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Commons Chamber

Volume 525: debated on Tuesday 16 March 1954

House of Commons

Tuesday, March 16, 1954

The House met at Half past Two o'Clock

Prayers

[Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair]

Oral Answers to Questions

Local Government

Private Street Works, Newcastle-under-Lyme (Expenditure)

1.

asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government if he will now send a representative of his Department to Newcastle-under-Lyme, in response to the local authority's recent invitation, to examine in detail the problem of private streets works and report on the desirability of raising the level of permissible annual expenditure.

The Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Housing and Local Government
(Mr. Ernest Marples)

I do not think this is necessary since my right hon. Friend has recently authorised a substantial increase in expenditure on private street works in the borough during the coming year. It will be nearly three times the figure of last year.

Why is the Minister reluctant to send a representative? I am grateful for the concession that is being granted, but is the hon. Gentleman aware that it will allow for, perhaps, only five or six streets to be dealt with out of the total of 200 private streets on which work has to be done and out of an area of 20 miles of unmade roads? Will not the Minister, therefore, consider a favourable response to the local authority's invitation?

Three times the expenditure of last year will involve a strain on the building industry which is not excessive but is reasonable under the circumstances.

Site, Rainhill (Development)

2.

asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government why he is permitting private development at a site at Mill Lane, Rainhill, reserved by the Whiston Rural District Council for an open space.

I am sending the hon. Member a copy of the letter, sent on 30th November last to the appellant's solicitors, which gave my right hon. Friend's reasons for allowing the appeal in this case.

Is there anything in the letter which leads one to think otherwise than that it is the policy to put the welfare of one individual before the needs of the community of an area which is rapidly growing in population and which urgently needs to have adequate open spaces prepared for it?

I think that if the hon. Member reads the reasons in the letter, which are quite powerful, he will come to the conclusion that my right hon. Friend has acted for the general good of the community.

Members (Financial Loss Allowance)

3.

asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government what amount or amounts he has prescribed, or proposes to prescribe, as the maximum financial loss allowance under Section 112 of the Local Government Act, 1948, as amended by Section 16 of the Local Government (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act, 1953.

The proposed maximum rates are, in respect of any one 24 hours' period, 15s. for not more than four hours and 30s. for more than four hours.

He wishes to make the regulations at the same time as he makes regulations regarding the subsistence allowance. It is hoped to bring them into force as from 1st April.

Administrative Costs

10.

asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government if he will convene meetings of local authority representatives, either on a national scale or on a regional basis, to consider whether economies may be ensured by greater administrative efficiency and to consider, in particular, the economies effected by the city corporation of Coventry with the assistance and advice of officers of the Treasury; and if he will make a statement.

I would refer my hon. Friend to the answer I gave on 8th March last to the hon. Member for Islington, East (Mr. E. Fletcher). No special statement by my right hon. Friend seems needed.

Does not my hon. Friend agree that in this matter the City of Coventry, with the aid of Treasury officials, has set a very splendid example to us all? Would it not be of great interest to local authorities everywhere to learn how these economies have been achieved without apparent diminution in local services?

That is true, but each local authority is a special case, and what might apply to Coventry might not necessarily apply to any other local authority. My right hon. Friend is considering issuing some sort of guidance to local authorities about the desirability of their taking the initiative. It has been my experience while I have been at the Ministry that it is better if the initiative comes from the local authority and sympathetic help is given by my right hon. Friend.

Sewerage Works, Essex

11.

asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government if he is aware that tenders for sewerage works at Tollesbury and at Latchingdon, Essex, were approved by his Department in 1951, but that, when the firm tendering was unable to carry out the work, his Department refused to approve the acceptance of a higher tender by the Maldon Rural District Council and has since continued to withhold such consent; and if, in view of the need of proper sewerage in these parishes and the expense already incurred by the council in respect of these schemes, he will now authorise the council to proceed with the work.

My right hon. Friend is looking into this matter, and he soon hopes to be able to authorise the scheme.

Water Supply, Yarnbrook

15.

asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government if he is aware that a water supply to a smallholding and cottages at Yarnbrook is held up owing to the failure of the Warminster and Westbury Rural District Council and the Trowbridge, Melksham and District Water Board to reach agreement as to who should provide the supply and upon what terms; and what action he will take to resolve the small difference between these two authorities in order that a water supply may be provided.

My right hon. Friend is in touch with the local authority and the water board with a view to helping them to solve their differences.

Exchange Equalisation Grants

28.

asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government whether he will make a statement about the redistribution of Exchequer equalisation grants in view of the delay in revising rating assessments.

I am not in a position to add anything to the reply given on 23rd February to my hon. Friend the hon. Member for Liverpool, Walton (Mr. K. Thompson).

Is the hon. Gentleman not aware that there has been further delay in the production of these reassessments of rating values and that this is putting local authorities, including the City of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, in the greatest difficulty because they are not receiving any advantage from any equalisation grant? Will the Minister give some temporary easement to authorities that are in this position?

My right hon. Friend has not received full replies from the local authorities' associations. Surely the hon. Member does not suggest that he should take action before those authorities reply. In any case, Newcastle-upon-Tyne does not receive an equalisation grant now and would not receive any under the recommendations made in the report of the committee that has examined this problem.

Is the hon. Gentleman not aware that, in the case of Newcastle-upon-Tyne and other cities in a similar position, it is the fault of his Ministry that the city has been put in this position because of the delay in reassessment, and that that is what we are inquiring about?

Is my hon. Friend convinced that the equalisation grant system is an improvement on the old block grant system, and would he not allow his Department to think again on the old lines?

We are thinking again on this question. No satisfactory solution has yet been found, but my right hon. Friend is giving great consideration to it.

Air Pollution

4.

asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government when the next Report of the Air Pollution Committee is expected; and to what extent this Committee is concerned with the influence of air pollution on the increase in cancer.

5 and 7.

asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government (1) if he will give a full report on the research made up to the latest date on air pollution and on the action taken or proposed;

I understand that the Committee on Air Pollution expects to present a further report before the end of the summer. The Committee's Interim Report contained a very clear statement of the main facts at present known about air pollution and the preventive measures already in operation, and I would ask hon. Members to await its next report on possible further action.

My right hon. Friend has, however, just received from the Committee some interim recommendations about the need for fuller measurements of air pollution and for extended research into the prob- lem of pollution by sulphur compounds. These are now being studied. The Committee is already in close touch with the Medical Research Council in regard to the influence of air pollution on human health.

My right hon. Friend believes that the creation of smokeless zones in suitable areas has a useful part to play in reducing air pollution, and he has recently assured the local authorities who possess the necessary powers of his readiness to consider proposals for further smokeless zones.

Is the Minister not aware that the Interim Report was a great disappointment? It said nothing that had not been known before. Many people are concerned that it is taking so long to make a serious attack on this menace. Why does not the Minister answer the last part of the Question? In view of the fact that there is well-informed evidence that "smog" can cause cancer or have some effect, why is there not greater activity in respect of this very disturbing factor?

In my answer, I said that the Beaver Committee was in close touch with the Medical Research Council, who are the greatest experts on the question of cancer and how "smog" affects it. As the Beaver Committee is in close touch with the recognised expert body, I do not think that the Minister can be expected to do more than that.

Will the hon. Gentleman convey to the Committee the fact that all who are interested appreciate the increased attention which is being given to the matter? In order to get the best results, will he consult his right hon. Friend to ensure that either the Minister or he himself concentrates on the problem so that the necessary action may be taken?

I can assure the hon. Gentleman and the House that the matter really is being pursued with assiduity, but it is more important to get satisfactory recommendations than speedy ones. My hon. Friend the Member for Croydon, East (Sir H. Williams) pointed out the other day that some recommendations have been carried into effect which are not really satisfactory.

Would the hon. Gentleman consider making it a condition of the payment of subsidy that new houses shall be constructed to use only smokeless fuel?

The hon. Gentleman will find that only approved fuel appliances are installed in all new houses. The problem concerns old houses and not new ones.

6.

asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government what consultations and reports he has had in connection with the fluorosis investigations carried out at the Fenton Manor Farm, Stoke-on-Trent; what action he is taking; and if he will collaborate closely with the Ministry of Agriculture on the effect of air pollution.

Intensive investigations are being carried out at Fenton Manor Farm by the Ministry of Agriculture and the two Departments are in close touch in the matter. It is, however, likely to be a considerable time before the results of the investigations are known.

Will the Parliamentary Secretary convey to the Minister of Agriculture the appreciation of the hon. Members representing Stoke-on-Trent for the arrangements which he made for them to see the exhibition, which proved to them the seriousness of the effects of fluorosis? Will he also consult the Minister of Agriculture with a view to having in the Library a similar demonstration of the serious effect of fluorosis upon the bones of cattle?

Housing

Halfway Houses (Length of Stay)

9.

asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government the maximum period of stay in halfway houses, managed on his behalf by Metropolitan councils; and what steps he is taking to reduce this period.

My right hon. Friend has laid down no maximum period. The responsibility for allocating accommodation available to local authorities rests on those authorities.

Are not halfway houses managed on behalf of the Minister, and is the Minister not financially responsible for them? Ought he not to pay some attention to the possibility of people having to spend some years in halfway houses because there is not the incentive to rehouse them that there is in the case of other people on housing lists?

If the hon. Gentleman has a certain case in mind, I shall be glad to look into it.

Does the Parliamentary Secretary agree that the great problem is very often one of rehabilitation as well as rehousing? Is he aware that in many parts of the country there are no halfway houses and that there is only very unsatisfactory temporary accommodation where rehabilitation is not practicable? I appreciate that the Minister does not wish to interfere with the work of local authorities, but I would ask whether he has any proposals for bringing about more effective co-ordination between welfare authorities, housing authorities and voluntary bodies?

Yes, Sir. In a recent speech my right hon. Friend called the attention of county councils, who are the welfare authorities in these cases, to the desirability of having close contact with housing authorities.

Council Houses (Purchase Offers)

13.

asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government whether he will make a statement on the subject of take-over bids for council houses made to many local authorities by a firm of estate agents acting on behalf of anonymous private buyers.

My right hon. Friend has not yet been asked to approve a sale of this nature. He would require adequate assurances as to the character and standing of the purchaser and the observance of the conditions set out in Circular 64 of 26th August, 1952, on the sale of council houses, of which I am sending the hon. and gallant Member a copy.

Is the Parliamentary Secretary aware that a firm of estate agents, P. E. Goodwins, of Mayfair, is in touch with some 90 local authorities in the south of England? May we take it from the Parliamentary Secretary's reply that the Minister will be very careful before he sanctions the selling out by local authorities to private speculators?

Will the hon. Gentleman consult his right hon. Friend the Member for Woodford (Sir Winston Churchill)? According to Press reports, a similar arrangement at Wanstead and Woodford is at present being discussed. I am sure that the right hon. Member for Woodford would not like to see council houses being sold in this manner.

Reports have appeared since 1952 about the the sale of council houses in large blocks, but not a single proposal has yet come before my right hon. Friend. When one does, it will be considered most carefully.

Rent-controlled Properties

14.

asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government if he will recommend the appointment of a Royal Commission to inquire into all matters pertaining to rents of controlled properties, to what extent the landlords have spent their statutory amounts on repairs and decorations, as to how far the Rent Restrictions Acts are effective and being observed, and the profits of property companies; and whether, pending the report of this Royal Commission, he will hold in abeyance the operation of the proposed rent increases.

No, Sir. My right hon. Friend does not think an inquiry by Royal Commission would be helpful at the present time.

As landlords claim that they cannot get enough rent to keep houses in repair, as tenants disagree with that as property companies are earning big profits and paying large dividends, and as tenants are very worried about whether, if rents go up, landlords will spend the money on decorating and repairing houses, surely there is need of an impartial investigation? Would not the best method be to have a Royal Commission which would provide ample time for investigating all these matters and thus enable the House to come to a proper decision without any expression of partisan points of view?

I should not like to accept the assumptions laid down by the hon. Gentleman, but we are most grateful to him for the most massive and intellectual contributions that he makes in Standing Committee with the object of saving houses.

Will my hon. Friend consider the point which has been raised, because it might help hon. and right hon. Members opposite to decide whether the Housing Repairs and Rents Bill is a "landlords' ramp" or a "mouldy turnip"?

Houses, Harlow (Complaints)

16.

asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government if he is aware of certain defective workmanship in houses in the new town of Harlow; that this has been the subject of representations of tenants' associations in the new town; and if he will make a statement.

Some complaints have been made about a relatively small number of houses. These are being thoroughly investigated by the development corporation. My right hon. Friend is confident that the corporation is discharging its responsibilities in this matter without delay and is putting remedial works in hand where necessary to deal with defects inherent in building construction.

I thank my hon. Friend for his reply, but is he aware that defects in design have appeared in houses of "no fines" construction and that about 80 houses of that type are affected? Is he also aware that tenants have expressed fears that extra burdens by way of maintenance as a result of these defects will pass to them? Will he do what he can to prevent this from happening?

I can assure my hon. Friend that the remedial works will be carried out. In some cases it may be a difficult and protracted task to discover the exact cause of the building defects, but I can assure him that the remedial works, whether they are the liability of the corporation or the contractor, will not involve increased rents.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the defects are partly the result of the policy of his right hon. Friend, and that the development corporations, in order inflate the figure of completions as desired by the Government, are accepting from the contractors houses in a condition which they would not have dreamt of accepting under the previous Administration?

There is absolutely no alteration in the constructional standards required, either in byelaws or in any other way, and it would be wrong that that suggestion should go out to the country.

May I ask my hon. Friend whether any of these houses are owned by private landlords in the constituency of the hon. Member for West Ham, North (Mr. Lewis)?

Hutted Camps (Dwellings)

18.

asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government if he will have the occupied dwellings on the hutted site at Wrottesley Park, in the area of the Seisdon Rural District Council, inspected to determine their fitness for human habitation.

My right hon. Friend's regional officers inspected the hutments on this site on 12th February. They found the condition of the buildings better than in many camps. The council intend to clear first the camp at Perton. which is in poor condition.

If I send the Minister a factual article by a representative of the "Wolverhampton Express and Star," who was at Perton last week-end, will the Minister read it carefully, and will he also meet me on the site, when I will show him the deplorable conditions under which these people are living?

Does the Minister not consider that the time has been reached when a definite date should be put to the clearance, all over the country, of these Army huts which are now inhabited as houses?

19.

asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government if he is in a position to state Government policy on the use of Army and ex-prisoner-of-war hutted dwellings for meeting civilian housing needs.

The report of the working party which has considered the future of these camps will be published in about a week's time.

Is the desire of the Government to keep these camps in being so that they may cut down the normal housing programme, as they have done in Brierley Hill, where it has been cut by one-third?

I do not think that the building of 340,000 houses as against 200,000 two years ago can be considered a cut—even the English language cannot be stretched that far. Huts will always necessarily be unsatisfactory by their very construction, and the best thing we can do is to replace them by speeding up new housing as fast as possible.

Vauxhall Mansions (Compulsory Purchase Application)

20.

asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government whether he has come to a decision about the application of the Lambeth Borough Council to acquire, by a compulsory purchase order, Vauxhall Mansions, the property of Mr. Brady.

No, Sir, but my right hon. Friend expects to do so in about a fortnight.

Will the hon. Gentleman ask the Minister to bear in mind that these buildings are in a deplorable condition, that they are getting rapidly worse, that the people are living there in very unpleasant conditions because there is no lighting on any of the staircases, that squatters are coming in every night, and that the Lambeth Borough Council is anxious to get proper control of these Mansions as quickly as possible? Will the Minister also see that, in making any decision, he is flexible in applying the usual rules for granting compulsory purchase orders?

I will convey that to my right hon. Friend. The difficulty has been that certain necessary documents were received at the Ministry only a few days ago, but it is hoped that a decision will be taken in a fortnight.

Council Tenants (Cookers)

23.

asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government whether he will circularise local authorities, instructing them that they should not compel their tenants to cook by gas only, but should allow freedom of choice to the individual tenant.

Freedom of choice is usual but cost has to be taken into account. My right hon. Friend does not think this is a matter on which he should seek to dictate to local authorities.

May I ask my hon. Friend if he is aware that a number of these new tenants have electric stoves and are unable to use them? In addition, is he aware that the larger the numbers of electric stoves used, the more easily they can be made at a rate at which they can compete in the export market?

Yes, but my right hon. Friend would like freedom of choice for the consumer and he would not like to fetter the local authority in the exercise of its discretion. In some cases pressure is being brought by the tenants for reduced rents, and freedom of choice often means slightly higher rents.

Could the hon. Gentleman advise his right hon Friend to tell the housewives to sell their electric stoves and to cook by gas, and that it is a decision they will never regret?

I do not think that my right hon. Friend would like to risk offering that advice.

Prefabricated Houses

24.

asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government the approximate number of prefabricated houses; and whether he can give an estimate of the number of these houses which will become unfit for occupation during the next two years.

As regards the first part of the Question I would refer my hon. and gallant Friend to the Housing Return. My right hon. Friend regrets that he has no data for the estimate asked for in the second part of the Question, but he would guess that the number will be very small.

Three-bedroom Houses (Superficial Area)

27.

asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government what was the average superficial area of three-bedroom houses built by local authorities in each of the years 1951, 1952 and 1953.

Material for exact comparison between houses completed at various dates is not available.

Is the Minister aware that the reduced superficial area is bringing an increasing number of complaints from tenants who find that the space available in the so-called "People's House" is not adequate?

Local authorities can build what type of house they like, except for the proviso that they must build rooms that conform to the size laid down by the Dudley Committee. They are doing that. In some cases they have reduced the superficial space because they want to bring the rent down, but no local authority is compelled to build a house of which it does not approve.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that great pressure is brought upon local authorities to build to the "People's House" specifications?

Temporary Dwellings (Open Spaces)

25.

asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government what steps he is taking to ensure that open spaces at present occupied by temporary housing will be made available once again to the public as soon as the housing situation permits.

I would refer the hon. Member to Clause 14 of the Housing Repairs and Rents Bill at present before the House.

Whilst appreciating the answer which the hon. Gentleman has given, may I ask if we can take it from his reply that he is quite satisfied that as soon as it is possible from the housing point of view to release these open spaces, they will be returned to the full enjoyment of the public?

My right hon. Friend has two conflicting pressures on him, one from the housing section of the local authorities who wish to keep the spaces for building purposes, and the other from the parks section of local authorities who need these spaces as open spaces, but I think that the hon. Member will see from the Bill that a reasonable compromise has been reached.

Will the hon. Gentleman bear in mind that, in addition to American hutments and Army hutments to which my hon. Friend the Member for Brierley Hill (Mr. Simmons) referred earlier, a considerable number of Nissen huts were erected on open spaces in bombed districts during the war, and that the Government of the day said that they were to remain there for a few years only after the war? Is he aware that they are there today, at great expense to the local authorities, and will he indicate the Government's policy in relation to Nissen huts?

I should like to see details of the cases that the hon. Member has in mind.

Development, Worsley (Government Contribution)

30.

asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government if he will now reconsider his decision, in view of the additional burden that this will place upon the rates, not to contribute to the overspill charges incurred by the Salford Corporation at Worsley.

My right hon. Friend is prepared to consider making a contribution to the cost of the sewerage work required in Worsley in connection with the development being undertaken to relieve the housing needs of Salford. But he thinks it reasonable that the Salford Corporation should pay the statutory rate contribution towards the cost of the houses during the early years of the scheme. These houses will be filled by tenants nominated by the corporation, and the cost to Salford of getting these houses for their people will be modest by comparison with the cost to them of building for themselves.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that I expected him to do very much better than that? As the Salford scheme inspired the 1952 Act, as I am sure he will agree, will the hon. Gentleman ask his right hon. Friend to look at this matter again in view of the circumstances and give Salford the grant which he has power to give under the 1952 Act?

In this case Salford must pay the same as any other local authority, including the L.C.C. Salford is, frankly, getting a bargain because its own houses are costing more than its statutory rate contribution and all that Salford is asked to do is to give statutory rate contribution to Worsley. Salford is not coming out of this too badly.

Synthetic Detergents Committee (Interim Report)

12.

asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government whether he has now receive the Interim Report of the Committee on Synthetic Detergents.

Is the Parliamentary Secretary aware that on 19th January the Minister told me that the report would be received "very soon"? "Very soon" surely meant by the present time. As the chemical and medical values of these products are very doubtful, will he expedite the publication of the report?

The hon. and gallant Member has not read his own Question. It asks whether my right hon. Friend has received the Interim Report of the Committee. My answer to that was, "Yes, Sir, he has received it and it will be published shortly." The supplementary question stated that my right hon. Friend said in January that he hoped to receive the report very soon. He has received it.

Does the hon. Gentleman realise the urgency about publishing the report in view of the fact that a very important Bill on the subject is now before the House?

Coast Protection Works (Exchequer Grants)

17.

asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government to what extent the costs of protecting our coasts against erosion are borne by the Exchequer.

The amount of Exchequer grant for works to prevent coast erosion varies according to the cost of the work and the resources of the local authority in each case, but the overall figure to date represents approximately 60 per cent. of the total cost.

In view of the fact that our coasts are a national asset, does not my hon. Friend think that the Exchequer ought to bear the whole burden?

The grants sometimes go up to 80 per cent. but it is always found desirable in these cases to tie the financial interests of the local authorities to the actual work carried out.

Did the Minister say that 50 per cent. of the costs were borne by the Exchequer.

Does the Minister take into consideration the smallness of some of these local authorities, and does he think that figure is sufficient to warrant any substantial repair of these works against erosion?

I said in my original answer that the figure varied according to the cost of the work and the resources of the local authority. If the resources of the local authority are meagre, the Exchequer grant is increased accordingly, and in some cases authorities get as much as 80 per cent.

Pennine Way

21.

asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government how many miles of new rights of way have been established on the Pennine Way; how many new rights of way are still required; and when he expects the route to be completed.

29.

asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government when he expects the whole length of the Pennine Way to be open for use by walkers.

Thirty-eight miles of new rights of way have been created, further rights of way covering two miles have now been found to exist, and 51 miles are still under negotiation. Owing to the legal complexities involved my right hon. Friend cannot yet say when the whole route will be formally completed, but apart from a few controversial stretches, amounting in all to about eight miles, the way is open in practice to walkers throughout the whole 250 miles.

I am afraid that my right hon. Friend cannot say how long it will take to reach decisions on the controversial eight miles, but we shall proceed as quickly as we can.

But is not the hon. Gentleman aware that this work is proceeding very slowly, in fact at a rate of one mile a month, and that at the present rate it will be another five years at least before the whole route is completed? Can he take action to speed up the process?

I have said that we will speed it up as fast as possible, but I walked the whole of the Pennine Way long before Parliament passed an Act saying that we could do so, and in practice it is possible to do it.

Is not the hon. Gentleman aware that we are anxious to see that many more people have the opportunity of doing what he and others have done? Is it not shocking that a way which was to have been available for walkers years ago is still not open, and is it not time that he put some pressure on the authorities concerned?

Most of the Pennine Way is open in practice. Most of the delay is caused by the legal complexities. It is only about the eight miles that there is any controversy, and that has been occasioned because the local authorities who are the water undertakers in that area have raised grave objections. Hon. Gentlemen who are closely in touch with local authorities will know that they never raise objections unless they are well founded.

Would the hon. Gentleman explain how he avoided being shot by gamekeepers or prosecuted for trespassing?

22.

asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government what is the position regarding the route of the Pennine Way from Laddow Rocks in the county of Cheshire to the summit of Black Hill.

Manchester Corporation are objecting to the route chosen by the National Parks Commission and approved by the right hon. Gentleman, the Member for Bishop Auckland (Mr. Dalton) in 1951; my right hon. Friend is considering whether or not the line should be varied.

Is it not a fact that in this case the Minister has acted against the advice of the National Parks Commission and the Peak Park Planning Board, and will there be a public inquiry before any final decision is taken?

No, Sir. The Minister has not acted at all yet and he has made no decision either one way or the other. The National Parks Commission wants the route to go in a certain direction and the Manchester Corporation wants it to go in another direction. The Minister has to adjudicate, fortified by the knowledge that whatever he does will be wrong to someone.

Would my hon. Friend be good enough to publish a map of the Pennine Way so that we can know where it is?

Bankside Power Station (Technical Advice)

26.

asked the Minister of Housing and Local Government if he will publish the technical report which led his Department to approve the construction of Bankside power station, subject to the condition that it should be oil burning, as stated by the then Minister on 22nd April, 1945.

The technical advice given before the Bankside power station project was approved has already been made public. It was to the effect that sulphur and other noxious fumes could be eliminated, but that experiments with a pilot plant should first be carried out to determine the best method. That was done and a gas washing plant designed in the light of those experiments has been installed in the power station.

Is my hon. Friend aware that that plant has the effect of bringing down more sulphur fumes than if it had never been installed?

There is a technical conflict on that point and the tests made have shown that the average efficiency of the extraction of sulphur and other gases was 97.2 per cent. for the period between July and September, 1953, and 97.7 per cent. between October and December, 1953.

As this power station is in my constituency, may I ask whether the Minister has received any complaints at all about sulphur fumes emitted from it, and what complaints he has received about grit and other substances from the old station? Is he aware that my constituents are anxious to see this power station in full operation, to save them from the abominable nuisance of the old power station?

Ministry of Works

House of Commons (Air Conditioning)

34.

asked the Minister of Works whether he has noted the increase in the incidence of sickness of his staff attached to the Chamber of the House of Commons in 1953 as compared with 1950; and whether he can give details and explanations which might account for this.

The staff attached to the Chamber are in the service of Mr. Speaker. With your permission, Sir, I will give the information.

One hundred and sixty-four days were lost through sickness in 1950 among doorkeepers in the House, and 331 in 1953. The higher figure for 1953 includes 166 days in respect of two doorkeepers

who died in that year. As 34 doorkeepers are employed, I do not regard these figures as unduly high.

Whilst thanking the hon. Gentleman for the figures and information which he has given, may I ask whether he has any information to give about the drying out of the air and the effects that it has in causing sinusitis, both here and in similar chambers, for example in America, where the air is treated as it is here?

Yes, Sir. I am aware that there is a certain amount of sinus trouble among Members of the House and members of the staff, and investigations into that trouble are proceeding at the moment.

35.

asked the Minister of Works whether he is aware that the humidity of the Chamber in the House of Commons changes appreciably towards night-time; and what action can be taken to offer a remedy.

Careful records of humidity in the Chamber are kept but they do not show any appreciable change towards night-time one way or the other. There is, however, a tendency for temperature to rise when the House is crowded at night-time, and as a result of experiments made in the last few weeks it has been found beneficial to reduce the incoming air temperature to compensate for heat radiated by hon. Members.

But is the Minister not aware that this lowering of the temperature can be taken a little too far? Is he aware that at five o'clock in the morning when we were debating the Navy Estimates it was freezing on the bench where I sat and I had to move down towards the Front Bench to obtain a little warmth?

Elms, Hyde Park (Examination)

36.

asked the Minister of Works if he will make a statement disclosing if a decision has yet been taken about felling elms in Hyde Park; and to what extent such felling is to take place.

One-third of the trees in Hyde Park are elms. These are now being examined. When I have the report I will consider whether any must be taken down.

Will the right hon. Gentleman answer the charge that he was badly informed about the elms in Kensington Gardens, and that it has been found that most of them are quite sound and should not have been felled? In view of that, will he be a little more cautious with regard to the experts' advice on Hyde Park? Would he not be prepared to state who are the experts who are advising him so that some measure may be taken of the strength of their advice?

I have already stated that I was advised by Kew Gardens, the Royal Botanic Garden in Edinburgh and the Department of Forestry, Oxford.

The distress about Kensington Gardens may be due to the fact that the contractor burned at once all the diseased and damaged portions of the trees and left the sound portions lying on the ground for removal for sale.

For many years the First Commissioner of Works has been advised to cut down the moribund elms and to replant, and this ought to have been done long ago. It is the right policy. I know that it is unpopular but I am sure that I must go on with it.

Is it not a fact that elms are dangerous even when they are sound because of the nature of their wood? Is it not a fact that the limbs are liable to break off when the extra weight of leaf is on them, even if the wood of the limbs is perfectly sound?

Yes, and as these trees approach their 200th year they become dangerous. Most of them were planted about 1750.

There are several varieties: scarlet oaks and beeches in the Broad Walk, and a variety of other species where individual trees are taken down. If the hon. Member would like further information, I should he glad to supply it.

Hotel Site, Aberdeen (Development)

37.

asked the Minister of Works his plans for licences for development of the site of the Palace Hotel, Aberdeen; when he will grant the licence for the work; and when it will commence.

The local authority has been consulted, and I have decided to grant a licence for the development of this site. Work can start as soon as plans are ready.

While thanking the Minister for that reply, may I ask him whether he realises the importance of proceeding with the work before the coming holiday season?

Aberdeen Stone (Use)

38.

asked the Minister of Works if he will specify in detail his plans for helping the Aberdeen stone industry by granting an increase in licences for building new shops and big industrial and commercial buildings; what these buildings are; where they will be situated; and when the licences will be granted.

Licences are now being granted more freely for the types of buildings which use stone. Some of these buildings will call for Aberdeen stone and orders have already been placed with Aberdeen quarries. I hope more will follow.

Does the Minister realise that his answer is just as generalised and as vague as the policy speech which he made in Aberdeen the other day, and that we want precise details of times and places?

I can only encourage the architect to specify Aberdeen stone. The hon. and learned Gentleman may like to know that there are only five granite workers in Aberdeen registered as unemployed.

Atomic Energy Plant, Dounreay

39, 40 and 41.

asked the Minister of Works (1) whether he will state the estimated cost and estimated period of construction for the Dounreay atomic energy plant and installation; and the estimated date of final completion;

The plant at Dounreay will be an adventure into unexplored territory, and it is too soon to provide my hon. Friend with firm information on the points he raises. The construction of the plant is expected to take four to five years. It is too early, because of developments which may be incorporated in the design, to give a definite figure of cost, but it may be of the order of £15 million; for the same reasons I cannot estimate the output of electricity.

My noble Friend will bear in mind the suggestion of a model, but for this further study of plans is needed.

Building Projects, Wales

43.

asked the Minister of Works what plans he has for further extensions of building in Wales this year; if he will specify the nature and location of any major projects contemplated; and if he will make a statement.

In Wales, as elsewhere in the United Kingdom, I am ready to license work up to the limit of the capacity of the building industry. I am circulating in the OFFICIAL REPORT a list of major works in progress and in prospect in Wales.

