not as far-reaching as perhaps, on the face of it, they appear. There are an enormous number of common services which would be maintained under common control. For instance, there is the drama department. That is what is called in the B.B.C. a "supply department." It supplies drama to any programme that wants it. In order to maintain the same high professional standards in the broadcasting of drama we should have to maintain the drama department, and I believe that it should still be indirectly under the control of the Director General.

The same applies to the news department from which the various programmes draw their news bulletins. The same would be true of entertainment, and of many of those technical functions such as audience research, and so on. There are things that are common to the whole Corporation and which should remain common in the Corporation. I would not doubt for a moment that in Wales people on Saturday nights like to listen to drama from London, and there is no reason why we should not retain the drama department, for instance, much as it is at the present time.

The real difference between the scheme I have proposed and the scheme advocated in the White Paper and the scheme as it now exists is that, for the first time, the programme planners, who are, after all, the central figures in broadcasting, would be responsible directly to the Board of Governors. There would be direct access between the overseas board of management and the Governors, between the regional boards and the Governors between the home board and the Governors, and between television and the Governors. We should not try to go on doing what we are doing at the moment, and that is to run a highly complicated four-way broadcasting set-up through the same technique of a single directive in the way that it was devised 27 years ago.

I commend suggestions of this kind to the Government, and I hope that some of these sorts of problems will be considered in order to meet the legitimate objections of hon. Members opposite to monopoly, and yet at the same time maintain the very high standards of public service broadcasting that have been built up by the B.B.C. in London. Because I believe that it is only by monopoly or public service broadcasting that we shall do that, I feel sure we should welcome the White Paper, however much we differ from detailed proposals contained in it.

9.26 p.m.

:I feel deeply honoured to have caught your eye, Mr. Speaker, even at this very late hour. I think it is lamentable that so few hon. Members have been able to express a view on this most important subject, and I urge the Government to see that we get adequate time when we debate the actual terms of the Charter.

Many subjects have been raised on both sides of the House, and I should like to be able to debate them, particularly the proposal that the regional bodies should be related to the local authorities, which I feel would be a most dangerous move. I should also like to be able to debate the proposal not to give the full licence revenue to the B.B.C, which I think is a retrograde step.

The one point upon which I should like to say a few words is the question of monopoly, because that, after all, is the all-important question facing the House.

I remind the House, and particularly the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations, that it is not true to say that there is overwhelming support for the continuation of the monopoly. It is a great pity that the Beveridge Committee did not themselves carry out any public opinion test. Those public opinion tests that have been carried out, which my hon. Friend the Member for Hendon, North (Mr. C. I. Orr-Ewing) mentioned, and which I know from my own knowledge. show that more than 50 per cent. of the people are critical of the B.B.C. monopoly, and that at least 65 per cent. think that the B.B.C. would be improved if it had some competition.

I think that the only reason we have this monopoly is due in great measure to the persistence of Lord Reith, who felt that he could not improve broadcasting standards and undertake moral responsibility unless he had this monopoly power. The Crawford Committee, far from endorsing this, although they agreed to it, actually said of the B.B.C.:

I urge the Government to look again at the question of monopoly, because I think there is a real difference of opinion here between—if I might use the phrase —what the best people think and what the people think. I am certain that all those people who gave evidence before the Beveridge Committee were quite sincere and genuine in their belief that a monopoly was the right and proper method for broadcasting. Equally, if the people could have been consulted they would not have agreed.

To sum up, the three things I should like to support in what was said by my hon. and learned Friend the Member for Wirral (Mr. Selwyn Lloyd) are these. The B.B.C. should continue and be given adequate revenue so that they can transmit not only sound but television programmes. Side by side with this, and the issue is not a choice of adopting the American method or maintaining the monopoly, the V.H.F. system should be free from B.B.C. control and local authorities should be licensed to provide alternative and competitive programmes. In order to control that, my third proposal is that there should be some form of Broadcasting Commission set up to regulate the use of studios, codes of conduct and, if we have sponsoring, the conditions under which advertising is accepted or not. I have not time to elaborate my argument, but I urge the Government, when next we come to discuss the B.B.C. to give us much more time.

9.31 p.m.

