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Commons Chamber

Volume 525: debated on Thursday 18 March 1954

House of Commons

Thursday, March 18, 1954

The House met at Half past Two o'clock

Prayers

[Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair ]

Private Business

Crewe Corporation Bill

Read the Third time, and passed.

BEDFORDSHIRE COUNTY COUNCIL (SUPERANNUATION) BILL (By Order)

Second Reading deferred till Thursday next.

Oral Answers to Questions

Ministry of Health

Cancer Cases (Registration)

asked the Minister of Health what progress has been made in ensuring the complete registration of all cases of cancer.

Effective registration of new cases in hospitals in England and Wales, which were 23,239 in 1945, 40,333 in 1947 and 49,110 in 1948, are expected to be about 58,000 for 1953. This last figure is estimated to be about half the total probable number of new cases of cancer in 1953 in England and Wales. I have recently issued a circular encouraging hospitals to make still greater efforts to achieve the registration of all cases, and I have asked for progress reports by 30th June.

While thanking the Minister for that information, in view of the need to have complete records of the incidence of cancer in order to deal with it better, may I ask the Minister to state whether it is now being done on a voluntary basis or whether it is compulsory for the hospitals to keep these records? If it is on a voluntary basis, why is that?

It is still being done on a voluntary basis. I have recently been advised by my Standing Advisory Committee that, for a variety of very complicated reasons, it is best that it should continue on a voluntary basis.

Regional Boards (Capital Allocations)

asked the Minister of Health what sums have been allocated to the West Cornwall Hospital Management Committee in the current financial year for capital and maintenance, respectively; and what are the allocations for the financial year 1954–55.

These are matters for regional boards and no specific allocation is made by me to management committees. I am, however, informed that during the current financial year £13,127 has been spent on capital works at hospitals in the group and that the estimated cost of works to be undertaken during 1954–55 is £12,000. I understand also that the maintenance allocation for the current financial year made by the board to the committee, including supplementary allocations so far, is £879,676; and that the allocation for 1954–55, which takes account of exceptional expenditure in the current year that will relieve the cost falling to be met next year, is £869,676, with the possibility of a further sum to meet increased maintenance costs resulting from the new Camborne outpatients department.

Will the Minister bear in mind that the amount allocated for capital expenditure is a very small percentage of that allocated for maintenance? As many of these hospitals are old buildings which need a good deal of improvement, will he ask the regional board to see that a greater allocation is made for capital expenditure, possibly by a Supplementary Estimate this year and an increased Estimate next year?

The capital sum is, of course, small in relation to the maintenance sum, but this management committee has had a very fair share of the capital sums available.

Can my right hon. Friend give me an assurance that the West Cornwall Hospital Management Committee is getting a fair share of the allocation in this connection?

Yes, indeed. I have looked at the figures since 1948. The Committee has had one-sixth of the total allocation for capital sums for the whole of the region and, as there are 37 groups in the region, the committee has done six times as well as the average.

asked the Minister of Health whether, in view of the improvement works which are required at Dryburn Hospital, Durham, and at the General Hospital, Chester-le-Street, he will increase the capital allocation to the Newcastle Regional Hospital Board to enable such improvements to be carried out in the near future.

asked the Minister of Health if he will increase the capital allocation to the Newcastle Regional Hospital Board to enable the necessary work at Dryburn Hospital, Durham, and Chester-le-Street General Hospital, of which he has been made aware, to be commenced and completed.

Allocations for 1954–55 have already been made, and I cannot increase this board's share. It is for the board to decide the relative priority of these and other schemes in the region.

Is the Minister aware that among the improvements required at Chester-le-Street General Hospital is a lift for the surgical wards, and that an out-patients' department is badly needed as well as an extension to the X-ray department, all of which are necessary for the efficiency of the hospital service? Will he do all he possibly can to increase the capital allocation and urge upon the Newcastle Regional Hospital Board that that capital allocation is devoted to carrying out these improvements?

I take note of what the hon. Member says. As he knows, I am aware of the difficulties at Chester-le-Street. I am certain that the regional board will see this Question and answer, but I must insist that it is for the board to decide on allocations and priorities within its region.

Is the Minister aware that my hon. Friend the Member for Chester-le-Street (Mr. Bartley) and myself have visited this hospital. Whilst reinforcing what my hon. Friend has said, may I ask whether the Minister is aware that many of the wards, especially at Dryburn Hospital, are still using old-fashioned slow combustion stoves, that they are not giving satisfactory heat and have to be refuelled at all times of the day and night when patients are supposed to be sleeping? Is not this a shocking state of affairs? Will the right hon. Gentleman reconsider his decision and grant capital so that the hospital board can get on with improvements?

I am aware of the points which have been made. In addition to visiting the hospital, the hon. Members visited me, and so I have personal knowledge of the matter. However, I must insist as a matter of principle that regional boards shall judge as between priorities in their regions.

I fully support the case made by hon. Members opposite. Why should this region have a lower capital allocation? Will my right hon. Friend receive a deputation from the hospital board to discuss this matter? It is intolerable that we should have less than other people.

There is a Question on the Order Paper on the subject of the first part of my hon. Friend's supplementary question, but, as to a deputation from the hospital board, I have not been notified of the board's desire to see me. If the board want it, I will meet its members.

asked the Minister of Health whether he will make a special capital allocation to regional hospital boards to meet major expenditure upon the modernisation of heating, sanitation and laundry arrangements in order to secure economies in running expenses.

Revenue-saving projects are already among those to which regional boards have been asked to give priority. I am, however, already reviewing the possibility of some special allocation in the future.

Whilst appreciating that answer, may I ask if the right hon. Gentleman realises that the Public Accounts Committee has recommended that some special allocation should be made for this specific objective and that there are many schemes which could be a real saving to hospitals in all parts of the country?

I agree fully, but there are two difficulties. First, if one starts allocating centrally for this purpose it takes away the authority of the regional boards. Secondly, if it were known that there was a special allocation there might be a temptation to regional boards to spend less from within their ordinary amount on these important projects, but, as I indicated, I am looking at the matter.

Since throughout the country we are still operating so much with emergency hospitals set up during the war, does the right hon. Gentleman not think it time that new projects should be introduced, and especially county hospitals? For example, we have had under consideration for a long time building a new hospital in Durham. When shall we get on with that project?

I want to see hospitals built as soon as we can. It is 15 years since one was built in this country, but it is something of a start that one is being built this year.

asked the Minister of Health whether, in view of the disadvantageous capital allocations made to the Newcastle Regional Hospital Board compared with other regions, he will state the basis on which such allocations are made.

I would refer my hon. Friend to the answer I gave to her supplementary question on 11th March.

As my right hon. Friend agrees that we have a less capital allocation than other regions, what does he propose to do about it?

I am afraid I do not agree. It is perfectly reasonable to say, if my hon. Friends wants to, that the amount allocated is not enough, but it cannot be said that Newcastle suffers in relation to other regions. As I explained last week, 95 per cent, is on a population basis and Newcastle gains further from the proportion of 5 per cent, for special needs.

Then the regional hospital board is not making a proper statement and my right hon. Friend is denying what his own regional board has announced?

I am certain there is no dispute between the board and myself on how capital investment is allocated—95 per cent, on the basis of population and 5 per cent, on special needs—which results in Newcastle getting substantially more, about £50,000 more, than it would get on the ordinary allocation.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that 5 per cent. for special needs is not nearly sufficient for this area, which is one of the worst areas in the country for hospital accommodation? Is he aware that the regional board, all the local authorities in the area and the population generally, are grossly dissatisfied with this very small special allocation? Will he look into it?

I am not saying that the regional board of this area or any other is satisfied with the allocation. All I am saying, which indeed is true, is that it is not right to say that the capital allocation is disadvantageous in comparison with other regions.

Is not the real problem that no hospital board is satisfied with its allocation and should not the right hon. Gentleman go to the Treasury for a bigger one?

Broadmoor Hospital

asked the Minister of Health what are the plans to enlarge Broadmoor Hospital; and whether they include additional staff houses.

There are no present proposals for increasing the number of places for patients. It is hoped to start building 12 staff cottages at an early date.

When considering this matter, will my right hon. Friend consider whether the solution is, not an enlargement, but an additional hospital?

Hospitals (Unstaffed Beds)

asked the Minister of Health the estimated deficit in hospital personnel and beds throughout the country.

Estimates of this kind are so largely speculative, and would vary so much from area to area, that I am not prepared to put any forward.

Can my right hon. Friend give any idea of the speed with which he hopes to overcome the difficulties that now confront him?

asked the Minister of Health how many patients in Birmingham are awaiting hospital treatment; and how many beds are not available owing to lack of staff.

I am obtaining the latest available information and will write to the hon. Member.

Will the right hon. Gentleman consider some of the objections which doctors are raising about the danger of reducing the waiting lists by turning patients out before they have really had sufficient treatment? Will he watch that in considering this matter?

Yes, I will watch that—I am not absolutely certain to what the hon. Member refers. There has been a great deal of work going on in that region on the question of the turnover of hospital patients. Perhaps the case of the hon. Member is that that has gone on too fast. If so, and if he has any evidence, I shall be glad if he will draw my attention to it.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that in Birmingham an isolation hospital has recently been turned over to use as a general hospital and that some of the wards are empty because of lack of staff, whereas the waiting patients would soon fill it up if only staff could be found?

Hearing Aids

asked the Minister of Health if he is aware of the lack of repair facilities for Medresco hearing-aid users in Durham, and that the people who are in need of such a repair service have to travel to Newcastle, which means a journey of two hours there and back; and if he will take steps to have such a repair service established in Durham.

I am informed that Durham patients can take their aids to the County Hospital, and the hospital will send them to Sunderland for repair and return.

Is the Minister aware of the great inconvenience to people using this hearing aid if they cannot have the repair work done within a reasonable time, and does he not think that a repair service can be established in Durham?

The regional board is looking at the possibility of an extra repair centre in Durham, at South Shields and also at Bishop Auckland, and as the Sunderland waiting list has virtually disappeared, the position should be a great deal easier.

asked the Minister of Health how many hearing aids were fitted at the Truro clinic during 1953.

Will the right hon. Gentleman bear in mind that it is 70 miles from the western end of my constituency to Plymouth and that there is a good deal of unrest at people having to go so far to get their hearing aids, and at such cost in travelling? Now that the shortage of supply of hearing aids is being rapidly overtaken, cannot the right hon. Gentleman arrange for all cases to be dealt with at Truro?

I think that this problem will clear itself, because Truro is a sub-centre of Plymouth and, as the hon. Members knows, Plymouth is up to date. The management committee has been asked whether it can provide accommodation at Truro for more frequent fitting sessions now that the technicians can spare more time away from Plymouth. I will watch the position, but I think that it will clear itself.

Ear, Nose and Throat Operations

asked the Minister of Health the number of adults and children seen by the hospital consultant at Ashton-under-Lyne General Hospital who are now awaiting treatment for tonsils and adenoids; and how this number compares with 3rd December, 1953.

Is not the Minister aware that there is tremendous concern in this area, and that in August, 1953, I was given an assurance by his Parliamentary Secretary that something substantial would be done, that on 3rd December I again raised the matter and was given some encouraging information, but that it does not seem from the figures which the right hon. Gentleman has now given that he is making any progress whatsoever?

We are making a little progress in regard to the children's waiting list and the adults' waiting list has been reduced by one-third. That is something. However, the waiting list is not always a good guide in this case because the hospitals rightly concentrate on admitting clinically urgent cases which may or may not be on the waiting list.

Has the Minister any evidence that he is progressing even with the serious cases as rapidly as he would like?

I did not say as rapidly as I should like, but the figures show some improvement.

asked the Minister of Health whether he is aware of the concern felt by members of the Divisional Executive No. 24, Lancashire Education Committee, and by the divisional health authorities, that since mid-December last, the hospital board have not invited any cases from the waiting lists at the divisional clinics to be seen by their ear, nose and throat consultant; and what steps he proposes to take to effect improvement.

I am informed that since 3rd December six children from the school clinic waiting list have been examined and that since the beginning of the year 30 out of the 100 ear, nose and throat operations at the Ashton-under-Lyne General Hospital have been on patients from the school clinics. An additional out-patient session and an additional operating session have been functioning at the hospital for about a month, and an additional senior house officer began work there this week.

Will not the Minister agree that this discloses a most distressing state of affairs in that area, namely, that only six, or a dozen children at most, have been treated since the middle of December, when to my knowledge there is a waiting list of nearly 300? What will he do about it? Will he not take special steps in the matter?

I do not think that the hon. Gentleman heard the last part of my answer. I said that an additional outpatient session and an additional operating session have been functioning at the hospital for about a month, and that an additional senior house officer began work there this week.

asked the Minister of Health in what circumstances children needing operative treatment for adenoids and tonsils at the Ashton-under-Lyne General Hospital may be given priority treatment on payment of a £10 private fee; how many children have been so treated since 3rd December; and what additional waiting period has consequently been imposed upon children whose parents are unable to pay such a high fee.

Perhaps this answer will satisfy the hon. Member. Private beds are available in this hospital for any patient who wishes to be treated privately on the same basis as in other hospitals. I am informed that one child had had this operation privately since 3rd December, but the effect on the waiting period of other patients is, of course, negligible.

Is the Minister aware that the chairman of an important committee connected with the health of children has disclosed that in one serious case the parents had to undertake responsibility of a £10 fee before the doctor could authorise this operation? Is he further aware that, as a result of the publicity given to this matter, I have had a letter from a man in Stoke-on-Trent who says that he was forced to pay over £35 in order to have this serious condition dealt with in his child? Is it not time that the right hon. Gentleman dealt with this matter as one of great urgency and importance to the health of our children?

Unless the hon. Gentleman wants to challenge my figures—in which case he should produce his own—the fact that one operation has taken place privately since 3rd December cannot have had any effect on the waiting list.

Since I have given the Minister two cases, I think that I have proved my case as well as he has proved his.

Is the Minister aware that this is happening not only in Ashton-under-Lyne but also in some of our great cities, and that in Birmingham there have been a number of cases where children have had to wait 12 months or more? As this must be detrimental to their health, will the right hon. Gentleman look into this matter?

I am aware that there are substantial waiting lists in many cities, but it is also fair to say that these are the most unreal of all waiting lists.

21 and 22.

asked the Minister of Health (1) the average period for children who are awaiting admission to Manchester hospitals for ear, nose and throat operations;

(2) how many children are awaiting admission to Manchester hospitals for ear, nose and throat operations.

Will the Minister be good enough to inform us whether there has been an improvement in the position? Is he aware that the allegations made by my hon. Friend the Member for Droylsden (Mr. W. R. Williams) about the apprehensions felt about the effect of paid for operations also apply to Manchester? I hope that he will give some information on that subject to support or refute these contentions.

I will try to do so as soon as all the information is in from the hospitals.

Health Service (Estimates)

asked the Minister of Health what proportion of the additional £17 million to be provided for the National Health Service is to be devoted to the hospital service.

asked the Minister of Health what proportion of the additional £17 million to be provided for the National Health Service is to be devoted to the Principality of Wales.

I would ask the hon. Members to await publication of the Estimates, expected later this month.

asked the Minister of Health how much of the additional £17 million to be provided for the National Health Service will foe for the purpose of increasing the payments to consultants.

I do not think it would be right for me to make any statement on this point while negotiations are still in progress.

Queen Hotel, Harrogate

asked the Minister of Health if the Leeds Regional Hospital Board have yet found any use for the 52 empty rooms of the Queen Hotel, Harrogate, which were empty last May; and how many of these rooms have been empty for two or more years.

Of a total of 189 usable rooms, 30, including 19 in the attics, are not yet in use. About this number have been empty for two years or more. The empty rooms are allocated to the preliminary nurse training school, which is to receive students from an additional hospital next month.

If some of these rooms, which have now been empty for nearly three years, are not used by the regional hospital board, would my right hon. Friend see that his regional office finds some use for them, or that they are passed over to some other Government Department so that they can be used?

I am not satisfied about the question of the occupancy of this place, although it has considerably improved, but the board tells me that it hopes to fill all the rooms as from the course after next in view of the additional intake.

Will the Minister tell us the reason for the delay, which is rather distressing? Is he aware that his hon. and gallant Friend used to go for me on this about three years ago and it seems strange that it has not been possible to find nurses even yet?

I disclaim all responsibility for taking this hotel as the regional hospital board headquarters. There has been a long delay, and I hope the matter will be cleared up.

Will the Minister at least suggest to his hon. and gallant Friend that he might accept the invitation of the regional hospital people to meet and discuss all these problems to which he keeps referring in connection with this hotel? Is he further aware that spring is coming, which is the usual time when his hon. and gallant Friend attacks this regional hospital board?

asked the Minister of Health the cost for the year 1953 of maintaining the gardens, greenhouses, etc., at the Queen Hotel, Harrogate, by the Leeds Regional Hospital Board; and what steps have been taken to economise on this expenditure.

£1,310 1s. 10d., including £104 4s. 9d. for storm damage repair and certain expenditure at Coronation time. Every effort is made to keep this expenditure as low as possible.