While thanking the Minister for that reply, may I ask whether he will say if progress will continue in the coming year?

Judging from the number of licences given, there should be a considerable increase.

Has the Minister included in his list a Parliament House of Wales?

Following is the information:

Major projects started in 1953:

£

Cold reduction plant, Velindre

5,400,000

Margam Steel Works

8,560,000

Steel Plant, Ebbw Vale

1,700,000

New shipyard, Newport, Mon.

1,350,000

"Phurnacite" plant, Aberamman, Glam.

1,992,000

19,002,000

Other projects costing more than £200,000 recently licensed or authorised ::

£

National Oil Refineries Ltd. Concrete Jetty Swansea Docks

200,000

Opencast coal workings, Rhigos, Glam.

553,000

Rebuilding of W.D. property for British Home Stores, Cardiff

365,000

Offices and buildings for British Nylon Spinners, Ltd., Pontypool

85,000

Grammar/modern school, Harlech, Merioneth

202,000

Vyrnwy aquaduct

556,000

Water scheme for Brecknock R.D.C.

459,000

Opencast Coal, Kenfig, Glam.

760,000

Opencast Coal, Blaenavon, Mon.

522,000

Coal preparation plant, Fardre Glam.

245,000

School, Swansea

302,000

Opencast Coal, Cwngwrach, Glam.

977,000

C.W.S. store, Swansea

339,000

Margam Wharf

302,000

Water scheme, Llandilo

288,000

Water scheme at Dee Valley and Bala Lake

485,000

£6,940,000

Ministry of Works expect to let contracts amounting to £250,000. There is also in prospect a substantial programme of defence works and of work for the National Coal Board and the rebuilding of blitzed damage in Swansea.

Directorate of Lands and Accommodation

42.

asked the Minister of Works if he is aware that 39 men on the professional grade of directors of land and accommodation with upward of 12 years' service were declared redundant in January and put under warning notice, and that at the same time advertisements have appeared in the Press of vacancies in similar positions in the directorate; and if he will give priority of appointment to these vacancies to the men now under notice.

There has been a review of the load of work in the Directorate of Lands and Accommodation. As a result, 44 temporary officers serving in professional grades have been given notice. Nearly all of them had previously competed for established appointments, but without success.

The vacancies advertised in the Press are for established posts in a lower grade than professional. Most of the redundant officers can compete for these posts, but the competition regulations do not permit their being given any priority over other candidates. Eight of them have, however, been offered temporary re-engagement in technical posts.

Is the Minister aware that some of these officers have been in this Department for 12 years? Has it taken 12 years to find out that these men are incompetent to do the job? Why advertise for men to come in while 42 are under notice?

The hon. Gentleman will see that the posts which we are advertising are not the same. They are of a lower grade than the professional posts. The posts being given up are, in the terms of the Civil Service, all cases of true redundancy; that is to say, nobody is going to fill them.

Cement Production, Scotland

44.

asked the Minister of Works if he will make a statement on the projects for a new Government-sponsored cement factory in the Appin district of Argyll, which was actively pursued some time ago; what particulars he has of the quantities of blue clay and limestone in the neighbourhood; and whether he is aware of the need for cement production in Scotland to avoid the transport charges on imported cement.

It would be a very good thing if more cement could be produced in Scotland at a cost which competed with the price of cement imported from England. There has never been a Government-sponsored project for a cement works in Argyll. A private company has investigated the blue clay and limestone deposits near Shian, but I have no information as to their extent. I understand that it has not been found possible to proceed with the building of a cement works to use these deposits.

Is it a fact that this project was at one time alleged to be Government-sponsored, and in view of the development of other minerals in the West Highlands, does he not think that this is a development which should be encouraged in every possible way by his Ministry?

I should be very glad indeed to see a new cement works in the west of Scotland, but if by encouragement my hon. and gallant Friend means a subsidy, I think that a matter of costs might be involved. If it is cheaper to transport cement from England, there seems no point in a subsidy.

Would the Minister answer the second part of the Question—whether he has any particulars of the materials available in the locality which would justify the starting of a cement works?

Temple Bar

48.

asked the Minister of Works whether he will make a statement with regard to negotiations for the restoration of Temple Bar to some convenient site in London.

I have received no request from the owners of Temple Bar for permission to move this scheduled ancient monument, and I have nothing to add to my reply to the hon. Member on 29th January, 1952.

Is not the Minister aware that this historic monument is suffering from years of neglect? Would he not initiate a conference with the City Corporation and the Westminster City Council in order to see if something cannot be done to save it from falling into complete decay?

As part of my duty, I have had an inspection made and Temple Bar is in a reasonable state of repair. It is no part of my duty to find a new home for it, but I should welcome a suggestion if one came from the quarters mentioned.

Uranium (Joint Anglo-American Purchase)

52 and 53.

asked the Minister of Works (1) to what extent the purchase of uranium in Commonwealth countries is co-ordinated with the United States of America;

Uranium is purchased from both Commonwealth and foreign countries, including Belgium, by the Joint Anglo-American purchasing agency. The Anglo-American arrangements cover the provision of capital funds for development and the purchase of unanium produced.

Will the right hon. Gentleman bear in mind that Britain is the only major atomic Power which has not got direct control of the raw materials of nuclear fission? In the circumstances, will he say what the Government are doing in order to guarantee future supplies from the Commonwealth, independently of the United States, which, I understand, has made an independent arrangement of its own for certain supplies?

We are getting on very well in the joint arrangements with America, and I hope that the hon. Gentleman will not press me further on this very delicate subject.

Members (Constituents' Letters)

45.

asked the Prime Minister whether he will give an instruction that the contents of constituents' letters enclosed by a Member of Parliament in his correspondence with Government Departments, will not be divulged or conveyed to persons not in the service of the Government.

46.

asked the Prime Minister what instructions he has given, or intends to give, to Ministers concerning the revelation of details contained in letters of Members of Parliament to their Departments to persons and organisations outside the control of their respective Departments.

In very many cases disclosure to persons or organisations outside the Government service is necessary to find out the facts, or to remedy the matter complained of. The matter cannot be dealt with by a general rule against disclosure. But clearly Departments must exercise great discretion as to the circumstances in which disclosure is appropriate; and a reminder is being issued to Departments in this sense.

If I might make a practical suggestion, hon. Members might also consider on occasion asking their correspondent, in the case of a letter on which they are contemplating an inquiry from the Government, whether he is willing that it should be disclosed to a wider circle.

May I thank the Prime Minister for that statement, and may I ask him if he is aware that it will do much to remove the anxiety of many constituents who were being laid open to attack by third parties if their letters were divulged by Government Departments?

May I also thank the Prime Minister for that very admirable reply, and ask him whether he might consider advising Ministers that they should inform a Member if it is their intention to reveal details contained in letters sent to them on behalf of constituents?

That will add to the correspondence. In sending in his letter to a Government Department, the Member should as far as possible state whether the enclosure may be shown to others or not.

Is the Prime Minister aware that this question arose recently as a result of a libel action being started owing to a letter having been transmitted to an outside person? Would he ask his legal advisers to consider how far Members of Parliament and civil servants will be implicated if inadvertently any letter that is transmitted to an outside person happens to contain a libel? Would Members of Parliament or the civil servant concerned be accused of libel merely because of the fact that they had sent the letter to a Government Department?

Ministers' Salaries

47.

asked the Prime Minister when he intends to restore the cuts in ministerial salaries imposed when he formed his Administration.

When these reductions were announced I said that they would rule during the period of rearmament or for three years, whichever ended first. We have not yet reached the end of either of these alternative periods.

As the Prime Minister has a great sense of justice in these matters, does he not appreciate that, with five or six admitted exceptions, most of his Cabinet colleagues have done sufficiently well to justify the restoration of their normal salaries?

I welcome that tribute, which is chivalrous, generous, magnanimous—and other suitable words of that character.

Would my right hon. Friend bear in mind that a first principle of Conservatism is payment by results, and that, if Ministers holding portfolios in the previous Socialist Administration were worth £5,000 a year, Ministers holding similar portfolios in the present Administration are worth £20,000 a year?

My hon. Friend, although wishing to be complimentary, must not fall into the evil of showing ingratitude.

Is the Prime Minister aware that, if his hon. Friend the Member for Kidderminster (Mr. Nabarro) were paid by results, he would be in a condition of destitution?

Is the Prime Minister aware that these cuts were little more than a demonstration, and that, having regard to the means of the Ministers concerned, they were left with no substantial diminution in their income after taxation?

It is quite true that, taking over as we did, we thought it necessary to strike a note of reduction of permanent expenses as far as we could, and we thought it would give us a stronger hand in reducing the number of officials in the different Departments if some stroke were applied to Ministerial salaries. It is quite true that this did not strike the note I had myself expected, because it was said "Oh, well, if people have any other means besides their salaries, the reduction is insignificant, and if their salaries were augmented it would be taken away, anyhow." On the whole, I think it had a good effect. An enormous reduction has been made in official cars, with great inconvenience, and I am very much obliged to my friends and colleagues for having in many cases subjected themselves to this inconvenience.

SMOKING and LUNG CANCER (RESEARCH)

54.

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Works, as representing the Lord President of the Council, whether the sum of £250,000 offered by the tobacco companies to investigate the relationship between smoking and lung cancer has now been received by the Medical Research Council.

The offer was considered and accepted by the Medical Research Council at their meeting on Friday, 19th February. The donation will be made available to the council in seven equal annual instalments, the first of which has been received.

While this substantial gift of conscience money is most welcome, will the Minister say how this money will be spent, in view of his previous assurances that research in this field has never been hampered by lack of funds?

I must first deprecate the expression used in the first part of the hon. and gallant Gentleman's question. Secondly, I should like to point out that this research by the Medical Research Council is already subsidised to the extent of £15,000 a year by D.S.I.R. This is additional to the £35,000 a year from the tobacco companies, and there is a total of about £400,000 spent on cancer research as a whole by the Medical Research Council.

Is the Parliamentary Secretary aware that the original statistical work by the Medical Research Council, conducted by Dr. Doll and his colleague, Professor Bradford Hill, cost only £7,000 and was a magnificent piece of work which showed us where the problem lies; and, therefore, this additional sum should be welcomed, because it should prove ample for all the further work needed to elucidate the problem; and that most of us are very grateful for it?

Royal Technical College, Glasgow (Salary Scale)

60.

asked the Secretary of State for Scotland whether the salaries paid to staff in the degree departments of the Royal Technical College, Glasgow, take account of the evening tuition which they normally undertake.

Yes, Sir. In submitting for approval the salary scales for the staff referred to, the governors of the college stated that their proposals took account of the fact that some of the teaching is done in the evenings and that there is no system of family allowances. The scales were approved on that basis.

Do I take that answer to mean that the £50 extra which the staff of this college are to be paid is to cover both family allowances and evening work, and, if that is so, how does the right hon. Gentleman equate that with the situation in the Manchester College of Technology, where a figure of £100 has been paid to cover these matters?

It is the case that there are no family allowances and that there is evening work, but the £50 extra was regarded as doing broad justice in those cases.

Is the Minister aware of the importance of the work of the Royal Technical College, Glasgow, and does he not think that he ought to reconsider the whole question of salaries in that institution?

Questions to Ministers

On a point of order. As you are aware, Mr. Speaker, I sought to put a Question under the Private Notice Procedure to the Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation—[ Interruption. ] I take it that we are now at the end of Questions?

We are at the end of Questions, but if the hon. Member is trying to raise the disallowance of his Private Notice Question, that cannot be done just now.

I would not try to do that. I was calling attention to the fact that I had tried, under the Private Notice procedure, to put a Question to the Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation about the dispute in which B.O.A.C. engineers are refusing to service certain aircraft. The Question I wish to put to you, Sir, is this: as this is a matter which affects the livelihood of these men and arises directly out of Ministerial policy, and as in the ordinary way I shall not be able until tomorrow week to put a Question to the Minister for the purpose of getting a reply, can I have your guidance as to the circumstances in which this matter can be ventilated, if a Private Notice Question is ruled out?

It certainly cannot be ventilated now. I can only suggest that the hon. Member should seek an early opportunity, on Supply or an occasion of that sort, when the matter can be raised. It cannot be raised now.

The dispute is continuing and the matter is important and can be settled only by a statement or an explanation by the Minister.

If the hon. Gentleman is talking about the same dispute on which he wanted to ask his Private Notice Question, I cannot see where the responsibility of the Minister arises at all.

Is it not the case that where no Minister is responsible the Minister of Labour assumes responsibility for any question relating to a dispute that might endanger the economy of the country?

The Minister of Labour has certain powers for intervening in industrial disputes if they are on such a scale as to endanger the economy of the country, or for any other reason, but this matter concerns a Question to the Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation.

Bill Presented

Telegraph Bill,

"to authorise increased charges for telegrams, and for purposes connected with such charges," presented by Mr. Gammans; read the First time; to be read a Second time upon Thursday next, and to be printed. [Bill 82.]

Business of the House

Ordered,

That this day Business other than the Business of Supply may be taken before Ten o'clock.—[ The Prime Minister. ]

Proceedings on Government Business exempted, at this day's Sitting, from the provisions of Standing Order No. 1 (Sittings of the House).—[ The Prime Minister. ]

Orders of the Day

Supply

[10th Allotted Day]

Considered in Committee.

[Sir CHARLES MACANDREW in the Chair]

ARMY, NAVY AND AIR ESTIMATES, 1954–55; CIVIL ESTIMATES AND ESTIMATES FOR REVENUE DEPARTMENTS, SUPPLEMENTARY ESTIMATE, 1953–54; AIR SUPPLEMENTARY ESTIMATE, 1953–54; CIVIL ESTIMATES EXCESS AND NAVY EXCESS. 1952–53

ARMY ESTIMATES, 195455

VOTE 1. PAY, &C, OF THE ARMY

Motion made, and Question proposed,

That a sum, not exceeding £123,080,000, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the expense of the pay. &c., of the Army, which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1955.

British Army

3.34 p.m.

We have now reached the penultimate stage of our consideration of the Army Estimates. I note with some regret that some hon. Members on the other side of the Committee have deplored the fact that the House of Commons has given very careful consideration to the Estimates. For my part, I make no apology whatever that the House has gone through the Estimates with a toothcomb, because we are dealing with no light or small matter.

The Estimates now before the Committee total over £630 million and concern 550,000 men spread all over the world. I would have thought that the first person to be grateful for the examination of these Estimates would have been the Secretary of State for War. Although he has the political responsibility, clearly, he cannot know what is going on. If the Committee subjects the Estimates to a detailed examination in a careful and responsible way, we are helping him.

In any case, if there is any hon. Gentleman on the other side who sincerely believes that this is a bad thing to do, I would ask him to cast his mind back a couple of years when, on the Army Annual Bill, we debated the same kind of thing. That procedure resulted in a Select Committee being set up and which has done a most useful service in bringing Army procedure up to date.

It would be out of order for me to go into detail on that point, but I would have thought it beyond question that all the proceedings in connection with Army matters ever since the end of the war have tended to produce a better state of affairs. My mind goes back to 1946, when the present Secretary of State for War was one of those who joined with a number of my hon. Friends in pressing the then Secretary of State for War to supply much better information than we had had in the past. I would have said that the Committee has been at its best when both sides joined together to put the Army Estimates through the mill.

We now move to the stage when we consider Vote 1, involving the very large sum of over £123 million and covering not only pay, but marriage allowances and bounties. It is extraordinary that the Estimates which we are being asked to consider today under Vote 1 were out of date even before the Secretary of State made his Estimates speech. It is true that the principles upon which Army pay is granted were first established in their modern form in 1919, when the principles on which that pay should be given for other ranks were enacted, and provided different rates of pay for those who regarded as non-tradesmen and for those classified as tradesmen.

Subsequently, another distinction was made between those who enlisted after 26th October, 1925, who have one rate of pay, and those who enlisted before that date, who get another rate of pay. We have gone on since that time, playing about here and there, patching this and that and offering this and that inducement until, as my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Brixton (Lieut.-Colonel Lipton) said the other night, the private soldier needs to employ a chartered accountant to understand what his rate of pay is and two chartered accountants to make sure that he gets it.

The Secretary of State for War has come along again to introduce a quite new principle. He is now offering the inducement of a bounty and of increased rate of pay to special groups inside the Army. I am not at all convinced that this will work out as intended. He has yet to tell us how much he expects this will cost the Army this year and what he hopes to get from it. I want to take one aspect of the speech of the Secretary of State the other night, in relation to this problem. He made an admission which I believe the House failed to note when he was referring to the actual number of men drawing pay inside the Army. He said he thought that our failure to get recruits was due—I am quoting him because the right hon. Gentleman has oftened criticised me for not quoting what he said—to one thing:

In the late autumn of 1951 the present Secretary of State became responsible for our Army affairs and in the OFFICIAL REPORT he goes on to tell us what he did about it. He said:

The right hon. Gentleman then surveys the scene and finds that the Royal Air Force, in his own words were with no part-time service. An elementary second thought would have shown him that the Army is different from the Air Force. The Air Force wants men for three years—it cannot do with them for less—but it does not want their part-time liabilities. That is easily proved by the fact that even last year, although the Royal Air Force could have recalled over 100,000 men, it recalled only 8,000.

But the Secretary of State said, "No part-time liability—that is the attraction. Right—three years, and no part-time liability for the Army." That is a grievous mistake. He wants these men on full pay for their part-time service because they are the nucleus around which we mobilise.

I shall not dwell on that, but turn to the next aspect of the development of this particular policy. The Secretary of State has told us that in 1950 we got only 23,000 men. But in my submission—and here the facts are beyond dispute—the "muddleheaded" Labour Ministers did better with their 23,000 than did the Secretary of State with what he got last year or the year before—or with what he hopes to get as the result of the amendment of the pay code. His new proposals regarding pay are another, as it were, hotch-potch, rapidly thought out idea which will not, in my judgment, produce the results sought.

Let us look at what happened in 1950. To judge it on the number of men on pay it is foolish and shortsighted. What matters is the application of the formula of the number of men multiplied by the number of years they have to serve. In other words, 25,000 men enlisting for six years is better than 50,000 men enlisting for three years, because, although the total number of man-years in each case will be 150,000, everyone who has anything to do with the Army knows that the longer a man serves the more likely he is to take on. The real test, therefore, is the total number of man-years. I have been hammering at this for about a couple of years because, in my judgment, that is the only real test.

The Secretary of State for War has given us the advantage of his opinion: 1950 is the testing time as to the effect of the pay proposals on 1950 and what has happened in subsequent years. In 1950, during the Labour Administration, 12,663 men were recruited from civilian life. They produced a total of 40,260 man-years. Then there were 3,605 who returned to the Army after previous release or discharge. Giving the right hon. Gentleman the best advantage one can, let us assume that they joined for five years with the Colours and seven with the Reserve. That would give a total of 18,025 man-years. In addition, there were 3,696 men who were previously serving their National Service engagement. They would produce 13,605 man-years. From a total of 19,964 recruits the Labour Government therefore got a total of 71,890 man-years.

We now turn to the right hon. Gentleman and his amended proposals. Allowing for the fact that he did not alter the period of service until 1st May, 1952, my estimate of the total number of man-years in 1952 is 48,497, and, in 1953, 39,102 recruits split up over the three groups; men with no service, men with prior service, and men who joined on Regular engagement during their National Service. The total man-years was 39,102.

Yes, 39,102 recruits. But if they joined for three years or a multiple of three years, and some of them have a two-year engagement—I have not the break-down, so I am giving the right hon. Gentleman the advantage here—the break-down would be about 40,000 man-years or 45,000 at most. But I want him to correct me on the point if I am wrong. I do not think he will dispute that in 1950 the total number of man-years was 71,890.

When the hon. Gentleman asked for these figures I thought he wanted man-years. Had he asked for them I would have given them, but as I thought that that was in his mind I have them.

As has already been demonstrated by the hon. Gentleman, this is a complicated subject, but the easiest and the fairest way to break it down is to take 1950 and 1951 and to take the total of the five-year or additional engagements and break it down to man-years. The total for the whole of 1950 and 1951 is 248,000 man-years—on long service 248,000 man-years. For 1952 and 1953 it is 311,000 man-years so, in terms of man-years, that is about 60,000 more than in the other two years. I hope that is clear to hon. Members.

While I am on my feet may I mention another relevant point? Although it is true to say that increased recruiting figures are not a true expression, because of the difference in service, it must be remembered also that they do produce an increased strength in the Army—more men, although not going on for so long.

I agree as to the actual number of men in the Army at the time, but the right hon. Gentleman has borrowed from tomorrow with no guarantee at all that tomorrow will be as good as today. The reason for the bounty is that he hopes that men will sign on, but if 33⅓ per cent. of the men do not sign on, from next year onwards he will be in the soup.

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether, in giving those figures, he has made a deduction for the two years' National Service? I broke mine down in arriving at my figures for 1950. Let us take the breakdown. Of the 12,663 recruits from civilian life who had no previous service there were 22 men who joined for three years with the Colours and nine years with the Reserve. This gave 22 additional man-years because, in any case, they would be serving two years' National Service. In all my figures I have made allowance for the period of compulsory military service, and have given that advantage to the right hon. Gentleman wherever possible because I do not want to overstate my case.

It is not that I know the answer to the problem; I do not. All I wish to point out is that in November, 1951, the right hon. Gentleman took a basic decision, whether he knew it or not, that in his view the situation was so desperate that he had to use the same methods as the R.A.F. He introduced three-year military service and abandoned the part-time liability, although he overlooked the fact that the part-time liability was vital to the Army even when it did not matter to the R.A.F.

The right hon. Gentleman took an enormous gamble that one-third of his three-year men, from November, 1951 onwards, would re-engage or extend; and the extent to which the right hon. Gentleman does not believe in his own policy is to be found in the White Paper on Service Emoluments in which he says that as he gets nearer the date, only pay increases and increases in the bounties will bring the fly into the spider's web.

As I have said, this far transcends the importance of the right hon. Gentleman's survival in office. He knows my views about that, and I need not repeat them. Long after he has gone, this decision will affect the Army. He is a Regular soldier and he knows perfectly well that the kind of steps taken now, mistakes by the right hon. Gentleman or his Under-Secretary, will produce an effect upon other ranks and officers a generation hence. The trouble began with those six years during the war when there was no recruiting. Afterwards we had the slow, stubborn, misguided steps—but I think sensible steps—of my right hon. Friends, working in the right direction. They would not accept conscription as inevitable although they quite readily saw that they could not get rid of it overnight. They hoped to be able to limit the amount of compulsory military service.

In November, 1951, by the step which he took of introducing the three-year engagement with no part-time liability, the right hon. Gentleman inevitably produced the present situation whereby he has to give increased bounties and increases in rates of pay. Every step which has been taken in this direction in this century has always produced the same result; it has produced a quick improvement. No doubt the right hon. Gentleman will come to the House in a few months' time and report an improvement in the number of people taken on, but once again he will be borrowing from tomorrow.

I hope I can persuade the right hon. Gentleman and hon. Members in all parts of the Committee, on a non-party basis, to see that the consequences of the right hon. Gentleman's action, the consequences of the White Paper and the steps which will succeed it, include a period of two years' military service with no possible hope of getting out of it. That is why I have pleaded, as I plead again, for a non-party approach to this problem.

The steps to be taken to get out of this mess are not easy to see and I believe that they are quite likely to be politically unpopular. Whoever takes them is presenting a case to his political opponents for them to make political capital. That is why I believe that an impartial examination—an all-party examination or an extension of the Select Committee which has been meeting upstairs, if that is preferred—should examine the consequences of what has happened during the last two years, and of what happened before the right hon. Gentleman took office.

I see my hon. Friend the Member for South Ayrshire (Mr. Emrys Hughes) looking askance at me. If we reached the point where we could examine what has happened we might get all-party agreement on the essential steps which have to be taken to put matters right.

As this is on a non-party basis, it might help the discussion if I intervened again. The hon. Gentleman gave the impression that there was a panic in that November and that steps were taken without thought. In fact, these steps had been considered for a very long time indeed. Right hon. Gentlemen opposite will bear me out—although they do not seem to be keen to do so. In any event, those are the facts.

Right hon. Gentlemen opposite are so non-party in their attitude that they are almost falling over backwards.

The situation was, in fact, considered in great detail. The hon. Member for Dudley is considering the situation seriously, I think. In 1950, recruiting had fallen very much. It spurted a bit when the good pay increases which right hon. Gentlemen opposite introduced were made, but the point which was becoming apparent was that a man was reluctant to commit himself for five years, when he knew that he had to go in for two years. He said, "I think I will see what it is like at the end of two years, rather than commit myself now for five years."

There was the opposite situation in which a man would say, "I have got to go in for two years. Why not go in for three years, and get higher pay?" As a result, we got the extra year of National Service from such men which is invaluable to the Army. That is the background to the situation. It was not a panic decision because of the drop in recruiting, but a decision taken after most careful thought and most careful scrutiny of the very problem which the hon. Member mentioned—the problem of re-engagement.

I do not want to get between the right hon. Gentleman and anyone else who may have credit for this three-year engagement, but I would remind him that on a previous occasion he brushed aside the suggestion that anybody else had credit for it. I can provide the quotation; it is within the recollection of all my hon. Friends who are interested in the problem. The right hon. Gentleman said, "I and I alone did this."

No. I notice that the hon. Gentleman has no quotation this time. I remember the incident very clearly. An hon. Member opposite said, referring to the improvement in recruiting, "We did it, but it so happened that it was introduced when the right hon. Gentleman came into office. We were the people who did it all." I said that I did not wish to argue about it, but that this was the Government which did it and this Government deserved credit for it. At that time, right hon. Gentlemen opposite were gathering in the credit in spoonsful for themselves.

I have always opposed this decision as a piece of half-baked nonsense. That has always been my attitude and I can claim to be consistent on it. I have attacked all and sundry who have attempted to defend the three-year period. It has landed us in a mess. It was not the increase in pay which did the trick but the introduction of the differential Which produced a short spurt. By the middle of 1951 it was quite clear that recruiting figures were going bad, just as the right hon. Gentleman knows perfectly well that there are signs that they are getting bad again. The January figures are down, which is very significant.

In that case, the right hon. Gentleman is easily satisfied.

A year ago, in January, 1953, he was satisfied and we warned him of what was going to happen. He did nothing for a year. Now we have another bill for £16 million. I warn the right hon. Gentleman that the position is bound to deteriorate again because each of the Services is bidding against the others. There are only a limited number of people. If we take them in for two years we do not get them for five and seven or for three and nine.

The other day the right hon. Gentleman spoke without notes and I therefore presume that he was telling the truth. Let me repeat the words which he used. What would have happened to my right hon. Friend the Member for Easington (Mr. Shinwell) if, dealing with our recruiting troubles, he had said:

The right hon. Gentleman says that, too; he must say it because he said it so many times when he was in Opposition and we shall never let him forget that. I am not merely saying it; I am asking that we should do the right thing to bring it about. There is not one answer to this problem; it is not merely a question of bounties or of pay, but of a thousand and one things spread over a very long period.

I beg of him to go to the Prime Minister and to try to interest him in this problem—a difficult task for we know that the Prime Minister is not interested in A and Q problems; he is essentially a G boy. Let the right hon. Gentleman see whether he can catch the Prime Minister's imagination for five minutes and convince him that modern armies depend to a tremendous extent upon the age structure and terms of service. Ask the Prime Minister to agree with that great Secretary of State for War, Lord Haldane, and ask that the same principle should be applied to our modern Army; for Lord Haldane harnessed his period of call-up to his mobilisation plan. If we did that we should not have the position in which each Service is working one against the other as it is doing at present.

I am sure that I speak for hon. Members on this side of the Committee, with the exception of the hon. Member for South Ayrshire (Mr. Emrys Hughes) and perhaps one or two more, when I say that if the Government would get down to a serious examination of this manpower problem as it affects all the Services, we should be taking the first essential step towards the solution of this very difficult problem.

4.2 p.m.

I want to raise a point about Regular recruiting which, to some extent, bears on the points raised by the hon. Member for Dudley (Mr. Wigg). It should certainly interest him for two reasons: first, because, it is a matter which would have directly interested his great hero, Lord Haldane; and, secondly, because, if a solution could be found, it would help him in his desire to reduce the period of National Service.

The point about Regular recruitment is this. I had occasion, about two months ago, to visit some of the big recruiting depôts in London, and I was told that of all the applicants who presented themselves for Regular engagements in the Army about 25 per cent. had to be rejected straight away. Some of them had to be rejected on physical grounds, but the great bulk of them had to be rejected on educational grounds. That really means to say that they could not read or write.

I remember, in my experience of the Navy, that, even in that highly educated Service, there were people in war-time who had the greatest difficulty in writing. In my own training ship a friend of mine could not write a letter in any ordinary way at all. I used to do his writing for him. In fact, some of the things I have said on his behalf to a girl on Tyneside still makes my hair stand on end. It was understandable why that particular man could not write. He was about 40. He had been away from school 25 years and had never had occasion to practise writing.

The boys who are presenting themselves at the recruiting depôts today have been out of school for only two or three years. It is a criticism of our educational system that so many of them are not even fit to pass the very low test which the Army itself sets. So I would suggest, in passing, that the Secretary of State for War brings what influence he can to bear on his colleagues in the Government to stop any further cuts in expenditure on schools.

My second suggestion concerns a matter for which he has direct responsibility. I have been told by National Service men and those who sign up for Regular engagements that their period of training in the Army is extremely exciting and interesting, but that, once they are through that period, they are subjected to very long periods of boredom. It is a dull life with nothing whatever to do for a great many of them. I suggest that the Secretary of State might consider reducing the educational standard for recruits still further. If he has to keep this large Army, which, apparently, he has to do, at least, when he has got the recruits in, let him do something worthwhile with them. That is to say, let him put them to school. Where the civilian schools have failed lamentably, let the Army see whether it can do better.

There is, as I think the hon. Gentleman knows, an efficient going-concern to which those below the educational standard who come into the Army as Regular recruits go to get up to the standard to qualify for the Regular Army.

I did know of it, but there is a time-lag while that process is operating. I think that it might be worth while teaching the men coming into the Service what they ought to have been taught in civil life. If we are to have this large-size Army it would be better, rather than waste the time of so many people in the Army, to try to turn them not only into good soldiers but good citizens.

4.6 p.m.