:I should like first to say a word of appreciation of the speech of my hon. Friend the Member for Bristol, South-East (Mr. Wedgwood Benn). It was a very thoughtful speech, but I was under the disability of not being quite able to follow him in the new structure he was adumbrating. What impressed me was his proposal that the regional controller should have a relationship to the Council in the region such as the Director General has to the Governors in London. I thought that was an interesting idea from the point of view of breaking down the over-centralisation which he thinks now exists.

I should like to associate myself with the compliments paid to the B.B.C. Governors and staff for the fine job of work which they have done. I think that on all sides we have reason to be proud of the standard of broadcasting in this country. I should mention, however, that in the last two days they have been engaged in plugging their own point of view which I thought was a fall from their usual high standard of impartiality.

With regard to Lord Beveridge and his Committee, I think that the House is under a very great debt to him. Here again, he has performed a great public service and produced two very fat volumes which provided no light Christmas reading for me when they came out. I am also grateful to hon. Members of this House, including the noble Lady the Member for Anglesey (Lady Megan Lloyd George), the hon. and learned Member for Wirral (Mr. Selwyn Lloyd) and the hon. Member for Greenwich (Mr. Reeves) who made their contributions on the Committee.

The right hon. Member for Cirencester and Tewkesbury (Mr. W. S. Morrison), who opened for the Opposition, said that we were unpinioned. With all the good things that he had to say about the B.B.C., I felt very much in agreement. He approached this matter in his usual thoughtful non-party way, except when he touched on the question of monopoly. I shall have something further to say about that later on. These is a number of small points with which I should like to deal before coming to the main themes of the debate.

First, with regard to the provision of small transmitters, which was a matter raised by the hon. and learned Member for Wirral when he dealt with the present uncovered areas, a programme of 12 small transmitters has been announced and is being implemented to cover all those areas which now get bad reception. We hope to get complete coverage for everyone in this country as a result of that policy.

The hon. and gallant Member for Down, South (Captain Orr), made a very interesting and happy speech. The Northern Ireland problem is the other end of the difficulty that occurs on the north-east coast of this country. In the past, I have had to approach it largely from the Tyneside point of view. The hon. and gallant Member approached it from the Northern Ireland point of view. I appreciate the great disadvantage they are under as the result of the shortage of wavelengths available to them. I will look at the points which he has raised, and if there is a possibility of meeting the needs of the people of Northern Ireland in those respects we will attempt to do what is open to us.

The right hon. Member for Cirencester and Tewkesbury raised a point which I think is of some importance and which I had better clear up. He referred to the fact that the Postmaster-General had the right to fix the price to be received by the film industry or the B.B.C. The exact words were that the Postmaster-General "must approve," and not "fix." This matter is all very fluid, and until we see the scheme which the film industry are going to pre- sent, we shall be unable to reach any conclusion about it. The right hon. Gentleman need be under no apprehension about this. We shall do what is fair to the B.B.C, to the film industry and to the listeners, and it is in that sense that we shall approve any bargains that may be made.

It seemed to me that there were four main themes in the debate. The first was about the 85 per cent.; the second was the question of monopoly which has worried hon. Members particularly on the other side of the House, and in fairness one should say the Beveridge Committee; commercial broadcasting; and then devolution. I should like to deal with them in that order.

The right hon. and gallant Member for Leicester, South-East (Captain Water-house), after delivering an economic speech, made a very good case why the 85 per cent. should continue for the next three years. My right hon. Friend, in opening the debate, stated the general case. The great difficulty in developing the services now under the control of the B.B.C. will be the difficulty of obtaining the raw materials. Hon. Gentlemen opposite, who have been pressing us hard all the afternoon to get on with the television services and other developments, ought not to have to be reminded that hon. Gentlemen from their side of the House were on the Select Committee that recommended we should stop even that which we have agreed to go on with, although that is much less than the original programme. We must have a balance in this matter.

The great difficulty in developing these services is going to be the difficulty of getting the raw materials to do it. The hon. Member for Hendon, North (Mr. C. I. Orr-Ewing) knows this industry very well and also the defence demands that are being made upon it. He should be aware of the fact that there is not available in this industry that capacity which we require to meet our defence demands and any further burden we put upon it is going to postpone defence output when this country for its own safety requires these products.