When my right hon. Friend comes to consider the uneconomical gardens and farms run by the different hospitals and hospital boards, will he consider this expenditure also, because it is rather large just to keep up a garden?

Yes, but there is a special difficulty here, in that it was a condition of planning approval that the board should keep up these gardens, and I have to fulfil that. As far as the staff is concerned, all that are employed are one gardener and two labourers. Of the labourers, one is practically blind and is only kept on for compassionate reasons.

Is the Minister aware that the only interest that his hon. and gallant Friend has in this matter is that the solitary gardener so frequently beats him in competitions in the area?

asked the Minister of Health how many managers, caterers, housekeepers, domestic supervisors, assistant housekeepers, head cooks, cooks, assistant cooks, whole-time porters, kitchen hands and domestic staff, part-time porters, kitchen hands and domestic staff, electrical and mechanical maintenance engineers, steam stokers, gardeners and assistant gardeners are employed by the Leeds Regional Hospital Board at the Queen Hotel, Harrogate; and what is the cost and salaries per year of these full-time and part-time staff.

As the answer contains a number of figures, I will, with permission, circulate it in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

Are the 40 people or more employed in this place more or less than those employed by other regional hospital boards, because it seems an extraordinary number of people to be so employed?

I am afraid that I cannot undertake to summarise the enormous document which I am circulating in the OFFICIAL REPORT, SO perhaps my hon. and gallant Friend will look at it?

Will the right hon. Gentleman inform his hon. and gallant Friend of what is taking place at the Queen Hotel, Harrogate? Will he point out that it is not just an ordinary hospital in the accepted sense but a training ground for the nurses in the area, and that it is really being run very economically and very well indeed?

Following is the answer:

Supervisory Staff

1 Manager/Caterer.

1 Manageress/Home Warden.

1 Domestic Supervisor.

Domestic Assistants (equivalent of 198 hours per week).

P.T.S. and Nurses' Home

1 Linenwoman.

1 Seamstress.

1 Senior Housemaid.

Domestic Assistants (equivalent of 318 hours per week).

Catering Staff

Kitchen

1 Head Cook.

1 Cook.

1 Assistant Cook.

1 Domestic Assistant.

Part-time Domestic Assistants (equivalent of 27½ hours per week).

1 Porter.

Dining Room, plate-room and still-room

1 Waitress.

5 Domestic Assistants.

Par-time Domestic Assistants (equivalent of 12 hours per week).

Maintenance, etc., Staff

1 Maintenance Engineer.

1 Handyman.

3 Stokers.

1 Relief Stoker/Handyman.

1 Propagating Gardener.

2 Gardening Labourers.

3 General Porters.

Part-time General Porters (equivalent of 24 hours per week).

1 Storekeeper, Cl. IV.

The above employees are whole-time except—

(a) where stated to be part-time, and

(b) where total weekly hours for a particular grade are stated—in each case some employees are whole-time and some part-time.

The salaries and wages paid to the above staff amount to £14,842 in 1953–54 and an analysis of that figure is as follows:

Whole-time

Part-time

£

£

Manager and Manageress

1,206

Domestic Supervisor

294

Linen Room

319

116

Head Cook

495

Cook

488

Assistant Cooks

670

Canteen and stillroom

1,276

74

Porters

1,477

Storeman

353

Kitchen hands

1,446

211

Domestic staff (cleaners)

1,843

751

Maintenance engineer and handyman

936

Steam stokers

1,755

Gardener

443

Assistant Gardeners

689

£13,690

£1,152

Elastic Stockings

asked the Minister of Health, in view of the fact that officers of his Department, in a letter dated 13th January, 1954, stated that, where elastic stockings are ordered without other description in the prescription, the contractors should supply Lastonet, and, in view of the fact that this is discrimination on behalf of one private firm at the expense of local manufacturers of these elastic stockings, whether he will now put an end to the practice.

The Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Health
(Miss Patricia Hornsby-Smith)

My right hon. Friend has not been able to trace such a letter, and perhaps the hon. Member can let him have a copy of it. With regard to the current arrangements, he cannot add to what was said in his reply on 11th March.

I should be very pleased to submit to the hon. Lady a letter that is in my possession, which, among other things, says: Strictly speaking, we shall in this case—[HON. MEMBERS: "Question."] I will most certainly submit the evidence of this letter to the hon. Lady at the very earliest opportunity. Will she take into consideration the fact that manufacturers of these surgical articles are very concerned about this position? Will the Minister receive a deputation from the manufacturers to discuss their complaint?

I can only repeat what my right hon. Friend stated in a reply last week, that there has been no instruction centrally. I shall be very happy to look at the evidence, although the hon. Member has not said from what address it emanates. The Department designates the fabric required, but not the brand.

Sanitary Inspectors

asked the Minister of Health whether he is now in a position to make a statement on the report of the working party on the recruitment, training and qualifications of sanitary inspectors.

No, Sir, but consultations with my right hon. Friend's colleagues are almost complete and he hopes to do so shortly.

Does the hon. Lady realise how important this matter is, in view of the additional duties which are being imposed upon sanitary inspectors by Bills which are now going through this House? Is she aware that in mere replacement of casual vacancies we are now short of about 50 sanitary inspectors every year?

My right hon. Friend appreciates that fact. The hon. Member will realise that this concerns more than one Department, that opinion on this subject is not unanimous among the bodies that are interested and that all these matters have to be taken into consideration. That is being done as soon as possible.

Will the hon. Lady let me know when I can put a Question again on the Order Paper in expectation of an answer?

Prescribing Costs

asked the Minister of Health when he expects to introduce area averages of prescribing costs in England and Wales in view of the commencement of a similar scheme in Scotland.

The matter is now under discussion with the chemists and with the Joint Pricing Committees, and my right hon. Friend is not yet in a position to give a date.

In view of the fact that we are sufficiently far forward with pricing to make this a reasonably practicable proposal, does the hon. Lady's right hon. Friend appreciate the importance of giving the extra responsibility to doctors to check their own prescribing costs as probably one of the best ways of keeping costs down?

I recognise that, but it is essential to clear arrears first before starting on a new and complicated scheme.

Proprietary Medicines (Roter Tablets)

asked the Minister of Health the position regarding the use of Roter gastric ulcer tablets for the National Health Service; and if there is any non-proprietary medicine with exactly the same chemical composition and curative properties.

The Joint Committee on Prescribing classified these tablets among preparations not proved to be of therapeutic value and my right hon. Friend has asked practitioners generally not to prescribe such preparations. They remain free, of course, to prescribe any medicine they consider necessary for treatment, but they may be called upon to justify their decision. There are standard preparations with similar properties to those claimed for these tablets, but none to the same formula.

Is my hon. Friend quite satisfied that other preparations with similar properties will have exactly the same curative effects?

As I am not either a doctor or a chemist, I cannot claim to be qualified to answer that question.

Will the hon. Lady ask the Postmaster-General to see that products of this kind are not advertised on commercial television?

Hospital Service

asked the Minister of Health to state, as a percentage of the population, the beds available in all regions for general purposes, tuberculosis, mental diseases, chronic sick, emergency and convalescence, respectively.

As the reply contains a number of figures, I will, with permission, circulate the information, in so far as it is available, in the OFFICIAL REPORT.

While thanking my right hon. Friend for that reply, may I ask if he pays any attention to how hospitals for the treatment of various diseases are spread over the country on a population basis? Is it not in that way that he will really discover how the regions are served and whether they are served properly or not?

That is certainly a matter that is taken into consideration, although, for reasons that I gave last week, that has to figure more largely in capital calculations than in maintenance costs.

Following are the figures:

Region

Newcastle

Leeds

Sheffield

East Anglia

N.W. Met.

N.E. Met.

S.E. Met.

S.W. Met.

Oxford

South Western

Welsh

Birmingham

Manchester

Liverpool

England and Wales

General Medicine and General Surgery

1·47

1·38

1·05

1·28

2·02

2·44

1·89

1·55

1·14

1·07

1·42

1·34

1·39

2·23

1·55

Tuberculosis

1·89

·78

·56

·67

·72

·88

·77

·85

·53

·84

1·13

·71

·60

·96

·78

Mental Deficiency

·97

1·09

·92

·89

1·21

·98

1·41

1·70

1·16

2·62

·70

1·19

1·58

·24

1·25

Mental Diseases

2·57

3·89

2·71

3·25

3·04

3·03

3·49

6·67

2·98

3·59

3·18

3·08

3·08

3·84

3·56

Chronic Sick

·96

1·70

1·22

1·97

·79

1·31

1·27

1·23

1·91

1·93

·90

1·44

1·42

·92

1·31

Convalescent

·05

·14

·08

·11

·13

·07

·28

·15

·17

·13

·07

·05

·02

·12

·11

The above figures relate to the year 1952 and are the latest at present available. They show in each case the numbers of beds per thousand of the population allocated to the different purposes in both teaching and non-teaching hospitals. The information is not available in respect of emergency beds.

Tuberculosis Treatment, Birmingham

asked the Minister of Health how many cases of pulmonary tuberculosis are awaiting admission to sanatoria in Birmingham; and how many are likely to be admitted during the next six months.

I am informed that 511 cases are awaiting admission to the sanatoria serving Birmingham, and admissions in the next six months are likely to total 750.

Is the Minister satisfied with this position? It is of considerable importance, and it is a very serious matter that there should be these patients waiting—as many as 500.

It is true that the waiting list is substantial, but, as I indicated, the number of admissions in the next three months will more than cover the position, and urgent cases are admitted at once. I am by no means satisfied with the situation, but I think that probably it will get better.

Birmingham Dental Hospital

asked the Minister of Health what percentage of the 2,098 patients now on the waiting list of the Birmingham Dental Hospital is likely to receive treatment during the next six months.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that this dental hospital in Birmingham is like a mass overcrowded barber's shop, with dental chairs almost touching each other and that this shocking state of affairs has been going on for a very long time? Will he discuss the matter with the regional hospital board and see if we cannot have alternative accommodation?

Yes, I agree it is a very difficult problem. It largely arises out of the site problems, which I am sure the hon. Member knows exist, in that area. The regional board are looking at that as a matter of urgency and hope to get something in the locality.

Education

Private Schools (Teachers)

asked the Minister of Education what progress has been made in the discussions with the Secretary of State for the Home Department on preventing unsuitable persons organising or being employed on the teaching staff of private schools.

I am not yet in a position to make any statement, but I hope to be able to do so very soon.

Whilst thanking the right hon. Lady for that answer, may I ask if she is aware that there is a great deal of evidence now that this is a national scandal? In view of the danger to children, will she expedite her statement at the earliest moment?

Yes, I think my answer shows that I hope very soon to be able to make a statement.

New Schools, Bradford

asked the Minister of Education how many new schools were completed in Bradford during 1953; and what is the programme agreed upon for 1954.

One new school was completed in Bradford in 1953. The approved programmes for the financial years 1953–54 and 1954–55 include four new schools to be started during the next 13 months.

asked the Minister of Education how many new places were provided for schoolchildren in Bradford, arising from the 1953 school-building programme; and what was the net increase in the school population for the same period.

Seven hundred and eighty additional school places were provided by means of building in Bradford during the year 1953, during which period the net increase in the school population was about 1,350.

New School Places

asked the Minister of Education how many of the estimated 180,000 new school places to be provided between now and January, 1955, will be secondary modern and secondary grammar, respectively.

About 80,000 of the new places to be brought into use by the end of January, 1955, will be secondary places. But I cannot say how many of these will be secondary modern or secondary grammar places, because the progress of individual building projects is subject to many varying influences.

Will the Minister try again to see if she can get those figures, because it is important to know what balance there is in a particular area? This is a vital matter; will she look into it again?

Yes, if the hon. Member will put a Question dealing with a particular area and asking how many are to be secondary and how many primary places, I think we can get the figures.

Is the right hon. Member aware that some of us have a great fear that she might choose the figures to suit herself, as in the case of Cheshire County Council, which has been told by her how many secondary schools it should have?

May I ask why separate figures are not available since, presumably, the right hon. Lady has to agree to the development plan in every area?

Yes, but if the hon. Lady will look at the Question she will see that it asks how many of the 180,000 new places are to be ready by January, 1955.

asked the Minister of Education (1) how many of the estimated 180,000 new school places to be provided between now and January, 1955, for both secondary modern and secondary grammar will be provided in classes of over 30, and classes of over 40, respectively;

(2) how many of the estimated 180,000 new school places to be provided between now and January, 1955, for primary schools will be provided in classes of over 30, and classes of over 40, respectively.

The estimate refers to the number of pupils for whom the new buildings are designed in accordance with the Standards for School Premises Regulations, 1951; these Regulations are based on classes of 30 and 40 in secondary and primary schools, respectively.

Is the right hon. Lady aware that her answer does not really get at the problem, because there is a great feeling in the country that many of the new places are being provided in schools which are now overcrowded and that the new places are merely adding to overcrowding? Only this week I heard of a case in London where new places are provided in classrooms in which the figure will now go to well over 40. A wrong picture is given if we do not estimate the amount of overcrowding. Will the right hon. Lady not be so complacent?

If the hon. Member will look at the Question, he will see that he is asking me about new school places to be provided between now and January, 1955, and for how many children those places are being provided. As I said, the buildings are designed for 30 in secondary school classes and for 40 in primary school classes, but I cannot guarantee—as there are differences throughout the country—exactly how many children will be in each of those classrooms by the end of 1955.

Is not the Minister aware that almost every school now built is overcrowded at the very beginning and that the classes are oversize? Will she direct her attention to that?

Yes, Sir, and I am glad to say that there has been a gradual increase in school building thus providing many more places than hitherto.

In view of the unsatisfactory nature of the Minister's reply, I wish to give notice that I shall raise the matter, if I am successful in the ballot, on the Adjournment.

Educational Visits and Exchanges (Medical Expenses)

asked the Minister of Education whether she will request local education authorities to draw the attention of parents of children going abroad in organised school parties to their liability for medical expenses if the children are taken ill when abroad.

I very much doubt whether local education authorities need any advice from me on this matter, but I am consulting the Central Bureau of Educational Visits and Exchanges to see whether any additional information or advice can usefully be included in their handbooks.

While thanking the Minister for her answer, may I draw her attention to the fact that the parents of at least one child in my constituency were unaware that they might be involved in such an expense and that it cost them £40? As so many thousands of children go abroad, does not she think it advisable that parents should be made aware of this liability?

I know of the case to which the hon. Gentleman refers, of a child going abroad and being taken ill and the parents not being able to bear the cost. But, as I have said in my answer, I feel sure that local authorities will do their best to inform parents of the situation, and I am suggesting, or at least I am asking the Bureau, that this information be included in the handbooks.

Handicapped Children, Wales

asked the Minister of Education what steps she is taking to bring the Anglesey, Brecon, Caernarvon, Cardigan, Denbigh, Flint, Merioneth, Montgomery, Pembroke and Radnor county education authorities into line with the majority of education authorities who provide special facilities for the education of defective children.

It is not clear in what sense the hon. Member is using the expression "defective children," or, therefore, whether it is the responsibility of local education authorities to make provision for them. If, however, the hon. Member is interested in the provision made for any particular class or classes of handicapped children, other than ineducables, and will let me know, I will do my best to give him information.

Is the Minister aware that I am very surprised at her answer, in view of the fact that my Question is worded almost exactly on the lines of a reply she gave last week stating that these authorities were lagging behind in the provision of facilities for the education of defective children? Will she tell the House what she meant, because I mean the same thing?

I am glad that the hon. Gentleman means the same thing as I meant, and it would have been better if he had referred in his Question to "handicapped" children. If the local education authority has only a small number of handicapped children in its area, it does not need to set up special schools in order to comply with the Education Acts. The authority may co-operate with other authorities in setting up schools, or send the children to schools provided by other authorities.

In view of the importance of this issue, I beg to give notice that I, too, shall raise this question on the Adjournment at the earliest opportunity.

School-Building Programme

asked the Minister of Education what steps she is taking to get the school-building programme into line with the house-building programme, particularly in new estates in the suburbs of London.

I am doing all in my power to achieve this objective, both in the suburbs of London and elsewhere, by means of the careful allocation of sufficient building resources, by the encouragement of local consultation and co-ordination and by practical advice on the design and construction of new schools.

Is the Minister aware that there is much feeling about the time-lag between house building and school building, particularly in Hertfordshire in places such as Boreham Wood? Is she aware that it is the feeling of many people that she has been sacrificed on the altar of Moloch to her right hon. Friend the Minister of Housing and Local Government?

I am glad to be able to tell the hon. Gentleman that I have in no way been sacrificed; I have never been on an altar; I am trying to build the schools as quickly as possible.

Building Contracts (Costs)

asked the Minister of Education what control her Department exerts over the cost and price of new type school buildings erected by large firms of contractors, in order that the country may secure full value for money spent up to the limits per place fixed by her Department.

My Department applies the same limit of net cost to every school of a given size and type. Each new system of construction used for school building is therefore indirectly in competition with the others and with various traditional methods of construction. Where the Ministry's Development Group has been associated with manufacturers and local education authorities in the development of a new system, the design of each element of the building has been controlled by means of the technique of cost planning. The purpose of this procedure is described in Building Bulletin No. 4, of which I am sending the hon. Member a copy; it is to ensure that the building as a whole and each of its constituent elements represents good value for money.