I wish to raise only one small point, and, incidentally, to support one of the arguments of my hon. Friend the Member for Dudley (Mr. Wigg)—I do not support his argument relating to conscription, with which I entirely disagree, but his demand for an all-party committee to inquire, not only into the question of recruiting and manpower, but into the whole question of what the Army can do for us in these days. I am convinced that the Army needs the attention of a committee of independent-minded people who would be prepared to reconsider the whole question of manpower in the Army, and the pay of the Army, in connection with the problems of modern war.

There was a very interesting passage in the speech of the right hon. Gentleman in which he introduced the Estimates, in which he talked about the four days' school for officers at Camberley. He just mentioned the subject and gave us an appetite for more. If we are voting the enormous sum of £20 million for the pay of officers, we are entitled to know what is to be their rôle in future warfare, and have a realistic idea of exactly what the Army is for. The Army, in these days of atomic warfare, will not fulfil the same rôle as it did at the time of the battles of Bannockburn and Balaclava or even the battle of the Somme and other battles of the last war.

I read with very great interest the account of those four days at Camberley. I think that four days is not enough. Some of the conclusions that have been come to make me wonder whether there should not be a refresher course for the whole of the British Army, including the War Office. I am not convinced that the War Office appreciates the problem of what it is to do with the Army in the next war.

In the memorandum issued by the Minister of Defence we are told about "broken-backed" warfare and the effect on the civilian population; but what exactly can the Army do to defend the civilian population? If it cannot defend the civil population, what is the good of the Army? The Secretary of State said that this four days' school at Camberley was attended by experts of many countries, including scientists and its lessons were disseminated throughout the com- mands to the fighting units. What lessons were disseminated to the fighting units?

So far as I can gather, the only important conclusion about which the House was informed in the Secretary of State's report on the result of this school was that the introduction of atomic weapons placed a premium on dispersal. What will the Army do in the next war—disperse? Are we entitled to spend a huge sum on a body of men who are just going to disperse?

I think that we should be told, further, why we are voting all this money for officers to be trained, if in the event of the next war, there is a policy of dispersing. Where will they disperse to? Apparently, this has never dawned on the experts. At Bannockburn they did a good job; they did not disperse. They were realists. It surely is important to know what the poor civilians are to do who are to be protected by the Army. They cannot disperse.

I have only one question now to ask, and that is what way is the Army which is to disperse to defend the civilian population which cannot disperse?

4.11 p.m.

I should like to take up one or two point made by my hon. Friends the Member for Huddersfield, East (Mr. J. P. W. Mallalieu) and the Member for Dudley (Mr. Wigg), but none of those of my hon. Friend the Member for South Ayrshire (Mr. Emrys Hughes). I should like to deal with an interjection which the Under-Secretary made when my hon. Friend the Member for Huddersfield, East was talking about Army education. We have now established a period of National Service which whatever may be its duration, is likely to continue for a long time, and which has become part of the ordinary life of young people at a time of their lives when they should be being trained and educated. Consequently, we should be asking the Army now to take on as one of its main tasks in that two-year period, or in whatever length the period may be, that of improving the young men as they come in, improving them that is in the broadest educational sense and not simply improving their trades, or simply training them for specific jobs.

I know that the Army does a good job in educating illiterates, for example. But the Army should be saying that they have these young men for two years, and must, in addition to deciding to make use of them, say that by the time they are discharged they will not merely be trained soldiers, but better citizens. The Army has one tremendous advantage over the schools that is not yet widely enough realised. When youngsters leave school at 15 a great many are glad to do so, not so much because they dislike school, but because they like the idea of being out among grown ups, being out in the world. When they are 18, however, they have begun to realise some of their educational shortcomings, and where, as citizens, they fall down compared with some others and this is, in itself, a tremendous impulse towards self-education. The army and the other Services could make far more of it if they could expand their ideas.

I shall be delighted to go into this question of education if the hon. Gentleman would come to the War Office. We are proud that the general education of a National Service man goes on throughout the whole of his National Service so long as his commanding officer thinks he will benefit from it. We have to give military training because there are military jobs to do, but, generally, education continues throughout the whole period. Statistically, there is a lot to be said for it, because the educational standard of men leaving the Army is a good deal higher than it was when they came in.

I do not dispute that. I remarked at the beginning of what I have been saying that the Army was doing a good job educationally. But I do not think that the Army is clear enough and strong enough about its aims. Although recognition must be given to the fact that it is paying a good deal of attention to trades and training people to special tasks, I think it could do a great deal more for many more people who are not fully catered for now.

I am aware of the outline of what is being done, though I am not as well versed in it as the Under-Secretary, but if the Army took such education as a definite aim, based not on the fact that young people are there merely for military training but are there at a time when education ought to be one of the big things in their lives it would be making a greater contribution towards the production of better citizens than it is doing now. I do not minimise what it is doing, but one or two of my hon. Friends have, in earlier debates, raised the question of the status of Army education, and, in general, it is something which the Army ought to examine and about which it ought to raise its sights.

On the question of manpower, I should like to follow a point made by my hon. Friend the Member for Dudley. He said the services were competing between themselves. There is no doubt that this is true, but it is also true and an obvious thing at first sight, although there is a great deal more in it at the second sight, that the Services are competing not merely with civilian life but with essential elements of civilian life. For that reason I take the same sceptical view about the increases of pay and increases in bounty that my hon. Friend does. He pointed out that the increases in pay being awarded are on a highly selective basis, and the Memorandum also points that out.

I should like to ask what trades are being encouraged. He has in mind the improvement of the status in the Army not merely of N.C.Os. and officers but of many of those doing specialised tasks. It seems to me that he will find that if he looks at the kind of people he wants to attract to the Army, and attract for longer service, they will be many of the people who are most needed in civil industry. They will be required if the Army is to develop on the tactical side, and they would be the same people who would be requested by the engineering industry, which we are hoping will expand to build up our exports. It is not merely a case of the Army and the Air Force or the Army and Navy wanting the same people, but the Army and essential civilian life wanting them.

The simplest of the illustration point I am trying to make is perhaps not an industrial one, but one connected with the professions. The Army wants to attract medical and dental officers. Hon. Gentlemen will understand that whenever doctors or dentists enter the Army they leave other jobs in which they are equally needed. Attract a dentist to the Army and the school dental service goes short: attract a doctor, and he comes not from thin air, but from a job where he was actually needed, because we have not a surplus of doctors or dentists. I do not think that the policy of trying to attract, by pay inducements, professional people like that and the bigger matter of the kind of technicians and educated and responsible officer and N.C.O. material that we want to the Army is, in the end, particularly sensible.

I wonder whether I might put a question to the hon. Gentleman. He is quite right in a lot of what he is saying. Both civilian life and the Services are competing for a number of men who are in short supply. The electronics trade is another good example. What does he suggest we do? We have to have them in certain numbers to keep the Army going, and this is the old story of the law of supply and demand. If there is an acute demand for people in a particular trade gradually a supply becomes available, because conditions and wages are right.

When the hon. Gentleman said he wished to ask me a question, I knew right away what it was going to be, because it is the question everyone asks me when I put this argument. It is the obvious and the sensible question, what are we going to do if we do not use pay inducements? Of course, the only thing one can do is to compete. I could give part of an answer which would, I fear, rather rupture the bi-partisan or non-party atmosphere of this debate, but I do not want to do that. There are ways in which we could release non-essential manpower.

Unless my hon. Friend is controversial on this subject of manpower we shall obviously not arrive at any solution.

I agree with my right hon. Friend; but I had thought that a hint might be as useful as an argument. There is no doubt that we have a great quantity of most useful and very often highly educated and responsible manpower in the distributive services of this country which could, by improving those services, be set free for jobs much more socially useful. But, apart from the inquiries suggested by my hon. Friend, and apart from widening the possible lines of active consideration in this way, I can quite understand why the Under-Secretary of State for War comes to the conclusion that we must put up pay inducements, because, of course, that is the only thing we can do if we leave these wider considerations out of account.

One thing is clear and that is that industry will put up its inducements still further so long as it continues to be making reasonably high profits, and in this way it will continue to out-bid the Services. This is going on not only in the Services, but in the Civil Service, in teaching, in science and in a whole range of public activities. The public services are having to bid against private industry for their manpower. They find it difficult to make their bids higher because they are dependent on taxation, whereas private industry depends upon profits which these days are at a high enough rate to out-bid the public services.

There is a spiral of increasing attempts to attract these people on to one side and the other. It does not seem sensible for both sides to engage in such attempts to out-bid each other. Nor is it altogether sensible that we should be attempting to solve this problem on a basis of competition between essential services, one essential service pulling against another equally essential service. If it were a case of essential services pulling against non-essential services, all well and good, but it is not.

It does not seem to me that, in the long run, this is a healthy situation in which to be, and for that reason I end with the suggestion made by my hon. Friend the Member for Dudley that this whole question of pay and inducements ought to be looked at again, because it is not the kind of thing which one can keep on doing year after year. The effect of each bid will last for only a short time, and then we shall be in the same difficulty as before.

4.24 p.m.

I would not have intervened but for the observations of the hon. Member for South Ayrshire (Mr. Emrys Hughes). He seems to show considerable concern at the thought of the Army dispersing on the outbreak of war, but I am wondering whether it is not a case of his confusing the word "disintegration" with the word "dispersal."

To give a political analogy, I would say that just as after a meeting of the party to which the hon. Gentleman belongs its Members go off and, to some extent, perhaps disintegrate, so, in the Conservative Party, after a meeting, its Members disperse and committees of the party meet, but the thing remains a coherent whole. It is very important that we should distinguish between these two things, because I am quite sure that the military dispersal which is visualised on the outbreak of war—

I stopped the hon. Member for South Ayrshire (Mr. Emrys Hughes) from developing his speech on that line.

I am sorry, Sir Charles. I hope to come to the main point of my speech which, I think, will be in order.

Before the hon. and gallant Gentleman leaves that point, I want to make it clear that the argument on dispersal was taken from the speech of the Secretary of State for War. Does the hon. and gallant Gentleman think that as a result of this policy of dispersal it would be safer?

I have already said quite clearly that that does not come under this Vote.

I am sorry, Sir Charles, if I have led the hon. Member for South Ayrshire to transgress and have myself transgressed the rules of order, but I think that the hon. Gentleman was making a point that there was little object in recruiting a large number of men into the Army if, in fact, they were all going to vanish overnight and to go their own way in order to get away from atomic bombs. He was suggesting that the money which we are proposing to spend under this Vote was not worth spending. I was simply trying to make the point that he had mixed up disintegration with dispersal and that, in fact, dispersal is a very suitable method to adopt in modern warfare and that the money we are voting under this Vote is vitally essential.

What many hon. Members get muddled about is, I think, the need for men on the ground no matter how "press-button" is modern warfare. It is no good having the finest "press-button" weapons unless the ground from which to operate them is secure, and it is for that reason that we have to keep as many men in the Army as we do. If the hon. Member for South Ayrshire is so interested in the protection of the civilian population—as quite rightly he should be—I suggest that he need have no qualms whatever in supporting this Vote, because its object is to ensure that the ground is secure from which to use the most up-to-date weapons with which to protect the civilian population. I should have thought that was something which ought to have his support.

I now come to the observations made by the hon. Member for Dudley (Mr. Wigg). The point which emerges most clearly is that when National Service was first introduced in time of peace, the main object was to build up a reserve for an emergency. With the increase in world tension, as typified in the Korean campaign, it was necessary to keep men under National Service in order to bring up the numbers of the forces actually serving at any one time. It seems to me, now that the tension has to some extent eased, that certain factors similar to those which existed when National Service was introduced will repeat themselves.

As world tension dies down, it ought to become less and less necessary for an enormous number of men to be serving at any one time. But it all comes down to the question whether the reserve which has been built up over the years will be adequate or whether some of the dangers which existed at the time of the introduction of National Service will repeat themselves, in which case we must continue to renew our reserves.

That is an imponderable which I certainly could not answer and I daresay that my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for War has to give the matter much thought. I do not believe that the suggestion that there should be an impartial inquiry from outside is the best way of finding the answer to this problem. I should have thought that the Defence Committee of the Cabinet had some responsibility in the matter. So far as the argument of the hon. Member for Stirling and Falkirk Burghs (Mr. Malcolm MacPherson) is concerned, I should have said that the allocation of technical manpower to rival essential services was surely a matter for the Defence Committee of the Cabinet. In particular, I should have said that it was a matter for the Minister of Defence and the Minister of Labour to agree between them and to make recommendations to the Defence Committee of the Cabinet.

We are sometimes apt to forget that the Defence Committee of the Cabinet exists. Personally, I always regard it as one of the most important sections of government. Of course, so much that it discusses has to be behind closed doors in extreme secrecy, so that we are apt to forget that there is this body to examine the whole of our defence organisation and the allocation of manpower, materials, finance and everything else. It seems to me that we should avoid bringing in an outside organisation unless it is proved that there is something radically wrong with our present system, and my feeling is that it is not absolutely proven that there is something radically wrong.

All that is happening is that the circumstances are changing from a period of acute world tension to a period of lesser world tension. It seems to me that the Defence Committee of the Cabinet should consider how much longer it is necessary to apply the principles which they applied during the time of acute world tension and how soon they can start to apply different principles based on different circumstances.

The hon. and gallant Member is straying a long way from this Vote.

I do not think I have strayed further beyond the bounds of order than other hon. Members who have preceded me, Sir Rhys.

I can express no opinion on that, but what I am saying is that the hon. and gallant Gentleman is now well out of order.

I bow to your Ruling, of course, Sir Rhys; but we are asked to vote a certain amount of money for a certain number of men in the Army, and I submit that the important thing to do is to see that the Army gets the right type of men and that the money is well spent. That is what underlies my argument, and I do not wish to stretch my argument beyond that.

It seems to me that whether it is the hon. Member for South Ayrshire, whose views differ greatly from my own over the needs for National Service, or whether it is the hon. Member for Dudley, who seriously argued about getting the adequate number of man-years, or whether it is the hon. Member who preceded me who said that he thought that the Army is getting too many technical men who are needed in industry, it all hinges on this one point—are we to have an inquiry from outside, or are we to leave it to an existing organisation such as the Defence Committee of the Cabinet to deal with? That is the only point that I was trying to make.

4.33 p.m.

I propose to follow some part of the argument of the hon. and gallant Member for the Isle of Ely (Major Legge-Bourke), and I hope that I shall be in order in doing so. When I looked through the Army Estimates and saw that a figure of £123,080,000 is to be devoted to the pay of the Army I felt that one is surely entitled to ask whether sufficient attention has been devoted to the methods adopted by the War Office to make sure that this amount of money is justified.

I have a special right for saying that, because in the past few weeks my time has been spent on a regional hospital board, and they have had to submit to the Minister of Health for his approval an estimate of the amount of money which they require. That estimate has been thoroughly investigated. I do not know whether the Secretary of State for War follows the same procedure, but what the Minister of Health does is to say, "I cannot understand why you require that amount of money, but you are not going to get it. It is going to be slashed by £655,000."

The effect of that reduction is felt pro rata all the way down the line until it reaches my own personal position at the local hospital management committee level. It means that we have now got to operate on £23,000 less, which is disastrous from our point of view, because we cannot expand the service locally. That is what the Minister of Health has done. He says, "You have had it; you are not going to get any more and you have got to do without." All my time this morning has been spent in trying to find out how we are going to carry on with £23,000 less. The rest of my time, no doubt, will be spent in trying to find out how best we can do the work that we were appointed to do, on that smaller amount of money.

How are these things done in the Army? How were these Estimates arrived at? What assurance have we that the most stringent economies are made in the Army to ensure that value is given? Like many other hon. Members, I spent six years in the Army in the last war, and we all know the tremendous waste that took place in the Army. We know from our constituents of the appalling waste that is going on. Here we are being asked to vote £123 million odd for the Army. Just imagine the Minister saying that the amount must be reduced to £100 million. Imagine what could be done with that other £23 million. It could be given to the Health Service, for instance.

I am one of those who believe that the time has come to alter the period of conscription. I believe that there is no case, as there was last year, for two years' conscription. I think that 18 months would be sufficient now. I submit that this subject is relevant under this Vote because, if the period were reduced to 18 months, this Vote would be less than it is. What is worrying me is that we are heading for a great deal of trouble which I do not think hon. Members realise sufficiently.

Today most boys leave school at 15 years of age, and until 18 they wait to go into the Army, in the meantime finding any old job. We continually read in the Press smear campaigns about juvenile delinquents in this country. Having been associated with many of those boys, I know that this state of affairs is due entirely to conscription. That is a tremendous responsibility for us to bear. We are creating amongst the youth of this country this tremendous disturbance, this frightening social menace, and it is caused through the action of this House of Commons—

A good deal has been said about conscription, but it can only be relevant on this Vote so far as it affects pay.

My argument is that if we could reduce the period of conscription, the Army would need less than £123 million. I do not know what the figure would be, but perhaps one day we shall find out. I submit with respect that my argument is relevant because of the cost involved not only in terms of money but in terms of the social damage that is done.

I should like to know from the Secretary of State what efforts are being made at depôt level to ensure that the money spent is justifiably used. The hon. and gallant Member for the Isle of Ely (Major Legge-Bourke) said that he objected to an outside body making an investigation. Why? What is there to be ashamed of? If the Army is run efficiently, why should anybody object to any outside organisation making an investigation? The hon. and gallant Gentleman said that the Cabinet Committee should deal with the matter. What a lot of nonsense that is. I am concerned with an inquiry into whether the money has been wisely spent. Let the hon. and gallant Gentleman go to any depôt, and he will see the large number of men who are wasting their time. I mean the sort of thing that happens in a constituency like mine, where young men are called up and are posted to Northern Ireland. Why should they be posted from London to Northern Ireland—

Will the hon. Gentleman say whether he is proposing something in the nature of a Geddes axe? I understood that his party always strongly disfavoured it.

I am all in favour of a Geddes axe on the Army. The Army ought to be probed from top to bottom in search of economies that could be made in it. The hon. and gallant Gentleman is typical of his kind, in that he thinks the Army is sacrosanct, and that anyone who is critical of it must be a traitor to the nation. I spent some time in the Army, and I know, as I am sure he knows, that there is waste of money in the Army, that money is wasted in many ways in the provision of stores, equipment, all the paraphernalia of the Army.

If I did think the Army sacrosanct I should be objecting to this debate taking place. I do not think that it is sacrosanct, but neither do I think it is wasting money.

The hon. and gallant Gentleman says that if he thought the Army sacrosanct he would object to this debate taking place, but he is not that important yet. There are many economies that could be made in the Army. One way to make an economy would be by finding out how much money is paid to private shipowners for transport. It would be interesting to know how many—not only thousands—millions of pounds are spent in that way. I should like some answer to that question. Unless we are satisfied that the money we are spending is being wisely spent, we ought not to pass these Estimates. We ought not to pass them unless we have an assurance that there will be a probe into Army expenditure, and a probe undertaken by people capable of doing the job.

I mentioned just now how there was an investigation into the costs of the National Health Service, into the costs of catering in hospitals. Private enterprise experts were sent to the hospitals to investigate. There should not be any waste in any hospital. We accepted the recommendations that were made following that inquiry, and now we are operating the catering service in hospitals at a very much lower rate than we were. Why should not the same sort of inquiry be made in the case of the Army? What is wrong with that? Let Messrs. Lyons tell us how they make so large a profit. Most of the food supplied in the Army could not be worse than it is, if what I hear from constituents of mine is right.

I do not think this £123 million can be justified in detail. If there were determination to save money a considerable amount could and would be saved. I do not know how much, but it would be a considerable amount. It is the job of the Government to see that money is saved. We on this side of the Committee say that if we were returned to power the period of conscription would be cut. We believe that to be right. I support my hon. Friends who say that the need for a two-year period of conscription cannot be proved today. If we are to talk peace the sooner we start cutting these Estimates and probing this expenditure to see how much can be saved the better. That is the job we ought to be doing.

4.44 p.m.

My remarks stem from those of my hon. Friend the Member for Bermondsey (Mr. Mellish). If we were to reduce conscription by six months or 12 months we should save money and run the Army more efficiently than at present. I have a strong feeling that we are not looking after our young men sufficiently and that consequently we are not getting in return the service we ought. I raise my voice against the two-year period of conscription, not only because of its cost, but for moral and social reasons. I hope, Sir Rhys, you will consider this is relevant.

Those reasons may be weighty enough for consideration on another occasion, but I think that conscription can be relevant to this Vote only in respect of its cost.

We have exceedingly high costs because we have two years' conscription. If we were to reduce the period by half we could have a very much more proficient service than we have at the moment and at much less cost. I do not want to deal in detail with matters that have already been mentioned, but I consider that in the administration of many of our larger military centres we could save more. Seeing that the ordinary people of this land as well as those who are better off have to make a contribution to this large sum of money, we here have a duty to see that the money raised for the Forces is put to the best possible use.

4.46 p.m.

Sir Rhys, when Sir Charles was in the Chair he ruled out of order the discussion of dispersal. It may be out of order, but it is certainly very apt when we contemplate the nakedness of the benches on the other side of the Committee.

I am not at all concerned with what is apt. I am concerned only with order.

I have made my comment, and I think it is well merited. I recollect how in past years when Conservative Members were in opposition, the questions of Army pay and the number of men in the Army caused them to make heated and lengthy speeches. There now seems to be a conspiracy of silence amongst them. They seem to have complete faith in the occupants of the Treasury Bench, and hence their absence. If they were present occasionally and heard more from the Treasury Bench they would not be so trustful of their leaders. I am interested in the question of pay in the Army and this pretty hefty amount of money we are spending, £123 million. I recollect how in the past hon. Members opposite used to say that they did not begrudge money for the Army but wondered only whether we were getting value for it. They said that when they were in opposition. They have lost interest in the subject now, and so we on this side have to take up that question for them.

I am very much upset by our not being able to get recruits for the Regular Army. We are here voting the money for it, but whether the money will be spent depends on whether we are able to recruit the men. All over the place I see posters that inform me, "You are somebody in the Regular Army." That is interesting considering the continued failure to get sufficient recruits. It has been suggested that this is because of National Service, but National Service gives a far greater opportunity of getting recruits than ever there has been in the history of the Army. It was always said, "Get into the thing, sample it, and see how much you like it."

This is ample demonstration of the failure of the War Office. The Army has these regular flows of young men for two years. Such is their treatment and experience in the Army that not enough of them carry on. A corollary of the suggestion that "You are somebody in the Regular Army" seems, therefore, to be that "You are nobody at all in the National Service Army" or "You are just a body." I am afraid that what has happened over a number of years is that these young men have simply been looked upon as so many bodies.

I sometimes wonder whether the War Office, the Secretary of State and his Under-Secretary, in dealing in the House with matters relating to the Army, fully realise the effect of what they say on people in the country, especially on parents of potential recruits or National Service men, and the effect which it has upon recruitment. I have been interested in a number of people who have been concerned in the fighting in Korea. I am glad to note that in Subhead O provision is made for the award of gratuities for male officers and men who have taken part in those actions.

But I am more interested in the number of people who have gone to Korea and who have not come back. There are not merely those who have been killed, wounded and missing, but there are those who have disappeared in Korea and who remain untraced. I want to know whether the relatives of these people are getting their share of the Korean gratuity and what is done to try to trace those who have disappeared out there. If the War Office was honest about it, it would say that it did not know what was happening. We are spending money on the provost services. I want to know how they are being used and what other services for whom money is voted in this Subhead are used to trace missing people in Korea.

I raised with the War Office some time ago the case of a young man who has been lost in Korea for two years. The War Office does not know what has happened to him. It is a matter of considerable interest in my constituency. When the Press carries full reports of a debate in the House and people get the impression that the War Office is more concerned with having a little Parliamentary triumph at a late hour on a debating point like this than in seeking to allay the fears of parents and showing what is done in trying to solve this problem, it is a serious matter.

I want to know from the Parliamentary Secretary whether he can answer today with a little less callousness than on the last occasion exactly what is done to trace these men.

I resent very much the hon. Gentleman's attitude on this matter all along. I hope for a little more from him today than I got on the last occasion. When I put into his hands something that might lead to a solution, before he gave us a story like he did last time about rotting bodies, which is bound to cause considerable despair in the minds of mothers who read it, he should have told me exactly what facts came out—

It is deplorable that a Minister having evidence in his papers that, he was bound to know, would cause considerable heartburning, should not have had the courtesy, as is always done, to inform, as the hon. Member had promised to do, the Member who raised the matter with him. That is why I am concerned as to whether we are getting value for money, as to what is being done to trace these men who have disappeared, and whether sufficient is being done.

The question is one of public relations. It affects every person serving on National Service and whom, it is hoped, will eventually sign on for three or more years. I ask the Secretary of State for War to give this matter much more consideration. I raised only one case, but I wish the right hon. Gentleman knew the sorrow that it caused. The mother last week asked me whether it was worth while coming down to see the Secretary of State. I advised her to come down, only to satisfy herself that everything was being done to try to trace her son. I hope the right hon. Gentleman will take up the matter again. There must be many other similar instances. We on this side are determined to see that out of this £123 million sufficient is spent to try to trace these missing people.

4.56 p.m.

I should like to voice an opinion that is widely held in and around Nottingham. Outside the city boundaries there is one of the largest Ordnance depots in the country. Many people working inside the depots and outside it are of opinion that considerable amounts of money are wasted at the depot every day. People who should know, who have worked on the premises for many years, constantly ask me to give voice to their fears regarding the expenditure and the waste of money at the place.

I do not want to argue from the particular to the general and to assume that other places are similarly wasteful, but I call the Minister's attention to what is said about this depot. It has been suggested to me that it would be a good thing—

Notice taken that 40 Members were not present;

House counted, and 40 Members being present

Quite a lot of local people who are knowledgeable on this matter have suggested that it would be a good thing in the interests of economy and worth while expenditure if this depot was "sent to Coventry," not in the old-fashioned sense of the term, but in the new sense; that a good team of accountants, expert in such matters, should be brought down specially to examine the methods of expending large sums of public money in the depot. The Minister would be in a position to save considerable sums of money if he took the necessary steps to have a detailed examination of expenditure in that place.

If I were to deduce conditions generally from what operates in that particular place, it would be right to say that much expenditure per annum could be saved to the taxpayers of this country, and we could also ensure far more efficiency and ability in the organisation of Her Majesty's Armed Forces, particularly that branch we are discussing this afternoon.

5.1 p.m.

I intervene in this debate on the Army Estimates to speak as one who was a very badly paid but very badly overworked R.Q.M.S. I want to refer particularly to the question of what it is that we get for these increased Estimates. I am all for the Army being paid a proper rate. I believe in the rate for the job, and I believe that the Army has as important a job to do as anybody else.

The hon. Member for South Ayrshire (Mr. Emrys Hughes) asks a very pertinent question: What does the Army do? Apparently he has not read history the way I thought he had. I will tell him what I think the Army does. It preserves to us the right to do what he and I have done this afternoon, to assemble in a free country and in a democratic way to look after the finest constitution that the world possesses.

Exactly the same thing as was done in the past, to make the best of a bad job, try to overcome the difficulties of an atomic war and preserve the hon. Gentleman and myself from the worst effects of it.

Yes, Sir Rhys, but atom bombs throw people rather wider than they otherwise would be and so the topic throws us rather wide of the Vote. This is money that could be—I say that advisably—well spent. The Army lends itself to waste. There cannot be preparations for eventualities without at the same time having machines standing idle and material disintegrating. As a steel worker I know something about corrosion, the natural evolution from the non-use of materials provided for the defence of my hon. Friend the Minister for South Ayrshire and myself. There is bound to be a certain amount of waste.

The Government will not get recruits for the Army as easy today as used to be the case. Everybody is wanting men for jobs. There are more jobs than men and people do not have to go into the Army as in the past. Often men were hungry and ill clad and the Army offered then a suit, a pair of boots, an odd shilling and at least three meals a day. I am all for advance in the facilities offered by the Army, and I would support more wages and improved conditions as soon as it is possible to do so, because that is the only way of getting a Regular Army.

I could talk for a long time about the weaknesses of the Army and the wastage that goes on in it, but that can be dealt with by those who are seeking to find fault with the Army. I can only deal with the general principle. I believe that money spent on the preservation of our way of life is very well spent indeed. We should see to it that in its spending we get the fullest possible value and, at the same time, that those who receive part of it will get the greatest credit for carrying out a job that makes it possible for us to talk about it.

5.6 p.m.

The first thing I want to say is that the Select Committee on the Army Act and Air Force Act is rewriting the Army Act and is sitting at this moment. That is one of the reasons why so many Members who would normally be speaking in this debate are not here. They are serving on that Committee, and I should really be there as well.

Is not that evidence of very bad arrangements when an important Committee like that is sitting at the very time when we are discussing the Army Estimates?

The hon. Member is a little misinformed. This Committee has been sitting for 18 months, and during that time it has sat on this day at this hour. It is not a question of the convenience only of Members. There are several Departments involved, and there are Departmental Committees and Parliamentary draftsmen who have other things to do. Other considerations would be thrown out of gear if the working days were now changed. However, that is not a matter for discussion in this Committee, and I do not want to waste time on that.

The hon. Member for Dudley (Mr. Wigg) put his case, as he sees it, very well indeed. I have not brought my slide rule and therefore have not been able to work out the answers. If I had time to read his speech and analyse his suggestions I could perhaps provide the answers. I am sure that my hon. Friend the Under-Secretary of State for War is quite capable of doing it, and no doubt he will do so.

I want to deal with one particular point, and that is the question of the three-year engagement. The War Office were right in that, and it remains to be seen whether it will have the desired effect. There are a large number of men in this country who would like to join the Army on a Regular engagement, but they are afraid that before the seven years are up they will change their minds and will want to come out. I think it is all to the good that people can enter on a three-year engagement and then on a further similar period so that if there are altered circumstances at home or other reasons they can then leave. That brings the Army into line with the practice in industry and in civilian occupations generally. I shall be very disappointed if it does not affect recruiting in the way in which we hope it will.

I spoke at length on the Army Estimates about the difficulties that arise in educating children of officers, N.C.Os. and men, which in my opinion is one of the greatest deterrents to recruiting. I do not want to go into the details again, but I have sent the case to the Ministry of Education as well as to the War Office and hope that both Departments will get together and do something about it; it is really very important.

Reference has been made to the education of men in the forces, but I do not think it is generally realised what an enormous amount is being done. Many of these people leave the Service better educated than when they came into it. I want to remind hon. Members opposite who continually bring up this subject what an immense amount of knowledge has to be crammed into a soldier these days and how long it takes to teach him. It was a different thing when all he had to do was fire a rifle, keep reasonably fit and read a map in an elementary way.