:I cannot let the words of the right hon. Gentleman go, because during this year only 7½ per cent. of the radio industry mass production capacity will be dealing with our re- armament programme, so that it is well within the scope of the industry to meet this small need, which might be only £30,000 for several stations. It is really absurd to reject this sum when £50 million is to be spent, and I suggest that it is well within the industry's capacity.

:It was the Select Committee on Estimates who examined the defence needs in connection with radar and the development of television, broadcasting and the radio industry. They made a Report which was placed on the Table of the House. It was their proposal that all the low-powered stations should not proceed and that even two stations which are now in process of erection should stop right away, although all the machinery and the equipment are on the way. I am not worried so much about the money being available for the next two or three years, but about the availability of the material and the engineering capacity.

:If my right hon. Friend is not worried about the money, why should he not reduce the licence fee, especially to old age pensioners?

:That is another matter. My hon. Friend has not been here all the time. I am dealing with the question of the 85 per cent. It is only in the last 18 months that the B.B.C. have had 100 per cent.

:My right hon. Friend is not correct in saying that I have not been here all the time.

:I am sorry if I am doing my hon. Friend an injustice, but then I cannot understand the point of his interruption.

The next question is that of monopoly, which has been uppermost in the minds of the Opposition and of the members of the Beveridge Committee. The Government take the view that a monopoly in this case is absolutely justified. I should like to take two grounds. The first is that a monopoly which renders a social service ought to be a public monopoly under public control. I agree that there ought to be with that monopoly public accountability. The safeguard against abuse of monopoly is full public accountability for what it does. What is indefensible is a privately-owned monopoly which hides all its operation. [ Interruption. ] I am not making any Party point about this, but am trying to deal with the matter quite objectively.

Every wavelength we use in this island impinges, when transmitted at a certain power, upon the wavelengths of the Continent. We are not in the position of the United States or Canada, where they have the whole wave band available to them without impinging on or interfering with any other broadcasting system. How many times have I been questioned here at the Box about interference from Russia, Spain, Roumania, and so on? If we must control the use of the available wavelengths, it must be planned by a single authority so that the whole country shall have the service of broadcasting.

We are not alone in this position. Nearly every country on the Continent is in exactly the same position, of having a monopoly because they have to make the best use of the wavelengths that were allotted to them under the Copenhagen plan and by international action. Belgium, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Denmark, Finland, France, Norway, Poland, Sweden, Switzerland, and Yugoslavia ail have a monopoly, and all have broadcasting under a State monopoly, because of the technical reason that the number of wavelengths which are available must be controlled and integrated, and must not be wasted by competitive methods. This, shortly, is the technical reason for the existence of the monopoly in this country.

:Is it not a fact that with ultra high frequency that does not arise?

:If the hon. Gentleman had waited, I should have dealt with that point. Perhaps I had better deal with it now. With regard to the development of very high frequency, it was only a fortnight ago that I had the report from a special scientific committee which has been examining the problem of V.H.F. There has been a very great difference of opinion on whether or not V.H.F. should be conducted on the A.M. or F.M. principle. I am sorry to bring in these technicalities. It was the view that amplitude modulation was the best system for marine purposes and that frequency modulation was the best overland.

Since I have had the report there has been a new development. Research has discovered an entirely new consequence which completely sets aside all the reasons for giving favour to one or the other and the whole matter has to be re-examined. [HON. MEMBERS: "What is it?"] I cannot at this stage indicate the nature of the new development because it has not yet been tested and proved, but I have been advised by the scientists not to come to any conclusions until I have heard further reports.

With regard to the application of V.H.F. now, it would mean that we should have to make available those resources which we have already said we cannot afford. How can hon. Members ask for a development by V.H.F. at the same time as the Select Committee says, "Stop development. Use no more of your resources on this. In fact, stop what you are doing so that you may make available from the great electronics industry all the means of defence which the defence Services require"? Surely that is the answer. I agree that if that was not the position the B.B.C. should be pressed to proceed as fast as they could with V.H.F. provided that we could get an assurance about the new point which has arisen.