As the non-traditional school building is of supreme importance today, and as the building of many of the non-traditional types of school building is almost a monopoly or is done by a single firm, and as the local education authorities can no longer protect themselves by competitive tendering, will the Minister agree that it is important that she should see that we get value for money within the bounds she has mentioned?

I agree that it is important. As I have said, there has been consultation between the Ministry's Development Group and the local authorities, and I must remind the hon. Gentleman that there are different types of these new building constructions, one competing against the other.

School Meals Service

asked the Minister of Education whether she is aware of the disquiet arising from her policy of reducing the number of hours worked by the cooking and serving staff in the school meals service; and if she will reconsider this matter.

Each local education authority is responsible for the staffing arrangements in its school meals service. I expect authorities to keep their arrangements under review to ensure that staffing costs are not more than reasonable having regard to the demand for school dinners, but the particular method of making the adjustments found to be necessary from time to time is a matter for decision by each authority.

Will the Minister bear in mind that there is great concern about this in my constituency where it is felt that if there is any further reduction in the hours worked, the quality of the meals will inevitably suffer?

Yes, Sir, but no doubt the hon. Gentleman will take it up with his local authority. It is the local authority which has the responsibility, but I know he will agree that what we want is a sufficient number—not more than sufficient, nor less.

asked the Minister of Education what response she has received to her recent circular to local education authorities outlining the steps to be taken to avoid the risk of food poisoning in school canteens.

This circular asked local authorities to review their existing arrangements to prevent food poisoning, but did not require them to report to me on the action taken. I am sure that I can rely on them to take any action they consider necessary.

Will the Minister agree that one method of securing that is by seeing that there is no false economy in the number of hours worked by the cooking staff?

I agree that there should be no false economy, but there should be economy.

May I ask if there have been fewer of these unfortunate epidemics lately?

Perhaps the hon. Gentleman will put down a Question on the Order Paper stating certain years, so as to define what he means by "the past."

Can the Minister say whether there was any advice in the circular, particularly with reference to not preparing a meat concoction the night before it is to be eaten?

Teachers' Superannuation Contributions

asked the Minister of Education whether she will require the Burnham Committee to reconsider their recent award on teachers' salaries in view of the proposals to increase the superannuation contribution of teachers.

The Burnham Committee can, at any time that they think fit, submit to me new recommendations for the salaries to be paid to teachers.

Is the Minister aware that her previous statement that the negotiators of the recent Burnham Award were aware of her proposal to increase superannuation contributions has been challenged by the bodies concerned, and, in view of that fact, is she not now aware that her proposal is tantamount to a reduction in the salary; and if she cannot withdraw her Bill and bow to the public storm, will she add the amount to the salary award so as to make things level?

As the hon. Member knows, it is not my responsibility to add to the salary awards. I am sure that if the negotiators take it up in the Burnham Committee, and if either side feels that teachers' salaries should be further considered with a view to submitting new recommendations to me, I have no doubt that steps will be taken to call the Committee together.

Will the right hon. Lady say what steps she will take to re-open negotiations with the Burnham Technical Committee to end the deadlock?

I am not taking any steps. I am hoping that, the negotiations having been broken down, they will begin again and reach some satisfactory solution.

Will my right hon. Friend say whether, in fact, she has any power to require the Burnham Committee to do anything?

I am not absolutely sure exactly what powers I can bring to bear to deal with the Burnham Committee, but if my hon. and gallant Friend would like to know, perhaps he will put a Question down.

But the right hon. Lady will not deny that she can invite them to deal with this question?

School Transport, Durham

asked the Minister of Education if her attention has been drawn to the dissatisfaction that her new regulations have created in the County of Durham, where the imposition of a three-mile limit in substitution of the two-mile limit for children's transport, is to be introduced; and what is the estimated saving to her Department as a result of such action.

Over two years ago, I asked all local education authorities to provide free transport as a general rule only for children who have to travel further to school than the distances laid down in Section 39 (5) of the Education Act, 1944. When I saw representatives of the Durham local education authority in September, 1953, I told them I was prepared to consider suggestions, if they wished to make any, for exceptions to this general rule. I have just received these, and I cannot at this stage estimate the amount of the saving that will eventually be secured.

Is the Minister aware that this decision has created a great amount of discontent in these small villages within the county, particularly on those lonely roads which children now have to travel in order to go to another area because their village school has been closed? Is she also aware that particular reference has been made in a Press publication to the fact that children are often tackled on the road by young men who expose themselves; and does she not think that some less rigid application of the regulations under which children may be transported should be considered?

I am prepared to consider suggestions for exceptions from the general rule. I received a letter from the authority on the 9th March, and I am considering it now.

In view of the fact that "The Economist" considered that this country can easily tolerate a defence burden of £1,700 million a year, does not the right hon. Lady think that it is time that these paltry cuts were restored?

Milk Contract, North Riding

asked the Minister of Education why the contract for supplying milk to Thornton Dale school was taken away from Mr. Munday of Anchorage Lane Dairy, in view of the fact that he had been supplying milk to this school satisfactorily for many years.

After consultation with my right hon. and gallant Friend the Minister of Food, I asked the North Riding of Yorkshire local education authority, together with other local education authorities, to place contracts for the supply of milk to schools in their areas after inviting tenders by public advertisement. Thornton Dale school was among these schools and I understand that Mr. Munday did not submit a tender.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that Mr. Munday had no opportunity of tendering, except through an advertisement in a newspaper which he did not read, and that he was not told of the new arrangement until after that arrangement had been made, when he received a letter from the Ministry of Food stating that his services would not be required, on the recommendation of the North Riding Education Committee? Does the Minister think that that is fair treatment to a deserving person?

I very much regret what has occurred, and I am glad to be able to inform my hon. Friend that the North Riding Education Committee, in the other part of their area, are making arrangements for sending to existing suppliers information and tender forms when the advertisements are inserted in the Press. I very much regret that that was not done by the local education authority on the previous occasion.

I think my hon. Friend will realise that all who tendered have been admitted under the same circumstances— [Interruption.]

In order that the House may know where we are, I repeat that I called Mr. Morley.

Student Teachers (Loans)

asked the Minister of Education which local education authorities still persist in the practice of granting loans to students training to become teachers.

In 1952–53, 14 local education authorities made loans to 66 students training to become teachers. Loans of this kind are granted to meet particular needs arising in individual cases, and I cannot yet say which authorities have made similar loans during the current year.

Will the Minister say what recommendations she made to the local authorities to induce them to substitute grants for loans?

These loans are being made only for particular incidental expenses and not towards the major and fixed costs of training. The local education authorities know that I deprecate the practice of giving loans, and I think that, more and more, they are making different arrangements.

Women's Training Colleges (Vacancies)

asked the Minister of Education the number of vacancies in women's training colleges at present.

In the current session, there are about 250 unfilled places at women's training colleges.

Will the right hon. Lady say what steps she is taking to see that there are no unfilled places in the colleges for the year 1954–55?

I would remind the hon. Gentleman that the figures for this year are better than those for last year, and that, at the present time, it seems that we shall have better numbers coming into the training colleges next autumn.

Bolton Training College

asked the Minister of Education what is to be the future of the Bolton Training College for technical teachers.

In consultation with the National Advisory Council on the Training and Supply of Teachers, I am at present engaged on a review of the prospective demand for trained technical teachers before reaching a final decision about this college. In the meantime, I hope that it will continue for the session 1954–55.

Will the Minister not agree that there are insufficient facilities for the training of technical teachers, and will she not contemplate opening another teachers' training college for this purpose?

I think the lion. Gentleman will realise that the reason the suggestion was made that this college should be closed was that there was not sufficient of those who were going to teach in technical schools coming forward for this particular training.

In view of the fact that it is highly desirable that there should be an extension of technical education at secondary school level, will the right hon. Lady stimulate recruitment to this branch of the teaching profession?

Yes, but this particular college was for training technical teachers for technical colleges.

Is the Minister aware that, in point of fact, the college is full, and that, if it is kept open, there is every likelihood that it will continue to be full?

I think it will certainly be kept open this year, but I am awaiting the advice of the Advisory Committee.

Is not the training of technical teachers the very key to Britain's industrial prosperity in future?

No; there are a great many teachers in technical colleges who do not necessarily have to have this one year's particular training in teaching.

Universities (Local Authority Awards)

asked the Minister of Education whether, in view of the fact that the latest available figures show that the average value of awards at universities made by English local authorities vary from £120 in the case of Tynemouth to £298 in the case of Holland, Lincolnshire, she will take measures to ensure greater equality regarding the amount of these awards.

I am glad to be able to inform the hon. Member that all but 12 local education authorities have already substantially adopted my recommendations regarding rates of grant. It is quite misleading to take the average value of awards made as a standard, because, even when all authorities have fully accepted my recommendations, these average values will continue to vary widely owing to the varying circumstances of different authorities in such matters as the proportion of resident to day students amongst their award-holders.

While appreciating that there must be differences in the circumstances obtaining in different authorities, will the right hon. Lady renew her representations to the 12 authorities which have not yet responded, because it is a hardship on the population of particular areas that they should be prejudiced elsewhere?

Yes, certainly. If I do not find that these 12 authorities have decided to give the same awards as the others, I will certainly take the matter up with them.

Questions

Agriculture (Annual Review)

( by Private Notice ) asked the Minister of Agriculture whether he is now in a position to make a statement about the Annual Review of the economic condition and prospects of the agricultural industry.

Yes, Sir. The statutory Annual Review of the economic condition and prospects of the agricultural industry has been concluded this week. The Government have made their determinations on the guarantees to the industry in the light of the review. These are set out in a White Paper which will be available at 3.45 p.m. this afternoon.

For the first time since these reviews started, the net trend in costs is this year a downward one. Increases have been more than offset by decreases mainly in feedingstuffs costs. The total farm net income for 1953–54 is forecast at £321 million, as compared with the final figure of £324½ million for the previous year. Net output is estimated at 56 per cent, above pre-war, as compared with 52 per cent. a year ago.

Certain changes have been made in the price guarantees. Briefly, the effect is to leave the guarantees for fat cattle, fat sheep and lambs, wool and sugar beet at their present level; to make reductions in the guaranteed prices for milk and pigs, and a small reduction in the guaranteed prices for cereals of the 1955 harvest; to leave the support price for hen eggs at its present level but linked to feedingstuffs prices; and for potatoes to substitute a support price for a fixed price for the 1955 harvest.

Production policy has been redefined. Expansion of net output to 60 per cent, above pre-war remains a major objective. It must also be a major objective to raise quality and reduce costs still further and to improve management and marketing. The Government are satisfied that, while due regard has been paid to the calls on the Exchequer, the guarantees now determined assure the industry a fair level of income, in accordance with the terms of the Agriculture Act, 1947.

While it would not be useful to pursue and to interrogate the right hon. Gentleman upon the statement as a whole in the absence of the figures and of all the conditions that may be laid down, I should like to ask him two or three questions.

I think he said that guarantees for fat-stock would remain at their present level. Did the right hon. Gentleman actually mean that; or did he mean that there would be a fluctuating price, as laid down in the White Paper in November, between 125s. per cwt. and 133s. per cwt., as outlined in the present White Paper? [Interruption.] If the Prime Minister wishes, I will put my questions one at a time.

On these detailed questions, the House must await the White Paper. The standard price as laid down in the White Paper is approximately the same as the fixed price last year.

I understand that the guaranteed price will be the same as that existing now, and that any deficiencies brought about by weak bidding at auction marts will be underwritten by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Secondly, I would ask the right hon. Gentleman whether there is any specific or implied reduction in the fixed price for milk or eggs. Thirdly, did I understand the right hon. Gentleman to mean that the price for eggs for the year will be 4s. per dozen, never falling below 3s. 6d., as at present?

I should like to see in writing the right hon. Gentleman's last question about fatstock before I gave a definite reply. So far as milk is concerned, the answer is "Yes." The guaranteed price is related to amount, and that amount is the actual quantity of milk sold off the farm during 1953–54, which was a record. So far as eggs are concerned, the average price will be not less than 4s. a dozen, subject, as the right hon. Gentleman will see, to the feedingstuffs formula, which is introduced and which will be done in the same way as for pigs. I think that answers the right hon. Gentleman's questions.

Will the right hon. Gentleman make it perfectly clear that there is some implied reduction on the top of the output for milk, and perhaps for eggs, for which guarantees are provided?

For milk, yes; for eggs, no. Eggs at present are wholly guaranteed. The only thing that goes with eggs is the feedingstuffs formula. We are looking into the case for a long-term policy for guarantees as to amount.

Will my right hon. Friend say whether or not this was an agreed settlement?

I am very glad to say that this was an agreed settlement with the National Farmers' Unions.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that there are many hon. Members on this side of the House who share his gratification at the increased output on all farms? The point is whether any indication is given in the White Paper as to the lines on which British farming shall continue in the days that lie ahead. The right hon. Gentleman knows that we have been disturbed pretty much by reason of the fact that there is a "grow-what-you-like" programme at the present time. Is the right hon. Gentleman undertaking any method of planned production for the industry in the future?

If the hon. Gentleman will read the White Paper, I think he will find a complete answer to his questions.

What will be the effect of the settlement on Exchequer liability and on farmers' incomes?

Naturally, with the return to free markets and with only wool and sugar beet left on fixed prices, it is not possible, as the House will realise, to give any precise estimate of the effect on farm incomes. The reduction in gross incomes may be about £30 million in a full Review year. Any reduction in net income should be much less than that, and will depend upon many factors. Farmers will have to bear increased expense after decontrol of fatstock. The estimated reduction in the future Exchequer liability is similarly about £30 million in a full year, but the saving to the Exchequer in 1954–55, as compared with the figures included in the published Vote-on-Account, is estimated at about £23 million. The difference is that the cereal figures do not operate until 1955.

As a safeguard against a fall in world prices of food, has any limit been put on the liability of the Treasury?

That question ought to be addressed to the Chancellor of the Exchequer.

Would it be convenient for the Minister to explain to the House how the limitation on milk is arrived at, and whether it will be applied to individual farms or not?

It is a very difficult question to answer. By and large, the two-tier price system has been reached by complete agreement with the industry and the Milk Marketing Board. Any additional surplus of manufacturing milk that is produced will be disposed of, and if there is any loss it will be shared between the Board and the Exchequer. If there is any profit, half the profit will go to the Board and half to the Exchequer.

I think that the House will probably want to see the White Paper before asking any further questions.

Business of the House

May I ask the Lord Privy Seal whether he will state the business for next week?

Yes, Sir. The business for next week will be as follows:

MONDAY, 22ND MARCH—Second Reading: Consolidated Fund Bill.

Debate on East-West Trade.

TUESDAY, 23RD MARCH—Second Reading: Judges' Remuneration Bill.

Committee stage: Money Resolution, which it is hoped to obtain by about 7 o'clock.

We then propose to make further progress with the Atomic Energy Authority Bill.

Motions to approve: Draft Civil Defence (Electricity Undertakings) Regulations.

Similar Regulations for Scotland.

WEDNESDAY, 24TH MARCH—Committee and remaining stages: Consolidated Fund Bill.

Debate on World Mutual Aid.

THURSDAY, 25TH MARCH—Second Reading: Television Bill.

Committee stage: Money resolution.

FRIDAY, 26TH MARCH—Private Members' Bills.

Has any consideration been given to having more than one day for the Second Reading of the Television Bill, in view of its very widespread implications and the very considerable public interest and controversy? Secondly, can the right hon. Gentleman now make a statement about the Government's conclusions on the Report of the Committee on Members' Expenses?

We gave the Television Bill very careful consideration, but in view of the recent two days' debate held during this Session on the general subject, we thought that one day would suffice for Second Reading.

In reply to the right hon. Gentleman's second question, the matter is being carefully and fully considered and a statement will be made shortly.

Not very much, because I am not able to give an accurate date today. But I can assure the right hon. Gentleman that a statement will be made before Easter.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that there are a number of respects in which the Television Bill differs from the White Paper? It is a Bill which, on information, education and cultural considerations, affects the whole population, and it is a Bill of a constitutional character. To consider a Bill of this very great importance—on which there is extensive public interest—one day is surely not sufficient.

I think that, on the whole, one day should be adequate. While the right hon. Gentleman rightly says that it is an important Bill I cannot accept that it has a constitutional implication. It is an important Bill, of course, but all the points have been dealt with time and time again. They have been brought together in a Bill now, but there are very few points which have not had very much discussion.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the Television Bill has no supporters on either side of the House, and that the Government are proposing to push it through with a three-line Whip—having refused all-party talks—without a mandate from the electors? Will he therefore not reconsider his decision, so that two days can be given and the absurdities of the Bill properly discussed?

As this is the first opportunity the House will have to consider the extraordinary collection of controls and restrictions in this frankly anti-libertarian Measure, will not the Leader of the House give the House an opportunity to try to get the Government out of the mess they are in over it?