During the war I had the great privilege of training large numbers of men in this country. We tried to cut it down as much as possible, and in those days we were working on Sundays and Saturdays as well as other days, the working day being eight or nine hours in a full week. I did that for three years.

In my view, the minimum time in which a soldier can be turned out fit to go overseas is two years. It cannot be done in less, so that if we ask the Army to introduce into the daily curriculum too many hours of standard education, we shall either turn out less efficient soldiers or have to increase the term of service. In civilian life people are prepared to work all day and then go to a night school to educate themselves if they are determined to get on in the world. Are there voluntary night schools in the Army? If there are not, that would be an excellent innovation.

What I am about to say relates to pay in a rather roundabout way, Sir Rhys—I see you getting a little forward on your seat. I am referring to the standard of fitness of recruits. There are large numbers of men in static jobs in training regiments at home. Might we not lower the standard of fitness for those jobs, instead of having first-class men kicking their heels in training depôts. This cannot apply abroad. Over and over again there have been times when the cooks and the batmen have had to pick up a rifle and save a situation; indeed, my own regiment carried out the last charge on horseback in history against a squadron of Uhlans, and they consisted of the regimental headquarters, some batmen and a few clerks.

Then there is the question of the manpower problem. The hon. Member for Dudley suggested that when we have finished re-writing the Army Act we should set up another Select Committee to consider recruitment for the Army. It might be a good thing but I think that may be nibbling at it. This is an enormous problem which will probably have to be settled by a Royal Commission. At the moment there is competition between industry and the voluntary services, and as the cake is only of a certain size somebody will have to decide how this voluntary manpower should be allocated and then, not by statutory direction but by inducements, get them flowing into the right channels.

The hon. Member for Stirling and Falkirk Burghs (Mr. Malcolm MacPherson) said that he did not want to raise the heat of the Chamber when he referred to the number of people occupied in the distributive trades. He made a very good point because we are just as much today, if not more so, a nation of shopkeepers as we were in the days of Napoleon.

I am sorry to interrupt the hon. and gallant Member, but this is very remote from pay.

Very well, Sir Rhys, I will not pursue that subject, but it is an interesting one. I will only add that something should be done to induce these people to join the Services or industry.

Then there is the question of recruitment to the Forces. I have always said that I look forward to the day when National Service will be abolished. I want to see a standing Army on a voluntary basis, and one day perhaps we shall be able to reduce our commitments to the extent of being able to have that. Or, alternatively, we may be able to make the terms of service and pay in the Army compete with industry and then we shall get our fair whack of manpower.

I believe we are getting near that position, but nobody seems to realise it. I implore my hon. Friend to do something about recruiting posters, and to see that we get a few more because they cannot cost so much. And, quite frankly, I do not know what is meant by that fatuous poster, "You are somebody in the Army today." Surely you always were somebody in the Army until you are dead? But why that poster should attract anybody is beyond my comprehension. Surely what attracts people is a clear statement of the terms of service and the rates of pay for various jobs and the emoluments and the "hidden perks"—[HON. MEMBERS: "Ah."] Those should be stressed.

As a quartermaster the hon. Gentleman knows very well that there are hidden perks which are not taken into account when local authorities assess the means of a soldier for education or by those who assess the rates of pay in the Army.

Finally, I hope that my hon. Friend will issue from time to time the strictest instructions to ensure the maximum cut in the irritating, frustrating little restrictions which are imposed by a minority of bone-headed, tinpot Hitlers, some of whom have no right to wear a stripe.

5.18 p.m.

The hon. and gallant Member for Worthing (Brigadier Prior-Palmer) was not kind to us; he should have let us know what were the "perks" to which he referred. It seems to me, however, that there is a lack of balance in what is paid in the Army as between one section and another. For instance, there is a figure of £24 million for the pay of officers, whereas the pay of warrant officers and non-commissioned officers and men amounts to £70 million. I suppose there is one officer to 12 or 14 men, excluding the gang at the War Office who do not do very much, and those sums seem to indicate anything but a satisfactory balance. It indicates either that the officers are getting too much or that the privates and some of the N.C.Os. are getting too little.

It is true that the overseas barrack allowance has been reduced in the Estimates this year, but the allowance for officers is £6,850,000 whereas for the noncommissioned officers and men it is £9,920,000. Again, therefore, there seems to be something wrong with the balance, and either the officers are getting too much or too many of them have their families with them overseas and not sufficient men are getting the same consideration.

Yes, I do not think that sailors have a monopoly of that charactertistic. Some of the landlubbers are just as bad as any of the sailors knew how to be.

There seems to me to be a pretence in the Estimates in relation to education. Even the Under-Secretary of State, when he replied to earlier observations on this subject, seemed to suggest that the Army did a good deal about education. Actually this subject comes under Vote 4, where it is stated that approximately £4 million has been spent on education. As far as I can see, that sum has not been spent in the Army in the same way as it is spent in educational establishments.

The trouble was that I was too honest about it whilst others, including the hon. and gallant Member for Worthing (Brigadier Prior-Palmer) have got away with it. I will not pursue the subject because there are other matters on which I should like to speak.

I associate myself with what has been said about the foolishness of continuing the present period of two years' National Service. I am more concerned about that subject than about anything else, because it seems to me that only certain types of boys are forced into National Service. There are too many deferments, and that is quite wrong. Far too much depends on what families the boys come from and what they propose to do in adult life. The Secretary of State for War appears to be shaking his head in disagreement. I hope that he will listen to what I shall have to say tonight in the debate on the Adjournment. Perhaps he will then change his mind. He does not know the facts of life.

We are growling about the cost of the Army. It is true, of course, that if there were fewer deferments it would mean that the Estimates would have to be increased, because there would be a larger number of National Service men on the strength. It is true, however, that National Service men do not get the same pay as others during their first year. They do not receive full Army pay until—

I think that they do during their last six months' service, but the present position is quite unfair. Many of these men have been sent to Egypt and to Korea. Many of them have been killed in Korea. Why should the War Office attempt to keep down the payment made to these youths? Incidentally, the tragedy is that they are youths and not men. I hope that the time will come when we shall not have to consider on the Army Estimates the question of calling up youths of 18 years. The older generation of our time are not being fair to the young ones in this respect.

It has been argued today that more should be done for these youths. It has been said that they are illiterate. That is only too true. One has to remember that they are due for National Service at the age of 18 years, and they leave school two or three years earlier, and employers will not take them until after the completion of their Army service.

I wanted to point out that we do not do enough for these youths and that we should not give them less than full pay. It has been said that we are worried about the educational standards of our youths, but we are responsible if we keep these young men hanging about unemployed for two or three years before they reach National Service age. If the call-up age were 21 years instead of 18 years there would be a better opportunity for these men to be employed, and when they entered the Army they could obtain their rightful share of the provision that is made in these Estimates. They would be potentially better soldiers then than they are now.

If we were allowed to consider these Estimates more fully, I am certain that in common with other hon. Members I should be able to point to instances of obvious waste in the Army. Among other things, we still seek to present to the world an Army machine very often needlessly dressed up, and all that adds to the total cost. Like my hon. Friend the Member for Rotherham (Mr. Jack Jones), I shall not say that we do not need the Service. Until international conditions permit, we must make provision, but I maintain that until then we should also insist upon obtaining value for our money. I am satisfied that in the Army, as in the other Services, a great deal could be done to increase efficiency without some of the costly provisions that are now made.

5.28 p.m.

I do not intend to detain the Committee for very long, but I want to express my full agreement with nearly everything that the hon. and gallant Member for Worthing (Brigadier Prior-Palmer) said, particularly with the peroration which so electrified the Committee. Coming from a brigadier, such a comment was indeed worthy of the attention of every hon. Member, and particularly of one like myself who never rose above acting warrant rank. But I have as long an experience of the Army as any man in the House of Commons, except the Prime Minister, for I first enlisted on 11th September, 1899, and I remember an Army very different then from the one that exists today.

The problem of recruitment in these days of full employment and extended national insurance for all sections of the community has created a situation which,—not merely with regard to this Service but with regard to other duties that should be performed by the ordinary citizen—the House of Commons will have to recognise as being a new situation in which we shall have to do a great deal of new and rapid thinking.

One of the deterrents to recruitment to this kind of Service is that men lead a very inconvenient life, both for themselves and for their dependents. Undoubtedly in these days, when every mother has the highest ambitions about the education of her children, the interrupted educational life of the child of the serving soldier is a great deterrent in the eyes of the mother against the man continuing in the Service when boys and girls—it is a matter which affects both sexes—reach the age when a continuous educational life is of the utmost importance.

There is also the general inconvenience of a Service where a man is under orders and cannot dispute them. If he is employed by a civilian firm which has branches abroad and he is offered a post overseas, he can generally express his reluctance. He may in the end have to accept the position that if he wants promotion in the firm he must take the post, but he can generally give a certain notice, and he can also say that he will seek a job where promotion is not so limited.

I am certain that an examination of these aspects of the Service, rather than continually giving comparatively small increases in pay, ought to be undertaken. I had exactly the same problem with regard to the police. A policeman's life is a very inconvenient one, and it is impossible to satisfy the wives and sweethearts of policemen that it is a reasonable kind of life to live. At a gathering of chief constables I once said about their men, "They always ask to be put on traffic duty on Bank holidays." One of the chief constables replied, "When did you last see my force?" The same sort of thing happens in the Army, and there are always inconveniences, and although the life still has its attractions for a certain type of man, it has no attraction for the woman whom he expects to marry, except in the rarest cases.

The words used by the hon. and gallant Member for Worthing were, unfortunately, not heard by the Secretary of State for War, but I can assure the right hon. Gentleman that if he will read them in the OFFICIAL REPORT he will have a treat. The speech was almost as good as that delivered the other night by my hon. Friend the Member for Brierley Hill (Mr. Simmons), which is saying a lot, and it was only a little less instructive than the speeches so frequently delivered by my hon. Friend the Member for Dudley (Mr. Wigg).

As one who wants to see an intelligent, contented Army, and unless the Army is both intelligent and contented it cannot do its work properly, I sincerely hope that the words used by the hon. and gallant Member for Worthing—I can hardly say that I reinforce a brigadier; it might be more appropriate if I say that I come up as a relief to a brigadier—will be borne in mind by the Secretary of State.

I should like to say to my hon. Friend the Member for South Ayrshire (Mr. Emrys Hughes) that the Army, since just after I began to be connected with it, has always gone in for a process of more and more complete dispersal. In fact, that is the only way in which to keep the manpower when one has it. If one had the men marching along in the way they did under the Duke of Wellington and standing in squares, there would not be very much Army left after five minutes not of atom bombs but of ordinary high-explosive shells.

I sincerely hope that the Government will carry out some inquiry at high level, by people not all of whom are in the Army at the moment, into the various problems which I have sketched. I am sure that in that way the Government will be able to get nearer to the fundamentals of the problem of recruitment than by means of spasmodic increases in pay which produce first a spurt and then a feeling of profound disappointment.

5.36 p.m.

I regard it as an impertinence for an ex-private in the Home Guard to intervene in any Army debate, but there is one aspect of the problem relating to recruitment to the Regular Army which might attract the attention of my right hon. Friend.

My hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Worthing (Brigadier Prior-Palmer) asked that there should be efforts to make clearer to the general public the "perks" which are available to men who enlist in the Regular Army. I want to draw the attention of my right hon. Friend to a "de-perk" which follows from service in the Regular Army. If we can tackle the social problem which results from the "de-perk" I am sure that something will have been done to ease the minds of men who are interested in accepting longer service in the Regular Army.

At present a man in the Regular Army who is nearing the end of his period of service is not qualified to be placed on the housing waiting list of any local authority. Local authorities have a good reason for not accepting him. He does not qualify and cannot acquire the necessary residential qualification, no matter what he does. Many a man will discuss the matter with his wife—it is a problem which must be prominent in the mind of the wife of a serving man—and will be deterred from accepting longer service because he knows that by the time he comes to the end of the period he will be faced with an absolutely impossible problem to solve, that of getting a house and resuming his normal civilian occupation.

As a member of a local authority, I know how difficult the problem is from the point of view of local authorities. However, it seems to me that it ought not to be insoluble to the "brass" who were castigated by my hon. and gallant Friend. I hope that the Minister will direct his lively and alert mind to the problem, the solution of which would add something to the attraction of the Army.

5.39 p.m.

I am sure that the Minister must realise that he missed a treat when he was absent during the speech of his hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Worthing (Brigadier Prior-Palmer). In fact, he missed many verbal stabs in the back, because the hon. and gallant Member disclosed that he has now become converted to the idea not merely of an inquiry but of a Royal Commission on the subject of manpower in the Forces, and, indeed, of the distribution of manpower throughout the population as a whole. The hon. and gallant Member then went on, though not quite in the came terms, to emulate my hon. Friend the Member for Brierley Hill (Mr. Simmons) in criticising the "top brass."

I appreciate that we are working against the Guillotine procedure. In the short time that remains I want to bring the Committee back to the speech made by my hon. Friend the Member for Dudley (Mr. Wigg). He made what I thought was a very statesmanlike speech. In fact, he even converted one of my hon. Friends to the idea that he was arguing for bi-partisanship, and that is a very remarkable feat on the part of my hon. Friend the Member for Dudley.

In certain parts of his speech, he reminded me strongly of some of the speeches made by the Secretary of State for War when he was in Opposition, because the case made by my hon. Friend was very largely the case that made up a great part of the speech of my hon. Friend the Member for Brierley Hill the other day. It included those very important and favourite quotations from what was said by the present Secretary of State in 1949.

What was the case of the present Secretary of State for War in discussing this problem of manpower and pay in the Forces? His case, in a nutshell, and it was argued on fundamental principles, was that we wanted fewer men for longer periods. That was the right hon. Gentleman's slogan, and it had nothing to do with the question whether we had tremendous or small commitments, or with the question of where the Army was going to be. I maintain that, quite rightly, the present Secretary of State then argued that the whole of the basic problem with which the Army was faced after 1945, with the running down of the Regular Forces, was of getting a number of men for a longer period in order to overcome the problem of a large proportion of the Regular Army being bogged down in having to train National Service men.

The other night, my hon. Friend the Member for Brierley Hill gave what is his favourite quotation from the speech of the present Secretary of State in 1949, when he said:

That was said in 1949, when the hon. Member will remember that we had very few overseas commitments. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh."] I mean as compared with now. That is a fact. The whole reason for introducing the extra period of National Service was because of our overseas commitments, and the object of that National Service was to train men for the Reserve and not to bolster up the size of the active Army at that time. Therefore, the primary consideration was what was the minimum size of the Reserve for safety without overloading the Army in training reservists. Now, the position has changed completely.

The position gets curiouser and curiouser. When we were arguing, during our consideration of the National Service Bill introduced by the Labour Government, about the period of National Service, the argument was then based on the vast commitments which we had inherited from the Second World War. I remember it well enough. The case was that we could not have less than an 18-month period, but what were the commitments then? They were Germany, Austria, Trieste, Gibraltar, Malta, the Suez Canal, Hong Kong and Palestine. Is the Secretary of State now arguing that these were not our commitments in 1949?

We are now getting into a debate on this most interesting subject. In fact, at the time of the introduction of National Service, the arguments raised as the whole crux of the matter were as to what was the minimum period for training a man to be an adequate reservist. Both sides of the House were told by the then Minister of Defence that the minimum period was 18 months, but then there was the squawk from East Coventry and down it went to one year, which surprised everybody. The period was dictated by the minimum time which is required to train men.

It will be within the recollection of many hon. Members that the whole reason for the 18 months' period being chosen and the 12 months' period being rejected was not on the argument of the necessary period to train reservists, but precisely on the argument of the size of our commitments. That was the whole point. If it had been argued merely on the time required to train reservists, and that was the principle on which we were then asked to pass the Bill, the majority would have stuck to the period of 12 months, but it was precisely because of these commitments—Germany, Austria, Trieste, Malaya and all the rest—that we were asked to approve 18 months.

Now, it is argued that, because we have added Korea, and the Colonial Secretary has added Kenya and British Guiana, the whole situation is entirely altered. I entirely reject that, and I do not think that the Secretary of State for War can get away with that argument at all. If the basic principle which he announced in 1949, at a time when, certainly, the commitments of the Army were tremendous, though I agree they are unfortunately greater now, was that we should get only a thoroughly bad and ineffective Army at a very high price out of that system, it is certainly one that can be applied today.

I think the nation is getting fed up with this very high price and that it is fed up with three things. The first is the levity with which we discuss whether or not the politicians' promises in 1950 shall be fulfilled. It is scandalous that it should now be argued in many quarters that the assurances that were given by political leaders on both sides of the House on National Service being extended to two years are simply to be postponed for an indefinite period. An armistice has been reached in Korea, and the Prime Minister has said that international tension has relaxed. Many other steps have been taken, but, in spite of all that, we have got to carry on with a two-year period of National Service without any inquiry being made into the situation. The arguments that are produced in favour of that are arguments which are entirely contrary to the principles asserted by the Secretary of State for War when he was in Opposition.

The second thing with which the people are fed up is the series of expedients from which we have suffered over the last few years in the varying of the terms of service and also its pattern. I very much sympathise with one important point made by the hon. and gallant Member for Worthing, when he asked why we could not put up posters to attract recruits into the Regular Army and tell the men in plain and simple language what their terms of service would be and what pay they were going to get. The answer is perfectly simple, because, in fact, both the terms of service and the pay codes have become so complicated and multiplied that it is quite impossible to do that now in simple language without making any mistakes. To judge from the latest White Paper on Service Emoluments we are still going on with that process of multiplying codes and confusing the terms of service.

My hon. Friend the Member for Dudley has completely made out his case that we have lost by the introduction of the three-year engagement. It is not worth while going into details about that now, but the statistics which my hon. Friend brought forward are impossible to refute. It is clear, on the basis of man-years, and taking all factors into account, including the factor that these men would have to do two years' National Service anyway, that we have lost on balance. We have got fewer men for the shorter period, while we have made it much more difficult to get men for the longer period. That is the whole difficulty, which ought to be considered.

We are now forced to introduce a new modification of the pay code, with a new differential for the man who has four years' seniority. So we have differentials between the Regular man and the National Service man, and differentials within the Regular Forces themselves. That sort of thing is wholly bad. What about the men who are suffering under the pay code fixed in accordance with the cost of living in 1950? We ought to say something about that matter tonight. The majority of men serving today are being paid under the code that was fixed in 1950. By how much has the cost of living risen since 1950? A very large number of people have received increases of pay since 1950, but the National Service man has not. What would it cost to increase the pay by the amount by which the Government have increased the cost of living since 1950?

The Government may have satisfied some men by their White Paper on Service Emoluments, but they have produced a barrage of discontent among those who are denied any kind of increase. The Secretary of State must know that men who discover that they have nothing to gain from the White Paper on Service Emoluments, and who know they are suffering because of the increasing cost of living, will be highly dissatisfied that the Government refuse to give any general and just pay increase in the Forces.

I should like the hon. Gentleman to make one point clear. Is he advocating a basic pay increase throughout the Army, including National Service men? That is his policy, is it not?

I certainly agree that we ought to consider it. It is only fair. If we are to maintain the principles which we tried to introduce during the Labour period of office of making Service pay comparable with civilian pay, one of the questions to be immediately considered is whether there ought not to be a general increase in Service pay, which has fallen out of relation with civilian pay because the majority of Service men are still on the 1950 code.

We cannot do that because it would cost too much. Why would it cost too much? Because of the general cost of the rest of the arms programme. It is the general cost of this extravaganza of National Service that prevents our doing justice to the men in the Forces. The country ought to realise that because of the cost of this millstone around our necks, we are compelled to adopt expedients and to make adjustments which cause more grievances in the Forces. In fact, we aggravate the difficulties with which we are faced.

This problem can be solved only by a thorough review of the whole of the Army—its system, its pay code, its administration. A political decision has to be made that, in the interests of the Army as well as of the nation, a cut must be made in National Service if we are to get back to the principles upon which we started.

5.55 p.m.

The only way to get an efficient Army is to have keen, intelligent men in the ranks who want to make the Army their career. Surely pay and general conditions have something to do with that. The less we spend on National Service and short-service men, the more we shall be able to build up an Army of keen and intelligent young men who want to make a career of the Army.

One of the deterrents to making a career in the Army is the very special differentials among the various ranks. From the Appendices to the Estimates I see that a sergeant gets £301 a year, whereas a captain gets £918 a year. That is a very steep differential. Let us go down to the privates, and let us be generous and take a top, six-star private. That is a new one on me. When I was in the Army we did not have any six-star privates.

No, nor five-star generals. This particular private gets £219 a year whereas a lieutenant gets £672 a year.

There ought to be a way of closing that kind of gap and giving the keen young man who wants to make the Army a career some indication that the emoluments will be such as to make it possible for him to be economically and socially equal to those he meets in the Army. That would help a great deal.

I should like an explanation about two important items in Vote I. I see that the cost of marriage allowances for officers is down by more than £500,000 and that marriage allowances for non-commissioned officers and men, and warrant officers, are down by nearly £1½ million. That looks rather bad on paper.

I wish to refer also to National Service grants, which today carry an overriding maximum of £3 a week. In the main debate on these Estimates, the Under-Secretary said that this matter was administered by the Ministry of Pensions and National Insurance, but surely it is the Army Estimates which determine the amount that has to be administered, and the allowances. I know that when the old Ministry of Pensions had to administer National Service grants we got our orders from the War Office. We only had the administering of them.

As these are included in Vote I, we ought to look at them and see whether there has been any increase of National Service grants to compensate for the increased cost of living since they were first fixed. There are not many men who could run a home on £3 per week, and they will not all be getting it, because that is the overriding maximum. We are told in the official leaflet that the allowance is normally 35s. a week. That is rather meagre and I hope that the Minister will give some assurance that National Service grants will be considered at the earliest possible moment, in view of the fact that the cost of living has gone up since they were fixed.

This afternoon we have been asked to discuss six Votes in respect of the Army Estimates and have been able to discuss only one. That reinforces the appeal that I have made year after year for far more time to be devoted to looking after the interests of our Army. I know that we have had an all-night and an all-morning sitting but that was obviously not enough. What is the reason for the sparse attendance this afternoon? It is because Members have become too disheartened to be able to carry out their duty of properly examining these Estimates.

On the other side we have brigadiers, generals, colonels and majors—all capable of making a contribution, but they are disheartened; time is so short, their own Government have curtailed their opportunities so severely. But when they do come, the hon. and gallant Member for Worthing (Brigadier Prior-Palmer) gives such a wonderful speech that we all realise what we have missed by the Government keeping their own supporters out of the debate.

I would ask the Minister to appeal to the Patronage Secretary and to the Leader of the House to see that in future we nave more time to discuss the Army Estimates, because they arouse intense feeling. I do not mean bad feeling but a feeling of affection for the British Army and the men serving in it.

6.2 p.m.

I should like to make one further point. It is our proposal that the only practical thing to do for the Army is to cut the term of service by six months. I believe that everything said on both sides in this debate has added weight to a case, now overwhelming, that the one constructive method—not only from the economic point of view, but to improve our military strength—is that proposed cut.

We have been told that it would lose us 60,000 men and mean that our strategic dispositions would have to be altered. But the Minister himself says that those strategic dispositions make an efficient Army impossible. He has admitted that the whole function of National Service has been undermined and that it now has to be used to prop up the professinal Army overseas. He has admitted that he cannot get a strategic reserve, and that in fact the present dispositions for which we are voting make it impossible to have that strategic reserve.

Here I should like to repeat something pointed out by my hon. Friend the Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme (Mr. Swingler). We must remember that the six months extra term was specifically stated to be for an emergency which is now over. I hope that everyone on this side will remember that one should not make such pledges and then say, "We did not mean it at all." On our side we do mean them, but time after time remarks have come from the other side that they do not mean it.

I take it that the hon. Member is referring to the Korean campaign, but, although the fighting is over, that campaign still makes demands on the men.

The simple assumption that the extra manpower was needed for Korea and for the menace in Europe is simply untrue. It has been used for neither purpose, but for extending the number of colonial commitments which have no connection with the other two. The Government have no right to bring the men in for a national emergency and then to use them for a blundering colonial policy—extending our colonial commitments time after time.

Would not the hon. Gentleman agree that there is an emergency both in Kenya and in Suez—to name just two?

The hon. Member has given final point to the Opposition's contention. Both these emergencies have been gratuitously imposed on the country by the ineptitude of the Tory Government.

Would not the hon. Member agree, having recently come back from Kenya—I was there at the same time—that there is not a person in Kenya at the present time who would suggest that our colonial policy is responsible for Mau Mau?

All I would say is that a great number of those out there believe that the present position in Kenya is due to ruthless repression, without any constructive offer to the Africans, and that it will become a permanency unless a positive policy is put forward.

We are being asked to vote on Army Estimates to perpetuate the colonial commitments of this country. It is high time that men brought into the Army solely for any emergency of a great war crisis should now be released. We demand the cut because we shall not get an efficient Army as long as it is scattered all over the world in colonial commitments. That is why the Service men get no proper training. It may be good for some things, but it is not good for training for a war in Europe.

One does not get an efficient Army, and our economy is ruined. We believe that the only solution is to introduce the cut immediately; a surgical operation which will compel the senior colleagues of the Secretary of State for War so to adjust their strategy and the policy of the Government that the right hon. Gentleman can carry out his plans for an efficient Army.

6.7 p.m.

The debate on Vote 1 of the Army Estimates has taken all our time today. I do not wonder that a lot of hon. Members, especially on this side, have wished to speak on this matter because Vote 1, on the pay of the Army, of £123 million is an enormous Vote. It brings vividly to the minds of all of us on this side, at any rate, the enormous cost of maintaining an Army of this size and of this character, which—as we have seen in the Army Estimates themselves—is itself determined by the commitments in which we have allowed ourselves to become involved. It emphasises the enormous burden which an Army of this kind must impose upon the taxpayer before he has even begun to think of any question of re-armament of any sort.

My hon. Friend the Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme (Mr. Swingler) very aptly reminded the Committee of the doctrine which the Secretary of State used to preach to us so indefatigably when he was in Opposition. He was the great advocate of the smaller Army; fewer men for a longer time. It is indeed the irony of political life that, through the introduction of the three-year period of service—about which I shall have something more to say in a moment—he has become the Secretary of State who presides over an Army of many more men for much shorter times than we have had in any other period in the history of the Army.

The right hon. Gentleman intervened somewhat heatedly during my hon. Friend's speech to say that that was of course simply because he was unlucky enough in his day to have been landed with far larger commitments than any other Secretary of State had had.

The right hon. Gentleman is now talking about the three-year period of service. I was talking about National Service. But on the three-year period, let there be no mistake. If we thought that we could get adequate numbers of recruits on the old long-term basis we should not hesitate to do so.

The three-year short period of Regular service and the two-year period of National Service go together. They are both devices for getting the very largest number of men in the Army here and now, regardless of the long-term consequences. That is what they have in common.

The Secretary of State cannot get away with the claim that he, poor man, is burdened with unparalleled commitments. The commitments in his predecessor's time, and especially in the time of my predecessor, the former Minister of Defence, were far larger than they are now. It is true that some new commitments have been added, but, for example, Palestine has been taken away. [An HON. MEMBER: "India."] Well, India was not a commitment at that time, but Palestine was a commitment of 90,000 men, and there were commitments, too, in Greece.

Altogether the commitments at the end of the war were far larger than they are now. The number of troops in Palestine was gradually run down over six years. On the whole, the commitments were certainly as great as they are today and the right hon. Gentleman's argument will therefore not wash. The truth is—and this applies to both of us—that if we attempt to maintain commitments of this enormous character, no matter where they are, they have a ruinous effect on the structure of the Army.

That brings me to the point which I want to make most of all. I want to ask the right hon. Gentleman to take very seriously the argument indefatigably put forward by my hon. Friend the Member for Dudley (Mr. Wigg) that we ought to look at the question of the Regular Army and the size of the Regular Army in terms not of men but of man-years because that is the only logical way of doing it, and if we neglect that way then these problems will come home to roost in a very few years' time.

The Secretary of State gave us an interesting calculation of man-years and claimed that in the recruiting year 1952–53 he had produced 311,000 man-years. On what assumption is that based? Clearly it must be based on some assumption of the proportion of men who will re-engage or prolong their service in some way or another at the end of the three-year period. Is it the assumption which he mentioned the other day of a 33 per cent, re-engagement or extension? If it is, that is a pretty optimistic assumption. Let us hope that it proves true.

I am not attacking the three-year period of service, for I shall say something about it in a few moments, but it looks as if the three-year period combined with the kind of tasks being imposed on the Army at the moment—the amount of the commitments and their character—will not work. If that proves to be the case, we may scrap the three-year period of service, if we can—which I doubt—or we may revise the tasks of the Army. It remains to be seen whether the present tasks and the three-year period will go together.

If we retain the world-wide and very unpleasant tasks which are being imposed on the Army and yet allow men to leave the Army if they wish, all of them, at the end of a three-year period, we may find that the position becomes impossible. I suggest that the Secretary of State must face this situation. There has been a curious reversal of rôles about the three-year period of service. At one time he was determined to claim that it was entirely his idea. I do not think it was, and I am perfectly willing to take any responsibility which I may share for introducing it, for I still believe that it is a right and liberal principle to allow men who join the Army to leave it voluntarily at reasonable intervals.

But whether it is right or wrong—and I put this to my hon. Friend the Member for Dudley—once we have introduced it, I am perfectly sure that we can never go back on it and can never return to the old five-and-seven year period or any other long period of service. Once we have introduced the principle that a man who joins the Army is free to leave at three-yearly intervals, we can never take it away again, and the practical question, therefore, is to make the Army sufficiently attractive to keep the men in it. There is no other way of tackling the problem at all. I echo the words of many of my hon. and gallant Friends that pay is important, but conditions, the kind of life which the Army has to live, in the majority, and the kind of work we give it to do, are the decisive factors in that respect.

We therefore return to the question which we regard as important—the task which is being imposed on the Secretary of State, with whom I have some sympathy, by his Government. I do not think that task is compatible with maintaining a Regular Army of a sufficient size under present conditions in the present-day world. As, in our opinion, some of these commitments are doing harm rather than good, it is in their reduction that we look for a solution of both the problem of the Regular content of the Army and of the still more urgent problem of a reduction in the period of National Service. I assure my hon. Friend the Member for Coventry, East (Mr. Crossman) that those of us who gave a pledge—and I was one of them—when the period of National Service was lengthened to two years, always have in mind that we regarded it as a temporary and emergency measure. The pledge is never out of our minds and we are steadily reminding the Committee or the House, as the case may be, of the existence of that pledge and the necessity to honour it.