To return again to the question of monopoly, I agree that unless we get a proper degree of public accountability monopoly is liable to give rise to very considerable evil but what we have proposed in this case is that there shall be public accountability and that the B.B.C. shall supply to this House— according to the Beveridge Report, which we accept—much more information than they have supplied before, that it shall be in an intelligible form, that it shall deal with the position in the regions, that there shall be regional reports as well as central reports and that information shall be supplied on which the House can form opinions and discuss what the monopoly is doing.

The hon. and learned Member for Wirral based his case for commercial broadcasting on the need for destroying or breaking up the monopoly. My impression was that he advocated commercial broadcasting as a means of finding the wherewithal to conduct a competitive system. I listened with very great sympathy and interest to what my hon. Friend the Member for Greenwich said when he described the competitive com- mercial system in America. I should hate to see this country subjected to that.

:Once the door is open, who is going to put his foot against it. In her report the noble Lady the Member for Anglesey suggested that the power should rest with the Postmaster-General.

:I agree, but the suggestion was that, once he had adopted the principle of commercial broadcasting and sponsors, he should decide who should advertise and who should not.

:Is this not the suggestion of the noble Lady? I rather thought she was suggesting that I should decide. I should hate to have to decide whether or not at the end of an opera someone should have thrown at him through the microphone "Drink Jones's beer" or "Beer is good for you." Or, indeed, it might be "Don't drink Jones's beer," which would perhaps be equally distasteful to a large number of us. Once we opened the door to commercial broadcasting, as the hon. and learned Member for Wirral said, we should have to hedge it round, we should have to tie it up, we should have to make all sorts of discriminatory rules until, in the long run, we should either have a public outcry about the nature of the broadcasting or, what would be worse, a public outcry about the nature of the advertising.

The hon. Member suggested that it would give greater variety. I should have thought that if we had commercial broadcasting we should have concentration on a certain type of popular entertainment— that and nothing more—and that would tend more and more to apply to broadcasting the old Gresham Law of the bad driving out the good. In those circumstances the Government are absolutely right in turning this down.

I have very little time in which to deal with the other points—[An HON. MEMBER: "Oh!"]—I am sorry if the hon. Gentleman does not agree with what I am saying, but this is a free country and this is a free house—[HON. MEMBERS: "A monopoly"]—and all hon. Members are entitled to speak. I come now to devolution and the question of the structure. It seems to me there has been a lot of misunderstanding about this. How does the B.B.C. describe the present setup? It says:

Let us take what the Beveridge Committee suggests. It suggests that there should be a national Governor, that there should be a commission of four plus a Governor appointed by the Government, that the commission should be appointed by the Government. Each commission would decide and control the regional programme. The commission would appoint its own advisory council and staff wholly engaged on the commission's service. In other cases the staff would be appointed by a joint arrangement with the Governors. That is the Beveridge recommendation to which the noble Lady set her hand.

What are the proposals of the Government? The Government proposals are different only in one respect, that there should be a different constitution for the controlling body. That is the difference. On powers, the Government differ little from Beveridge. What is there between us? [An HON. MEMBER: "Party lines."] The B.B.C. give the power to control the regional programmes to one man, who takes advice and reports to a body of his own selection. Beveridge says, "Give those powers to five men, chosen by the Government of the day, and let them report to an advisory council"—again, chosen by themselves. The Government's proposal is that those powers should be given to a body that is representative of the whole people, chosen by the people. The alternatives, therefore, are in the use of an agreed devolved power. One is an uncontrolled single person—

:Let me finish, I have only a few minutes left—or five persons selected by the Government of the day, or representatives elected by the people in the region. No one has argued for the retention of No. 1. Not a single hon. Member of the House has justified the present position, except the hon. and gallant Member for Down, South. Not even the Opposition Front Bench have favoured the B.B.C. in this.

:I said that if the Government could not devise an alternative better than the one they have or better than Beveridge, they ought to let the present system remain.

:That is right. So the right hon. Member prefers Beveridge to the B.B.C.