The Lord Privy Seal will be aware, I expect, that the Scottish Grand Committee will in future be meeting on Tuesday afternoons to deal with the Housing (Repairs and Rents) (Scotland) Bill. There will, no doubt, be a Scottish point of view about the Judges' Remuneration Bill, and the clash between their two duties will prevent Scottish Members from voicing their opinions on that Bill. In view of that, would he not consider extending the time on the Judges' Remuneration Bill until 10 o'clock on that day?

I think we had better stick to this particular time-table. Perhaps we could have a delegation from the Scottish Grand Committee.

Can the Leader of the House now definitely say that whether or not the Government is proceeding with the Teachers (Superannuation) Bill?

I must give the same answer as I gave last Thursday—that it is not down for next week's business.

Although the Leader of the House denies it, nevertheless, we believe that the Television Bill is of constitutional importance. Cannot the Committee stage be taken on the Floor of the House?

Perhaps we ought to get the Second Reading dealt with first, and then decide.

If the Bill is to be rushed through in one day, Thursday of next week, surely ft would be for the general convenience of the House, and reasonable, that the House should know whether or not the Government intend to take the Committee stage—which I still say is of a constitutional character—on the Floor of the House.

I do not like creating precedents, and it is most unusual to have statements about Committee stages before the Second Reading.

The right hon. Gentleman was good enough last week to say that he would look again at the possibility of finding time to debate the Prayer relating to the Duchy of Cornwall. Is he aware that this Prayer has been signed by nearly 200 hon. Members on both sides of the House? If so, will he be good enough to say whether he can see any prospect of discussing it?

I did not know that I said I would look at it again, but I take it from the hon. Gentleman that I did. However, I see no prospects of giving time at present.

Business of the House

Ordered,

That this day Business other than the Business of Supply may be taken before Ten o'clock.—[ The Prime Minister. ]

Proceedings on Government Business exempted, at this day's Sitting, from the provisions of Standing Order No. 1 (Sittings of the House).—[ The Prime Minister. ]

Orders of the Day

Supply

[11th Allotted Day]

Civil Estimates, Supplemen- Tary Estimate, 1953–54

REPORT [16th February]

Class VIII

Resolutions reported,

Vote 9. Ministry of Food

That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £35,334,900, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1954, for the salaries and expenses of the Ministry of Food; the cost of trading services, including certain subsidies; a grant in aid; and sundry other services, including certain expenses in connection with civil defence

Vote 1. Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries

That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £4,810,000, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1954, for the salaries and expenses of the Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries, and of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, including grants, grants in aid and expenses in respect of agricultural education and research; services in connection with livestock; land settlement; land drainage; purchase, adaptation, development and management of land; agricultural credits and marketing; the guarantee of a minimum price for home-produced wool; the prevention of food infestation; agricultural training and settlement schemes; fishery organisation, research and development; and sundry other services.

Vote 2. Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries (Food Production Services)

That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £3,880,000, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1954, for certain food production services of the Ministry of Agriculture and Fisheries.

Resolutions agreed to.

Class VI

Vote 10. Ministry of Supply

Resolution reported,

That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £10, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1954, for the salaries and expenses of the Ministry of Supply for the administration of supply (including research and development, inspection, storage, disposal and capital and ancillary services related thereto); for the supply of atomic energy and radioactive substances; for administrative services in connection with the iron and steel, non-ferrous and light metals and engineering industries; and for miscellaneous services.

Resolution read a Second time.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House doth agree with the Committee in the said Resolution."

Ministry of Supply

3.49 p.m.

I understand that it would be for the convenience of the House if, before our discussion on this Vote, I explained the reasons for this Supplementary Estimate. The House will have noted that the Supplementary Estimate is for a token sum only of £10. It is submitted to the House, first, to obtain Parliamentary authority for the spending of additional sums under four subheads of the Ministry of Supply's main Departmental Vote. Secondly, to obtain Parliamentary authority for the appropriation of additional receipts which will meet part of that increased expenditure, the remainder of the increased expenditure being covered by savings on other subheads in the Vote.

Except for the token £10 we are not asking for any more money under this Vote, nor are we asking for any more money under the other four Ministry of Supply Votes. I would draw the attention of the House to the fact that this is the first time since early in 1948 that the Ministry of Supply has not had to ask for more money by way of a Supplementary Estimate.

The four subheads under which there is an increased expenditure are set out on page 65 of the Supplementary Estimate, and it may be convenient if I take them in the order of magnitude of increased expenditure. The first in that order is Subhead J, "Payment to the Office of the Lord President of the Council (Atomic Energy Department)," £15,900,000. This new subhead is made necessary, for accounting purposes only, by the Government's decision—approved by the House last year—to transfer responsibility for atomic energy from the Ministry of Supply to the Lord President of the Council as from 1st January, 1954. Of the money already voted by the House for Ministry of Supply expenditure on atomic energy, that part which was to have been spent in the current quarter has now to be paid to the Lord President. That is the reason for this subhead. No new money is being asked for.

The sum of £15,900,000 is counterbalanced by slightly larger reductions in expenditure, amounting to over £17 million, under a number of other subheads in the Vote, including those which are shown on page 66 of the Supplementary Estimate, dealing with expected savings. The other part of the counterbalance consists of the reductions in Ministry of Supply receipts, totalling between £1¼ million and £1½ million. Some of these reductions are shown on page 67 under the heading, "Expected deficiencies," in Subhead Z, but in the main the reductions have had the effect of making the expected surpluses, which are also set out in that subhead, less than they would otherwise have been. That is a short and, I hope, reasonably clear explanation of the subhead.

The next in order of magnitude is Subhead H.3, where the total additional sum required is £10,800,010. This sum is needed to make increased provision for meeting the cost which arises in this financial year for the machine tools and ancillary tooling equipment bought by the Ministry of Supply from overseas in connection with the defence programme. The additional sum asked for is certainly a substantial one—£10,800,010 as against the original Estimate of £17 million—but, as I shall show, this figure relates to a series of transactions covering more than three years, the full outlay upon which is estimated to amount to over £116 million.

I shall explain how that comes about, but to do so I must give an account of the background, with which the right hon. Member for Vauxhall (Mr. G. R. Strauss) is as familiar as I. At the start of the rearmament programme, in the autumn of 1950, it was decided by the previous Government—quite rightly, in our view—that the machine tool requirements of industry and Government establishments for defence production and research would be met in time, and without wrecking the export trade and the British machine tool industry, only if substantial orders were placed with overseas manufacturers.

The expansion of the rearmament plan early in 1951 called for a still larger number of overseas machine tools. As was expected, throughout the rearmament programme full use has been made of British-made machine tools. In fact, we estimate that since 1950 at least 20,000 machine tools manufactured in Britain have been installed in Government contractors' works for use in defence production. At the same time, British machine tools were being provided for civilian purposes, to the British manufacturing industry, and were also being sold overseas to maintain the export market. No part of the cost of these British machine tools is borne upon this subhead, which relates only to the cost of machine tools manufactured overseas.

At the time the previous Government took this decision, they also decided that the best way of getting the machine tools from abroad in time for the defence plan was for the Ministry of Supply to order them itself, having previously made as accurate an estimate of the total requirement as it was possible to make in a few months. A pool of machine tools would then be created, from which Government contractors and establishments could draw. To have delayed the placing of orders until individual manufacturers had had their contracts and had then worked out exactly what they wanted would have achieved a greater certainty that no unwanted machine tool was ordered, but the result would have been that some of the machine tools would not have arrived in time.

Under this scheme, orders for about 19,000 imported machine tools were placed, up to October, 1951. It was inevitable that as the machine tool requirements were worked out in detail they differed somewhat from the estimated requirements on which the orders had been placed. Machine tool requirements were also affected by changes in the rearmament plans themselves. There were changes in the type of machine tool required, and also reductions in the number required.

Some of these changes came too late to make it worth while cancelling contracts, but many of them did not, and, in all, about 2,000 contracts have been cancelled. After October, 1951, orders were placed under the centralised scheme only for specific requirements which could not otherwise be met. No further orders had been placed under the centralised scheme since March, 1953.

Having given the figures of original orders and some cancellations, I now come to the total numbers supplied. By the end of December last year the total number of machine tools supplied or to be supplied in this way was 18,618, of which 6,224 have come or are to come from the United States of America and Canada. Those which have come from America have come with the financial help of the United States Government, for which we are most grateful. In addition, 12,394 have come or are to come from Europe. By the end of last year all but 630 had been delivered, 464 from Europe and 166 from the United States. The House will be pleased to know that, except for certain special machines, these will have reached us by the middle of this year.

This large number of machine tools, bought from all sources overseas, plays a vital part in the quality and speed of the production of aircraft, arms and equipment for the Armed Forces. Some of the tools have been sold to Ministry of Supply contractors and some have been rented to them. Others have been installed in Royal ordnance factories and in various Government establishments. Others will be needed for new defence production coming on in the future or for holding in strategic reserve. The cost of all these 18,618 machines from abroad is estimated to be slightly over £116 million.

That is the background against which I now explain how it was that the original 1953–54 Estimate of the Minister of Supply under this subhead was too low. Under the terms of most of the orders placed overseas, the total amount which we have to pay for such machine tools is the price ruling at the date of delivery, but also under the terms of most of the orders initial payments had to be made at the time of placing the order and other payments have had to be made before the final settlement. As the House knows, in general, over the whole field covered by these orders, the prices of machine tools made overseas have risen by an average of over 20 per cent, since the orders were placed.

It was also a term of most of these orders that initial payments and, indeed, all other payments prior to the final settlement payments, should be based on the price ruling at the date of the order and not on the price ruling at the date of delivery. Thus, none of the rise in price between the date of order and the date of delivery is reflected in payments until the final settlement payment, which frequently does not take place until some months after the tools have been delivered.

When the Estimates for the current year were drawn up about 14 or 15 months ago, it was known that prices of machine tools made overseas had risen, but insufficient provision was made to cover this rise and, in particular, insufficient provision was made to cover the final settlement payments in respect of the tools which had been delivered and paid for in previous years. The major part of the £10,800,000 for which we now ask is, indeed, to correct this mistake and, today, which is the first opportunity we have had to do it, I apologise to the House on my behalf and on behalf of my right hon. Friend for the mistake. I hope I have explained how it came about.

A small part of this £10,800,000 is needed to pay for some additional ancillary tooling equipment, without which these machine tools could not have been properly used. Those hon. Members who know about machine tools bought from overseas or from British manufacturers will understand that it is difficult to estimate accurately in advance the cost of this tooling before it is known exactly to what purpose the machine is to be put.

That is the explanation of Subhead H.3, and I now turn to Subhead H.2, where we ask for an additional £1,400,000. This subhead provides money for capital assistance to contractors in the shape of plant and machinery, other than imported machine tools which have been purchased under the arrangements which I have just described. Contractors, of course, pay the Ministry of Supply rent for the use of this plant and machinery.

The additional sum is required as to £400,000 because the cost of machinery and plant was underestimated—and that is an underestimate of about 3 per cent, on the original total of £14 million; and as to the remaining £1 million, to pay for additional plant for aero-engine production. The creation of this much-needed new capacity for aero-engine production progressed faster than expected, and I think the House will be pleased that that was so.

The only remaining item to be explained is the increase on Subhead B.3. This subhead provides the money for payments by the Ministry of Supply to industry under research and development contracts placed with them. Hon. Members will understand that it is not easy to prophesy with complete accuracy, three or four months before a financial year starts, exactly how much progress will be made in that year in this most important and extensive field of research undertaken by industry or, indeed, exactly how much that progress will cost; and I think the House will agree that it is very important not to place any artificial brake on industry's progress in this field if we do not prophesy with complete accuracy.

This year we estimated that nearly £74 million would be spent by industry in this way, but we find that we need £1,200,000 more, which is an increase of less than 2 per cent. Most of the programme has gone at the speed we expected but the amount of money which we shall have to pay this year for the construction and the flight testing of aircraft prototypes will be more than we had expected. The development work on aircraft prototypes at this stage is heavier than we expected and it is primarily that fact which explains the extra £1,200,000 which this supplementary Estimate under Subhead B.3 seeks.

That is an explanation of these four subheads which I hope will have made the position clear to the House. With the permission of the House and your permission, Mr. Speaker, if I am allowed to do so or required to do so I will attempt to answer any questions which right hon. and hon. Gentlemen put to me, but I hope that, in general, that explanation is satisfactory.

4.8 p.m.

I am sure that the House is most grateful to the Parliamentary Secretary for the explanation which he has given. He is certainly in the dock today because the Supplementary Estimate for which he is asking is by far the largest in the book. It was the largest of any Department and, at first sight, it appears to be quite inexplicable, although the hon. Gentleman has done his best, in his customarily very pleasing way, to explain away all the defects of his Department, his Minister and himself and to try to put a good face on it.

The right hon. Gentleman says that this is by far the largest figure in the book. In fact, it is for only £10, which, I believe, is the smallest sum for which it is possible to come to the House.

I think the Parliamentary Secretary is being a little technical. I am talking about the additional sum required, to which this House is asked to agree—the £11 million required in respect of machine tools. It is a very substantial sum, and obviously a serious miscalculation took place at an early stage in the Department leading to the necessity for the request before us today for an additional £11 million. I am very glad that the Parliamentary Secretary explained the situation at the outset of the debate, because this has made it unnecessary for me to ask a number of questions, and other questions by my colleagues, no doubt, which we would otherwise have asked.

As I understand, these machine tools were ordered in 1950 and 1951 largely from manufacturers abroad. There were orders for about 20,000 of these tools for British manufacturers, and although it is contrary to my normal character to pat myself or my colleagues on the back, I do, on behalf of the Department of which I was in control, take credit for the foresight and speed with which that Department ordered machine tools while they were yet available and before the American rearmament demand got into its stride.

I noticed with pride and some satisfaction a leader which appeared not so long ago in the "Observer," with which I heartily agreed, which used these words:

When the hon. Gentleman's Department came forward last year with its Estimates and told the House what it required for machine tools it forgot to include this additional 20 per cent. Therefore, we find today that, although the Department estimated a year ago that its requirement would be £17,150,000, not because any more additional machine tools have been delivered than was expected, but because the rise in prices was not taken into account—the cost, instead of £17,150,000, was just on £28 million.

That is very serious. It is a grave mistake indeed. The Parliamentary Secretary has done the only thing which he could properly do. He has come to this House and said frankly, "My Department made a mistake of about £10 million. We are very sorry about it, and we hope that the House will forgive us." It may be that he put it forward in that way because he is aware that there is no quicker road to popularity in this House than for a Minister to make a mistake and then come to this House and make a full and, even an abject apology. Then everyone in the House thinks that he is a grand fellow because he has admitted his mistake, and he is far more popular than he was ever before.

It is common experience.

The hon. Gentleman has admitted frankly that his Department made a mistake of about £10 million. That is a very grave matter, and I think that it is something of which the House should take note. He asked to be forgiven in a speech which was as pleasing as only he can put before the House, and which, no doubt, the House will accept with grace. We have to note that it was a serious mistake, and I do not think that we can pass a vote of thanks or express praise to those people, whoever they may be—and it is the Minister's final responsibility, of course—who were responsible for this substantial error.

Knowing the great ability which this Department normally displays in these matters and the fine work which is does in the engineering field, and knowing, particularly, the foresight shown in ordering these goods in such great quantities at an early date, if I can persuade the House in this direction, I would persuade it to forgive the hon. Gentleman and to say that he is not guilty on this occasion, but that he must not do it again. We will let him go this time.

The only other matter on which I want to make a short comment and to ask a question is about the £16 million payment to the office of the atomic energy department of the Lord President of the Council. We fully understand the reasons for that. We are not going to argue the merits of that transfer. We have argued that in the past, and we shall be doing so for several days in the future. It has been said that one of the benefits which will arise from this transfer of responsibility from the Ministry of Supply to the Lord President is that there will be a declaration of the amount spent by the Government on atomic energy, and the House will know, in future, what it did not know before—how much is being spent.

I think that this greater publicity of the amount being spent on atomic energy is desirable today. Previously, when it was nearly always being spent in building up atomic weapons we thought it desirable that there should be secrecy. I do not know whether the Parliamentary Secretary can tell us this: if this £16 million is for a quarter, and we estimate, not necessarily correctly, that the payment out for a year will be about four times that amount, between £64 million and £67 million, does this total include everything, or is there still some estimate hidden away somewhere, as in the days gone by, representing the payment for some part, may be the military part, of the atomic energy project, which is not before the House and which the House will not be able to discuss?

If that is so, I think that we should consider the matter and say that it may be desirable or it may not be desirable, but I think the House will want to know exactly where we are on this. I repeat my question: is this the total amount that is paid, in the past by the Minister of Supply and in future by the Lord President, which is being spent on the British atomic energy project, or is it only part of the amount covering payment for the manufacture of fissile material and for various other civilian purposes which may be connected with it, and is there still some part connected with atomic weapons which may be hidden with a deliberate purpose—and I am not objecting to the purpose at the moment—of not disclosing how much is being spent on atomic weapons?

I want to know whether this figure includes all military as well as civilian expenditure; or whether it only represents civilian expenditure, and there is some other money tucked away somewhere else which represents the military expenditure of the atomic energy project. If the Parliamentary Secretary can answer that question, broadly, I should be grateful—and, as for the rest, we dismiss him with a caution.