I want to say a few words on a particular matter. This Vote is large mainly because of the very large forces with the Colours today, but it is also large because the Army is, relatively at any rate, a well-paid force today. I am very glad that the Vote is large in that way and that the principle of paying the Army a living wage—by which I mean a wage which makes it, skill for skill, experience for experience, and man for man, all things considered, an occupation competitive in its attractions with alternative occupations in the civilian world—is a principle to which all sides of the House are now committed.

I want to call the attention of the Under-Secretary of State, if he is to reply, to a case which appeared recently in the newspapers and which has brought this fact out. We must pay the soldier today as well as we pay anyone else and not attempt to give them free services or cut price services, as it were, because they are ill-paid people. This principle has been illustrated by the curious story of the three cinemas on Salisbury Plain. These three cinemas were closed to the civilian population of Salisbury Plain when they were acquired three weeks ago and passed into the hands of the Army Cinema Corporation.

The idea behind doing that was very praiseworthy. It was to allow the troops in the neighbourhood to go to the cinema at a cut price. But part of the price of doing it was to exclude from the cinemas the population in the area. This may seem a small matter to the Committee, but I think the Secretary of State will agree that in this traditional Army area—Tidworth and the surrounding areas—the relations between the Army and the civilian population are of great importance to the permanent welfare of the British Army. I should regret it intensely if this move, no doubt made with excellent motives, were to result, as I am afraid it has resulted up to now, in very great bitterness between the Army authorities and the civilian population of the area. I am perfectly well aware, of course, of the reasons which are given and the difficulties of putting this thing right, but I am quite sure that it can be put right.

The Army Cinema Corporation could somehow or other manage things as ordinary commercial cinemas do, or they could transfer the ownership to commercial companies or local authorities. The thing can be put right. It is no doubt difficult, and no doubt the Secretary of State will have great difficulties with his officials in forcing a solution because, on paper, it is is very difficult to find a way out. But there must surely not be any woodenness in this matter. It must be brought to a solution, because it is too intolerable that the workings of the charter of the Army Cinema Corporation should be used to deprive of the possibility of going to the cinema the civilians in this area, which is quite a sharp deprivation in these days.

Having spent five years in Tidworth, I know what I am talking about. I think that the right hon. Gentleman will realise that there are civilian cinemas as well, and that these are Army cinemas.

No. In this particular area, without a very long and expensive bus ride, in many cases up to 2s. 6d. fare, there are no cinemas available. After all, there are three cinemas at Larkhill, Tidworth and Bulford. It is quite a serious matter. It was the hon. and gallant Gentleman for Worthing (Brigadier Prior-Palmer) who spoke with great frankness about the bone-headed and tinpot Hitlers. I should be most unwilling to apply those terms to the Secretary of State, the Under-Secretary or any of his staff, but I think that we shall accuse them of great woodenness unless they find some way of getting over this difficulty.

This is a very small and local matter, but it is one in which very strong feelings are being expressed. I am sure that a way can be found of getting over it. I do not, of course, expect an answer on that today; but it does illustrate the difficulties which arise if we attempt to pay the Army at too low a rate and then give them benefits in kind. The proper way, surely, is to pay them a really good rate of pay with emoluments of all sorts, so that they are able to pay for their own cinema tickets like the rest of the population. I have brought this point in to illustrate the far larger issues which we have been discussing this afternoon.

6.24 p.m.

I think that it was Mr. De Valera who was making a speech in Ireland during the time of the trouble in the 1920s who, in the middle of his speech, was arrested and shut up for quite a time. When he came out of prison he caused the same platform to be erected in the same town, and he said, "Gentlemen, as I was saying when I was interrupted.…" I feel very much like that, because no fewer than 235 questions were poured at me during the debate that closed on Friday morning and it seems that, just having got over the Ides of March, this is a resumption of that debate. The form of speeches has been very similar.

Apart from certain detailed questions put to me by various hon. Members, the whole attitude of mind and viewpoint has been focused again on the question of National Service and the possibility of cutting it. I think that my right hon. Friend made a cast-iron case that, things being as they are just now, that cannot be done. From the point of view of the need for numbers, a change is not possible.

My right hon. Friend also said, and I would state it, too, that we do not like National Service, although I will not go nearly so far as some hon. Members, particularly hon. Members opposite, do as to attribute nothing but harm to National Service. I think that there is a credit side as well as a debit side, but on balance we have always said that we should like to see it reduced as soon as possible and to eliminate it entirely, if possible. With that in mind, and agreeing that it was originally to meet a temporary and emergency state, what is it that stops us from doing that?

It is the question of commitments.

The right hon. Gentleman says that we can cut down our existing National Service and still maintain the existing commitments. Will he tell me exactly—

—which commitments he proposes to sacrifice, or does he propose to sacrifice none of them, because we have to do one or the other? A much more logical case has been made out by some of his hon. Friends who have said, "Cut your extra commitments now and adjust National Service afterwards." That is a very much wider subject, and we have here to face up to the commitments we have been given and provide the troops to meet those commitments. That is the position to which the debate has narrowed down. It has narrowed down to a question which no longer concerns the Army or Army Estimates alone but concerns a very much wider range of subjects.

I can only express my own opinions to the right hon. Gentleman.

I will now turn from the major aspect of the matter to some of the detailed points. I do not want to detain the Committee for long, but I should like to cover some of them. The hon. Member for Dudley (Mr. Wigg) said that we had never set out how we will spend the £6 million or £7 million which is the Army's share of the £16½ million for pay increases.

I take it that a Supplementary Estimate amounting to £7 million will be introduced. Can the hon. Gentleman tell us if that is so? If he knows that the figure is £7 million, he must be able to tell us how many men it is expected to get and how the figure is broken down.

I cannot say how it is broken down because I have not the figures on my cuff, as it were. The hon. Gentleman said that they would not produce the results.

I think that there is a factor in this question of long-term and short-term engagements which ought not to be completely lost sight of. When it is a question of, say, 100,000 men held for 12 years and 100,000 held for three years, signing for a further period of three years, we can be certain in the latter case that of the whole of that 100,000 few will be unwilling. We cannot say that with the same certitude of 100,000 held for 12 years. We may on that line of thought have a better and more willing and enthusiastic soldier in the second case.

That is the most extraordinary statement ever made from a Government Front Bench. The facts are that with men with 12 years' service we get as high as a 70 per cent. take on, and in the case of men with three years' service we are lucky to get 20 per cent.

The hon. Gentleman says that of those on the 12 years' engagement 70 per cent. take on. That shows that 30 per cent. do not want to and have not wanted to for some considerable period of time, whereas the three-year men can get out each three years. I do not say that that is a major consideration, but it is one which I have not heard mentioned at all today.

The hon. Member for Huddersfield, East (Mr. J. P. W. Mallalieu) talked about education and other hon. Members spoke about education in the Army. Perhaps this reply will cover their particular points. The hon. Member said that 25 per cent. of the Regular recruits had to be rejected on physical or educational grounds. As a matter of fact, the percentage of rejects on educational grounds was 4·8 per cent. last year. He went on to argue that in order to get more men in we should reduce the standard. Of those we get in whose educational standard is low to the point of sub-literacy we recover for the Regular Army between 80 and 90 per cent. by educating them at the preliminary educational centres.

It is the figure I was given, but I will check it and let the hon. Member know.

I am a little hazy about this point. Does the educational test apply to the National Service men as well as the Regulars? If a National Service man is tested educationally and found not to comply with the standard applied to the Regular soldier, is he rejected?

The figure was 4·8 per cent. in 1952, and 7·5 per cent. in 1953. These figures apply to the Regular soldiers. I should have to get the figures for National Service men.

My impression is that so far as National Service men are concerned there is no educational test at all. Is that not so?

The point I was making concerned the Regular soldier.

I do not think it is necessary for me to reply to the amusing speech of the hon. Member for South Ayrshire (Mr. Emrys Hughes), for he did not ask me any questions. We listened with rapt interest to him trying to discriminate between disintegration and dispersal and all the other equivalent nouns.

The hon. Member for Stirling and Falkirk Burghs (Mr. Malcolm MacPherson) said that Army education was not doing enough. I was a little hurt at that because we have been proud of what we have been doing, particularly at the preliminary education centres, where we have been recovering men who would otherwise have gone through life semi-literate, and also of the work done at the children's schools and in Germany, and so on.

The hon. Member also raised a point which occurred in certain other speeches, and of course it is fundamental to the question of whether we seek to attract men by raising the bounties or the pay. It is a problem inseparable from a permanent condition of full employment. However, it is not peculiar to the Army. There is competition between one industry and another, between the Services and industry, and it is just one of those factors which have to be faced. I do not know what the answer is. For the moment, the answer is to try and get our share, and we have to devise the best way of getting our share of manpower. The Secretary of State, quite rightly, I think, has come to the conclusion that we shall get our share by these means.

There may be a deeper problem at the bottom of all this, and some hon. Gentleman talked of a national planning scheme for the allocation of all manpower between industry and the Services. That is a very much bigger question, full of all sorts of economic and political thorns, and all we can do at the moment is to try and get our share of the available manpower in those very much sought after trades in respect of which further manpower is needed.

I do not know whether it was the Member for Bermondsey (Mr. Mellish) or another hon. Gentleman who spoke about the appalling waste at Chilwell, outside Nottingham. In an organisation employing 400,000 men, both soldiers and civilians, and spending £500 million a year one is bound to come across cases in which there appears to be waste. In fact one is certain to come across cases of waste. It is not in human nature to avoid it. We have to strive, often to the point of desperation, to get the best use of the money we have for our needs, and the Secretary of State and the Army Council spend days on end cogitating just how they can do that.

I shall, therefore, be delighted to have cases of alleged waste investigated. Although in nine cases out of 10 we find they are will-o'-the-wisps, in the one other case that remains investigation is worth while. Hon. Gentlemen may say that that is not enough. But we have in addition endless committees, as the right hon. Member for Easington knows. There were the Templer, the Kirkman and the Callender Committees, all on manpower.

There is the permanent inspectorate of establishments which all the time goes through Army establishments with a fine tooth comb trying to cut them down. There is an organisation and methods branch to see whether, for instance, the method of handling our goods is as up to date and efficient as possible. We had Sir Thomas Reid-Young, Managing Director of Vickers, to advise us, and this search to track down waste goes on constantly. I cannot think what other system one could have devised, in itself not wasteful of manpower but at the end of the day these alleged cases of waste throw up instances now and again of where we can economise. If hon. Gentlemen would tell me what more could be done I would be glad to know.

The hon. Member for Bradford, South (Mr. George Craddock) spoke on the same theme of trying to reduce the period of conscription, and talked about moral and social reasons. They do not concern us this afternoon.

The hon. Member for Kilmarnock (Mr. Ross) asked about the Korean gratuity. I do not want to pursue the rather acrimonious epithets which he threw at me about having been callous. He, like myself, only wanted to avoid giving pain to any of the relatives of any of the soldiers who lost their lives. The Korean gratuity was a payment to the men who had served in Korea, and it is not payable to the relatives.

But all the allowances which the men were getting prior to their disappearance in action are paid until the situation is cleared up and established. The hon. Member was indicating—and I agree with him—that we cannot sit back and say that any men are missing, and leave it at that. We are going to do something about it. There are a number of men still unaccounted for. We had hoped that when the prisoners returned from Korea we should have been able to get irrefutable evidence of a man's fate. However, we have not got that information—some men just disappeared into thin air—but we hope and expect later to get these cases finally cleared up when we get a peace in Korea and we can really inspect the territory which at the moment is enemy land.

It is perfectly true, as the hon. Member for Rotherham (Mr. Jack Jones) said, that the whole of an Army is waste. We are spending £500 million on keeping something going which is non-productive. I am preaching the doctrine of the hon. Member for South Ayrshire. He has found a curious bedfellow. But until we are prepared to abandon the whole conception of what is right or wrong in the world, and are prepared to abandon the idea that what is right must be defended, we must have an Army, and in that Army, of course, there will be some waste.

My hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Worthing (Brigadier Prior-Palmer), who electrified the Committee by his peroration, and who asked me to read his speech, referred to his pet theme about the education of children; and another hon. Member opposite spoke about one of the deterrents to people joining the Regular Army being the fact that they did not know what education their children were going to get, and whether they would be sent from one school to another, which would be a serious interference with their education.

I was asked about night classes. There are no night classes in the Service as we know them in civilian life. There are correspondence courses and courses on special subjects which men can go to out of hours. It depends where a man is stationed. If he is on a large station, then obviously his chance of studying subjects like foreign languages is much better than if he is on a small station and has to do it by a correspondence course.

Will the hon. Gentleman deal with the most important proposal of the Royal Commission which was raised?

I do not propose to go into Royal Commissions at the moment.

The hon. Member for Kirkdale (Mr. Keenan) asked a question about the reduction of marriage allowances. The reduction shown in the Army Estimates is not a reduction in the rate, but in the numbers to which it applies. To a certain extent, it is a backwash of the run-out of the more senior N.C.Os, [HON. MEMBERS: "Backwash of the run-out?"] Perhaps I ought rather to say that it is the result of the run-out, although I do not think that the metaphor is so frightfully mixed.

I do not want to speak on this matter for too long because I think the Committee has had a very long run for its money on this question. I do not think that there are many questions which I have left unanswered. The right hon. Member for South Shields (Mr. Ede) intervened, and again underlined the importance of the question of the education of children and condemned spasmodic increases in rates of pay. He urged what a number of his hon. Friends had advocated, that a deeper probe was needed.

My hon. Friend the Member for Liverpool, Walton (Mr. K. Thompson) again mentioned the question of the soldier getting on to the housing waiting list. That is a very difficult problem and one which we are examining. We are taking steps to advise the soldier to get his name on a housing list as soon as he possibly can, but, of course, the difficulty is that a soldier does not know much in advance of leaving the Army where he is going to get a job or where he will be able to live. As I say, it is something which we are examining, and to which we want to find a solution.

I think I have now covered all the points with the exception of one raised by the hon. Member for Brierley Hill (Mr. Simmons). He spoke about the steep differential in the rates of pay as between commissioned and non-commissioned ranks. It is curious that that point should come up after we have been receiving complaints from other parts of the House to the effect that the new rates of pay will result in the subaltern sometimes receiving less than his sergeant. However, I believe I am right in saying that the differential between commissioned and non-commissioned ranks is less marked in the British Army than in any other Army in the world. It is certainly far less marked than in the Russian Army.

I am indebted to the right hon. Gentleman. I knew that it was very much greater than in the British Army.

My final point—

The hon. Gentleman has spent 20 minutes reading out the questions addressed to him. Why does he not spend these last five minutes answering a few of them?

I thought I had done that. I am afraid that I cannot give any more answers than I have given, and I think that if the hon. Gentleman looks at the OFFICIAL REPORT tomorrow he will find that they have been answered. Of course, he may not agree with the answers.

I am coming to that matter. It will be the subject of a great peroration. Those three small towns have had three empty cinemas for two years. No private concern was prepared to take them over, and so the population in two of those towns, largely an Army population, have had no chance of seeing any films for two years, and the people in the third town have only had the opportunity of seeing films in the one civilian cinema there. We stood back, expecting that those cinemas would be taken over by private enterprise, but they were not. Would it have been wise of us to leave the places untenanted? We came to the conclusion that it would not.*

Now we come up against a great many difficulties, because, although the hon. Gentleman commented on the Army Cinema Corporation, that corporation had a charter which we had to abide by. If a charter is drawn up, it is an important document and one cannot evade it or alter it when circumstances appear to make such an alteration desirable. Therefore, we have to watch—

I am trying to follow the hon. Gentleman's argument, but I do not see how it is related to this Vote.

I am delighted with your Ruling, Sir Rhys. All I shall say is that I will look into the matter, and then sit down.

May I draw the hon. Members' attention to one specific question which I asked him, and to which he has made no reference? We were told that 311,000 man-years had been recruited in 1952–53. We should like to know on what assumption of extension, re-engagement and performance of service that figure was based. Perhaps that question ought to have been addressed to the Secretary of State for War.

I will certainly answer it. That calculation was not based on any re-engagement figures whatever. It was a clear calculation based on the five-year man doing five years and the three-year man doing three. It was not based on any assumption of re-engagement after they had served their time-years in either case.

Question put, and agreed to.

*See Written Answers, col. 80. 22nd March, 1954.

Resolved,

That a sum, not exceeding £123,080,000, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the expense of the pay, &c, of the Army, which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1955.

Vote 2. Reserve Forces, Territorial Army, Home Guard and Cadet Forces

Resolved,

That a sum, not exceeding £21,310,000, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the expense of the Reserve Forces (to a number not exceeding 70,000, other ranks, for the Regular Reserve and 174,000, all ranks, for the Army Emergency Reserve), Territorial Army (to a number not exceeding 328,400, all ranks), Home Guard (to a number not exceeding 60,000, all ranks), Cadet Forces and Malta Territorial Force, which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1955.

Vote 5. Movements

Resolved,

That a sum, not exceeding £34,450,000, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the expense of movements, which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1955.

Vote 8. Works, Buildings and Lands

Resolved,

That a sum, not exceeding £30,700,000, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the expense of works, buildings and lands, which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1955.

Vote 10. Non-Effective Services

Resolved,

That a sum, not exceeding £18,960,000, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the expense of non-effective services, which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1955.

Vote 11. Additional Married Quarters

Resolved,

That a sum, not exceeding £100, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the expense of certain additional married quarters, which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1955.

Navy Estimates, 1954–55

Vote 1. Pay, &C, of the Royal Navy and Royal Marines

Motion made, and Question proposed,

That a sum, not exceeding £47,800,000, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the expense of the pay, &c, of the Royal Navy and Royal Marines, which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1955.

Royal Navy

6.55 p.m.

Now that we have finished with the Army, we can turn for a short time to discuss the affairs of the Navy. Last week there was a long and interesting discussion covering many aspects of naval affairs. Since then, I think many of us have been disturbed to learn that there have been several cases which would appear to show that all is not as well with the Navy as it might be.

Four of Her Majesty's ships have been damaged and I have just had information that a fifth ship has been damaged, that there has been a fire in one of Her Majesty's ships, the destroyer "Zest" at Chatham. That fire took place while she was being converted to an anti-submarine frigate. I do not know the reason for this. We were told before when cases of damage arose that some of them were due to the fact that sailors were disgruntled with life and that they wanted to take the opportunity to get out of the Navy. I do not think that that can be so in this case because, so far as I understand, all the cases have been cases of damage by civilians.

There was the case of H.M.S. "Loch Lomond," a frigate; the case of a submarine in the Mediterranean Fleet, though I am not sure of this because it is not certain whether that submarine was damaged; and there is the case of H.M.S. "Urania," a new and secret anti-submarine vessel. This vessel has been damaged for some reason or other, and it is the responsibility of those in charge of the Royal Navy to explain to us how it has come about, whether there has been adequate supervision—

I have been waiting to hear the right hon. Member develop his argument, but at the moment it seems to be remote from Vote 1.

With respect, I should have thought it was covered by this Vote. We are dealing with the men of the Royal Navy. The men in the Royal Navy have to sail in the ships of the Royal Navy, and I submit that it is all important to them whether those ships are in a good or bad condition. If the ships are destroyed, plainly there can be no ships in which the men can serve.

I must point out that we are now dealing with Vote 1 which deals with pay alone.

I will then turn to one aspect of the matter which is directly connected with pay. These ships that I have mentioned—I shall refer to them for only one moment, Sir Rhys—are guarded, so I understand, by police. These police are paid, and I should like to know whether the Admiralty are satisfied that the number of police is sufficient to look after cases such as these.

On a point of order. These police are paid under another Vote, Vote 8, which is not down for discussion today. May I ask whether it would be in order to discuss it, Sir Rhys? Supervision on board ship is not the responsibility of the police.

If they come under another Vote they cannot be discussed now. The only subject with which we can deal now is a subject under this Vote.

I must say, reading through the Estimates, that the police appear on a large number of Votes. I submit that it is important that we should know whether the security measures are suitable or not.

This may be a very important subject—I am not disputing that—but what I am concerned with is whether they arise on this Vote.

Further to that point of order, Sir Rhys. Would it be absolutely true to say that these important matters, as you have described them, are under Votes which are excluded from discussion by this Committee by the Government's use of the Guillotine?

Is it impossible for me then to ask how it comes about that this sabotage has occurred? In spite of the fact that people may be very disturbed by it, can we find out nothing more about it? Would I be in order in suggesting that it would be advisable to have an early inquiry so that the Committee may be informed of the reasons for the sabotage?

I bow to your Ruling, Sir Rhys, and so I can say no more than that I am disturbed by what I have read about those incidents, and that other people are also disturbed.

I would turn now to the matter of the education provided for ratings. They are provided with various forms of education, and, in particular, with education in current affairs and citizenship. That education is given wherever practicable, so I am informed. What I want to be informed about is whether "practicable" Means—

I am sorry to have to tell the right hon. Gentleman that we meet here a difficulty similar to that we had when the subject of education in the Army arose a little earlier. I understand that education is provided for by another Vote, and that it does not arise on this Vote.

With great respect, Sir Rhys, I understood that on the Army Votes education was discussed.

I understand then that I can discuss neither the conditions of Her Majesty's ships nor the education of Her Majesty's sailors, important though these two subjects are?

The right hon. Gentleman knows quite well what is provided for in the Vote, and he knows that he can discuss what this Vote concerns.

Having regard to the situation I have done my best to describe, I am not altogether sure that conditions in the Navy are all that they should be. I hope that at some time or another it may be possible for the First Lord of the Admiralty to describe to us what steps are being taken to deal with those matters. I hope that the steps the right hon. Gentleman has taken to improve conditions in the Navy, which steps, I think, all of us, on both sides of the Committee, welcome, will have the result he wants, that is, that more people will be ready not only to join the Navy but to stay in the Navy once they have joined it.

7.3 p.m.

I wish to devote my remarks entirely to the figures in this Vote, which provides the pay of the men serving in seagoing ships. I wish to consider the pay of the men in the ship "Britannia," which is a seagoing ship and which has been described as the Royal Yacht. I do not intend to go into the cost of that vessel tonight because I understand that we can deal only with the pay of the men going in the ship, but I suggest that there are far too many men likely to be employed in this ship and that the payroll is likely to be exceedingly high. This is a very big ship. It is not a small yacht; it is not a medium-sized yacht. It is huge, and cost more than £2,100,000, and carries a large complement of crew.

I should not object to the pay of sailors in a smaller yacht, a medium-sized yacht, but this yacht cost more, and carries a complement larger than, an old-time battleship. I want to know what those sailors are going to do all the year round. Will they be employed in the yacht all the year round? The Navy's pay-roll, a large sum of money, is swollen by the pay of the numerous crew in this vessel. Of course, we all appreciate that these sailors have to act under orders. What are they going to do all the year? Will they be paid for services all the year round when Her Majesty is not cruising in the Royal Yacht? What is to happen to the vessel? Is it to be laid up some of the time, and will the sailors then be transferred to some other ship?

I understand that the vessel may be converted into a hospital ship in war. If that conversion were to be made immediately the question of the pay of these men would not arise, but if the ship is not to be converted into a hospital ship how will the Admiralty solve the problem of the employment and the pay of these men? Are they to be paid all the year round from January to the end of December, or are they to be paid off for certain periods of the year? The payment amounts in all to £150,000 a year. If the crew are not to be employed in the Royal Yacht all the year round, in what seagoing ships will they be employed when they are not employed in the Royal Yacht?

I am also interested in the duties and the pay of the men who are engaged in the fleet that has been operating off the north-west coast of Scotland. I read in "The Times" on Saturday a disquieting report of certain activities to be conducted by the Admiralty. I read it with a great deal of surprise. I should have raised this question earlier had the news been available when we were last discussing these Estimates.

The "Ben Lomond" is a ship under the control of the Navy. I wish to ask questions about that ship, which is, I understand, to proceed to Bahaman waters later in the year. According to "The Times" she will be employed in some kind of investigation into biological warfare. Judging from "The Times' report, these sailors are being engaged off the north-west coast of Scotland in operations connected with biological warfare. I want to know exactly where the Navy comes into these experiments, and why these sailors are being used for this purpose.

The report in "The Times" says:

The report then deals with the Ministry of Supply and certain investigations at Porton research station about bacteriological warfare, the facts about which are not exactly relevant to this Vote except in so far as the investigations seem to be undertaken by this ship, the "Ben Lomond," which has been operating off the north-west coast of Scotland and the activities of which have caused discussion in the Clyde.

I want to know whether we can get more information from the Admiralty about this ship. What are the sailors going to do in Bahaman waters? The final paragraph of the report in "The Times" says:

Having established my right to ask these questions, I ask whether the Committee could not be given more details as to how far the Navy is involved in these experiments in connection with bacteriological and biological warfare. I know that research is being conducted by the Ministry of Supply, but in the operation and carrying out of these investigations the Admiralty is definitely involved. I ask the Admiralty why it is experimenting and allowing its sailors to be experimented with in this biological warfare.

I do not think it will be in order under this Vote to ask the Admiralty why these experiments are carried out.

All I am asking is how the sailors are earning their pay in the time that this ship will be cruising in Bahaman waters. If we are paying the officers and the men, we are certainly entitled to ask what they are doing for their money.

The hon. Member is certainly entitled to ask about pay, but he is not entitled to enlarge upon the experiments that are being conducted.

I cannot enlarge upon the experiments because I do not know sufficient about them. I do not want the Admiralty to give me any detailed scientific information, but I should like to have some general idea, to satisfy my constituents before I vote for this sum, that these sailors are employed at sea in doing something to protect the welfare of the nation. To me it seems a very curious occupation for the sailors. What is the pay for this kind of job? Do the sailors get danger money? Do they get extra money for carrying out these experiments in connection with bacteriological and biological warfare?

I do not want the Admiralty to disclose any secrets to me, because so far as I know the agents of the so-called enemy are far more informed about these matters than either myself, the Ministry or anybody else. But I do ask the Admiralty to answer this question: Is the House of Commons, in its innocence, passing a bill for the pay of sailors who, the Admiralty thinks, are going out to sea in some way to defend us, or are they being paid in this Vote for some diabolical method of warfare that the House of Commons knows nothing about?

Could we have further information about these activities that have been conducted in these ships off the northwest coast of Scotland? Information has begun to leak out and we are told in some of the Sunday papers in Scotland that these sailors are being used, not for the ordinary purposes of seafaring, but as some kind of human guinea pigs.

7.15 p.m.

I wish to put one point very briefly to my hon. and gallant Friend and to the First Lord. The question of pay in the Royal Navy raises two matters: first, that the pay should be compatible with the living expenses of today in order to make possible the privilege of serving with the Royal Navy; and second, that the pay should attract men into the Royal Navy.

At the moment, a vessel which comes into a Royal dockyard for repair is not paid off anything like as quickly as before the war. This leads to the men from time to time having to bear the discomfort of intolerable noise. It is so great that whatever the pay it might well lead the men to think that it might be better for them to go out of the Royal Navy. I trust that my hon. and gallant Friend will look into this question and give it consideration.

7.16 p.m.

I want to raise the question of the pay of the complement of the Royal Yacht "Britannia." I see that it has 21 officers and 250 men. I understand that on the Royal yacht there is a concert platform. Presumably amongst the complement there will be artistes for concerts. Does the complement of 21 officers and 250 men include potential artistes for performance on the concert platform? Will the artistes who will perform on that platform be drawn from the men and officers, or will E.N.S.A. provide them from some of its organisations?

Does the complement of 271 include marines in the Royal yacht? I am told by naval men—I know nothing at all about the Navy—that the function of the marines is to keep the officers from the men, to stop the men cutting the officers' throats. I understand that that is the traditional structure in the manning of a warship. Will there be marines on the Royal yacht?

We are given the figures for when the ship is in use and has embarked the Royal Family. Obviously, the ship must be laid up for the bigger part of the year, when, presumably, the 271 crew will be redundant. We on this side get continual complaints from constituents in all sorts of industries—ordnance factories, dockyards, and so on—where redundancy is being declared. Here we have this large complement of people, and, presumably, the artistes who will be engaged on the concert platform. I foresee no end of trouble with the Musicians' Union and the entertainment organisations because, as the yacht will be laid up for nine months in the year, these artistes will be in the difficulty of seeking other employment. What the sailors will do, I do not know.

There is one officer to every 12 men. I do not know what these officers are. I see from the Estimates that there are 65 Flag officers in the Navy, and I am told that Flag officers are admirals. I see there are 149 ships on the Active List and we have 65 admirals for those 149 ships. How many of the 21 Flag officers are admirals? Can we afford to pay the 21 admirals with the other officers, because that is an awful lot for 149 ships. I wonder what the 21 are. Are they all admirals, because this vessel is going to be very expensively officered if they are?

How many Royal yachts are there? I see there is a flight deck on this Royal yacht, so that there will have to be officers of the Naval Air Service. There is a concert platform, so I presume that there will be a band. I presume, too, that there will be a concert party, and then there are the marines. Are they all included in this figure of 250 and are the Flag officers all included in that 21? I should like to know what will be the actual cost for these 250 men. What is the total cost for the crew of what seems to be a small ship? We are going to have an awful lot of people on board when the Royal Family embarks.

7.22 p.m.

I should like to ask my hon. and gallant Friend a question on behalf of the general taxpayer. Tonight we are voting about £350 million, and one Vote, Vote 10, is for works, buildings and repairs at home and abroad, and totals £60,837,000.

Vote 1 will do just as well. What I want to ask my hon. and gallant Friend is whether he is sure that in his Department and, indeed, in all the Service Departments, there is a continuous and genuine search to see that there is full value for the money which is spent. I am not discussing the policy of whether we should do this or do that. We have spent far too much time on that already. Our job here is to speak on behalf of the people who have to find the money to pay for these services.

We leave it to the experts to decide what kind of premium the nation has to pay for its security. We have got to pay a premium, and I am the last person to grudge the paying of it. Under Vote 1, may I ask, is somebody doing the job that Samuel Pepys did for the Navy 250 years ago, when he saw that the Exchequer really got value for the money that was being spent?

May I remind you, Sir Charles, that whilst you were not in the Chair the Army Estimates were dealt with? [HON. MEMBERS: "Order."] It is just an example, and Sir Charles will call me to order if I am out of order. A number of Votes were agreed to just "on the nod" as though they were of no consequence at all to the people of this country who have to work hard and save hard to provide the money.