:That is what I understood. All right, the right hon. Member is the exception. [HON. MEMBERS: "He is not."] Let us face the position: whether the power shall rest with the uncontrolled regional controller, or whether it shall rest with five persons appointed by the Government of the day from Whitehall, subject to all the criticism that that may bring. Take Wales as an example. What would be the argument against these five people, whoever they are, and whichever party appoints them? They are political appointees, appointed by the party of the day. They will be spoken of by the Nationalists as being the stooges of Whitehall. We cannot trust the people of Wales to select their own representatives. We cannot trust the people of Scotland to select their own representatives. It has to be done here.

I agree that there is room for a difference of opinion on whether the county councils and the borough councils form the right authorities from which to recruit the members. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear."] I am forced to this question— whether it is better to have a democratic basis for appointing these representatives than to rely upon selection by a central authority outside the region. This, after all, is the way of getting public responsibility.

:According to that reasoning, all the boards—electricity, coal and everything else—would be condemned.

:What I am trying to do is to provide that there shall be proper public accountability in this monopoly. I am trying to meet the argument that in a monopoly of this size there is a great danger. [HON. MEMBERS: "There is."] If we hand this public accountability to those representatives, that is one method whereby we should get proper devolution; we should get variety, and a proper participation by the elected people of the country.

If that view is not accepted, I should like to hear others. The Government would be interested to hear any that is put forward. One other thing I should like to say is that the White Paper was put forward to try to get from the House some new ideas and to find out what the House is feeling about this. We have had a good debate. It has been comparatively short. Much has been said which will help the Government, and I hope that when we have the next debate we shall be able to crystallise all the ideas that have been put forward.

Question put, and agreed to

Resolved:

"That this House takes note of the Memorandum on the Report of the Broadcasting Committee, 1949 (Command 8291)."

British Railways (Staff Shortage)

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House do now adjourn."— [ Mr. Sparks. ]

10.0 p.m.

:The subject I desire to raise tonight is the staff shortage on the British railway system. I do so because I think this is a matter of serious national interest. In the first place, may I express a little criticism about the difficulty of getting matters of this kind brought before the House? I take the view that under Section 4 of the Transport Act, 1947, the Minister has over-riding responsibilities, acting on behalf of the Government, for running the transport industry. With respect, in my view, I think there ought to be a re-definition of the functions of the Minister in regard to those duties and responsibilities.

In the socialised industries, the problem has not yet been resolved as to where the power of Parliament should extend and how far we are to leave the socialised industries in the hands of the people we appoint. Particularly in regard to the day-to-day management, there can be no question that it would be unwise and impracticable for this House to try to interfere, but it is not upon day-to-day matters in that detailed way that some of us have sought to put Questions in this House.

We take the view that in a serious position in which the commercial life of the country is likely to be seriously jeopardised, for certain very obvious reasons, the Government and the Ministers, in particular, have a responsibility to Parliament to answer Questions which expressed the apprehension of hon. Members and to give us some sort of indication as to what the Government were doing to meet the position. But we find, not on these benches alone, that there has been this difficulty of getting matters raised in the House. I think a good case can be made out for a definition of the responsibilities of Ministers on these matters so that there will be greater opportunity for hon. Members from all sections to raise these important matters.

It is in particular reference to the staff shortage of British Railways that I have sought by Questions, seeing the Minister privately, and tonight by raising the matter on the Adjournment, to focus attention upon what in my view and that of some of my colleagues is a most grave position. We have been told by the Parliamentary Secretary recently in a debate in another place, that there were some 20.000 vacancies on the railways, that there were 16,000 men doing National Service in the Forces, and that there was a serious shortage, particularly of train crews and guards. We have been told that the summer services could not be introduced at the proper time as the staff were not there to work the trains. In fact, on certain days in June no less than 250 goods trains had to be cancelled.

We know from information which reaches us that there is serious delay at some of the junctions in various parts of the country because traffic cannot be moved expeditiously. I take the view that this is not a day-to-day matter of minor consequence. I think it is a major matter in the interests of the country, particularly when we remember that from a transport point of view we are now operating at a time most suitable for the maximum amount of work and on the best terms for shunting and marshalling traffic in the yards with the long hours of daylight. Instead of the position becoming any easier, it is likely to intensify towards the autumn and winter months, and if it has not already become chaotic I think it will become so unless something of a very far-reaching nature is done.