4.20 p.m.

In the constituency which I represent there is a Royal Ordnance Factory belonging to the Ministry of Supply. I cannot speak for other Royal Ordnance Factories, but I must congratulate the Minister on providing the country with this magnificent plant. I have had the pleasure of going through it and I have closely examined many of the machine tools that were ordered by my right hon. Friend when in office and which are now in operation under the present Minister.

For some time, however, the splendid high-quality machine tools have not been fully occupied. Some of the finest skilled men in the district have been recruited to this Ministry of Supply factory. I have watched some of them in operation, and the tools that are made in the plant are the finest I have seen anywhere. The factory is tooled up, first-class men are recruited, and they are paid good wages. They are there for a short period, and then they are off again.

That has happened two or three times in the last three years when redundancy is declared, notwithstanding that the customers of the Ministry of Supply and the Ministry itself sell the same sort of machine tools to other private manufacturers, who, having the tools and having to hire or to buy them, seem able to insist that having acquired them they get orders with which to keep them fully employed.

I have worked in a good many private enterprise plants, but never in one as good as this. This fine plant has only 50 per cent, of its potential being used and yet the Ministry of Supply, according to the Supplementary Estimate, has sold machine tools to the value of £1,565,000. I presume that they are sold to private enterprise contractors and have been bought by the Ministry of Supply. This plant could itself manufacture the machine tools and thus save a good deal of this additional money for which the Estimate is required. The Defence Estimates having been cut, the plant is only partly occupied on manufacturing instruments of war, but the men who work there would be much more pleased if they were engaged on the manufacture of machine tools, mining machinery or various forms of equipment that could be used in the pursuits of peace.

I am not complacent about this extra demand for money by the Ministry of Supply. We in Scotland feel that while we have a potential of skilled labour and excellent engineering plant, it is a waste of effort to keep them only partly employed and, at the same time, to duplicate expenditure by doubling the plant in other parts of the country and drawing skilled labour away from Scotland. I was notified only recently that another redundancy is to be declared at this Ministry of Supply factory.

It might help the hon. Member and the House if I say that the reason for the additional sum in the Supplementary Estimate is, not a change of policy or because we have ordered more machine tools, but is due to the fact that we have had to pay more for the machine tools which were ordered during the time of the right hon. Member for Vauxhall (Mr. G. R. Strauss). The hon. Member is questioning whether it is a good thing to buy tools overseas or whether it would not be better to have them made at a certain place in his constituency. I submit that that does not arise on this subhead.

Subhead H.3, "Machine Tools," is for

"Additional provision required to meet increased prices and increased requirements of ancillary equipment."

It seems to me that as this Vote is stated to be only to make good increases in price, that limits the hon. Member's discussion of the matter.

The quality of the labour and of the plant itself is such that they could have manufactured machine tools identical to those which have been obtained for the factory. This would have considerably reduced the amount needed by the Ministry of Supply for these machine tools. My plea may be belated, but if I could have got in two years ago—

No. Four years ago my right hon. Friend was justified in going abroad for machine tools, because we did not have them here. We did not have the spare manufacturing capacity, because our machine tools were used on exports and all new manufacturing capacity was demanded for export. But now we have reached the point where, thanks to my right hon. Friend's policy, we can use those machine tools to produce machine tools much cheaper than we can buy them from abroad, and thus save a demand for more money by the Ministry of Supply.

The hon. Member's argument is directed towards the policy of the Ministry of Supply in the future; he is arguing that they ought to get their machine tools manufactured in his constituency rather than abroad. My attention has been drawn to the Subhead in question, and it seems to me to be merely provision to meet increased prices of machine tools already ordered. I think, therefore, that the hon. Member is straying from the Subhead.

I am sorry, Mr. Speaker. I accept your Ruling and shall move on to the other item, that deals with capital assistance to contractors. This is described as

Why spend £1,400,000 to provide capital equipment to contractors when the Ministry's own factory is not fully employed? It was a shock to me when I knew what was happening at the factory. I hope the Parliamentary Secretary will ensure that this fine plant at Dalmuir will be employed to capacity and that neither the Minister nor any other Department will indulge in the policy of piling up orders for six months and then laying off for six months, with skilled employees dispersing, thus creating upsets in the plant, where the industrial relations are good.

I beg the Minister to hold an inquiry into the running of the factory and into the provision of orders for it and to see whether a consistent policy cannot be arrived at to keep the Royal Ordnance Factory at Dalmuir in full and steady employment, producing whatever useful products, machine tools or defence items are necessary for the economy of the country.

4.30 p.m.

I intervene for only a few minutes. I thought my right hon. Friend the Member for Vauxhall (Mr. G. R. Strauss) was extremely kind to the Parliamentary Secretary. The hon. Gentleman has come to the House to explain a serious error by his Department, and I am glad to see that he is slightly chastened. He certainly needs to be, because since I have observed him in the House his general attitude has been characterised by a mixture of bumptiousness and arrogance. I think my right hon. Friend was more than kind to him today.

Now he has given some account to the House, and I should like to put to him one or two questions which I hope will be in order and which he will be able to answer. We have heard today from my right hon. Friend that when the Labour Government were in office they ordered machine tools from the United States and from Europe costing a very considerable amount, and totalling more than 20,000 items. The Parliamentary Secretary has told the House that due to the alterations in the defence programme some of those items are no longer strictly necessary for the current rearmament programme.

Can the Parliamentary Secretary tell the House how many machine tools were ordered, most of which, we are told, are still considered by the Government to be necessary for our defence effort? If some of them are no longer required for that programme, can we be told what the effect of that will be upon the taxpayers? In other words, what I am seeking to discover from the Government is, what will be the financial consequences from the re-phasing of the defence programme.

I am not here arguing about the policy or the type of defence programme. All I am seeking is some information about the financial saving on that programme, which the Government, rightly or wrongly, have embarked upon. In spite of the hard words which I used to the Parliamentary Secretary earlier, I hope he will be good enough to give me the information which I am seeking now.

4.32 p.m.

These are very mysterious Supplementary Estimates coming from a very mysterious Ministry. We do not get many opportunities to ask important questions on national finance, but I should like to press a question that was put by my right hon. Friend the Member for Vauxhall (Mr. G. R. Strauss). Are we not entitled to have an idea of how much of this money on atomic research is going to atomic research for civilians and how much for military weapons?

I should also like to ask a question which, I fear, will not be answered on the grounds of security. Is it not about time that somebody told us the exact cost of producing an atomic bomb? I know that is an indecent question, but if we are to have atomic bombs surely it is not irrelevant to ask what is the cost of them? When he was Leader of the Opposition, the Prime Minister, very indignantly—I think it was sham indignation—asked about the £100 million which is being spent on atomic research. But now the same veil of secrecy has descended.

The only time we find out on these vague, metaphysical Estimates, which are wrapt in mystery, something about atomic research is when Ministers have to cross the Floor of the House and come to this side. For example, when the Labour Government were in office I used to ask questions of the Ministry of Supply about the cost of a bomber, but when the Minister crossed to this side he made a speech based on the assumption that a bomber capable of delivering an atomic bomb would cost £400,000.

If we know what the bomber will cost, why cannot we know the cost of the bomb? I understand that the hon. Gentleman's reply will be that it is not in the interests of security to tell us anything about these mysterious questions, because the Russians, if they got the figures, would be able, by the Einstein theory, by logarithms or something of that kind, to say how many atom bombs we had and what was their potential power.

As representatives of the taxpayers, I suggest that we should be given the opportunity to ask what the amount is to find out whether there is value for the money. I have a suspicion that it is not to hide the facts from the Russians that we are not told, but to hide the facts from critics in the House of Commons who wish to know how much of the taxpayers' money is devoted to these instruments in order that we can assess their value.

In these Estimates there are vague items such as research and development. What can they mean? Research and development are metaphysical terms. It is like looking for the black cat in the dark that is not there. Shrouded underneath these mysterious items, like the one for £1,200,000, there may be hidden something to which we would object. I should like to ask if this research and development work and this extramural research at universities is a cover for bacteriological research.

Could I answer the hon. Gentleman's question now, so that he will not waste his own time? No part of the additional sum required covers bacteriological research.

The mystery of where the Government are to find the money for the experiments in the Bahamas will have to be probed on another Vote.

I submit that we are entitled to ask for a little more information on the atomic matters. The hon. Gentleman was asked questions by my right hon. Friend the Member for Vauxhall (Mr. G. R. Strauss), who had some responsibility and who may have some responsibility again, but I suggest that we ought to have the veil of mystery raised a little so that we may have an idea how much money we are devoting to atomic research for the making of atomic weapons.

With your permission, Mr. Deputy-Speaker, and that of the House I should like to try to answer some of the questions that have been put to me. The right hon. Member for Vauxhall (Mr. G. R. Strauss) asked me a question about Subhead J. I think the best answer that I can give him is this. The £15,900,000 was the total net amount estimated to be spent in the remaining quarter of this year on atomic energy. By "the total net amount" I mean an amount calculated by deducting from the total gross expenditure the total estimated receipts.

The right hon. Gentleman mentioned the security aspect of this Estimate. I can tell him that I have been told by the people who advise us on these matters that no information of value to any potential enemy is disclosed in this Supplementary Estimate. I think that when the right hon. Gentleman gives the matter further consideration he will not expect me to say anything at all about the form of the estimate of the Department of the Lord President of the Council for the future year or, in fact, anything at all about the form of that supplementary estimate.

That arises on a different Vote not now before the House, and it concerns a different Minister. I am sorry that despite any pressure, even if it has been accompanied by words of flattery, as sometimes do come from the right hon. Gentleman, I really cannot go further than that in trying to answer his very pointed question about atomic energy expenditure.

I did not quite understand the hon. Gentleman's first statement. If he could help me I should be grateful. He said that this £16 million odd is the net amount; in other words, it is the amount which has been spent, taking into account the gross expenditure and deducting any income which may have arisen. By "income" does he mean receipts from the sale of isotopes to outside bodies, to industry, for medical purposes, and so on, or is it possibly income derived from selling some of the fissile material and other materials to some of the Service Departments?

I do not know whether the hon. Gentleman appreciates my question, but if he does and he can give me an answer I shall be obliged. Is this the total amount which is spent on atomic energy matters, both peaceful and military, less the £200,000 odd which is the normal income of this Department by the selling of isotopes, or is it something quite different?

I cannot give the correct answer to that question. As the right hon. Gentleman will realise, the purpose of this subhead is to hand over to the Lord President of the Council the money that we had voted to us by Parliament at the beginning of the last financial year. That is all we have tried to do. I can tell the right hon. Gentleman that we are handing over to the Lord President of the Council all that part of that money which relates to this quarter. I cannot give him a better answer than that.

Now I must come to the questions asked by the hon. Member for South Ayrshire (Mr. Emrys Hughes). He asks the same question on every single occasion that we discuss the Ministry of Supply Estimates or Supplementary Estimates—or rather, it is not always the same question, but it has the same object; that is to try to get from us details of particular parts of the expenditure of the Ministry of Supply on its research and development activities.

I think he asked the right hon. Gentleman for Vauxhall the same questions on a number of occasions during the period of office of the previous Government, and he always got the same answer. I shall give it to him again today. He asked me one question about the atomic energy subhead in particular; namely, how much, goes on civilian use and how much on military use. My answer is that all goes to the Lord President of the Council. That is what Subhead J stands for, and that is exactly what it means.

That last remark is really most interesting. The hon. Gentleman says that all the money goes to the Lord President of the Council. One presumes that he says that in anticipation of the Bill now proceeding through the House, but in that Bill it is expressly laid down that the Lord President of the Council shall make no weapons or parts of weapons or undertake research into making weapons except by arrangement with the Ministry of Supply. If there has been such an arrangement, is it not possible to say what it is? Once the Minister says that it is all handed over to the Lord President who is bound by this limitation, he is giving a very different answer from the answer which my right hon. Friend used to give.

I think the hon Gentleman has been in the House for only a short time this afternoon—I am not complaining—and he may not have noticed that we are discussing a Supplementary Estimate covering the first quarter of this year. If he will look at Subhead J of the Supplementary Estimate he will find that it says:

Now I should answer a few questions asked about machine tools under Subhead H.3. The right hon. Gentleman chided me for being responsible for this tremendous error; he said it was an error of £10 million on £17 million. I hoped that I had explained to him in the course of my rather lengthy explanation in opening this debate that it was not really an error of £10 million on £17 million but £10 million on £106 million. If the £10 million had not to be paid, the total cost of the machine tools would have been £106 million odd, whereas it is £116 million odd. I am not suggesting that it is an error which I should like to see repeated. I hope it will never be repeated, but I think we ought to get the facts and figures in their proper proportions, and it is not quite as great as £10 million on £17 million.

The hon. Member for Manchester, Exchange (Mr. W. Griffiths), with whom I have had to draw swords on other occasions, seemed to be very conscious of those occasions at the beginning of his speech, but managed to forget them towards the end. I can tell him that I am neither so bumptious nor so arrogant as to answer off the cuff the very complicated questions he put to me. He asked me whether I could analyse the financial consequences of the policy of buying machine tools overseas with particular reference to the possibility that some of those machine tools might not be needed for the purpose for which the Department thought they would be needed when, under the right hon. Gentleman's guidance, they ordered them. I have not worked out those financial consequences, and it would take me a long time to do so, but I think I can give the hon. Gentleman some guidance on the economic consequences.

Let it be quite clear that these machine tools will not be wasted. If there are any which, it is found, are not needed either for the defence programme that is now under way or for the new production coming along, about which we know, and which are not needed for keeping in strategic reserve, those machine tools will be made available in the ordinary way to industry, and so, from the point of view of the country, there will be no waste of resources. I have already explained—and I think that the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Vauxhall (Mr. G. R. Strauss) will agree—that the very fact that the tools were ordered for the Ministry of Supply pool implied that there might be some—a very few—machine tools that would not be wanted. It was decided, deliberately and rightly decided, not to wait until the exact requirements were found out before getting them. The latest information I have is that only a very small proportion of those machine tools is likely to prove unnecessary for the defence programme.

The hon. Gentleman would cause consternation in Scotland by suggesting that if the machine tools were not necessary where they were they could be disposed of where they might be wanted. There has been grave fear in Scotland since this Government came in that factories might be closed down in Scotland and the machine tool equipment moved south. Some of that equipment has already gone. I am certain that if the people I represent on Clydebank read that statement, that machine tools may be taken away from there and sent to Lancashire or London or somewhere else, it will cause considerable heartburning on the Clyde.

I can well understand that, but I think the hon. Gentleman is showing much too great anxiety and reading into my statement things that are really not readable into it. I was not thinking of machine tools that are now installed in factories that are working. I was thinking of the possibility that some of the machine tools, and only a small proportion of them, as I have said, that have been bought from overseas, and which were originally ordered and bought for the Ministry's pool, will be found to be unnecessary for any defence contractor or Government establishment. I certainly was not referring to any machine tools in the Royal Ordnance Factory at Dalmuir, which, I think, was the one that the hon. Gentleman was talking about.

I think the hon. Gentleman is aware that many of the remarks he made were directed at the policy of the previous Government, which, as I have said, we considered was quite right, that machine tools should be ordered abroad. If they were not directed to that, they were directed to the Royal Ordnance Factories which it would be wrong for me to discuss now.

He also made some remarks about underemployment of machine tools and of the capacity of the Royal Ordnance Factories. I have not immediately available the latest information about the Royal Ordnance Factory at Dalmuir, of which he was thinking. I am sure the hon. Gentleman will realise, and that the House will realise, that machine tools ordered for the defence programme are not necessarily put at once to their maximum use because defence capacity, if it is wisely created, will allow for some expansion in the unhappy event of an emergency.

The Royal Ordnance Factory at Dalmuir is a very important factory doing most important work for the Government and the Armed Forces, and I am quite certain that full and proper use will be made of that factory in the light of the orders available in the Ministry of Supply. So far as I am aware there have been no great changes in policy. We do our best to look after the Royal Ordnance Factories, to keep them occupied regularly, and to make full use of their capacity.

I think I have disposed of the points put to me, and I hope that the House will now let us have this very small token Vote.

Question, "That this House doth agree with the Committee in the said Resolution," put, and agreed to.

Class II

Vote 1. Foreign Service

That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £10, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1954, for the salaries and expenses of the Department of Her Majesty's Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, including Her Majesty's Missions and Consulates abroad, and the salary of two Ministers of State.

Resolution agreed to.

Vote 5. United Nations

That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £150,000, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1954, for grants in aid of expenses of the United Nations and of technical assistance for economic development.

Resolution read a Second time.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House doth agree with the Committee in the said Resolution."

U.N. Assistance Programme (Contribution)

4.55 p.m.

I should like to say a word or two in explanation of this Supplementary Estimate. As my colleague the Joint Under-Secretary revealed to the House on 17th December, the Government have increased their contribution towards the 1954 programme of grants in aid of the United Nations technical assistance for economic development from £500,000 in 1953 to £650,000. I think it is satisfactory, and I hope that the House will think so, to the extent that whereas in the first period of 18 months, to December, 1951, £760,000 was contributed, that is at the rate of more than £506,000 a year, and the next year the contribution was cut to £450,000, it was increased to £500,000 in 1953, and under the proposal for 1954 it has been raised to £650,000.