I do not grudge one penny of it. To be cheese-paring over national security is just madness, but we are entitled to ask whoever is in power that there should be somebody inside the spending Departments who for the whole of the time is earnestly and genuinely trying to see that we get 20s. worth of value for every £ that is spent. I should like an assurance from my hon. and gallant Friend on that point.

I should like to make a further observation. In a month's time we shall be debating the Budget. We shall also be demanding that taxes be reduced. But this is the time when we should see what taxes can be reduced. It is too late when we pass these Estimates. It is unfair to my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer to tell him that he ought to reduce this tax or the other when we have so easily and light-heartedly passed these Votes. As a non-expert in military matters, and especially in naval affairs, but as a representative of the taxpayers, I ask my hon. and gallant Friend to assure the Committee that before the money is spent it will be seen that the nation gets as good value as is humanly possible. I should like an assurance on that point.

7.26 p.m.

I should like to join with the hon. Member for Louth (Mr. Osborne) in expressing concern at the way in which the Votes tonight will go through "on the nod." There are many matters which I should like to raise on these Votes, and particularly on Vote 10, but we have not the time.

I should like to say a word to the Parliamentary and Financial Secretary about a matter that was put earlier to him. I should like him to pursue the matter that was put to him about the time when the men come home and the time it takes for them to get off the ship. When a ship arrives back the first thing a rating wants to do is to get away home, and the fact that that is not possible causes a great deal of discontent. I should also like to see the ships coming to their own ports and not sent elsewhere, because that also causes a certain amount of hardship. I took up with the hon. and gallant Member the case of a constituent of mine who was concerned in this matter.

There are many other matters that I wanted speak about, particularly the question of pay. The Royal Marines have a grievance about their pay, and I shall take that matter up with the First Lord on another occasion. I do not want to prevent other Members from raising points, and I will not further pursue any of the matters that I have in mind. I shall content myself with joining with the hon. Member for Louth in his criticism that there was not more time allowed for these Votes.

I was not criticising anybody. All I was asking was for an assurance that this Government, like their predecessors and other Administrations, will assure the Members of this Committee, who represent the taxpayers, who have to bear the burden, that the money they have to find is as seriously and as carefully spent as we should spend our own money.

7.28 p.m.

May I raise one or two points of interest to some of the men serving in the Service? I agree with the hon. Member for Louth (Mr. Osborne) and my right hon. Friend the Member for Rochester and Chatham (Mr. Bottomley) that it is a great pity that we should be voting in the short space of an hour—because that is all the time we have—this Vote amounting to nearly £50 million. There are a number of things which we should like to examine in detail, not in any party spirit but in order to do the job which we know ought to be done and which can only be done once a year by hon. Members. I regret very much indeed that we have such a short period of time in which to do it.

I appreciate the ingenuity of my hon. Friend the Member for South Ayrshire (Mr. Emrys Hughes) and my hon. Friend the Member for Dunbartonshire, East (Mr. Bence) in raising under this Vote the issue of the Royal Yacht. Perhaps I may be permitted to say by way of a brief personal comment that if my hon. Friends want to know anything about that vessel or the men who serve in her I shall be happy to supply that information. These jobs in the Royal Yacht are the most prized jobs that any man can ask for in the Service. There are always many more volunteers than there are billets. They enable the men to spend a considerable amount of time in their homes.

May I just say that my father served in the Royal Yacht on the lower deck from 1904 to 1914, and he was not a comedian or a member of a concert party? They were all called riggers. Chief officers and petty officers gave up their rating in order to become riggers, they all wore their jumpers outside, or perhaps it was the other way round, and they wore silver badges, which was a mark of great esteem in the Navy at that time.

It appears that it was a good job because they spent so much of their time at home. So obviously they did not think much of the Navy if they could get a job on the Royal Yacht and spend nine months of the year at home. But it was a pretty poor return on the money paid.

My hon. Friend is innocent if he does not realise that it is the chief aim of the Royal Navy to get home as often as possible and to stay there as long as possible. It would be an unusual man who did not try to do that. I could tell my hon. Friend many stories about that afterwards, but not now, because it might create the wrong atmosphere and prevent young energetic men from coming along.

I want to raise first the position of the promotion of chief petty officers to commissioned branch officers. I believe that the Admiralty is still imposing too rigid a restriction on the age of promotion from chief petty officer. It is the case that once a man reaches that rank, and is aged 32 or 33, an Admiralty bar is applied to promotion to the rank of commissioned branch officer. Therefore, good chief petty officers who reach the top at the age of 32 cannot get further. Of course, they are not going to sign on again if they feel that they have reached the peak of their career, and many of them will want to get out into civilian life and try to establish themselves there while they are still relatively young.

I do not know how far these age limits still apply. As the Parliamentary and Financial Secretary will have the opportunity of speaking at a more reasonable time tonight, I ask him to tell us the reason for maintaining the age barriers, and what he will do to get rid of them in order that good men in their early 30s shall not feel that they have reached the peak of their usefulness to the Navy.

My next point is concerned with the early retirement of those who are promoted from chief petty officer to commissioned branch officer. Without going into all the complications of the matter, may I say that it so happens that when a man is promoted from chief petty officer to branch officer half his seaman's time counts as officer time? As he may be retired when he has completed 15 years' officer time, it means that he may only put in seven or eight years as a commissioned branch officer. This seems to me a pretty poor investment for the Navy, and it also seems to be a great hindrance to men, many of whom would like to stay longer and to have the opportunity of making a career.

I ask the Parliamentary Secretary to tell us the reason for that. I know he has to keep a flow of promotions going, but if he uses that argument I would reply that many more people who could be promoted to billets now filled by other officers, if he would use his commissioned branch officers more. Those of us who keep in touch with the Navy find ourselves receiving large numbers of letters during the course of the year from those who know that we are interested. This is the only opportunity which we have to raise these matters, so I hope that my hon. Friends will not mind if, having failed in correspondence with the Admiralty to bring out these points, we take a little more time in bringing them forward this evening.

My next point concerns the Korean gratuity. Emergency List officers who are recalled do not receive a gratuity for service in Korea unless they do three years' service, but they are recalled every 18 months. There is a wide range of gratuities paid to practically everybody, but this small group seems to have been overlooked. I ask the Parliamentary and Financial Secretary why it is that an Emergency List officer who is recalled after serving his 18 months, gets no gratuity, whereas practically everybody else serving in the Navy Reserve and in Korean waters can get one? He can, however, get a gratuity if he served for another 18 months in addition to the time for which he was originally called up. It is a small point but it should be put right, and, therefore, I ask the Parliamentary and Financial Secretary to deal with it.

I now come to a question which I have raised before, the naval schoolmasters. I see that my hon. Friend the Member for Aberavon (Mr. Cove) is here, and I want to excite his interest by telling him that the National Union of Teachers have considered making representations to the Admiralty on this question. I hope, therefore, he will feel that I have his sympathy.

I should not be out of order because the salary of schoolmasters comes under Vote 1. If my hon. Friend likes to take the Chair he will no doubt pull me up. The educational branch includes only those serving at headquarters and not with the Fleet. My question concerns the pay of naval schoolmasters by comparison with the pay given to other schoolmasters recruited from different sources.

The Parliamentary and Financial Secretary knows of this problem because I have raised it with the First Lord before. To put the matter broadly, there have been two types of recruits as naval schoolmasters and some of them are long-service schoolmasters who have become instructor lieutenants through a reorganisation undertaken many years ago. On average they are promoted to the rank of lieutenant-commander after 11 years' service as instructor-lieutenants.

There is, however, another group of schoolmaster instructors who have been promoted since the war on Service Commissions, who have been selected for long service in the Royal Navy, and who are promoted lieutenant-commander after eight years' service on an average. Why is this so? The First Lord gave me a reply earlier in which he said the reason for it was that he wanted to attract officers with higher academic qualifications than the first group to which I have referred. If this is so there might perhaps be a case for promoting these new recruits to the Navy after eight years instead of after the 11 years that the old schoolmaster has to wait.

However, one of my diligent correspondents has analysed the situation and he tells me that it is not true. He says that the old schoolmasters show a higher proportion of men with degrees amongst them than have the instructor-lieutenants recruited since the war and who have been promoted after eight years' service. I will give the Parliamentary Secretary the figures, but I only received this letter a short time ago. My correspondent says that of a total of 75 old schoolmasters, if I may so call them, 56 have degrees.

How, then, does the First Lord justify his answer on 16th December that the Regulations for the promotion of the second category, with rather lower qualifications as it turns out, was for the purpose of attracting officers with higher academic qualifications? Perhaps that was his intention, but if my correspondent is correct, and these men have lower qualifications, it seems to me that in fairness to this group of 75 men he should arrange for them to be promoted after a period of eight years, as are the others. I believe that the authorities at the Admiralty have something on their conscience about this.

No doubt, but they have this in particular, in that they put up a scheme to the schoolmasters in the autumn of 1952, asking them to accept a different term of service and conditions. They were to retire rather earlier but were to be immediately promoted to instructor lieut.-commanders. That scheme has disappeared.

The only educational service on Vote 5 is concerned with schoolmasters employed by the Admiralty. You will see, Sir Charles, that that Vote deals with the Royal Naval College, Greenwich, the Royal Naval Engineering College, Manadon, the Britannia Royal Naval College, Dartmouth, and further education, and in fact only asks for a sum of £1 million. There are, of course, a number of other schoolmasters who are employed in the Fleet in ships and other establishments, and Vote 5 deals only with a restricted number.

I had finished my point in fact. I only want to say that I wonder why this scheme has disappeared. Under the scheme, the Admiralty offered these men immediate promotion, with the opportunity of early retirement if they accepted it. If the Admiralty felt that there was a case for earlier promotion then, I say that there is still a case for it after eight years. I ask the Admiralty to go into this question because it is a real grievance among a number of schoolmasters in the Royal Navy.

I am not sure whether the next point that I want to make comes under the Vote, and I confess that I shall not mind if I am ruled out of order. I ask the Parliamentary and Financial Secretary whether he can tell us something about the mine-watching Reserve. I could not find any references to it in this Vote or in any other Vote. The First Lord said that he wanted to recruit 30,000 to that service. Where are they? They do not seem to be shown anywhere in the Estimates, and I do not know what are their rates of pay.

I hope that the Parliamentary and Financial Secretary can say something about this Reserve, of which such a great deal was made in our debates on the Estimates last year. It seems to have disappeared in the course of the presentation of these Estimates. As we have promised to give way to the Royal Air Force for part of the time, I only add that if we reach Vote 2 on the Navy Estimates, I hope that we shall be able to raise the question of beer for the ratings and the question of their uniform.

7.43 p.m.

I am sorry that I am joining in the debate so late. I have been attempting to participate in it nearly all afternoon. I am very disappointed that the debate has provided us with no useful information of any kind, and particularly on one subject. We have heard that an experiment is to be tried by the Navy and that men who have done valuable pathological, bacteriological and similar work are to be taken from their useful work in this country and sent to a centre, God knows where, to investigate certain subjects, God knows what What sort of work will be done? It is represented as if it were a great secret pathological work. Will it be done from the point of view of naval hygiene. Are our men to be taken from their excellent work in this country as far as the Bahamas to spoil the clean waters there? [HON. MEMBERS: "Ah."] Are some Conservatives objecting to my making a conservative speech for almost the first time in my life?

The experiments which are to be carried out in the Bahamas are experiments which could be better done from the point of view of medical research here in our environment. I happen to know both environments. This is really shocking. [An HON. MEMBER: "It is."] Am I getting out of order? This is really valuable and important work which should be done under the aegis and the constant, vigilant eye of the best bacteriologists, pathologists and toxi-cologists that the British Navy has in this country.

The best work that the Navy has done has been in medical research. The ordinary work of the Navy is humdrum, but the work that Navy men have been doing in pathological laboratories has been of first-class quality over the last 20 years. These men are being pushed off, away from Great Britain, to do allegedly secret bacteriological work. No one has been told the direction that that work is to take. It is so secret. Has it to do with the growth of ordinary organisms and if so of what type? [ Laughter. ] What is the laughter about? Am I speaking too medically?

It may be at the thought that the hon. Member is going far beyond the question of pay under this Vote.

I desired to raise this question and I was able to prove that a ship called the "Ben Lomond" will be sent to Bahaman waters on bacteriological research. I suggest that my hon. Friend the Member for Warrington (Dr. Morgan) is only following on the lines of what the previous occupant of the Chair regarded as being in order.

This is a very deep question, but the hon. Member for Warrington (Dr. Morgan) may, if he wishes, touch lightly upon it.

I am very grateful to you for your help, Sir Charles, but I should like to know where I am. This is a question of Navy research personnel being taken from Great Britain to the Bahamas, but to do what work?

I know it is called bacteriological work. I was playing with bacteria when my hon. Friend and I were infants. Now we call them bugs. We grow these bugs and produce a vaccine from them and try them out from the preventive point of view.

I would remind the hon. Gentleman that if he were dealing with the pay of a surgeon-commander or a surgeon-lieutenant he might be in order in speaking on this subject but otherwise he is out of order.

I am very grateful to you, Sir Charles, for your intervention, but since it is your second intervention, I think I had better stop. It is perfectly obvious that the technical professional knowledge that I have, secret and private and not available to the public, of the work to be done in the Bahamas cannot be even lightly or skimmingly mentioned in this Chamber. But if I cannot mention it in Parliament who is to prevent my mentioning it elsewhere? Fortunately no one has ever yet kept me quiet. If I cannot say what I want to say in this Committee or in the House of Commons, I shall try to say it in the professional circulars.

It is perfectly disgraceful that money obtained from the hard-working people of this country should be frittered away on research which may bring us nothing, either from the point of pure medical research or from the point of view of treatment. I protest against this expenditure, and I protest against the way in which I have been treated by hon. Members in this Committee. I hope that this subject will come under review one day by some auditor who will write of this alleged research and who will say that at a time when this country needed every penny the money devoted to this subject was being thrown away uselessly on work that we could have done on the usual lines here in Great Britain.

7.50 p.m.

I should, first, like to say how sorry I was that the right hon. Member for West Bromwich (Mr. Dugdale) was so unlucky. If we do not reach the Vote and he wishes to raise any of those points with me, perhaps we can do it through correspondence. I was very grateful for what he said about the new improvements in foreign service and so on to which my right hon. Friend referred in the main debate. I am very glad that we have his blessing in that connection.

The hon. Members for South Ayrshire (Mr. Emrys Hughes) and Warrington (Dr. Morgan) spoke about the bacteriological warfare trials which have recently been carried out. Let me say straight away that the trials are being carried out by the Ministry of Supply. Consequently, I cannot answer any questions about the trials themselves. However, what I can say is that we are acting as agents in this matter in exactly the same way as we did in the atom bomb test at Monte Bello, which was a Ministry of Supply trial. In this case we are supplying a ship, and the Ministry of Supply is carrying out the trials.

I was asked why the trials were being carried out in the Bahamas. As the hon. Member for South Ayrshire will know, the conditions in the Bahamas are very different from those in Scotland. The conditions are required for the purposes of various tests, and there are, of course, certain very isolated places in the West Indies which are eminently suitable for these sort of tests.

The hon. Member for South Ayrshire said that the men were probably being used as guinea pigs. I am sure the Committee will realise that there is no danger to the men. They are not being experimented upon; they are merely carrying out the duties required of them by the Navy for the Ministry of Supply.

I turn now to the few remarks made about the Royal Yacht. I am very sorry that hon. Members keep on raising the subject in this way. I have the greatest respect for the hon. Member for Cardiff, South-East (Mr. Callaghan), and I should like to join him in saying what an honour it used to be to serve in the Royal Yacht. I believe that my father served in it at the same time as his father did. Perhaps I may go a little further and ask the hon. Member whether he wore Royal Yacht uniform when he was in sailor's clothes, as I did.

The only point of substance was as to whether the crew of the Royal Yacht are on board the whole time. That is not the case. There is a full complement when the Queen is cruising, and there is a reduced complement when the ship is in dockyard hands.

The hon. Member for Dunbartonshire, East (Mr. Bence) asked about the admiral. There is one admiral, who is Flag Officer, Royal Yacht. There are marines on board. There is no concert party.

It is our policy nowadays to strengthen certain parts of a ship to take a helicopter, and the Royal Yacht has been strengthened for that purpose. That will be of the greatest value in her other use should that, unfortunately, ever come about, in evacuating casualties to the yacht as a hospital ship. It is common practice now to enable as many ships as possible to land a helicopter.

Before the hon. and gallant Gentleman leaves that point, in view of the criticisms which have been made about the Royal Yacht, is the Admiralty prepared to have the whole question of the expense of the Royal Yacht and the maintenance of the ship investigated by the Public Accounts Committee?

Although, as you say, Sir Charles, the question does not arise here, perhaps I might say that that that is a matter for the Public Accounts Committee itself, for it has full powers in these matters.

My hon. Friend the Member for Bodmin (Mr. D. Marshall) asked about the paying off of ships. We always try to pay off ships as quickly as we can, but sometimes certain refitting work is done when men are on board. We fully appreciate how uncomfortable and unpleasant it is for the men concerned, and we are thinking of conducting an experiment whereby an accommodation ship of some sort is put alongside the ship which is refitting so that the men can live in it, for that will make conditions very much easier.

My hon. Friend the Member for Louth (Mr. Osborne) asked whether we were alive to the need for economy. I can assure him that we are very much alive indeed to that, that every possible precaution and trouble is taken in the Admiralty and that the Samuel Pepys of today is just as keen in this respect as his predecessor was. Like myself, my predecessors, the right hon. Member for West Bromwich and the hon. Member for Cardiff, South-East, have taken the Chair at the finance committee which sits for many days during the winter preparing these Estimates, and they will know that what I have said is only too true.

The hon. Member for Cardiff, South-East raised the subject of branch officers. I am sure that the hon. Member and the Committee will bear in mind that what one might call the cream of the lower deck are promoted through the Upper Yardman scheme. Therefore, some of the really top young men get commissioned in that way.

The figures for last year are the highest since the war. I do not know what the right hon. Gentleman has to complain about. The branch officers are of the greatest value in their specialised field. I was asked why there were age limits. We want to get the branch officer as young as possible, because it is possible for him to get promoted to three steps. Between five and nine years there is now selective promotion to senior commissioned officer; after five years he can get promoted to lieutenant, and after eight to lieutenant-commander. Thus we want him to become a branch officer as soon as he can. I am afraid that I am about to make the point about "flow" which the right hon. Gentleman said he was afraid I would. One wants to get a flow of promotion, but the men do not have to retire until they get the requisite service for their pension. However, I will go into the matter most carefully and see whether anything can be done.

The hon. Gentleman also asked about the gratuity. I think that his correspondent has muddled the issue. It is not the Korean gratuity with which we are concerned. The Emergency List officer were recalled roughly in the same way as the Royal Fleet Reservists. Their first 18 months' service was the liability which all recalled Emergency List officers have and there was no gratuity for it, but if they volunteered for another 18 months, they then got a gratuity. I am sure that the hon. Member will realise that the position in relation to liability is very much the same as in the case of the Royal Fleet Reservists.

To turn now to the subject of schoolmasters, as the hon. Gentleman said, this is not at all an easy problem. Before 1946 there were two branches, the instructor officers and the schoolmasters, and then there was a reorganisation and, as the hon. Gentleman said, in one class we tried to get those with high degrees, first and second class honours degrees. Judging by the statistics he offered, it is really a matter of degrees of degrees. I will certainly look into the point. I admit that we are not finding it easy to administer the promotion in the present set-up.

There is no prejudice in it, but there are certain differences in the careers that are offered to one group or the other. The ex-schoolmaster has an assured career until the age of 55, while the direct entry instructor officer has no assured career. He starts with a three-year engagement and then, even, if he is accepted on the permanent list, he cannot be sure of going on longer than the age of 48. I do recognise the difficulties, and I will certainly see what has happened to the scheme to which the hon. Gentleman referred.

Mine watching appears on page 87 in the Estimates. Reserve personnel are not paid when in reserve, though their equipment, clothing, travelling and other expenses come under the appropriate Vote.

I think I gave that information in the other debate.

Recruiting in some places has been very much better than in others. The Portsmouth area has about 96 per cent. of what is required, whereas Plymouth has 25 per cent., the Nore 33 per cent. And Scotland 17 per cent., while the figure for the whole country is 27 per cent. of what we require. The people we have got are doing very well, but we do need more, and I would again ask hon. Members who represent suitable constituencies to take some trouble over this question and help us if they can. I should like to thank my hon. Friend the Member for St. Ives (Mr. G. R. Howard), who has taken a great personal interest in this matter. There is to be an exhibition in London on Monday, to be opened by my right hon. Friend, and there are to be some exercises at Greenwich, at which dummy mines will be dropped to enable people to see what goes on.

Question put, and agreed to.

Resolved,

That a sum, not exceeding £47,800,000, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the expense of the pay, &c, of the Royal (Navy and Royal Marines, which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1955.

Vote 2. Victualling and Clothing for the Navy

Motion made, and Question proposed,

That a sum, not exceeding £17,573,000, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the expense of victualling and clothing for the Navy, including the cost of victualling establishments at home and abroad, which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1955.

8.3 p.m.

Under the informal arrangements made on this side of the Committee, we hope to give the Royal Air Force the opportunity of having its turn very quickly, but, through its courtesy, if I may put it that way, the R.A.F. has agreed that we might ask two questions on Vote 2 which have been raised year by year.

The first concerns the question of beer. When I was at the Admiralty, the Fourth Sea Lord of the day—Admiral Mountbatten—was doing some interesting experiments to see if it was possible to provide the lower deck with beer—experiments in which, my hon. Friend the Member for Ealing, North (Mr. J. Hudson) not being present, I may say that I even aided and abetted. This was to be not necessarily an alternative to the rum issue, but for the benefit of ships away from port when it was difficult to get anything of that sort. That was about three years ago, and I should like to know what has happened to these experiments and whether there is any likelihood of seeing something of that sort brought about very soon.

The other question, which is of equal importance, concerns the uniform. Again, I remember instigating some experiments with the sailor's uniform. There is a mixed view in the Royal Navy on the subject; in fact, two completely different views as to whether the uniform is good or bad. On the whole, I incline to the view that it is a bad one, not that it is not picturesque, but it is not functional, and I think that it could be both functional and ornamental at the same time. I should like to know what are the views of the Admiralty on this matter. Certainly, any of us who, having been vaccinated on one day, tried to struggle next day into the jacket by putting it over our heads and shoulders, must have cursed it on very many occasions.

I should have thought that it would have been possible at least to get some form of jacket which is not so difficult to get into, instead of having to be put on over the head and shoulders, which is quite fantastic. Then there is all this funny business with the collar and the tapes, and the Parliamentary and Financial Secretary himself must have inspected sailors and turned up their jackets to see whether they had cut their tapes, which was the first thing they used to do.

All this is very nice and fancy, but really not much related to 1954. We were trying to do something about it three or four years ago, and, if the Parliamentary and Financial Secretary said that he did not propose to alter the type of uniform but was going to make it easier to get into, I should feel that that was doing something to meet the difficulty, although I personally think that he should go much further. At any rate, I should like to ask him what has happened concerning those experiments.

The present Fourth Sea Lord and I are just as keen on beer as the hon. Gentleman opposite; even more so, perhaps. But that, as he well knows, is a difficult problem, because the chief difficulty is in regard to space and weight, if we are to carry enough beer for the whole of a ship's company for the whole of the time. We have supplied some ships on special duty, like the ships making the tests referred to by the hon. Member for South Ayrshire (Mr. Emrys Hughes), but the real answer is to find some good dehydrated or concentrated beer. I have sampled some of these products in the Admiralty, and they vary tremendously with the temperature in which they are stowed, and they are not at all satisfactory at the moment for general use.

With regard to the uniform, I think I can meet the hon. Gentleman in some way. Trials are now commencing in the Fleet with a new type of cap for officers and men, which is a white cap of a plastic material, and waterproof, which can be cleaned by sponging with soap and water. If these trials are successful, it may well be that that cap will replace both the blue cap and the white cap and be the only cap to be worn in the Service.

With regard to seamen's uniform, I agree with what the hon. Gentleman said, and what we are trying to do is to make some improvement which would preserve what I might call the traditional uniform of the sailor but would make it much easier to be put on and taken off. As the hon. Member said, we are experimenting with a jumper which is made in the form of a coat—we have seen it on models—with a different type of serge, and which has a zip fastener instead of—well, with a zip fastener. [ Laughter. ]

We were doing this three years ago. When shall we see some finality about this experiment and get these things into the Service?

I said "instead of," but of course, there was nothing for the zip fastener to be "instead of" in the jumper. We are going ahead as fast as we can, but to issue a new uniform for the Fleet will cost a very great deal of money. We shall want to make certain that the change will be universally welcomed.

It will never be that.

Question put, and agreed to.

Resolved,

That a sum, not exceeding £17,573,000, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the expense of victualling and clothing for the Navy, including the cost of victualling establishments at home and abroad, which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1955.

Vote 6. Scientific Services

Resolved,

That a sum, not exceeding £15,665,000, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the expense of scientific services, including a grant in aid to the National Institute of Oceanography, which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1955.

Vote 9. Naval Armaments

Resolved,

That a sum, not exceeding £31,595,000, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the expense of naval armaments, which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1955.

Vote 10. Works, Buildings and Repairs at Home and Abroad

Resolved,

That a sum, not exceeding £16,837,000, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the expense of works, buildings and repairs at home and abroad, including the cost of superintendence, purchase of sites, grants and other charges connected therewith, which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1955.

Vote 13. Non-Effective Services

Resolved,

That a sum, not exceeding £16,122,000, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the expense of non-effective services, which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1955.

Vote 15. Additional Married Quarters

Resolved,

That a sum, not exceeding £100, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the expense of certain additional married quarters at home, which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1955.

Air Estimates, 1954–55

Vote 1. Pay, &C, of the Air Force

Motion made, and Question proposed,

That a sum, not exceeding £86,350,000, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the expense of the pay, &c, of the Air Force, which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1955.

Royal Air Force

8.15 p.m.

We who are primarily interested in the air were only too pleased to give way to the Royal Navy, not only because it is a great Service but because we have learned of the revolution that is about to take place with the issue of a dehydrated beer ration and with changes in uniform. I hope that the Navy do not go too far without consulting Messrs. Players, who, I understand, have a vested interest in maintaining the uniform much as it is now.

I want to talk about skilled manpower and to stress the difficulty that the Air Ministry are facing. I want to ask two questions of the Under-Secretary of State for Air. Will he tell us whether the shortage of skilled manpower can be made good by reducing the requirement of skilled manpower? Anyone who studies the question realises that the cost of training a bomber pilot or a navigator today is far in excess of the cost of training a member of any learned profession. Could not the Service requirement of skilled manpower be limited, first by reducing the requirement for the number of aircraft to do a given task, and, secondly, by reducing the skilled manpower required per aircraft, both on the ground and in the air?

On the first point, of reducing the requirement of aircraft to do a given task, we come to the obvious question of the accuracy of bombing. It is clear that if we halved bombing errors we should reduce to a quarter the number of aircraft required for a given task. Are we doing enough research for accurate bombing? Can the Under-Secretary tell us what has been done in recent years about getting away from the old, free-falling bomb? Gravity is all very well, but we should have got further than gravity today. "On from Newton" should be our slogan. Considering the enormous expense and labour put into the manufacture of bombs it is ridiculous that the accuracy of the bombs should depend upon the force of gravity. They should be projected. Reducing the number of aircraft must affect the number of skilled men required on the ground and in the air.

Reducing the number of men per aircraft would obviously make another great saving. On the ground that would happen automatically if we reduced the number of aircraft to achieve a given task. In the air, I return to a point that I raised about 3 o'clock in the morning one day last week, but which obviously could not be dealt with then, concerning the ratio of air crew to aircraft, especially V bombers. Are we certain that the right ratio has been used? May we not be over-insured in skilled aircrew? Is it not a fact that the figure is about 1·25 aircrew to one V bomber, when it really should be more like one? I ask the Under-Secretary to consider having a really searching investigation into the calculation of skilled manpower required, both on the ground and in the air.

8.18 p.m.

I should like to start off by congratulating my hon. Friend the Under-Secretary of State for Air on the marvellous performance he put up on the last occasion these Estimates were discussed. It was a magnificent performance which won admiration and was applauded in all parts of the House.

I would add the congratulations of my hon. and right hon. Friends and myself.

I do not intend to take up much of the time of the Committee by trying to cover the whole field of this Vote, but one or two aspects struck me very forcibly during the long debates last week. One was the question of personnel. I was shocked to hear about the difficulty in finding recruits for the Royal Air Force. When I was in the Royal Air Force we had no difficulty in finding recruits. On the contrary, we had to turn them away. Is there some explanation for that? Has the personnel not been looked after so well since the war as they were during the war, compared with other branches of the fighting Services?

On the question of pay, I am glad that the situation has been dealt with. That was long overdue, and will no doubt do something to help to create content among those in the Forces and those who contemplate entering the Force. On the other hand, pay is not everything in the Royal Air Force, or in any other Service. We must consider the homes and living conditions of the people, especially the married people, in the R.A.F. There is undoubtedly a dearth of housing accommodation for married officers in the Royal Air Force. This was dealt with at considerable length in the recent debate and suggestions were put forward. I hope that the Under-Secretary will be able to tell us tonight that more homes and quarters will be provided for married officers and N.C.Os. in the Royal Air Force.

There is the burning question of the education of the children. As a result of airmen and Air Force officers having to change their stations so often they find that a great problem. Steps must be taken to deal with it, and I hope we shall hear that more will be done than has been done before. There are various grants, but so far as I can see all the opportunities for providing education for R.A.F. children have not been taken advantage of to the fullest extent.

That is one aspect of the present very large Vote for this Service. Unless there is a happy personnel in the Service there will not be a Service at all. I hope the Minister will try to improve conditions as regards personnel and that the crew situation will also be improved. That is a very serious matter at present. I also hope that officers and pilots will come in in greater numbers as the result of the gratuity which has been offered to them. It is, I think, quite a generous one.

Another aspect which rather worried me is the number of new types of aircraft introduced into the Air Force in recent years. The hon. Member mentioned quite a number but I still wonder if we are not having too few of too many types.

Whether we are or not, it does not come on this Vote.

The question of flying boats is one that I do not think comes under this Vote at all but it affects my constituency and I hope something will be said about it.