We have heard recently, according to the "Daily Herald," that negotiations are in hand between the Commission and the trade unions to meet the position so far as it can be met within the industry itself. I understand that it is proposed to ask the men to work 48 hours per week as against the standard 44-hour week, for which extra time they will be paid at overtime rates; to ask them in some cases to forgo a week of their annual holiday, for which they will receive extra pay; to ask that the retirement age shall be deferred from 65 to 70; and in the event of these measures failing, to ask that consideration shall be given to the importation of labour from overseas. Italian labour is especially mentioned. [ Interruption. ] I understand from one of my colleagues that the latter proposal is to be considered simultaneously with the other three proposals.

That, at least, indicates that the Government or the Commission are waking up to the serious position which is arising. But, to get this matter in proper perspective, it should be borne in mind that this acute shortage of staff is not a new problem. The Parliamentary Secretary, speaking in another place on 28th June, said that it was a problem that had been going on for at least 18 months and probably two years. Nor is it peculiar to any one section of the industry. We have heard a great deal about train crews, and if one of my hon. Friends is fortunate enough to take part in this debate, he will have something to say about that.

This problem affects every side of the industry. In the clerical and supervisory grades there is great difficulty in recruiting staff. There are many vacancies which cannot be filled, and men are leaving the industry for better paid jobs in local government service, gas or electricity undertakings or private concerns, where in more congenial conditions they can get much more money. What is true about the clerical and supervisory grades is also true of the other skilled grades in the industry, and more particularly so, I understand, in the so-called unskilled grades. In some parts of the country the railways are being driven to the expedient of engaging women labour in the sheds to handle the traffic; they are brought to that serious pass.

This is a matter of most grave consequence to the country. The Commission is in a financial dilemma, in that within the present financial structure the industry finds that, instead of making a profit, it has to meet certain standing charges— £34 million in interest charges—and the Report which we have recently received shows that there was again, in 1950, a deficit. This amounted to about £14 million, bringing the accumulated deficit to about £39 million or £40 million. The prospects, despite the increasing traffic available, are not good in terms of balancing the budget. Until this problem of raising revenue and of adjusting charges is seriously examined and dealt with there can be no successful solution to the problem before us.

The plain fact is that so far as recruitment of staff is concerned the conditions of employment, as I have already said, are not sufficiently attractive. Men who are spending their lives in a job of work they have been trained to do find themselves seriously underpaid in comparison with men in comparable positions in industry and elsewhere.

The problem of reserving men from National Service has already been before the Ministry of Labour. Although there is a shortage of skilled train men the Government have not seen their way clear —or at least the Minister of Labour, acting for the Government, has not—to defer men. There are many young men who are now being called upon to go into the Forces, who ought to be the skilled engineers, drivers and operators in the days immediately ahead.

There is no time tonight to examine the financial structure of the industry, but every time the Minister comes to us reporting a deficit and asking for some kind of adjustment, he is in the awkward position that a whole procedure, which in my view is completely outmoded, has to be gone through before the Commission is able to earn its revenue. At the time when the great railway industry was a monopoly, there was built up a body of legislation to protect the consumer and to see that impartial treatment was given to all customers. Certain conditions were made in order to encourage the basic industries of the country on the assumption that the railway companies were a great monopoly, carrying all the traffic of the country.

In present day conditions, and with the coming of the internal combustion engine and other forms of transport, the Commission itself is badly saddled and hamstrung, both in respect of this outmoded legislation and in regard to charges themselves. As is known to all of us who have had anything to do with the railways, the rates structure is completely out of date; in fact, it was out of date when it was established over 20 years ago.

I want the Minister to tell us what he is going to do about it, because until there is more money in the industry to catch up with the rising prices, and until there is an end of all this palaver of having to hold a public inquiry and be subject to a great deal of criticism and opposition, mainly from the trading interests represented by the benches opposite, the only way in which the Com- mission can earn its revenue and pay its men decent wages will be by doing something to adjust that inflexible arrangement and put the industry on a proper basis.

Secondly, in respect of its method of charging, the whole basis needs revising. In Section 76 of the Transport Act, it was laid down that the Commission should go into the question of charges schemes for all the separate departments of the industry, and should present the Minister with the scheme within two years of the passing of the Act. In the event, this has been found to be impracticable, and the time period has had to be extended. We were given to understand that the Minister could expect a report in August of this year setting out the considerations which should be borne in mind in setting up new charges schemes.