The Supplementary Estimate is a somewhat technical one because the United Nations year is the calendar year, whereas the financial year in this country runs to the end of March. To make it possible to relieve a certain shortage of sterling it was agreed that an advance of £150,000 on account of the 1954 programme should be made early in January, 1954. That payment has been made, the money being provided temporarily from the Civil Contingencies Fund. This Supplementary Estimate is to put it right in the United Kingdom accounts for 1953 to 1954.

By 31st December, 1953, more than 24 million dollars was provided, towards which the United Kingdom pledged this £650,000, which is a little under 2 million dollars. In the initial period of 18 months the amount provided was 20 million dollars. It was reduced in 1952 to 19 million dollars, went up to 22 million dollars in 1953, and was increased to over 24 million dollars pledged by the end of December last year. This sum which we are discussing is the first instalment of the Government towards that.

I do not think there is any need for me to go into the detail of this Supplementary Estimate or the purpose for which it is made. Hon. Members on all sides of the House are well aware of that. It might be of some interest to link up my observations with one point which was raised by the hon. Baronet the Member for Gravesend (Sir R. Acland) during a debate which we had on this subject about a month ago, when he asked how this United Nations technical aid joined in with the Colombo Plan and where it differed from that Plan.

The important point at issue is that under United Nations technical aid only 25 per cent, of any sum set aside can be allotted for the provision of technical equipment, whereas under the Colombo Plan as much as the authorities deem advisable can be set aside for that purpose. Therefore, we have been able, with the Colombo Plan scheme worked in with United Nations technical aid, to use a substantial amount of technical equipment from the Colombo Plan to help in United Nations technical aid. For instance, under the Colombo Plan, a railway training centre was established in Lahore, with equipment to the value of £28,000 provided by the Plan to assist in what was being done already by United Nations technical assistance. I hope that the House will agree that this is a useful way in which to carry out the work.

Royal Assent

Message to attend the Lords Commissioners.

The House went; and, having returned

Mr. SPEAKER reported the Royal Assent to:

1. Development of Inventions Act, 1954.

2. Rights of Entry (Gas and Electricity Boards) Act, 1954.

And to the following Measures passed under the provisions of the Church of England Assembly (Powers) Act, 1919:

1. New Housing Areas (Church Buildings) Measure, 1954.

2. Reorganisation Areas Measure, 1944 (Amendment) Measure, 1954.

3. Cathedrals (Grants) Measure, 1954.

Supply

Civil Estimates, Supplementary Estimate, 1953–54

Class II

Vote 5. United Nations

That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £150,000, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1954, for grants in aid of expenses of the United Nations and of technical assistance for economic development.

Question again proposed, "That this House doth agree with the Committee in the said Resolution."

5.14 p.m.

I am grateful to the Joint Under-Secretary for the explanation of the Vote which he has given. It has become almost a platitude that we are all in favour of United Nations technical assistance, but when one looks at the somewhat thin attendance in the House this afternoon one would scarcely appreciate that the programme which we are discussing is one which is of interest in some way or other to every nation in the world, and that there must be people in a great many countries who pin to the programme their major hopes for a lifting of their living standards.

I suppose the reason why we have a rather thin attendance today is precisely that this is not, in principle at any rate, a matter of controversy. However, when we say that we are in favour of something, the question is how much we are in favour of it. I dare say that many hon. Members will know the famous story of the Quaker who was present when an accident occurred and everyone was standing around saying how terribly sorry they were and yet doing nothing to help. Eventually the Quaker became irritated with an exceedingly vocal man on his right and said, "How much art thou sorry? I am sorry £10," and produced £10 and gave it to the victim.

The Joint Under-Secretary has told us that the Government are now in favour of United Nations technical assistance to the extent of £650,000. He explained to us, very rightly, that this is an improvement upon the contributions which have been made by this country in the past. To that extent, the Opposition certainly welcome it. If we told the hon. Gentleman that we did not think that it was enough, certainly not enough in relation to the needs and to the amount of money which could usefully be used for this purpose, it would not perhaps be quite so much by way of criticism, for, after all, he would probably retort to us that when the Labour Government decided upon the first contribution it did not choose a figure as large as the present one. What we say is not so much by way of criticism of what has been given in the past as by way of indicating something of our feelings about what should be the future attitude of the Government to the programme.

We have now reached a point where our perspectives ought to be altering and we ought not to be judging our annual contribution too closely by relation to what was given last year or the year before. We must remember that the United Nations technical assistance programme was launched during what may be regarded as a very bad period in international affairs. It was launched the year before the Korean war began, and before the programme had got into its stride at all we entered the period when every country in the Western world was preoccupied by what it thought, rightly or wrongly, to be an extreme military emergency, when the cost of military programmes was rocketing.

Perhaps just as important psychologically as the money aspect was the fact that people's perspectives were shortened People were thinking of reaching some defence target two or three years hence, and we were all, rather more than we liked to be in the hands of the military planners, who always pick some date just ahead and say that that is the date by which we must be prepared.

I believe that we are moving out of that type of period and that our perspectives on these matters should be altering. By now not only ought we to be back in the spirit which launched, for instance, the American Point Four programme, but we ought already to have passed that point and to be taking a rather more optimistic view of what can be done in the realm of technical assistance for world development generally.

One of the things that most of us have learned in the course of these three or four years of very high international tension is how great the moral, political and economic challenges will be in the coming years and how insufficient it is simply to have military policies. Therefore, not only ought our minds to be back to the attitude that we had before the Korean war, but our views should already be further advanced than that.

I should like to mention in passing—I should be out of order in doing more than that—that the United Nations technical assistance programme, important as it is, is only one—and in money terms a relatively small one—part of the vast problem of world development, which includes the provision of vast sums of capital, etc. I am glad to learn that we are to have a discussion next week upon the whole problem of world mutual aid. When that occurs we shall no doubt have an opportunity to put in our good words for well-established bodies, such as the United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund, which in one of its numerous aspects, and in its proper sphere, is, of course, a United Nations technical aid administration on its own; and also something about newer projects, such as the United Nations special fund for economic development. If I do not mention them now it is basically because I should be out of order in doing so, but also because we are to discuss them next week. How- ever, I should not like it to be thought that I do not attach importance to those other matters.

It is important that we should appreciate the great expectations that have been aroused over the last two or three years in speeches throughout the country, about aid to backward territories, and we should realise that consequently an immense effort in the provision of skill and capital will be required if those expectations are not to be disappointed. So far the effort which has been made—whatever we may think of it as contributors—has been a drop in the ocean in relation to the needs.

The side of the plan for world development which has made the best progress is the technical assistance side, both through the technical assistance programme proper and the United Nations Children's Fund. No doubt that is because it is a side of the work which can be successfully begun without a vast expenditure of money, and the sums to be raised, initially at any rate, are relatively small. It is right that this technical assistance side should be in the vanguard because, after all, before we can move in resources for rapid development, it is important that their proper use should be assured.

That necessitates a proper appreciation of the conditions in receiving countries which, in most cases, are fundamentally different from the conditions in the developed countries. In other words, the conditions there differ fundamentally from those with which the experts who go in had previously been familiar, and those experts have to begin by adapting their minds and their outlooks to entirely changed conditions.

Moreover, since the resources which can eventually—even over a period of five, 10 or 20 years—be devoted to this work are bound, in the nature of things, to be scarce in relation to the need, it is important that we should try, above all, to apply those limited resources in places where they will fructify, if that is the right word. By "fructify" I mean the application of resources or technical aid where the initial injection from outside will not simply lead to a further demand for more outside aid next year and the year after, but where it will actually generate new wealth and new skills on the spot in the recipient country; so that foreign experts who have gone in and worked for a year or two will then be able to hand over the task to the people of the country who, in the meantime, will have learned the job, so that we shall not be called upon to produce more and more experts from our own countries.

This is what many people who have studied these subjects describe as helping the backward territories to get "over the hump." It is a widespread belief amongst many economists that there are large numbers of backward countries which, in their present conditions, are never likely to make a start on the accumulation of capital and skill unless they get help from outside, but which need only a relatively small amount of help; and then, when they have made the initial step, they will be able to enter upon the normal process of capital accumulation which has occurred over a couple of centuries in the advanced countries.

It is precisely in this field about which I have been speaking that the technical assistance programme has shown the greatest promise in its three years of experience. Of course it has had to buy its experience at a certain price. If anybody were to choose to criticise a certain number of the ventures it has undertaken, to allege that it has sometimes misjudged the proper priorities of what should be undertaken, I do not suppose that those who are running the scheme would wish to dispute that criticism. Of course there have been mistakes, but those lessons had to be learned by somebody and somebody had to pay for them. However, I believe they have been well learned by the technical assistance board, and that all of us, whether operating through the United Nations or through the Colombo Plan or through our own colonial schemes, will benefit from the lessons learned by the United Nations.

It is the case that most of the initial mistakes made by the technical assistance programme are already, if not completely remedied, on the way to being remedied. It is now true, for instance, that the programmes proposed are concentrated upon basic needs, upon the provision of food, of hygiene, of primary education and of the control of disease. There are no fancy schemes, no unduly complicated schemes of welfare, such as might be appropriate to a country which is already on a fairly high standard, but which are not really what the backward countries want.

Recently, Mr. David Owen, who is in charge of these programmes at the United Nations, said that they were undertaking new social schemes only where they were quite clear that social schemes would contribute to economic improvements as well. In addition, a lot has been learned about the handling of the human element when technical aid and advanced methods are introduced into a country unaccustomed to them. There is the question of adaptation of modern techniques to local and deeply engrained habits. Then there is an entirely different type of lesson, the lesson of how to avoid overlapping between the numerous United Nations agencies in this field.

Because all these improvements have been made in such a short time, it can be said that while the programme was certainly worth supporting when it began, it is infinitely more worth while supporting now, and that we can urge its expansion and contribute to that with far greater confidence that the money subscribed will not be wasted than we could have done three years ago.

As recently as last summer the entire United Nations programme was in jeopardy for want of funds. There had been inadequate pledging by the Member countries, and even in respect of what had been pledged there were defaults. There were also late payments. Perhaps one of the biggest difficulties, and one which we should try to help the United Nations to solve, was the difficulty that practically all the countries can only make year-to-year commitments, and that the board never knows from one year to the next whether it can count upon approximately the same budget in the next year. When one considers all those difficulties, it is no cause for wonder if there has been a certain amount of deficiency in planning, because it has been impossible for those in charge of the programme to look ahead as they would have wished to do.

I understand that the critical situation of last summer has been tackled partially through the pledging of over 24 million dollars against a target of just over 25 million dollars. I do not know whether the hon. Gentleman will be able to tell us how far that is considered to be adequate now, but it certainly was the case that until a few months ago many of the agencies who were looking to the board for funds were still engaged in cutting down heavily the programmes which they had projected, and there is no doubt that the target of 25 million dollars still falls a great deal short of the real demands—by which I mean what would be required even if a strict standard were adopted as to what were the most desirable schemes.

I think that 1953 is the first year in which the Technical Assistance Programme was in a position to have used far greater funds than it had. As has been the experience of the technical assistance schemes under the Colombo Plan when it first began, it proved to be much more difficult to spend money than people had expected. So much preliminary work had to be done and there was such a shortage of administrative skill and machinery for using money that there was no shortage of money. But in 1953 that ceased to be the case and, as each year goes by, the legitimate and proper demands will steadily increase, and we shall be called upon to provide more and more funds. Not only shall we have to complete projects already started, but we must continue to start new ones.

If we are serious about this matter at all we must recognise that our contribution of £650,000, will not be adequate as the programme develops, even if we were to accept the fact, which I do not entirely, that it is a satisfactory contribution for this year. What sort of rate of expansion ought one to be expecting? There may be, of course, no absolute standard to enable one to answer a question of that kind. I was interested to read one American assessment from a very responsible source.

Many hon. Members probably know that the International Development Advisory Board, which reported to the American Director of Foreign Operations Administration, Mr. Stassen, in December, 1953, expressed the view that this particular programme ought to be doubled in five years. In other words, if we have a target of 25 million dollars this year it should be one of between 45 million and 50 million five years hence. Not unnaturally from its point of view, that board also recommended that the percentage of the programme subscribed by the United States should drop during that period. If the total is to be doubled while the percentage contribution by the United States drops, that will inevitably mean a larger burden of obligation upon the other contributors.

I doubt if anybody will be prepared to say that this American estimate is too ambitious. I believe that it was already the case in 1953 that there were certain worthwhile projects which, had it been possible to start them in 1953, would have cost about 38 million dollars. The reason why that programme was cut down was because everybody knew that the money would not be available. Everybody must guess that that figure for worthwhile projects would be very much greater today.

The argument was used by our representative in the United Nations, when this matter was under discussion, that it was right and healthy that there should be always more demands on the programme than there were funds available. I can see the sense of that because one wants to be able to pick and choose and have a high standard of what it is worth asking the taxpayer to pay for. Probably it would not be healthy if there were 25 million dollars available and only 23 million dollars of projects put up. One must not take too much comfort from that, however, and above all one must not allow the demand for reasonable assistance to get so far ahead of supply of funds as to cause widespread frustration and disappointment throughout the economically backward territories.

Eventually the field for this assistance will be almost unlimited. Already the programme operates in very nearly 100 countries. There is some work or other under the technical assistance programme taking place in them all, and nearly 70 countries are actually contributing in personnel or in some other way towards it. Therefore, this programme looks like being something which will be well beyond the resources that we can make available in the coming years.

One of the great advantages of the methods used by the United Nations was referred to by my right hon. Friend the Member for Derby, South (Mr. Noel-Baker) in a previous debate. It might be called the multiplier effect of each contribution to the scheme. Not only does the United States at present match pretty generously contributions made by every other nation, but it has been estimated that in all schemes carried out under the programme about from five to eight times the international contribution is put up by the recipient State. Therefore, if we take into account the American contribution as well as the contribution locally every dollar that we subscribe means not far short of 10 dollars expendable on the ground.

I am aware, of course, that this is not the only technical assistance provided by this country. We have to support the Colombo Plan and we have colonial responsibilities, though perhaps we ought not to boast too much about that. After all, our contributions to the Colombo Plan are not contributions quite in that sense because they are the release of previous debt. As for the Colonies, there is some argument whether we are living at their expense or they are living at ours. I should not like to make too much of the argument that we already contribute so much and that the outgoings from this country are so much in other fields that we ought not to be expected to play the same part in the United Nations programme as other countries which have not the same responsibilities.

I believe it to be a good thing that in the present phase there should be quite a number of different agencies engaged in technical assistance work throughout the world. I doubt whether in the present phase it would be administratively possible or desirable for all aid to backward countries to be given through a central body at the United Nations. Nevertheless, we should work towards that end, because co-ordination and avoidance of overlapping of programmes is essential and will become more essential as the scale of assistance increases throughout the world.

I am becoming increasingly convinced that the United Nations type of aid has great advantages over national schemes, however well those may be run. I was delighted to see that in that proposition I received very recent support from as experienced a person as Mr. Paul Hoffman, who knows a great deal about the administration of international aid. In a speech in New York this month he laid great emphasis on the incipient fear that there is in these backward countries of a new kind of colonialism, and of pressure being exerted by the great nations which are providing the money on the poorer, smaller nations which are receiving it.

He also referred at some length to the danger, when giving this aid, of almost unconsciously and involuntarily attempting to impose the standards of the donor country on the recipient country—not only the way of doing things in the technical sense but also the way of life of the donor country. I was amused that when he gave examples of the kind of trouble into which that might lead that he did not quote instances of United States aid to some country in Asia or Africa but spoke of a pre-war incident of his own experience when he tried to introduce American methods into a Studebaker factory in this country and how he found that the natives just would not take it.

If that is true of two countries which are in many ways so near to each other as the United States and Britain, how much more must it be true when the United States or Britain goes to the aid of a country that has had no previous industrial experience? Mr. Hoffman thinks that the United Nations very largely avoids this danger, because one has not in the United Nations a big country telling a little country what to do. The United Nations, however, cannot altogether get over the other problem of how to ensure that the aid that is provided is used to the best advantage. It is one thing to say that there must be no pressure by the donor and no attempt to model the recipient country on the donor; it is another to say that there must be no attempt to see that the aid provided is not entirely wasted or corruptly thrown away. I think that we all agree that the United Nations should give guidance and, where necessary, might even exercise friendly pressure.

It is easier for the United Nations to give aid consistent with the self-respect of the recipient country than it is for any one of the great nations, however good its intentions, because under this technical assistance programme the recipient country knows that if it is an equal sovereign Member of the body that controls the scheme it has a voice. If it thinks that the power of disposal of the scheme is being abused it has the opportunity of going, as an equal and sovereign Member, and discussing the matter in the United Nations itself.

I shall only say a few sentences about a point which, if we were having a wider debate, would deserve much greater emphasis, that is, the answer to the question why donor countries should bother to make these contributions at all. Often arguments that we ought greatly to increase our contributions to schemes such as this receive the reply that this is merely a dream of "do gooders" and that there is no great interest on the part of Britain, the United States or some other country, to call on taxpayers to contribute.