On the whole I think that the Air Force has come out of the Service estimates very well. At last it has been recognised as the first line of defence—a tribute well earned during the last war but very jealously given to them by the other branches of the Services. I think that this is the first occasion the other branches of the Services have conceded that the R.A.F. is the first line of defence.

The Navy has had its day.

Having voted this very large sum covering this very wide field in the R.A.F. today, the question now is will we be able to get the personnel required to maintain it. We can only do that by making conditions in the Royal Air Force more attractive by providing more schools for the children, more homes for the wives and families of personnel. I have no doubt that then the R.A.F. will once more lead the Services—as it did in the war—in obtaining recruits and filling up the ranks.

Were I to continue I fear I might transgress on other Votes, but before sitting down I would once more congratulate the Under-Secretary on his great performance last week.

8.25 p.m.

We usually agree on nearly all aspects of policy of the Royal Air Force, but I must disagree with one or two points made by the hon. Member for the Isle of Wight (Sir P. Macdonald). When he spoke about married quarters I was not sure whether he was referring to the position here or abroad. I spoke on this subject in the last debate, and I have had the courtesy of a letter from the Under-Secretary of State on this question of married quarters at home and overseas.

Possibly when the Under-Secretary of State wrote that letter explaining the position and the difficulty of a short term overseas for the married men, he did not realise that the Admiralty were to introduce that very measure the following day. I was very disappointed that the Air Force—which is the most progressive Service of the three—should be behind in introducing what undoubtedly will be a very fine recruiting asset for the Navy.

It is that married men in future will only be overseas for a period of 12 months. But perhaps the Under-Secretary of State is to say the same thing when he speaks later. I hope so, because again I emphasise that we expect the Royal Air Force to lead in all these improvements in the conditions of officers and men and not to tag behind the Army and the Royal Navy.

Another small point is that, in this present period when there is such a shortage of skilled personnel in the Service—particularly maintenance personnel—I believe that we might quite well make greater use of civilian resources. It is very much easier to get skilled men in mufti to do maintenance work in this country because they receive a higher rate of pay than the equivalent Air Force rank—and because they live at home; they are civilians and have the amenities of civil life.

What, however, should surely appeal to the Air Ministry and to the Under-Secretary of State more than anything else, is that they are more economical. They do not cost as much. A civilian engineer working on aircraft does not cost as much as a Service man doing the same work, indeed I am pretty certain that the Under-Secretary of State already knows that, and I think that it would help the manpower situation to investigate the possibility of using—of course in this country and not abroad—civilian manpower to maintain aircraft.

Finally, I believe that the Air Ministry and the R.A.F. are still not using colonial troops and colonial employees abroad as much as they could. They could be used to a much greater extent in the Middle East. In most places overseas where the Air Force is stationed—not in Europe, but in the East and the near East—it is possible to employ local and native labour, for unskilled work. I noticed recently in Gibraltar and Malta, where I have been during the last few months, that we still have airmen in uniform doing work which could quite easily be done by local labour. Again, it is very much cheaper to use local labour, for it saves trooping and it economises in our manpower, and that is becoming increasingly necessary.

8.30 p.m.

My objections to the Vote are more fundamental, but I want to associate myself with all that has been said about the Minister, who was so courteous and so meticulously careful in answering all our questions during the general debate. I say this because I believe I was one of his harshest critics.

In the Vote, we are asked to sanction the payment of £86,350,000 for 288,000 men and women—a substantial increase of £780,000. I suggest that the arguments which the hon. Member for Louth (Mr. Osborne) applied to the Navy Estimates—the cost to the taxpayer and the immense burden of this expenditure—can be applied again to the Air Estimates, when we appreciate that the bill will have to be paid. These enormous sums grow year after year and I see no limit to this expenditure unless the House of Commons says, definitely, that we must call a halt.

I gather that these men are needed for two purposes. One is to provide a big bombing force. I dissent completely from the idea that we must embark on finding the men and the money for this very big bomber force, especially at a time when it is generally assumed that if there should be a war and if these bombers should have to go into action, they would be on the side of the United States of America. I fail to see why this small country, facing a very dangerous and difficult economic situation, should have to embark upon this grandiose expenditure of a very large amount of our national resources, taking 280,000 of our men, when the programme will be in addition to all the bombers which presumably are gathered together in the American bombing bases.

I understand that we have to pay large sums to the skilled pilots, and my objection to the Vote is not because I grudge this money to the man who risks his life in the air. I travel to and from Scotland every week by aeroplane, and I always feel a sense of deep gratitude to the pilots and everyone else concerned who risk their lives by flying. It is not in a spirit or parsimony or of grudging ungenerosity that I look at this big pay-roll and wonder how far we are justified in agreeing to these considerable sums.

My hon. Friend the Member for Lincoln (Mr. de Freitas), formerly Under-Secretary of State for Air, said it costs more to train a skilled pilot than to train a man in any great profession in the country. That causes me to reflect, because these men are being taken away from the other industries, and their rate of remuneration is sending up the rate of remuneration for technical and mechanical people in other branches of the technical and engineering industry. I was present recently at a gathering of teachers who said, "You can get men for the R.A.F. if you give them big bounties and big gratuities. If you can do it for the R.A.F., you can do it for the teachers."

So we shall get the skilled professions and the technical people concerned with atomic energy and engaged in all these other parallel industries using this argument, with the result that it will be sending up the rate of remuneration for skilled, intelligent young people, which may have a disastrous effect on some of our big industries. I do not believe that we are justified in training these young men for the big bombing forces. I do not agree with big bombing forces.

The hon. Member may not agree with it, but that does not arise on Vote 1.

We are spending £86,350,000 on paying people who will fly in these bombers, but I do not believe this bomber force will lead to national security. The justification put forward for it is that it makes this country more secure. All I can say is that there are bombing forces in other parts of the world, and in the end we are engaging in a very big armaments race in the air which will have a crippling economic and financial effect upon this country. I reject entirely the theory that we need to spend this large sum and employ so many men in the bombing force.

The other branch of the Service is the fighter. We have been given some very interesting figures about the achievement of the fighters, and the pilots who fly in the fighters are well paid, but I suggest that the Parliamentary Secretary has not answered and cannot answer the question posed to him in the debate on the Estimates: How do these fighter pilots stop rockets? That question has not been answered, but I do not intend to embark upon the subject of rockets. This army of 288,000 men means that we are taking these skilled pilots from civil aviation and, in so far as they are taken from civil aviation, we are to that extent weakening our civil aviation. I do not believe that this item will bring us greater security. We shall have to make a halt somewhere, and so I am opposed to this Vote.

8.39 p.m.

I take it that it would be in order for me to make a speech along the lines on which my hon. Friend the Member for South Ayrshire (Mr. Emrys Hughes) has spoken. I intended to make my remarks on Vote 7 on the subject of Bomber Command, but I take it that I shall be in order if I relate my remarks to pay.

I want to discuss the pay that is allotted to the officers and men who take on this dangerous rôle in the Air Force. I should like to relate it in particular, in view of the remarks made in the debate on the Estimates, to pay and allowances of the men. I hope that I shall be in order in saying this, because there were suggestions made by certain of my hon. Friends that the activities of those men who paid with lives in many cases, in Bomber Command in the last war, were militarily valueless.

Nobody, whether they be pacifist or not, could regard the destruction that is brought by any weapons, whether they be bombs or guns, as anything but very terrible, and to be abhorred. But the fact remains that in the last war Bomber Command was carrying out operations which were for the most part related to the specific military needs of winning the war, and it is a suggestion which must be refuted that the destruction of German cities, which was a terrible thing, was the sole result of the activities of Bomber Command. I realise Mr. Deputy-Chairman that you are very patient with me.

I do not follow what this argument has to do with the Estimates for the future.

There have been a wide number of points made on other Votes, and we have had discussions about aircraft and about Vote 11.

Very good, Sir Rhys. I will continue my remarks on a later Vote.

8.42 p.m.

The question of what is, and what is not in order becomes more difficult as the hours go by. In my humble opinion, this Chamber is completely unfavourable for any detailed discussion of Air Estimates. I grow more convinced, and I say this only in passing, that the suggestion which I and my hon. Friend the Member for Lincoln (Mr. de Freitas) put forward two years ago for some kind of Standing Committee for the discussion of Service Estimates is an idea which should be developed. It might be a good thing to have a Second Reading in this Chamber but, apart from that, we could get all the information we need in a much shorter space of time and with less inconvenience to yourself, Sir Rhys, by asking questions, across a table, of the Minister or the senior officer of his Department.

I only wish to put that idea into the minds of hon. Gentlemen, and perhaps we could return to it on a later occasion.

I shall be in order if I refer to something which goes under the wretched name of civilianisation. That can be quite safely discussed under Vote 1. On 18th November last year I asked the Under-Secretary a number of questions and he was good enough to give me a number of answers. I am bound to tell him that those answers were unsatisfactory. I tried later to raise the question on the Motion for the Adjournment, of the use of uniformed Service men in positions which could be better filled by civilians.

Could the Under-Secretary now tell me what progress has been made in this matter. I gathered from the questions that I put to him at that time that there were in Air Ministry offices in the London area alone, 261 uniformed other ranks, 109 of whom were employed on clerical duties. I think it is agreed by the Services and the trade unions concerned, and by this House as well, that it is much more efficient and economical to use civilians in these clerical positions, and indeed for certain other positions too. The question of military training does not enter into the matter, nor are we faced by a constant staff turnover when civilians are so used.

There is no doubt at all that, if it can possibly be arranged, a civilian is better than a uniformed man in a clerical post. But the position is made even worse when the uniformed man is a National Service man. On the occasion to which I have referred, I was told that no fewer than 30 National Service men were employed in clerical posts within the London area. It seems wholly wrong to call up a man, possibly a clerk, give him a number of weeks "square-bashing" in a uniform and then to stick him back on to an office stool. That, surely, is a misconceived policy.

The Under-Secretary of State told me that the Air Ministry was attempting to fill those 30 posts with civilians as civilians became available. But the fact was, as I tried to point out at the time, that only a little while earlier civilians had been discharged from other offices, and, of course, under the Government's policy civilians were under the threat of dismissal from other Departments. The Ministry of Food was a case in point. It seemed to me to present no difficulty at all—if the will was there—to find suitable civilians to fill those clerical posts which at the end of last year were filled by 30 National Service men.

Will the Under-Secretary of State be good enough to let me know as soon as possible what progress has been made in filling these 30 posts now occupied by National Service men, with civilians, and also the 109 posts filled by Regular uniformed Service people?

There is a matter of particular interest to the constituency which I represent, and one upon which I am anxious to touch, but I may possibly have a little difficulty in raising it on Vote 1.

8.47 p.m.

I do not want to curtail the discussion in any way, but it might be helpful to hon. Members if I now made a few remarks on Vote 1 and thus allowed the Committee to get on to the subsequent Votes.

I cannot tell beforehand what is the point in the hon. Member's mind. If he is in any doubt himself as to whether he would be in order, perhaps he might leave it out.

I could, perhaps, get in my point on Vote 1 with a little difficulty, but I feel sure that I could do so on Vote 2 without any difficulty at all.

If I may deal very briefly with some of the points raised on Vote 1, perhaps we may get on to the other Votes and avoid the danger of getting out of order. The hon. Member for Lincoln (Mr. de Freitas) asked about reducing our requirements in order to meet our skilled manpower troubles. He also asked about the ratio of aircrew to aircraft.

With regard to reducing our aircraft requirements, I think I made it quite clear in my opening speech on the Estimates that, far from wanting to reduce our requirements, the money which we have available is little enough with which to provide the Air Force which we feel we need to meet our commitments. In order to do the best we can we have shifted the emphasis to quality rather than numbers. This is equally true of the training which we are giving our bomber crews in trying to increase the accuracy of bombing, which is very important. The hon. Gentleman will remember the phrase which the former C.-in-C., Bomber Command was fond of using, that a bomb should be a rapier and not a bludgeon. By that he meant that accuracy is very important. I can assure the hon. Gentleman that the bomber force is no larger than we need.

The question of aircrew-aircraft ratios is equally important, but it is a very complex subject. We have appointed a special internal committee, which has been studying the matter very carefully. It is closely related to the question of readiness for war. We think that our present requirements are sound, but of course we shall continue to review them from time to time and give the matter all the study that we can. We have no preconceived ideas about it, and we shall continue to keep the matter under review. The ratios differ from one command to another; there are many factors which determine the right ratio, and they are liable to change, but I can assure the hon. Gentleman that this subject is very much in our minds.

The hon. Member for the Isle of Wight (Sir P. Macdonald) raised the question of morale and the attractions which Air Force life should offer. He particularly referred to the subject of married quarters, which does not come under this Vote. I hope that we shall reach the Vote on which it does arise. I would just mention that in 1954–55 we shall start up to 2,500 married quarters for officers and men at home, and 260 abroad.

I dealt briefly with education in my winding up speech on 4th March. I referred to the legal position whereby the responsibility for educating a child rests with the authority in whose area the parents are living, and we have done our best to bring these arrangements to the notice of officers and men. In some cases the authority can recover the cost from a financial pool to which all authorities contribute. However, I am looking into the matter further to see if there is any way in which we can improve the liaison between the Services and local authorities, and I hope that we may be able to do something to help in that way.

I shall return to the question of flying boats on Vote 7, if we reach it. The hon. and gallant Member for Derby, North (Group Captain Wilcock) and the hon. Member for Uxbridge (Mr. Beswick) raised the question of civilianisation. Of course, they were perfectly right in saying that, on the whole, it is cheaper to employ civilian manpower, but there are so many other factors to be considered, apart from the question of cost. For instance, uniformed personnel are much more mobile than civilians. In addition, there are certain parts of the country where it is not very easy to get suitable civilian manpower.

Then, it is a much more flexible arrangement if Service personnel are controlled by Service personnel. Mixed control very often leads to difficulties. Then there is the other consideration that Service personnel living on the spot are available for 24 hours in a day. They are virtually liable to duty for 24 hours a day, although of course they are not always needed for 24 hours a day. The cost of employing a civilian beyond a certain time related to his normal working day increases rapidly. We must for Service reasons keep enough Service personnel in this country to meet the needs of normal trooping and emergency reinforcements overseas. We cannot send all our uniformed men overseas and employ only civilians here.

The hon. Member for Uxbridge talked particularly about Royal Air Force other ranks employed in the Air Ministry, and he returned to the argument which he put recently about the Record Office.

Not only about the Record Office. There are other Air Ministry establishments in and around London, apart from the Record Office which, I know, closed down.

I am grateful to the hon. Member. I thought he was referring to the Record Office. I understand the points he made about the 30 posts and the 109 posts. I should like to look into them, and I will let him have an answer. I can give the hon. Gentleman figures of other ranks employed in the Air Ministry. At the moment we have 147 airmen and airwomen in posts established for Service personnel because they can do the duties better, and we have 51 airmen filling civilian posts for which we have not been able to obtain civilians. They will be replaced by civilians as soon as we can find suitable ones. We also have 61 airmen employed on temporary work civilian in character. We shall also try to replace those.

The hon. Gentleman says again that he will fill those posts with civilians when he can find the necessary civilians. That is the answer he gave me last November. What steps is he taking to get the civilians? I am told there is no difficulty in getting them.

It is not an easy matter. It really is not. We can get them more easily in some parts of the country than in others.

Does the hon. Gentleman propose to make any statement about the overseas tour of duty of married officers and men? I mentioned the matter just now.

I shall try to, but I want to allow time for us to consider other Votes.

We have been able substantially to increase die use of local labour overseas instead of Royal Air Force manpower. Not only do we employ many local civilians overseas but in many areas we have created local uniformed forces, for example, in Malaya and in Malta, as the hon. and gallant Gentleman knows. We are constantly on the watch to see if we can increase the employment of local labour, but we can run into difficulties, as, for example, in the Canal Zone at present. Moreover, we have to keep a close eye on the security aspect; and the supply and quality of local labour in overseas countries is not always entirely satisfactory.

The hon. Member for South Ayrshire (Mr. Emrys Hughes) talked about bombers and fighters. I would return to that topic also on Vote 7. I think I have now dealt with as many as possible of the subjects raised on this Vote, and I hope that we may now consider Vote 2.

Question put, and agreed to.

Resolved,

That a sum, not exceeding £86,350,000, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the expense of the pay. &c., of the Air Force, which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1955.

9.0 p.m.

On a point of order. Is there no way in which the Committee can be safeguarded against this abusive procedure of an hon. Member seeking to call a Division each time you put the Question on these Votes, Sir Charles?

Nothing can be done until the second call, when the Chair can ask those voting to stand up. Nothing can be done until the two minutes has expired.

I think you will see from page 410 of Erskine May that certain steps can be taken.

If the hon. Member refers to Standing Order 34, it says:

"Mr. Speaker or the chairman may, after the lapse of two minutes, if in his opinion the Division is unnecessarily claimed, take the Vote of the House, or committee, by calling upon the Members who support, and who challenge his decision, successively to rise in their places;"

But it cannot be done until after the lapse of two minutes.

Vote 2. Reserve and Auxiliary Services

Motion made, and Question proposed,

That a sum, not exceeding £2,179,900, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the expense of the reserve and auxiliary services (to a number not exceeding 194,000, all ranks, for the Royal Air Force Reserve, and 11,300, all ranks, for the Royal Auxiliary Air Force), which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1955.

9.2 p.m.

I realise that we are up against the clock because of this Guillotine procedure, but I must put one or two points to the Under-Secretary, whose endurance we all admire. Some of us on this side are profoundly dissatisfied with the reply which the hon. Gentleman gave in the main debate about the treatment of National Service reserves. I appreciate why this position has arisen, but it is a startling fact, which all should consider, that we are now confronted with the position that 50 per cent. of the National Service reserves of the Royal Air Force will not be subject to any reserve liability or training. I am, if anything, under-estimating the position. At least half of the National Service men called up for the R.A.F. will undergo no National Service reserve training whatever.

The Under-Secretary rather pooh-poohed this position when he gave the new proposals of the Government to use some of these men for Civil Defence. He turned round to the Opposition and said, "What would you do? We do not require the men as reservists. They would not be required on the outbreak of war. Therefore, why call them up? It would be a waste of time."

If the position was that National Service men were being called up for two years for the Army, for 18 months for the Navy and for only a year for the Air Force, the under-Secretary would appreciate that that position would be altogether unjust and there should be an inquiry.

The hon. Gentleman shakes his head, but he must appreciate that the position now is that a man called up for National Service for the Army has a full period of reserve training, which distinguishes him at present from nine-tenths of the National Service men called up for the Air Force, who have no reserve training whatever, because the Royal Air Forces does not require them. Now, the Government propose to plug the gap by calling up some of these men for the Civil Defence columns, which is simply an expedient because of the outcry that 90 per cent. of the men will not be called up for reserve training. Certainly a substantial proportion of the National Service men now being called up for the Royal Air Force will not be required after two years full training to do any Reserve training at all. I say that position is quite unjust to the men called up for the Army who will be called upon to do a full period of reserved training.

That is one of the most powerful arguments contributing to our demand for an inquiry into the whole of the National Service scheme, because it is putting man against man. It is already causing, and will cause in the future, considerable feeling where one man is called up under compulsory service to do much more training and suffer greater hardship than another man. This will result according to the particular Service he may happen to be in.

Good luck to the man called up for the Royal Air Force, because more than likely the R.A.F. is not going to require him to do any service. But it is hard luck on the man called up to the Army, because he will be required year after year to do Reserve training. That happens to be nine-tenths of those called up last year, and even with the numbers in the Civil Defence column it must mean that quite a proportion of the R.A.F. National Service men will not be required for any Reserve training, and it will be regarded as uneconomical to call them up. I hope this position will be reconsidered.

9.8 p.m.

I should like to relate what I have to say to Item C, Vote 2. That item deals with the pay and the personnel of the Royal Auxiliary Air Force, and part of that Force is stationed at Renfrew where the jet Vampire is used for training purposes. The Minister will probably know by this that it is proposed to transfer the maintenance base from Renfrew to London Airport, and that means that the highly skilled manpower so essential to the R.A.F., and to which my hon. Friend the Member for Lincoln (Mr. de Freitas) referred when we began our discussions on this Vote, will be transferred to London.

I should like to know from the Minister if this means that these aircraft, which have to be maintained and served as they are being done at Renfrew, will also be transferred to London. That is a very important point from the strategic aspect. It is our belief that Renfrew can play for the Royal Air Force a similar part to that which the Clyde Estuary played for the Royal Navy during the last war. It is absolutely essential in my view—and I am not a militarist; I want to make that perfectly clear.

From the defence point of view—we have been told already tonight by the hon. Member for the Isle of Wight (Sir P. Macdonald) that the Royal Air Force is now our first-line of defence—we ought not to concentrate all our machines in an area which will be peculiarly liable to attack if war unfortunately eventuates. We ought to have a second airport. That airport ought to be Renfrew because of its position and because of its strategic advantage. So far as the Royal Air Force is concerned, I hope the Minister will be able to tell us what the future of Renfrew Airport is to be.

That does not arise on this Vote, which only deals with the personnel of the Reserve and Auxiliary Services.

If I may first answer the hon. Member for Tradeston (Mr. Rankin), I do not think he need worry that we are likely to move a Scottish auxiliary squadron to London.

Perhaps the hon. Gentleman will let me get into touch with him about the future of Renfrew, because I should like to look at that more thoroughly. Now I want to deal in as much detail as I can with the Class X reservists. The hon. Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme (Mr. Swingler) asked for figures for the various years. I propose to give them to him and I hope that I shall be able to make the picture fairly clear.

First, in 1954–55 the total strength of Class H Reserve will be about 135,000. Of those, as I said the other day, we hope to call up 17,000 for training, of whom 13,000 will be trained in the Reserve Flights and 4,000 under existing arrangements. In addition to the Class H, there is the Royal Auxiliary Air Force, the R.A.F.V.R., and Class E, but I am talking now only about Class H. It was said during the debate the other day that we were adding to the Class H Reserve at the rate of 60,000 a year. That is not so because nearly half the men allotted to the Royal Air Force for National Service sign on for Regular engagements for three or more years, and they go to Class E and not to Class H. It is only the remainder who go to Class H.

Yes, about 30,000. In 1955–56, the total strength of Class H will have dropped to about 125,000. The strength comes down because there has been a decline in the National Service intake. The number of Reservists to be trained in that year will be about 50,000, including the first phase of the Civil Defence training. In 1956–57 the total strength will have dropped once more to approximately 115,000 and the number of Class H Reservists we shall be training, in Reserve flights or elsewhere, including the 30,000 for Civil Defence, should be about 70,000. That is the figure I gave the other day.

The majority of Class H Reservists will carry out some training but not all do so in every year, so it is not quite fair to say that half the Class H Reservists will get no training at all. In fact, on the average, about two-thirds of the training liability will be carried out and few men will not train at all in any year of their Reserve Service.

On the general policy which has been criticised I must state quite plainly, and I am sure the House would want me to do so, that it is not our policy to call up every Class H Reservist for training in each of his three and a half years part-time National Service, because we do not think it is in the public interest to call up a man unless it is necessary to do so. If I may pause here to correct an impression which I may have made when the hon. Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme asked me whether I would have accepted a different length of full-time Service for each Service, and I indicated dissent, I did not mean that I would accept that. What I meant was that I did not think he was deploying the same argument. But we think that unnecessary part-time training would cause needless disturbance in the men's homes and in their employment and would cause a great deal of wasteful expenditure on pay, rations and travel.

I am the first to admit that there is some inequality in this situation, but surely the liabilities under the National Service Acts, although they are applied to everyone, as they should be, cannot in practice fall evenly on everybody. National Service men suffer varying degrees of disturbance according to their trade. A fitter or mechanic, for instance, can follow his civilian trade in the R.A.F. and he can advance himself professionally during his Service. So can a doctor. But the man whose trade has no counterpart in the Service, for example, a jockey, is at an immediate disadvantage because he cannot follow his occupation. Therefore, National Service already gives one man in the Service advantage over another according to circumstances. Then there is the element of chance. One man may do his full-time service in comfortable circumstances and another may experience great hardship and danger, for example, in Malaya. Finally, the financial effect of National Service on one man may be very different from another.

In comparison with these inequalities the fact that the R.A.F. may only train 70,000 out of 115,000 Class H Reservists has not the significance that hon. Members have given to it. Frankly, the Committee would have more reason to complain if we called up men in a vain attempt to seek equality in a field in which complete equality is not to be obtained.

Question put, and agreed to.

Resolved,

That a sum, not exceeding £2,179,900, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the expense of the reserve and auxiliary services (to a number not exceeding 194,000, all ranks, for the Royal Air Force Reserve, and 11,300, all ranks, for the Royal Auxiliary Air Force), which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1955.

Vote 7. Aircraft and Stores

Motion made, and Question proposed,

That a sum, not exceeding £199,640,000, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the expense of aircraft and stores, which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1955.

9.18 p.m.

I want to relate Subheads A and B under this Vote. I attempted earlier very briefly to meet an argument that has been evinced against the significance of a bomber force in the last war. I have not time to deal with that now, but I should like to deal with the question whether this country should have an atom bomber force at the moment.

To me, as to most hon. Members, war is an indivisible horror. It is very difficult to mitigate that horror once it comes. It seems to me that in the face of a threat of war there are two lines of action that this country can take. We can either adopt—and this is an understandable point of view, though I do not share it—a purely pacifist standpoint, or we can decide to arm ourselves to be in a position to prevent war, if possible, by the deterrent effect of these arms, or to protect ourselves if war should come. It seems to me that for hon. Members who are not prepared to adopt the pacifist standpoint but are prepared to argue that we should have Armed Forces it is the height of illogicality and irresponsibility to argue that this country should not have atom bombs.

It seems to me that this country is obliged, in a world as dangerous as this, to be as well equipped as possible, and that the argument that this country would be the one which would be most severely affected if war should break out is not an argument against that. Unless we are prepared to take the neutralist and pacifist point of view, it is nonsense not to equip our Forces with the most effective military weapons.

I should like to speak about the value that that would afford if the worst disaster should occur. However, I will merely repeat that it is not necessary to be a pacifist to detest and hate war, but if we do not take that pacifist standpoint it is essential for us to have the atom bomber force which the last Government and this Government have been engaged in building up. I believe it to be necessary for that view to be expressed in the House of Commons.

9.20 p.m.

I wish to raise one aspect of this matter, and I know that the Under-Secretary will appreciate the opportunity of saying a few words on the point.

A general impression has grown up in recent days that this country has suddenly taken a decision to build up an atomic bomber force on the basis that we have now resigned ourselves to the inevitability of the atomic war. Is it not a fact that the decision to build up a medium bomber force of four-jet-engined bombers, was taken as far back as 1946 in the ordinary course of air policy, because this country, like other countries, had just entered the jet era, and because, just as in the piston-engined era, this country, like other countries, had had piston-engined bomber forces, it was necessary, so long as we had to have this type of force, to keep it abreast of developments in science? Consequently, were not the requirements of the Air Staff for four-jet-engined bombers laid down in 1946? Is it not a fact that what we are doing today is to build up a jet bomber force based upon the change in the nature of the air age as we know it today?

I would also ask the Under-Secretary to make it clear that our policy to build up a bomber force—there is, after all, no change of policy, because we had a bomber force before the war and during the war, and the only alteration is that the aircraft are powered by a different type of engine—does not mean that we are spending these huge sums of money merely for purposes of prestige or for political reasons. Is it not a fact that so long as the danger of war exists it is essential from the point of view of the security and defence of these islands that Britain should have at her disposal a modern bomber force equipped, as it has to be, with jet bombers rather than piston-engined bombers, as in the past?

9.23 p.m.

I know that there are other hon. Members who would like to contribute to the debate, but I wish to take the opportunity now to answer the most important point raised by the right hon. and learned Member for Rowley Regis and Tipton (Mr. A. Henderson), about which much has been written in the Press and said in the House of Commons.

The right hon. and learned Gentleman is absolutely right. The Bomber Command that we know today is a perfectly natural continuation and evolution of the war-time bomber force. There is nothing new about having a bomber force; we have always had one in the Royal Air Force, and I hope we shall continue to do so. People have said that we ought to leave bombing to the United States and that we should not spend money upon an atom bomber force. I believe that they are wrong for three reasons.

The first of the three main considerations in this matter is the deterrent effect. Much has been said about that, and it is a matter of opinion how strong one thinks that the deterrent will become as a result of the addition of our contribution. Clearly, every addition helps. I have never hear it said or seen it written by the critics that we should stop making atom bombs. People say only that we should stop providing the means of delivering them effectively, which seems to me to be a curious argument.

The second consideration is that of defence. A counter-offensive is a vital, and perhaps the most important, part of the defence of the United Kingdom. Of course, by this I mean the ability to destroy the means by which the enemy could launch an attack on the United Kingdom, whether our targets happen to be airfields, rocket launching sites or submarine pens. What the critics are saying, in effect, is that we should leave part of the defence of the United Kingdom to the United States, but they select the most important part of our defences to be delegated, which seems to me a very curious argument.

Finally, there is the consideration of quality, which is the one which the right hon. and learned Gentleman was emphasising most. Of course, we are not providing a force of atom bombers merely to "keep up with the Jones's," but because we have a significant and sizeable contribution to make by virtue of the vast experience of the Royal Air Force in strategic and tactical bombing techniques, and also by virtue of the technical know-how of the British aircraft industry, which is generally agreed to be second to none.

It would be a very great pity indeed if we were not to make full use both of Royal Air Force experience and the British aircraft industry's technical knowledge. In these days, when we cannot hope for numerical superiority, the quality of our weapons may well be decisive, which is a point I have emphasised time and time again, and, therefore, the Western allies must pool all their best brains and experience.

To deal briefly with my hon. Friend's point about flying boats, because he has waited very patiently, we do know the advantages of the flying boat and its ability to operate without expensive bases, but its advantages in range and endurance have tended to disappear with the development of larger land planes. Although it still has considerable advantages in suitable areas—for example, the Indian Ocean and the African coast, where airfields are few and far between—its advantages are not all that important in the North Atlantic and Mediterranean, though they may be in the Far East.

In a future war, the main threat to our lifelines would be in the North Atlantic and Mediterranean, and, therefore, we must plainly concentrate our resources in order to meet the threat in the North Atlantic and the Mediterranean, and, if necessary, we must do so at the expense of possible commitments further afield. The bases which we need are already in existence, and the development of land planes will be cheaper than the introduction of a new flying boat in the relatively near future.