It could be demonstrated that the present basis upon which the railways, as part of the transport system, are operating is completely anomalous. They are supposed to give equal treatment to all. to give preferential treatment in rates for certain basic traffic, while, at the same time, their competitors alongside them are enabled to charge what they will and do what they like. I suggest for the Minister's consideration that he should take an early opportunity of considering these matters, because, until he does so. this problem is likely to pile up, and we shall get no satisfaction.

I hope that time will remain for one or two of my colleagues to say a word or two before the Minister replies, but I ask my right hon. Friend if he will tell us what the Commission is doing to meet the problem, particularly in this matter of staff. What is he doing in respect of building up a system to enable the Commission to earn revenue, and will he recognise that unless something is done very soon—he has already received wages claims from all sections of the industry, or, at least, the Commission will have received them very soon—there is likely to be a worsening of the industry, and we shall find, possibly too late, and at a time when it is absolutely vital, when we are building up our re-armament programme and when the economic life of the country demands that we should have a first-class transport system, that traffic is held up, and that the Minister will be faced with a situation of crisis.

The Report of the British Transport Commission criticises the lack of capital expenditure. Unless something is done to make available to the Commission more money to put the industry in order, we shall be working with a machine that is rapidly falling to bits. We need to spend money and to decide what the function of the railways is to be. Having decided that, we should spend the money and cut out the dead wood and then consider the result.

10.15 p.m.

:My hon. Friend the Member for Stoke-on-Trent, North (Mr. Edward Davies) has done a service to the House and to the country in calling attention to the great shortage of skilled operating railwaymen. A number of us have already called the attention of the Minister to this matter, and we had hoped that before now he would have taken some action.

British Railways are renowned for their safety, and there have been years recently when millions of passengers have been carried safely and without a single casualty. That remarkable record, which is recognised all over the world, has been made possible because of the operating skill of British railwaymen. Unless that skill is maintained, that great record of which all railwaymen are proud will not remain with us.

What are the facts of this shortage? A little while ago the public were concerned because they heard the Summer services of British Railways had to be postponed for a fortnight. They would be much more concerned now if they knew what are the prospects immediately ahead unless the Minister chooses to do something which up to this date he has refused to do. Only a few weeks ago, no less than 254 freight trains had to be cancelled within 24 hours because of the shortage of train crews. The reason for that shortage can be seen from the fact that last year the railway service lost no less than 1,200 engine drivers and 2,984 firemen. It is the shortage of these skilled men which is responsible for the difficulty which is being experienced now, a difficulty which will be far more serious as we move into the autumn and the winter.

Coupled with that loss of manpower the industry lost last year no fewer than 4,000 locomotive firemen who were called up for the Forces. In an emergency every one of those men would be held in the industry here and be needed, yet the Minister stood idly by allowing those 4,000 men to go out of the industry last year. He is standing by now and allowing thousands more to go out this year. When the winter comes, unless he does something more than he has yet done, he will find the position in the collieries such that there will be colliery trains held up, not because there is a shortage of miners to fill them, but because there is a shortage of train crews to move them.

I ask my right hon. Friend to carry this matter a little further than his Parliamentary Secretary carried it in another place a fortnight or so ago. It is no use the Minister saying, as his colleague said in another place, that this is a matter for day-to-day management in the industry. What nonsense! It was a colleague who not so long ago said, "You can get coal without coal owners, but you cannot get coal without coal miners." I would paraphrase that and say to the Minister. "You can run trains without a Minister of Transport, but you cannot run trains without engine men and engine firemen." He knows as well as I do that the responsible authorities have told him what to do and have urged him to do what is necessary—which is to stop the calling up of highly-skilled men at the moment when their skill becomes of the utmost use to the industry. I warn him that if he does not do it the benches opposite will not be as empty as they are now. When autumn and winter come we shall have hon. Members opposite screeching at the Government and complaining because of the Government's ineptitude in this matter.

I urge the Minister for once in his life not to be content with merely having passed the Transport Act, but to realise his responsibility as Minister of Transport to this House and the country and do something which everybody in the industry who knows what is happening is urging him to do.