First, we ought not to decry the desire to do good in the world because, whatever other motive operates, we must call on the idealism of people and on their imagination. I think we shall, in fact, get a very considerable response if we do so. Nevertheless, it is true that that motive, by itself, would very often not be sufficient to open the coffers of national Treasuries. I think it important, therefore, to record—as I say I am not going to argue it—that there are many other more material motives for doing this.

We all know that the world is short of food, at any rate in certain areas where it is most needed and where there are the heaviest populations. The Western world, the advanced industrial world, is in danger of finding itself with industrial shortages for factories in a reasonably short space of time, and, in certain economic circumstances, we might all be threatened with loss of our export trade through lack of purchasing power by so enormous a section of the world's population. It is quite clear that if we are to have a prosperous world there has to be a high level of purchasing capacity and not only in the relatively small parts which we think of as industrially advanced. Because these things are realised, the business world is becoming interested in United Nations technical assistance schemes, and I am delighted that that is so. It would be a great fillip to world movements if business circles in the West would devote their minds and actions to this.

Of all the alternative ways in which aid can be given to backward countries, that of the United Nations is the most promising. Whether it becomes effective or not must depend on whether the great and richer nations support it or not. We on this side of the House and, I hope, hon. Members opposite, want to see Britain take the lead and to set an example in this matter. I believe that this is going to involve far greater sums than the relatively modest sum which we are proposing to vote today.

5.42 p.m.

I wish to say how much I appreciated the speech of the right hon. Member for Grimsby (Mr. Younger). He has raised some very important points and has adopted a very sane attitude to some of the difficult problems which this very important question poses.

At the beginning of my few remarks, which will be mostly in an interrogatory form, I wish to say that I am a great supporter of technical assistance to underdeveloped countries. I should like to see it extended as much as possible. As a Christian nation we have a duty to do so. It is up to us to help our fellow men in other parts of the world, whatever their colour or creed and we should do all we can to encourage other nations to do likewise. I think it is also our duty, as representatives of the people of this country in this House, to make quite sure that the money is spent in the best possible way and that none of it is wasted.

If £650,000 is spent in the current year we shall have spent £1,360,000 in the last three years. Of course, that is a flea-bite compared with some other items of expenditure. I have been entertaining myself by reading the speech of the hon. Member for Gravesend (Sir R. Acland) when we discussed the matter on 17th December last. I saw that he was comparing amounts which we give the United Nations with other sums we expend, such as the £30 million to relieve us of sugar rationing and that sort of thing. This is a flea-bite compared with those figures, but, on the other hand, it is quite a lot of money and we are entitled to know that it is being spent properly.

It was news to me that we are spending £650,000 this year. When the hon. Member for Gravesend was making his speech on 17th December he referred to the sum of £550,000 and the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs intervened to say that it was not to be £550,000 but £600,000. I do not know whether that is the announcement referred to in this Supplementary Estimate which, in giving the details, says:

One reason why I think we have to be very careful to see that the money is spent aright is that, as the right hon. Member for Grimsby said, we are spending a lot of money in assisting other nations, chiefly within our Empire. We have great commitments elsewhere. I think it right that we should do everything we can in every corner of our Empire. If we have those responsibilities elsewhere, I think it is up to other nations to do what they can through the United Nations sources, always assuming that we play our fair share first. I do not think that it will be easy to make sure that the money is spent carefully.

I know that it is stated in the Estimate that

I think it a good thing that our technical experts should be employed in other parts of the world. Here I differ with the right hon. Member for Grimsby, who said that he wanted to see the money spent so that other nations could get their industries going and, after a year or two, our people could retire from the scene. I think that a little optimistic and, perhaps, a little woolly. Anyone who has dealt with the training of large numbers of employees knows that it takes at least five years to train them to operate machinery properly. In undeveloped parts of the world, such as Africa, it might take as long as 10 years to train them to use the machinery.

It is important that the House should be told exactly how much of this money comes back to this country in the form of orders and employment for our people. Although, generally, I am in favour of United Nations channels being used to carry out this development, I do not find myself in entire agreement with Mr. Paul Hoffman. I saw his reported remarks. My view is that it is a good thing, if Britain is giving the assistance, that Britain should impress something of her own ideas, her culture and her standards upon the nation she is assisting.

We have the finest Civil Service and the finest body of technicians. If Britain does impress her standards on some other nation in another part of the world that can only be for good. The fact that Mr. Hoffman does not want to impress American standards on other nations does not altogether surprise me. I am not sure that I do not agree with him there, but I am sure that Britain has much to offer the world in culture, in standards of honesty and morality, in technical excellence and in education.

I was glad to hear the right hon. Member for Grimsby speaking of the reasons for giving technical assistance. I was glad that he did not say that we ought to assist underdeveloped countries because that would be a means of avoiding war. That is put forward by many people as one of the reasons why we should pour money almost ad lib into these underdeveloped countries, the argument being that if they have more money they will have a higher standard of living and become less belligerent and less likely to go to war. I do not think that follows. If anything, the opposite may be the case. Nevertheless, apart from that, I think it right and proper that we should assist these countries to the best of our ability.

It is true that I did not mention it, but I should not like it to be thought that I consider that world development has no connection whatever with creating conditions in which war is less likely. It is a very complicated argument. Put in the form that if you give people more money they are less likely to cause trouble it is unnecessarily crude and nearly false, but I did not make the reasoned argument because it is too long.

I appreciate that, but the right hon. Gentleman referred to the fact that if we are to put money into underdeveloped countries the conditions have to be right in order that it may be used properly.

I was impressed by an article which I read in a magazine called "Readers' Digest," four or five months ago. It was written by an official of the Unilever organisation who had been closely associated with Unilever developments in different parts of the world. He expressed the view, with which I strongly agree, that if the best use is to be made of this money, and of the assistance which comes from the Western nations, it is absolutely essential that these countries should make every effort to do the work themselves, and not simply leave it to a number of outsiders.

In so many cases it is simply left to the women to do the work. People in many countries will have radically to change their ideas if they wish to bring their standard of living to a level comparable with that of the Western nations. There are far too many countries where work for the male is regarded as something indecent, and practically against their religion. The men just sit around, or do a little hunting or a bit of fishing and leave their wives to do all the work.

That sort of thing must be changed. It may be a question of education or it may be that the missionaries can help in that direction. There must be completely different standards in some countries. It is no use thinking that money can be poured into those countries and that everything will then be all right after a year or so.

I know there are other hon. Members who know more about this subject than I do and who wish to speak, so I do not intend to detain the House too long. But I should like the Under-Secretary of State to answer some of the questions I have asked about how the money has been spent. I should like to know whether we have used the £650,000 wisely, whether the sum will increase and whether he will bear in mind that we are already spending about £1½ million on the United Nations headquarters as our contribution. Last year, we gave them £11,000 for the fabric alone and no doubt the sum will increase. I see that in the coming year we are to spend £2,225,000.

The United Nations has often been criticised in the Press and by the public generally and we must be absolutely certain that we are getting our money's worth.

5.54 p.m.

I am sure that the House is grateful to the Under-Secretary who opened the debate, both for his brevity and the fact that he struck so high a note, and, of course, to my right hon. Friend the Member for Grimsby (Mr. Younger) for his sustained support for technical assistance.

I should like to have said something in similar terms about the speech of the hon. Member for Heston and Isleworth (Mr. R. Harris) but, if he will permit me to say so—I am sure that he will in this Assembly of free speech—I think his speech was unworthy of the subject and the kind that this House does not wish to hear again on a matter of this importance.

We are grateful for the increase of the contribution to the United Nations technical aid programme to £650,000. The fact that we are discussing technical aid is, in my view, an indication that, notwithstanding international tension, the cold war and the increase in armaments which have characterised the immediate post-war period, there is today a greater measure of economic sanity than was apparent in the years immediately after the First World War.

I remember that in those years the great desire was to gear the British economy to the 1913 economic standards. I remember President Harding's slogan of "Return to Normalcy." I remember the Tory Party during that period, securing their return to power on the basis of the slogan "Return to Tranquillity." These slogans were derived from the fantastic notion that we could secure a return to the lost world of the pre-1914 days.

The greatest and the most heroic attempt to restore that lost world was made by the present Prime Minister. When he was Chancellor of the Exchequer, in 1925, he said that we must get back to the gold standard; that we should restore the rules by which we played the economic game. We did not get back to that lost world, but what we did get was the General Strike of 1926 and, together with the policy pursued by the right hon. Gentleman's "Atlantic cousins," we secured a world in which people both here and abroad starved in the midst of plenty.

Today, in spite of all the international stresses, we have this great scheme for providing technical aid to underdeveloped countries in order to develop their latent resources, to increase the productivity of those territories so as to raise the standard of living of the people and thereby extend the markets of the world to that part of the vast populations now living in tragic conditions of malnutrition and disease.

I recall Professor Arnold Toynbee describing this great work as the most significant trend in this century. He said that when history recalls the present time it will not be considered or remembered for its devastating wars or its massed cruelty but as a period when, for the first time in history, mankind has dared to believe that it is possible to share the advantages of civilisation with the whole world.

It is interesting, as my hon. Friend the Member for Gravesend (Sir R. Acland) said the other evening, to consider the comparative standards of expenditure in respect of this great work carried out through the agency of the United Nations and that devoted to armaments. The total cost of this great experiment for last year was no more than 20 million dollars, and our contribution was £650,000. That is precisely one-tenth of the cost of an aircraft carrier, and yet the increasing momentum which this work has shown in the last 12 months has produced a situation in which there is a real hope that this agency may well be the means of developing the latent wealth in the undeveloped territories of the world and thereby bring about the greatest contribution to the peace of the world.

I was very glad to hear my right hon. Friend refer to the economic value of this work; for example, when he said that this was not merely a movement seeking to do good, but that it had a sound economic basis. I have read the Report of the Mission which has just returned from an investigation of the work of the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, which has an intimate association with the work of technical aid. This Mission went out on behalf of the Federation of British Industries, and, in its Report, it says that it is rather disappointed that sufficient attention is not given to British industrial interests by the International Bank, and, on the other hand, that the International Bank is unable to get responses to invitations which it sends to this country to supply men to fill the positions of engineers and technicians needed in connection with its financially sponsored schemes.

I admit that I am quoting, in my own words, the views expressed in the Report, but it is significant that the Mission realise that a greater alertness is certainly required on the part of British industry, and here I refer as much to British Trades Union Congress as well as to the Federation of British Industries, and I am sure this Report will bring to their attention the importance of this work in relation to the business and economic interests of this country.

For example, I would refer to British Guiana. I am advised that a scheme approved by the International Bank is being held up, not for finance, because that has already been provided, but because of the lack of engineers. It seems to me to be an astonishing thing that, when we are committed to the economic development of our Colonies in that particular sense, to say nothing of our general obligations to develop the under-developed countries, we should be guilty of failing to match up to the need of developing our own Colonies. I am also advised that recently, in connection with an engineering project in Iraq, a request was made to us to send engineers and technicians, but they were not forthcoming, and, as a result, the work went elsewhere.

In the same Report, apprehensions are expressed about the increased interest taken by Germany and Japan in this work of technical aid, because those countries realise the tremendous trade potentialities which will arise from the further development of this work. Yet, the British people, who are largely responsible, in co-operation with the United States, for evolving this important agency of the United Nations, fail to recognise the importance of this development as a sound economic investment for our country. It is only a short time since the idea was first mooted. I think it was in 1949 that it first began to take shape, and now we have got special agencies, subject to the co-ordinating direction of the technical assistance board, doing really good work.

I should like to put this proposal to the Foreign Office. I know it is quite a popular thing to advocate the accountability of a single Minister to this House for certain branches of Government business. I find that there are no fewer than seven Ministers responsible, in some way or another for the discharge of the responsibilities of the Government towards the technical aid board of the United Nations. It would be impracticable to ask for all those Ministries to be merged, for the purpose of technical aid policy, into one single Ministry, and for one single Minister to be responsible in this House, but I do think that there is a case for the setting up of what I would call a central technical aid bureau, by which the existing administrative agencies in this country, like the British Council, the Central Office of Information and others, might be merged, as it were, into one central authority, sponsored by the Government under the auspices of the Foreign Office.

The work of that bureau should be to develop an increasing alertness on the part of British industry to the immense economic and trade opportunities provided by the development of technical aid in the under-developed countries, both as a means of helping full employment, helping this country to balance its payments and to increase the markets of the world.

If we are sensible enough, we shall employ our technicians in such a way that they would be much more effective as ambassadors of good will than any diplomat could possibly be, because I am convinced that the old slogan, "Trade follows the flag" no longer fits the facts of the present century, and that it is much more appropriate to say that exports follow the experts.

I therefore ask the Under-Secretary of State to consider, first, for the purpose which I have already mentioned, developing, in conjunction with the Productivity Council, an increasing participation of British industry, in the technical aid programme; secondly, to secure the cooperation of the Productivity Council and the universities for the purpose of providing and training technicians for the work of the technical aid bureau; thirdly, to encourage the extension of scholarships to enable those who have the capacity to come to this country from the underdeveloped countries and secure technical training and, having secured it, to return to their native lands and carry on the good work of developing the latent wealth possessed by their own countries.

That is a proposition worthy of the consideration of the Foreign Office. It has already been done recently by the Netherlands Government with, I understand, increasingly good effect. I therefore ask that the matter should be considered here. From reading the Report of the Mission from the Federation of British Industries, to which I have drawn attention, it is clear that it began to realise for the first time the economic importance of this work to Britain. One realises how we are failing to show to the British people the great potential opportunities of developing this great work of the 20th century. We are failing to realise how much it would benefit the British people if they were seized with a spirit of adventure and determination in this direction.

I hope that when the Government come to the next review of these Estimates they will—if they are in office—propose not a miserable £650,000 as our contribution to this programme but £1 million per annum for the next three years. Then, in co-operation with the United States, we shall be able to give a lead to other countries so that the technical assistance board will feel that there is enthusiasm for the idea among the free nations for giving technical aid to underdeveloped countries.

6.13 p.m.

I am sure it would be out of order if I did more than to call attention to the missing cohorts on the Government benches and asked for a Count. I am glad of the opportunity to follow my hon. Friend the Member for Oldbury and Halesowen (Mr. Moyle), because I was shaken by the speech of the hon. Member for Heston and Isleworth (Mr. R. Harris). But for the fact that the hon. Member is now absent from the benches opposite I might be tempted to be a little waspish if he were facing me. I never thought that the need for developing the underdeveloped territories would need a champion in this House.

Many people pay lip-service to the idea of helping backward peoples, but I exempt from this category my hon. Friend the Member for Gravesend (Sir R. Acland), whose work has inspired people like myself in this connection. I only wish that I could whip up the fervour, almost fanaticism, that he shows for the cause of the millions of people, about 60 per cent. of the world's population, who are living under conditions of dire want, poverty and malnutrition and who badly need technical assistance to get them "over the hump," as my right hon. Friend the Member for Grimsby (Mr. Younger) put it. We must help them to lift themselves by their boot-straps, as it were, by their own efforts in their own territories.

I am delighted that the Government, and the Minister who is now facing me, have seen the light and, this year, are giving £650,000, instead of the £500,000 to which people both in this House and outside took exception a short time ago. I assure the Minister that there was distinct anxiety in the country about it. I well remember meeting Mr. Ritchie Calder in the Lobby in the summer of last year. He is well known for his book "Man Against the Jungle." He expressed his disquiet and misgivings over the lack of money provided for this cause of United Nations technical assistance. Even the 25 million dollars of the global total falls short; I should like to see very much more money indeed spent on this vital task of development.

I have with me the Report of the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations for 1952–53. In the introduction on pages 2 and 3, when talking about the development of the technical aid programme, the Report speaks in these terms:

One hon. Member mentioned that we had spent much money on the development of backward territories inside our Commonwealth and Empire. I would tell the hon. Member for Heston and Isleworth that, despite sneers from the opposite benches about nuts and eggs, in the past we did this very job in our own colonial sphere most successfully. If the same work had been done on a global scale with the help of national or international funds as we did inside the Commonwealth under the Labour Government from 1945 to 1951, we should have a much better world than we have now.

We have nothing to be ashamed of in those six and a half years in office. We did a wonderful job in Africa with the Colonial Development Corporation and the Colonial Development Welfare Funds. Anybody can fight a war. The right hon. Member for Woodford (Sir Winston Churchill) was a magnificent war leader; but it takes just as much to wage the peace. The Germans used to have a pseudo-science which they called "Geo-politik." We want, in peace time, a strategy which is based upon geography in the same way.

In this context, may I take up something which was said by my right hon. Friend the Member for Grimsby? He asked, "Why do we bother to do anything like this at all? Why bother to give technical assistance in the way we are doing?" No Socialist who is worthy of the name, and no Member of this House of Commons, would allow his anxiety for other people to stop short at the Straits of Dover. In the past, those on these benches gained support and came to power by giving a square deal to the bottom dog in these islands. I suggest that we should now cast our gaze outwards beyond the Channel and give a square deal to the bottom dog in the world beyond.