For the next few years, we shall continue with Shackletons and Neptunes in Coastal Command in the Mediterranean, supplemented by a few squadrons of Sunderlands, which will also continue in the Far East. I do not want to give the impression that we are no longer flying-boat minded. We know, perhaps better than anybody, the tremendous services which the flying boats have given to the Royal Air Force for many years. We realise, too, that the technical know-how of building flying boats lies probably more in this country than anywhere else. All I am saying now is that, at this moment, the emphasis must be on two things; first, to concentrate on the things that would be of immediate use in this part of the world on the outbreak of a war, and, second, what we can afford in addition to our vital bombers and fighters. We cannot, unfortunately, at the moment, concentrate more of our resources on flying boats.

It being half-past Nine o'clock, The CHAIRMAN proceeded, pursuant to Standing Order No. 16 (Business of Supply), to put the Question necessary to dispose of the Vote then under consideration.

Question put, and agreed to.

Resolved,

That a sum, not exceeding £57,470,100, be be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the expense of aircraft and stores, which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1955.

The Chairman then proceeded forthwith to put severally the Questions, That the total amounts outstanding in such Estimates for the Air Services for the coming financial year as have been put down on at least one previous day for consideration on an allotted day, and the total amounts of all outstanding Estimates supplementary to those of the current financial year as have been presented seven clear days, and of all outstanding Excess Votes, be granted for the Services defined in those Estimates, Supplementary Estimates and Statements of Excess:

Air Estimates, 1954–55

Question put, and agreed to.

Civil Estimates and Estimates for Revenue Departments, Supplementary Estimates, 1953–54

Question put, and agreed to.

Question put, and agreed to.

Air Supplementary Estimate, 1953–54

Question put, and agreed to.

NAVY (EXCESS), 1952–53

That a sum, not exceeding £71,556 2s. 8d., be granted to Her Majesty, to make good an excess on the grants for Navy Services for the year ended on the 31st day of March 1953.

SCHEDULE

Navy Services, 1952–53

DEFICITS

SURPLUSES

Excesses of actual over estimated gross Expenditure

Deficiencies of actual as compared with estimates Receipts

Surpluses of estimated over actual gross Expenditure

Surpluses of actual as compared with estimated Receipts

£

s.

d.

£

s.

d.

£

s.

d.

£

s.

d.

1. Pay, &c, of the Royal Navy and Royal Marines

603,498

19

2

26,667

2

6

2. Victualling and Clothing for the Navy

172,958

1

9

9,679

15

11

3. Medical Establishments and Services

22,472

9

2

23,356

9

9

4. Civilians employed on Fleet Services

45,161

13

10

8,217

19

7

5. Educational Services

5,796

3

5

75,835

5

5

6. Scientific Services

847,065

16

3

46,557

4

9

7. Royal Naval Reserves

16,711

8

4

1,485

13

0

8. Shipbuilding, Repairs, Maintenance, &c.—

Section I.—Personnel

285,609

8

1

61,866

1

8

Section II.—Matériel

192,079

3

0

854,068

16

9

Section III.—Contract Work

559,696

0

0

184,518

1

10

9. Naval Armaments

680,851

16

8

296,811

5

10

10. Works, Buildings and Repairs at Home and Abroad

40,539

18

3

62,674

7

7

11. Miscellaneous Effective Services

360,689

16

3

392,142

5

6

12. Admiralty Office

91,786

11

5

21,085

8

6

13. Non-Effective Services

300,923

17

8

87,422

2

11

14. Merchant Shipbuilding and Repair

4,171

7

9

948

18

7

15. Additional Married Quarters

6,451

8

3

Balances Irrecoverable and Claims Abandoned

16,645

18

2

2,113,081

17

7

1,125,919

12

6

2,488,016

4

9

679,429

2

8

Excess Vote

71,556

2

8

2,113,081

17

7

1,125,919

12

6

2,559,579

7

5

679,429

2

8

£3,239,001 10 1

£3,239,001 10 1

Question put, and agreed to.

To report Resolutions, and ask leave to sit again.—[ Mr. Kaberry. ]

Report to be received Tomorrow; Committee to sit again Tomorrow.

Ways and Means

Considered in Committee.

[Sir CHARLES MACANDREW in the Chair]

Resolved,

That towards making good the supply granted to Her Majesty for the service of the year ended on 31st March, 1953, the sum of £72,286 9s. 10d. be granted out of the Consolidated Fund of the United Kingdom.

Resolved,

That towards making good the Supply granted to Her Majesty for the service of the year ending on the 31st March, 1954, the sum of £77,930,103 be granted out of the Consolidated Fund of the United Kingdom.

Resolved,

That towards making good the Supply granted to Her Majesty for the service of the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1955, the sum of £1,617,769,200 be granted out of the Consolidated Fund of the United Kingdom.—[ Mr. Boyd-Carpenter. ]

To report Resolutions, and ask leave to sit again.—[ Mr. Kaberry. ]

Report to be received Tomorrow; Committee to sit again Tomorrow.

Pensions (Increase) [Money]

Resolution reported,

That, for the purposes of any Act of the present Session to amend section two of the Pensions (Increase) Act, 1944, it is expedient to authorise the payment out of moneys provided by Parliament of such increase in the expenditure which under any Act is to be defrayed out of moneys so provided as is attributable to provisions of the said Act of the present Session abolishing the limit of pension up to which increases may be made under the said section two and substituting ten per cent. of the scale of increase authorised by that section, being provisions operating from such date as may be specified therein.

Resolution agreed to.

Pensions (Increase) Bill

Considered in Committee.

[Sir CHARLES MACANDREW in the Chair]

Clause 1.—(AMENDMENT OF SECTION 2 (1) OF PENSIONS (INCREASE) ACT, 1944.)

9.35 p.m.

I beg to move, in page 1, line 15, at the end, to insert:

It arises in this way. The right hon. Gentleman will recall that the provision in Section 3 (2) of the 1944 Act is that war bonus shall be taken into account—as shall its reflected effect on the pension of a civil servant retiring at the material time—so as to prevent the full 10 per cent. increase applying where the pension has been increased in that way. As I explained on Second Reading, that is part and parcel of the general principle of this Bill, to the effect that those who retired on the 1935 scales shall get an increase of 10 per cent. in so far as—but only in so far as—they have not already had it restored in any other way.

As I have said, the 1944 Act provided, for example, that where, through war bonus, an increase has been given, to the extent that that increase has been given a pension increase given under that Bill should be diminished. We have incorporated that provision in the combined legislation which this Bill completes.

We discovered that certain reassessments of salary, with their consequential effects upon pension, effected in 1946, which we had previously thought could be treated as war bonus for the purposes of the 1944 Act, could not, in law, be so treated. It is consequently necessary to introduce this Amendment so as to secure that those reassessments of salary which were given to certain higher civil servants rather in the same way as war bonus was given further down the scale, shall be treated in the same way as war bonus.

The change is no change in the intention of the Bill. But it was clear on examination that, if this reassessment was not treated in the same way as war bonus, there would be a disparity of treatment, in that a small number of comparatively senior officials would receive an increase disproportionate to that received by their colleagues.

May I first thank the Financial Secretary for his courtesy in sending to my right hon. Friend the Member for Colne Valley (Mr. Glenvil Hall), and to myself, advance notice of his intention to move this Amendment. It gave us a little more time to consider its implications.

The Amendment will come as a bitter blow to a limited number of retired higher-grade civil servants who probably believed that they were to get some increase out of this Bill but who now find that this Amendment will bar it. I have looked at some specimen cases—chiefly, I think, in the grade of Under-Secretary and above—where, on a reading of the Bill as it stood, those retired civil servants probably expected to get an increase of 10 per cent.—amounting to £100, or £90 or £110—which this Amendment will now prevent them from getting.

I suppose that many people would feel rather envious of the retired higher grade civil servants who have a pension of £800, £900 or £1,000 per year. I spent most of my life in conflict with them—they are nearly all my beloved enemies—but I think that "fair is fair," even to retired higher-grade civil servants. We realise, of course, that this is a very narrow Bill, although I must confess that my speech on Second Reading would scarcely give that impression. It is a very narrow Bill intended to restore something which the 1944 and 1947 Acts did not restore. It is unfortunate that, in the re-examination of the tapering arrangement, this special class of civil servant was discovered to be in danger of getting something which, on a strict interpretation of the intention of Section 3 (2) of the 1944 Act, it probably should not receive.

Although the Financial Secretary has used the words "war bonus," the 1944 Act said "war bonus or other similar allowance." It was probably under the latter part of that definition that the Financial Secretary thought they would be able to rule out the substantive increases in salary given as from 1st January, 1946, in the cases which we are discussing under the Amendment. I can see his difficulty in ruling out, under the definition of "war bonus or other similar allowance," an increase in salary given on 1st January, 1946. which was neither war bonus nor a similar allowance but was in fact an outright increase in salary with no qualification at all.

To be quite fair to the Financial Secretary, I think the Amendment is inescapable in the context of the Bill. It is right to maintain equity between those who received their increase in 1946 as an outright increase of substantive pay and those lower in the scale who received a corresponding increase in the form of war bonus or consolidation addition, which falls under the axe of Section 3 (2) of the 1944 Act. In equity the Amendment is right, although one cannot help feeling sorry that it will take away from some who expected to receive benefits without giving any addition to anyone else. But if there is one thing above all others in the Civil Service, it is a passion for equity; hard or soft, right or wrong, plus or minus, equity is the thing, with a capital E. There is no doubt that this Amendment gives equity, although it would have been much happier if we could have said that, accompanying the Amendment, was some benefit for people lower down the scale.

I have studied the matter very carefully and I cannot offer any objection to the Amendment. Unhappily, it is a right Amendment in the circumstances, and I think that the Committee must approve it, although I cannot conclude without saying that we realise that this is dealing with a narrow segment of a very much wider problem. I am sure that the Financial Secretary will not wish what we do on the Bill to appear in any way to be prejudging those wider issues or of denying any possibility in the future of a reconsideration of the whole problem of superannuation in relation to changing money values.

If I refer to the inquiry which is now taking place on that and other cognate matters affecting superannuation in the Civil Service, I shall soon be in difficulties. Therefore, with great reluctance, and with a heavy heart for those who, I am sure, have need of the money, we must deprive them of any expected increase under the Bill for the sake of fairness between them and others not so fortunate, either in salary range or in the amount of pensions which they receive.

9.45 p.m.

Like my hon. Friend the Member for Sowerby (Mr. Houghton), I am grateful to the Financial Secretary for letting me know that he intended to put down this Amendment. That kind of thing is, so far as I know, unique to this particular Assembly. It is one of those small courtesies which Members of the Government extend to Members of the Opposition, and I am very grateful that the right hon. Gentleman saw fit to let us know what was in his mind, and to explain what he intended to do.

This has enabled us, as my right hon. Friend the Member for Sowerby said, to have a look at this Amendment and to see what effect it will have. I am flattered that the right hon. Gentleman paid so much attention to the brief speech which I made on Second Reading, but I was sorry that he took it and that the Amendment takes it in exactly the opposite way to that which I had intended. I should have known, having had some experience of the Treasury that if it found an anomaly it would reduce down rather than, as I had hoped, even up.

Nevertheless, as my hon. Friend the Member for Sowerby has said, we can do very little, if anything, about it, except accept what the right hon. Gentleman asks the Committee to accept with as good a grace as we can command. I should however, like from him, if he will be good enough to let us have it, an assurance that this Amendment does not touch the provisions of the 1952 Act in any way. As I read the Amendment, it does not do so, but perhaps he will give us that assurance before we pass on to the Report stage.

This, of course, is an extension of Section 3 (2) of the 1944 Act. As I understood the right hon. Gentleman's speech, the intention of the Amendment to that particular provision will only affect those who come under this Bill, namely those who in 1946 had a straight reassessment of salary rather than having to rely on what was then known as the war bonus addition to their salaries. If that is so, quite obviously very few are affected and, fortunately, those who are receive what some people would consider to be fairly substantial pensions. Nevertheless, I am sorry that even a small group, drawing fairly substantial pensions, should have to suffer because one or two of us on this side of the Committee saw fit to draw attention to what appeared to us to be an anomaly. We can, however, do nothing about it; we shall just have to accept it, as we do.

We shall have to deal at some future time with the pensions of retired civil servants who are today suffering, in spite of the Pensions (Increase) Acts which have been passed, considerable hardship, and no doubt their position will have to be looked at. Perhaps if and when we come to deal with such a new Measure—and I take it that the right hon. Gentleman will then be on this side of the House—we shall be able to do a little more for this particular section than the right hon. Gentleman and his hon. friends seek here to do now.

I can give the assurance for which the right hon. Gentleman asks that this Amendment does not touch the provisions of the 1952 Act, and does not touch the benefits conferred by any of the previous Acts. It operates only on the benefits offered by this Bill. As the right hon. Member for Colne Valley (Mr. Glenvil Hall) and his hon. Friend the Member for Sowerby (Mr. Houghton) have acknowledged, it is necessary to make quite sure that the payment as between one retired official and another is fair. I should regret it very much if any one in the class dealt with by the Amendment, and who has studied the Bill closely, had formed the impression that he was going to get an advantage for it was made quite clear in the White Paper and on Second Reading that this provision was to give a 10 per cent. increase to those who retired under the 1935 scales in so far as it had not been previously restored.

Amendment agreed to.

Clause, as amended, ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Clause 2 ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Title

I beg to move, as an Amendment to the Title, at the end, to insert:

"and for purposes connected therewith."

This Amendment is consequential upon the one which the House was good enough to adopt. It is necessary to bring that new provision within the Title of the Bill.

Amendment agreed to.

Bill reported, with Amendments [Title amended]; as amended, considered; read the Third time, and passed.

Development of Inventions Bill

Lords Amendment considered.

Clause 3.—(MINOR AMENDMENTS OF PRINCIPAL ACT.)

Lords Amendment: In page 2, line 44, at end, insert:

"(3) The persons qualified to be appointed under subsection (3) of section ten of the principal Act as auditors of the accounts of the Corporation shall include members of any body of accountants established in the United Kingdom and for the time being recognised for the purposes of paragraph (a) of subsection (1) of section one hundred and sixty-one of the Companies Act, 1948, by the Board of Trade."

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House doth agree with the Lords in the said Amendment."—[ Mr. Molson. ]

May we have from the Parliamentary Secretary, even if only briefly, some explanation of this Amendment?

9.52 p.m.

The Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Transport and Civil Aviation
(Mr. Hugh Molson)

As the right hon. Gentleman knows, there are a number of different learned societies which provide auditors. The matter has been considered by the Board of Trade, and, as this Amendment indicates, there are certain of these bodies which are recognised for the purposes of paragraph (a) of Section 161 (1) of the Companies Act, and it is common form that all members of these various bodies should be accepted for this purpose.

Question put, and agreed to.

National Service (Deferments)

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House do now adjourn."—[ Mr. Kaberry. ]

9.53 p.m.

The subject matter which I intend raising now follows on the Service Estimates today, because the question of National Service and deferments generally has loomed very large in these debates. I raise this matter because I feel, in common with a great many other people, that the boys of 18 among the poorer sections of the community have neither the influence through their families nor the means to enter trades or professions, and that this results in their going into less worth-while jobs where there is no prospect of deferment. In addition, there are those who may not be going into trades or professions, but who could, because of their family associations, enter a firm where there were prospects of a career in industry or commerce, but who are unable to take advantage of that opportunity because they, like other boys, are not eligible for deferment.

There is much dissatisfaction among parents whose boys are called up at 18 when they see around them other boys not only getting deferment but doing no service at all. The figures which have been given to me by the Minister from time to time in answer to Questions which I have addressed to him disclose quite clearly that far too many boys are given deferment and in the end do not serve at all.

During the five years 1948–53, 830,735 boys were called up for National Service and in those same five years 525,000 boys were granted deferment. I also got from the Minister the number of those who during the same period were called up after being deferred. I know that a person who is deferred this year will probably not be eligible for call-up for several years, and, if we take the figures for the five years in which National Service has been in force, we find that the largest number of exemptions have been granted to apprentices and boys attending technical colleges. In the ordinary way they are usually called up for service when they reach the age of 21.

Of the 525,000 who were given deferment in the same five years, only 239,000 were eventually called up, which means that over half of them did not serve at all. That is a serious matter. I have received many letters of complaint on the subject, as, of course, have many other hon. Members. Only last week, in answer to a Question by me, the Minister quite sincerely and candidly admitted that what I said was correct. He said that he was quite aware of what I had pointed out, that boys of between 24 and 25 who were in their last year at colleges and universities were being offered, and in many cases were taking up, appointments in Canada and elsewhere, thereby escaping their National Service. Naturally, the parents of other boys who have been called up for National Service are upset about it, and I think that in all fairness we also ought to be upset about it. It is not fair that National Service should be applied only to some and not to all. That is fundamentally wrong.

It being Ten o'clock, the Motion for the adjournment of the House lapsed, without Question put.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House do now adjourn."—[ Mr. Kaberry. ]

I know that it is said, in justification of these deferments, that there are factors which make it necessary to defer certain categories. I have obtained some figures from the report of the Ministry of Labour which covers a period of five years, including the first half of 1953. During those five years the total of apprentices, pupils and others training for professional vocations, including university students and boys at school, who were deferred amounted to 197,300. This figure included a figure for last year of 12,100 students at universities and technical colleges.

The reason generally advanced in justification of these deferments is that the parents have made great sacrifices for these boys to be trained, and that it is desirable that our young people who have the necessary capacity to be trained for the professions and the crafts should be given the opportunity to be so trained. It is asserted that great sacrifices are made by the parents of these young people. As I have already said, even after deferment only about half of them are called upon to do their National Service.

I suggest, however, that the financial sacrifice is not quite as great as is generally thought. Nowadays when anyone goes to a university, no matter from what walk of life he comes, his family does not have to make the full financial provision. It is not generally known that 65·5 per cent. of the total cost at the universities is met by Government grant, and in addition 4· per cent. is contributed by local authorities. This means that the State in one form or another meets 70 per cent. of the cost at our universities. The sacrifices made by the students and their parents—and I know many of them—are not as great as some people think. Cambridge University has over 49 per cent. of its cost met by local government grant, and Oxford University gets 56 per cent. The average cost in other universities is about 70 per cent.

What concerns me about the call-up is that young men in agriculture and mining are reserved, as are those, to a limited degree, in the professions, while other boys are taken, while, for instance, no provision is made for exemption of boys who may have an opportunity of a commercial career. There is nothing such a boy can do about being called up. They are only boys at 18, and they are called up if their means do not permit them to enter one of the professions or crafts which enables them to get out of National Service.

Many of those who are exempted escape National Service because the Ministry do not watch carefully enough an individual's escape from the net. I have received letters on the subject, and only today I have had one from someone in Preston who knew that I was raising this matter tonight. This letter states that some people who have been given exemption for being in agriculture are going round delivering milk. A letter from Huddersfield tells me that even apprentices in certain firms have been allowed to stay at their work.

How do the "speed merchants," the professional motor drivers, escape? An hon. Member was asking a Question about this matter the other week. He mentioned the name of one person. I am not certain about it, but I seem to recollect that some inquiry was being made about another, Mr. Stirling Moss, I think. Another case mentioned was that of Mr. M. Hawthorn. Apparently he had not done his service. How many footballers and cricketers escape?

I know that the hon. Gentleman who is to answer this debate has no responsibility for the fact that someone in the Forces may be allowed time to play in a Test match, while another poor boy has to go to Korea or Egypt, or somewhere like that. However, these things want looking at. Only half an hour or so ago we were discussing how it was that boys in the Royal Air Force could escape their Reserve training after two years in the Service.

One of the things that worries me is that boys of 18 are eligible to go to Kenya, or to some such place, and that many have gone and some have lost their lives, while other lads at colleges are permitted to stay there. Quite a lot manage to get into low medical categories and escape that way, and many people think that there is some arrangement that is not straightforward about that.

An unanswerable point was put to me by a nephew of mine who had been serving out East. When he came back he said something to me that I could not dispute. He drew the complete picture of the unfairness of the whole thing. My nephew said to me: s "I have just come back from Hong Kong. My brother"—who had served his two years beforehand—"and I are now reservists. If there is an emergency, he and I and the other boys who are trained will be in the front line, and the boys who are exempted for various reasons will be behind us and will still have to be trained. And so they get it both ways." I think that that is wrong.

My own party were as much to blame when we were in office. The age should have been fixed long ago, not at 18, but at 21. One is well aware of the tragedy of the boys between the ages of 15 and 18, to whom one Member referred some time ago as "dead-end kids," because no employer will have them because of their liability to National Service if they are still with him when they become 18. This is an aspect of the problem which must be catered for.

For all these reasons, something more must be done. We have got to avoid the tragedy of the boy at the age of 18. We must see that the youth of the country are not discriminated against. Those whose families cannot afford to give them the opportunities by which they get deferment have no more right to serve than the others. If it is National Service, it should be real National Service and everybody should take his call-up. If there are to be exemptions, I repeat, as I said in the House some months ago, that those who are exempted should at least be in the Territorial Army and do their share as much as the others.

10.12 p.m.

The House will be grateful to the hon. Member for Kirkdale (Mr. Keenan) for raising this matter. The real trouble is that we are playing about in this country with something which runs contrary to our idea of how a democracy ought to work in peace-time. Compulsory National Service for military purposes in times of peace is inevitably repugnant to the conscience of the people of this country. If it is thrust upon us by circumstances that are beyond our control, we must make the best of a very bad job. Because that is the attitude of mind of the people, we find ourselves in this constant state of disquiet, in which we are comparing one person with another, and in the danger, into which the hon. Member has fallen, of comparing one class with another.

It is inevitably true that in operating a system of universal compulsory conscription in time of peace, we must at the same time as we take care of the military aspect of the matter, look after the social, commercial and industrial repsonsibilities that have to be cared for by a nation such as ours, facing problems such as face this nation at the present time. And so, in a system of call-up, there are bound to be both deferments and exemptions, and the moment one embarks upon a system of selectivity of any kind and for any purpose, of treating one man differently from another, one begins to get into trouble and deep water. If this brief debate can draw from my hon. Friend the Minister assurances that will allay what is undoubtedly a prevalent state of disquiet of mind in the country about how National Service is operating as a whole, the debate will have been a good thing.

The hon. Member for Kirkdale referred to the fact that some little while ago I drew the attention of the Minister and of the House to the position, in relation to National Service, of a gentleman named Mr. Mike Hawthorn. I take this opportunity, which I have not had before, of paying my tribute to the skill of Mr. Mike Hawthorn as a racing motorist, and to the qualities, courage, daring and enterprise which he has shown in the discharge of his job as a racing motorist.

I raised the matter, not because I wished to embark upon a campaign of any kind against any one of my fellow men, but because I am concerned that the system of National Service shall not only operate fairly as between one man and another, but it shall be seen beyond doubt or dispute that it is acting fairly. Where a prominent man is concerned it is for him to accept and discharge his responsibilities and liabilities with greater care and precision than applies to any other member of the community.

It was for that reason that I drew the attention of my hon. Friend the Parliamentary Secretary to the circumstances surrounding the call-up of Mr. Mike Hawthorn. I very much hope that my hon. Friend will be able to assure us that the proper machinery, whatever that may be, is applied to Mike Hawthorn as it is applied to John Smith and Bill Brown anywhere in this land.

I want to draw the attention of my hon. Friend to another aspect of this matter. It has been brought to my notice that it is possible for citizens from Eire to come to this country and take industrial occupations of one kind or another here. There is a feeling of disquiet, certainly in the city which is so ably served by the hon. Member for Kirkdale, and served with becoming modesty by me, and where we have a very close acquaintance with the citizens of Eire, that some of them may, by various devices, be escaping their liabilities under the National Service Acts.

Here is another running sore which affects the public's acceptance of the fairness with which these Acts operate. I am quite sure that, although the language used by the hon. Member was extravagant to some extent—and coming from me that means that it was very extravagant—what he really wants is an assurance that the Minister, his Department and this House as a whole are concerned to see that the National Service Acts operate fairly as between one man and another. If we can have that assurance, the debate will have served a very useful purpose.

10.18 p.m.

The Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Labour and National Service
(Mr. Harold Watkinson)

I must begin by pointing out that, as my hon. Friend the Member for Walton (Mr. K. Thompson) has said, the hon. Member for Kirkdale (Mr. Keenan) has made some rather extravagant statements. We must get the facts right, and so I must do his arithmetic for him. I am not suggesting that he cannot add up, but he has left some very important facts out of his argument.

The hon. Member was quite right when he said that in the five years from 1948 to 1952 525,000 men were granted deferment. He was equally right when he said that only 239,000 were called up on expiry of deferment. But there is one very big factor which he left out of his calculation altogether, and that is the men who are granted deferment by reason of their calling, such as coalminers, agricultural workers, Merchant Navy seamen and so on.

Perhaps I may continue with my argument, and I will answer the hon. Gentleman. There are approximately 150,000 over that period, so that to get the figures right we have to take 150,000 off. The total deferments in the field of call up—because the professions and callings I have mentioned are outside the field so long as the men stay in them—reduces the number to 375,000. We have got to take off that another 75,000 who would be unfit for service and did not pass the medical call-up. That leaves a field of 300,000 men against—

I am sorry, but I have not got any time to give way, I must make my case.

This leaves a field of say 300,000 men against the 239,000 men quoted by the hon. Member. So perhaps I may now explain why this difference of 61,000 exists. It exists because the number of deferments granted annually increased largely over the period. I am sure that none of us will disagree with that, because I shall show that they were all deferments for good reasons. And, of course, the men are called up on expiry of deferment and the numbers vary from year to year, so one can never produce an exact answer.

It is incorrect to draw the assumption which the hon. Gentleman has done, that a large number of boys are escaping call-up. It just is not true, and it is unfair to say that because it suggests to those boys who are anxious to serve, and to their parents who are willing to help them do their service, that in some way they are being unfairly treated. It is not true and I hope that my figures will show that.

Now I shall deal as quickly as I can with some of the other points made by the hon. Gentleman. First, on the question of the universality of the call-up: again it is untrue to say that the walk of life, or the father's job, or the amount of money of the parents has anything to do with how a boy is treated by my Ministry. As far as we are concerned everybody who is subject to the call-up is subject to it without fear or favour. This is the first time that my Ministry has ever been accused, by implication, of showing partiality in this unpleasant but necessary job. I challenge anybody to prove that my Ministry does not try to do this job as fairly as it can. My officials have never been accused before, and I hope will not be accused again, of showing any partiality in this matter, because we do not treat anybody differently from anybody else, nor should we do so.

Then there is the question of whether people escape by going abroad. In answering a question from the hon. Gentleman, my right hon. and learned Friend said:

While I am not saying that there are not one or two people, like Mike Hawthorn, who stay out of the country and thus at least for a time evade their National Service, I assure the House that if they return at any moment they will certainly be called up. We keep a careful watch to see that they are called up if they return. On the whole, the numbers are insignificant. We do what we can to keep a careful check on those people. I prefer not to talk about individuals in this House but, as this boy has been mentioned, I hope he will do what I understand he says he proposes to do, that is to return to this country and serve his National Service as he should. I can assure the House that if he returns we shall be delighted to call him up very rapidly indeed.

There are one or two other matters which perhaps I can raise on the more general issues. There is the problem of the apprentice. I am sure the hon. Gentleman does not mean that it is wrong that National Service should not be dovetailed in as carefully as we can to the training of a boy for his future career.

What I said was that it was limited and that the boys outside those fields, who cannot go into a professional establishment, do not get this opportunity.

I agree, and I have sympathy with that point of view. It is difficult where there is no recognised scheme of apprenticeship or something which will enable us to apply a fair test. I can only say that we are always trying to encourage industries where at present there is no deferment for training or for an educational qualification, to acquire a status which will enable us to grant it to them. If any industry has an apprentice or training scheme which they think could qualify for deferment during the training period, I shall be glad to hear about it.

I want to make it plain that these deferments are only for the period of training and are not permanent deferment, and that as soon as a boy has finished his training we call him up. But if there is any industry that feels that it would like to acquire that status, my officials will always be only too pleased to examine the industry and see whether we can manage that, though we must be careful that by that means we do not open a backdoor through which people may escape.

The retail distributive trades, for example, are a problem because, generally, they have no such formal scheme of training, but if one is put to us we will try to bring it into effect. Some boys in certain trades have a five years' apprenticeship and some of them in certain key industries concerned with re-armament, primarily engineering, can have a further two years. At the end of that time we make sure that they are called up. They are not granted that extra time if that would bring them beyond the age at which they can be called up.

In medical training, for example, the system is adjusted to ensure that men do not escape. We do take the utmost care to see that National Service rests on the justifiable belief of the vast majority of the people of this country that it is fair and equal and does not offer an opportunity for anyone to escape.

The hon. Member for Kirkdale (Mr. Keenan) suggested that some of the people were placed in a low medical category and that there was something suspicious about that.

I am glad that my hon. Friend has raised that point which I was going to mention before I finished.

As I said, National Service rests upon the belief that it is fair and in my view, after two years' experience of it with the Ministry, it works in that way.

Another point made by the hon. Member for Kirkdale was that there was a means of escape through medical examination. That is rather a change for me, because I am usually accused of calling up people who are medically unfit. I am not accused of grading them down so that they escape. I am glad, therefore, that this redresses the balance a little. If the hon. Member likes to get in touch with me I will show him the very lengthy procedure and the enormous amount of care involved to make sure that a boy who has tried to avoid military service by producing certain symptoms cannot escape. He sees a panel of doctors, not one, and has to go through a wide range of X-ray and other examinations.

I have seen many medical boards at work. The boy concerned will be very clever indeed if he pulls the wool over the eyes of any medical board. The facts do not prove that that happens at all. The view of the House has been, that, if anything, we were being too strict with the medical side of the call-up and that, if we were running a risk at all, we were running the risk of calling up boys who were not fit rather than running the risk of allowing the fit to escape.

One cannot state too often the facts about something which affects so many young men and their lives, and, as the right hon. Member for Kirkdale so rightly says, may well run them into some risk to life or limb in some overseas theatre of war. I say again, therefore, that the hon. Member's points have not been proved. There are not a large number of people escaping the call-up. There are not escapes through any channel like medical examination or education. The numbers who escape their just obligation by going abroad are very small and I hope that they will come back to do their service in due time. On the whole, it is fair to say that the system is working well and fairly and the administration of it is as impartial and fair as the tradition of the British Civil Service has always been.

Question put, and agreed to.

Adjourned accordingly at Twenty-Nine Minutes past Ten O'Clock.