10.22 p.m.

:There is much in what my hon. Friend the Member for Stoke-on-Trent, North (Mr. Edward Davies) said in his opening remarks about the difficulties which confront anyone who is administering the affairs of the British Transport Commission and particularly the railway side of their operations—difficulties which arise from the history of, and past legislation on, the affairs of the railways of this country. It is not possible to get rid of the history which surrounds British Railways in a relatively short period, and no one knows that better than my hon. Friend.

When it was considering the form of control in this direction, Parliament itself, in the last Parliament, re-enacted the machinery of the Transport Tribunal which, of course, followed the precedent of the old Rates Tribunal in dealing with questions of charges and fares. In this connection it must be borne in mind that the attitude of traders in this country, as well as that of the travelling public, has always been to insist that they should have an opportunity of expressing their views on any revision of railway freights or rates. That attitude arose from the fact that originally the railways were a monopoly, and there is great force in the contention that that no longer prevails today.

I think we could with advantage discuss, when we have much more time at our disposal and when we are considering the annual accounts of the Transport Commission, how far that machinery is effective in a time of rapid movement in price levels, which is an entirely different matter. A machinery which might be quite suitable for normal and stable conditions throws up grave difficulties in a time of rapid price movement. I do not in any way contest the views of my hon. Friend that it creates a major difficulty at the present moment, but he knows as well as I do that we cannot alter legislation of that magnitude at a moment's notice.

I want to devote my time this evening to what is the more immediate problem and is certainly a grave problem—that which has arisen through staff difficulties. The railways have, like other industries, met with staff difficulties in view of the changing conditions that have occurred as a consequence of full employment in this country. Nevertheless, this difficulty of staff became a major difficulty only over the last winter. It started, in the first place, through the conditions necessitated by the diversion of traffic arrangements for coal importation. The importation of coal reversed the movements of coal traffic in many directions.

Then, of course, in the early part of the year weather conditions created epidemics. The work of the railwaymen, particularly in the shunting yards, is carried out under grave difficulties, and the incidence of sickness is bound to be greater there than anywhere else. Normally, those difficulties tend to disappear at the end of the winter period, but the demand for labour, the element of competition for labour supplies, which is becoming increasingly apparent in industry today, especially in the areas in which heavy industry operates, has aggravated the position of the staff on the railways.

My hon. Friend himself referred to the fact that the Railway Executive and the unions have been considering this matter continuously since the problem began to arise. I am not quite clear what he means when he requests the Minister to act in a matter of this kind. Surely there is in any industry a field in which the managements and the trade unions discuss—

:If he will forgive me, my right hon. Friend knows what I was referring to. He knows very well the representations made to him both by the Railway Executive and the trade unions.

:I am coming to that, but in the short time at my disposal I must try to deal with some of the points that have been submitted to me tonight. I am dealing for the moment with the point which was raised about discussions which are taking place between the unions and the Railway Executive. There is a great number of points involved in this question of staff shortage that fall within the field of discussion between the trade unions and the managements. When they have had their discussions, then it is for the managements and the unions to make any necessary representations to the Minister.

The only point that has been raised with the Minister is this question of deferment. That is a matter of Government policy. A procedure upon which the trade unions place considerable value is that by which both managements and the unions have direct access to the Ministry of Labour in the first instance.

:It is not until the normal machinery that exists between the unions and the managements and the Ministry of Labour has failed to work out a solution—

that the matter becomes one of national importance which the Government as a whole consider. I am able to inform my hon. Friends that, as a matter of fact, this problem is before the Government at the present time. The deferment of any grades of labour, when the Government are carrying out a defence programme such as that which we are carrying out, is not a matter of easy solution, but I am able to state here to night that that problem is before the Government, and the full facts of the situation will be submitted for their consideration. The total number involved in the proposal of deferment is 2,900 personnel, and they, of course, in the main, are in certain key trades. The Government of the day must consider—

The Question having been proposed at Ten o'clock, and the debate having continued for half an hour, Mr. SPEAKER adjourned the House without Question put, pursuant to the Standing Order.

Adjourned at Half-past Ten o'Clock.