Having said that, we come to what I might term enlightened self-interest. Without too many statistics let us look at the problems of food supply and population increase. Although the world population has gone up by perhaps 10 per cent, in the last decade, world food output has certainly not gone up by anything like that. Some of my friends have discussed family limitation, particularly in the case of the West Indies. I was very interested to find these words at page 85 of the Annual Report of the United Nations Economic and Social Council, on the technical assistance programme:

Before he leaves this point, will my hon. Friend not agree that experience all over the world tends to show that family planning and family limitation are apt to fail where there is great poverty? It is only when the standard of life is first appreciably raised that family planning becomes successful.

I agree. Therefore let us, with technical assistance, lift up the material values, and hence the corre- sponding outlook of these peoples, and there will be no need for artificial methods of coping with the question of population and the supply of food.

The fact remains that there are many empty bellies in the world today. What disturbs me is that areas which once cultivated food are now going over to the cultivation of fibres—as in Malaya and elsewhere. Technical assistance is absolutely vital in all peasant farming areas in the world. The need is absolutely overwhelming for technical specialists to advise on pest control, animal husbandry, forestry and the like.

The backward peoples need this "know-how." It is vitally important that they should have it because with efficiency we obviously get a much greater yield of food. Otherwise, I feel that it is impossible to equate this question of food supplies to increasing population. In this connection technical assistance in the Empire is doing a first-class job.

We need not be ashamed of what we have done, although we can do a lot better. In 1952–53, 451 experts were sent out to foreign countries. My hon. Friend the Member for Oldbury and Halesowen spoke of the lack of engineers in Iraq and of other technicians being sent to other parts, but of those 451 we sent 56; the U.S.A. sent about 140, and France 48.

I would emphasise the need not just for—I was about to say anthropologists, or the taxation experts who went to Colombia to check their finances—but for more ecologists to advise on the balance of vegetation and soil which is, in my view as important in this connection to underdeveloped territories as is medicine and anthropology. To gain control of the soil is the most important achievement of mankind. It is senseless to erect any superstructure of civilisation at all—never mind making aeroplanes, atomic bombs, and so on—if there is not control of the soil beneath our feet for food supplies. It is vital that these backward people should be underpinned by a secure anchorage in mother earth. Otherwise, all else, I think, is useless. Therefore, the more technicians we send to these peasant societies the better.

Where Europeans have gone in the past we have seen soil erosion on a very large scale indeed. In Africa, in particular, the areas badly eroded are the Union of South Africa and the Rhodesias, where the white man has taken his own type of farming.

I grant the dust bowl of the Middle West.

The Europeans have mined the soil in these overseas lands, but it is a shattering thought that the Soviet Union who have always talked of balanced farming, are ploughing the steppes of Siberia to produce an extra 60 million tons of wheat. By means of technical "knowhow," advice we could get people back to farming sanity and regain the balance of nature—and a balanced population with it. Below the topsoil there is a planet as dead as the moon, and once that has gone by erosion it can never be recovered. With normal processes of denudation—plus humus and the like—it takes millions of years to get a fertile soil.

I recently, when visiting Kenya and the Rhodesias, had the pleasure and benefit of flying over many thousands of miles of Africa. From the Cape to Cairo there is soil erosion on a very large scale indeed. I would say that it is the biggest problem in Africa—bigger even than African politics. It is there that the United Nations technical assistance and experts will have to turn their gaze. It is sobering to fly over a continent like Africa and see erosion on this scale.

I end by thanking the Government for this extra £150,000 over the £500,000, but let us double it if we possibly can. Why not give £1 million annually for the next three years? We must not forget that this nation's internal prosperity and internal standard of living have been going up annually since 1946 to the tune of some thing like £460 million. We can, therefore afford to tighten our belts a little to send out technicians. We can surely give a little more than £650,000 for this magnificent job, under United Nations agency, to help to lift the backward people out of the squalor and misery in which they are at present wallowing.

6.28 p.m.

Although I am glad that both sides of the House seem to be in general agreement on the suitability of voting this sum for the purpose laid down in the White Paper, I sense a certain difference in emphasis. One view is that more money ought to be given; the other, that it is a question of how the money is spent. I rather take the latter view. I am not so much concerned about the size of this Vote, although it is very small. A great deal can come from a very little investment of this kind. Out of a small acorn can in time grow a great oak. I feel that is just the situation we are faced with here.

It is not a question of how much money is spent. Many of the countries to which this money will go live under feudal systems. The landed nobility own the land, and if money is spent there most of it will go into the pockets of the big landowners instead of helping the peasants. In some countries, mainly in the Middle East, nationalism is so strong that they would refuse to accept money except on terms which would be unacceptable to us.

I presume that this money does not go to any countries in the Commonwealth and Empire.

Not much. I take it that this money is voted to the United Nations, and it will then be used for public schemes in countries mainly outside the Commonwealth and Empire.

Yes, but there are countries outside the Empire which require assistance. I am thinking of countries in the Middle East, with poverty-stricken populations and a peasantry whose standard of living must be raised, if possible. In these countries, however, there are internal factors which make it extremely difficult for us to help them. The way in which the money is spent is, therefore, extremely important.

If the Joint Under-Secretary replies, I hope that he will tell us a little more than he did in opening, about the kind of projects for which this money is likely to be spent. Has the Foreign Office scrutinised plans prepared for irrigation and hydro-electric schemes, and surveys of various kinds, or is this money just being handed over to the United Nations Commission in order that it can work out the details? I know that the Foreign Office cannot be expected to go into details, but as guardians of the public purse we should be told a little more about the schemes for which this extra money is being voted.

Vital as these matters are, it is important to consider the projects on which the money is to be spent. I understand that in one South American country money has been spent on the improvement of public health by fighting malaria, with the result that during the past few years the population has risen enormously and a very serious food problem has been created. The future state of that country is likely to be worse than its former state, unless the output of food is increased. That is the kind of problem with which we are faced. Although health and welfare are vital questions, especially in the Middle East, where conditions of health are extremely low, we shall not be able to improve the situation unless, side by side with our attempts to improve health and welfare, money is spent on irrigation and hydro-electric schemes and the improvement of livestock.

Many of the important schemes are commercial. The operations of the great oil companies are entirely outside anything we are considering today. Many of the irrigation and hydro-electric schemes are the subject of contracts between commercial firms and the Governments of the countries concerned. But there are some very important exploratory and pilot schemes, such as the settlement of landless peasants upon newly irrigated land in co-operative colonies. It is no use starting such a project on a very large scale. It must be started in a very small way, to see whether it is likely to succeed.

Last autumn I saw one of these schemes in operation in Iraq. This scheme is being carried out entirely by the Government of Iraq, but we might give them some help in settling the landless peasants and providing them with credits, so that they can do the job correctly and keep out of the hands of moneylenders, who are worse than the big feudal landowners of the past.

Some countries have to deal with the problem not only of the irrigation but the salting of land. In the lower part of Iraq such a new problem has arisen, and part of this money could very well be spent on its investigation. The floods in the Euphrates and Tigris bring down large quantities of salt every year. The mere irrigation of the land does not solve the problem. After a year or two the salt remains, and the people are faced with the very serious problem of getting rid of it. In many undeveloped countries such problems will increase the cost of irrigating the land and making it fit for the production of agricultural crops.

When I was in Persia this autumn I found that the Americans had done a lot of very good work under the Point Four programme. That is outside our discussion, but it is a work in which we could assist, by giving technical aid for the improvement of livestock. One livestock improvement centre which I visited in 1950 had been in existence for five years. Originally it had one bull and eight cows, and by the time I went there three calves had been produced, and that was all, because the money which had been voted from Teheran had gone into the pocket of the man in charge.

The last time I was there I found that technical assistance had been given under the Point Four programme, American experts had been there, and first-rate work was being done. New types of bulls had been brought in, together with vaccines and medicines. That is the kind of thing which can be done, with a relatively small outlay, to raise the standard of life of the people and improve the livestock. It is not a question of pouring out vast sums of money. I am quite content that £150,000 should be spent, provided it is properly spent, and the livestock project in Persia is an example of the way in which help can be given.

But in many of these old countries in the Middle East we are up against antiquated social systems and violently extreme forms of nationalism. The people believe that any assistance which comes from outside will enslave them, and the reactionary landowners take advantage of that to rouse public feeling against the foreigner and divert attention from their own failings.

Thus, it is not very easy to make headway, but at the same time, difficult though the problem is, I feel that we must try to make some impression, not only within the Commonwealth but also outside. The Americans have done a certain amount, and we must go along too. I do not want the Americans to be the only people who are doing this in the Middle East. We must do the same as they are doing. We have the experts. We have had difficulties with Persia, but there is now a chance for us to go forward.

There is also the fact that it will help our export trade, and we need not be ashamed of that. Altruism can be a good investment from our point of view. I welcome the Vote, and I hope that the Joint Under-Secretary will tell us in a little more detail the objects for which the money is contributed.

6.41 p.m.

I want to ask a question on what the Minister said about the relationship between our technical assistance under the Colombo Plan and the technical assistance from the United Nations which goes to all the countries in the world, but largely to the countries under the Colombo Plan.

It is very satisfactory to know that our money can be used for buying technical equipment up to whatever percentage may be necessary, whereas the money of the United Nations is limited to only 25 per cent. on technical equipment. This would be a very satisfactory explanation if what was to be explained was the extraordinary rate at which the Colombo money is being expended. I have asked the Minister on several occasions—I have not yet really been satisfied—to tell me the mysterious reason why the Colombo technical assistance money is going so slowly.

I want to ask whether the answer which he has given us today about our Colombo technical assistance money being available for equipment is a reality in India, Pakistan, Ceylon and Burma, or whether it is only a convenient answer to give to the House because it sounds good. There is a fairly simple question which will probe whether it is reality or House of Commons talk. I should be grateful if the Minister could answer the question tonight or would tell me that he will give me an answer later.

There are, I suppose, about 1,000 United Nations technicians scattered throughout the Colombo area. What I want to know is: what steps have the Government taken to make sure that each of those technicians is thoroughly aware that if he is held up for want of equipment which he cannot get through United Nations funds, because of the 25 per cent. rule, it is open to him to put in an application for equipment from the Colombo technical assistance fund?

If the men on the spot do not know of this very generous offer of ours to fit into, and to ensure that our scheme marries up with, the United Nations scheme, everything is rather apt to end in talk and little reality is likely to result. If it has not been done already, it would be worth while to obtain from the United Nations the names and addresses of all the United Nations experts in the Colombo area and write to them explaining the position and letting them know that the Colombo technical assistance scheme is ready to receive such applications.

I do not propose to say any more on the matter now. I have spoken on this subject on the Adjournment, and my views are exactly the same as they were then. I welcome the change from £500,000 to £650,000, but I regard it merely as a change from a very mean contribution to a mean one.

6.45 p.m.

As the hon. Member for Gravesend (Sir R. Acland) has mentioned the Colombo Plan and the contribution which it might make in South-East Asia, I should like to ask my hon. Friend whether books can be provided under the Colombo Plan. There is a tremendous demand for books in the English language in all the new independent countries of South-East Asia, but, as far as I know, they are not at present being provided out of technical assistance funds. Technical assistance certainly ought to include the provision of books.

I am thinking, for example, of the provision of English language books in Parliamentary libraries. I should have thought that that came within the scope of technical assistance. If my hon. Friend cannot answer the point tonight, perhaps he will bear in mind that such books are very badly needed in a number of countries.

6.46 p.m.

The measure of agreement about this extremely important subject which has been shown in the debate has been very gratifying. Perhaps, however, it is not surprising that there has been such general agreement, since in a sense the debate has partaken of the nature of a Labour Party committee and virtually all the contributions have come from the Opposition.

However, I thought that the speech of the hon. Member for Heston and Isleworth (Mr. R. Harris) was dealt with a little hardly by my hon. Friend the Member for Rugby (Mr. J. Johnson) and my hon. and generally very kindly Friend the Member for Oldbury and Halesowen (Mr. Moyle). The hon. Member approved of the spending of the money upon the projects which have been enumerated, and I agree most wholeheartedly with him in that respect, but he did not seem to think that the correct and controlled expenditure of this money was likely to lead to the peace of the world, and on that I join issue with him most emphatically.

It seems to me and to most other people—I claim no originality for the thought—that we are in for a prolonged period of the cold war if we are lucky and it does not become a hot war. Yet, if South-East Asia, for instance, should become Communist, would anyone suspect that that would not materially worsen our condition in the cold war, and still more in a hot war, having regard, to put it at its lowest, to our rubber and tin supplies from Malaya?

What is more likely to induce the countries of South-East Asia to become Communist than that they should be at a level of near starvation? I should have thought that such money as this, expended properly and with all due safeguards—no one wishes to pay simply through the nose, without proper safeguards—provide the very best possible way of ensuring that peoples in the under-developed parts of the world receive what they regard as a fairer deal than they are having at present. I welcome the expenditure of the money we are here discussing, because of that.

After all, Communism may be all right when practised with the full consent and with the open eyes of all those who practise it, as it was apparently practised by the early Christians according to the Bible stories, but we are up against the fact that Communism today means totalitarianism. That is precisely why so many of us are so strongly against it. Totalitarianism means the complete denial of liberty. How can there be any deterrent to an Asian peasant, who is near the starvation line, embracing Communism, when he has never had the liberty of which Communism may deprive him?

In a totalitarian State he has much the same liberty as at present—to eke out a miserable existence and then to die in misery. So there is no deterrent whatever to him. Therefore, the expenditure of such sums as we are here considering is, in my submission, one thing that may well produce a deterrent to him from embracing totalitarianism and make him think it worth while to retain his liberty, once he has won it, under these schemes under the United Nations and our own Colombo Plan.

Every year we have our Estimates for the Air, the Army and the Navy. They involve astronomical figures; and the money spent each year is mounting. But we need to have something like, to use a compendious expression which I think will be understood, a "Colombo" estimate every year, of the amount to be spent, and carefully spent—something of a much higher order than this increased figure which we are considering today, on raising the standards of living of the under-developed countries of the world.

The Prime Minister and the Foreign Secretary are both keen on having a bipartisan foreign policy. But must it always be negative—just the piling up of armaments? Cannot there be a frank recognition that this sort of expenditure is as at least as important as expenditure on so-called conventional "defence." If they would do that, they would rally the whole nation behind them in what would be much more than by a bipartisan foreign policy. Although, admittedly, a long-term measure for securing peace, it would be a measure for establishing a just and, therefore, a lasting peace.

6.51 p.m.

I think that everyone is agreed that we have had a useful debate on this rather small item in itself on the Supplementary Estimates which are before the House. I thank all hon. Members who have spoken on both sides of the House for their support for what has been done by Her Majesty's Government in increasing the amount of money available from £500,000 last year to £650,000 in this calendar year of 1954.

I regret the party references which were brought into this matter because, honestly, I do not think there is really any need for any party atmosphere. I believe that the whole country, and all hon. Members in this House, are out to do their best for the people overseas who are concerned with this Vote.

It would not be in order for me to go into details about what the Government are spending in other respects, but I think I might mention briefly that in the calendar year 1953 we spent, by my arithmetic, over £100 million from this country in the release of sterling balances, and so on, to help these various countries. That is an indication of what this country has been doing in the past few years to help the so-called under-developed territories overseas.

I have not the time I wish I had to follow up the speech of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Grimsby (Mr. Younger), who has expert knowledge on this subject and always makes a very useful contribution to these debates. I think he realises that there is possibly a great deal more in this particular Vote than sometimes meets our eye. I have left it rather late in replying and I will, therefore, deal briefly with only one or two points. I hope that in the debate next week it may be possible for some of us to return to some of the others.

I think that two hon. Members—the hon. Member for Gloucestershire, West (Mr. Philips Price) and the hon. Member for Heston and Isleworth (Mr. R. Harris)—asked how this money is being spent. I hold the 1954 programme of technical assistance in my hand, and I think I am right in saying that a copy is already in the Library so that any hon. Member who is interested can study the projects and the details which go with them. There are 68 pages, and there are other reports. If any hon. Member is interested, and will let me know, I will undertake to send him a copy if he will undertake to read it. It is really quite a formidable document. I cannot think that any hon. Member would feel uninterested at the end of it. He will find far more things going on than possibly this sum of money we are discussing today indicates.

I should like to make reference to the useful speech of the hon. Member for Oldbury and Halesowen (Mr. Moyle) who made a point which I will personally look into. I do not undertake to do more than that. It was about the necessity for greater concern in these affairs on the industrial side by both the Trades Union Congress and also the Federation of British Industries. I think they appreciate the work which a number of people have done with them in the last few years and the growing necessity of having available technically skilled personnel.

In the past, in many different guises, this country has sent out considerable numbers of people overseas to do technical jobs. The supply of these people is not as great as we should like, but that is not the fault of any one section in this country, either the Government or any particular industry, or whatever it may be. There are great opportunities. There are sometimes relatively small technical points which arise. I understand that teachers, for instance, going overseas may lose certain of their pension rights, and this is the sort of thing which will affect our capabilities of finding sufficient individuals of the high quality required to go overseas and undertake this work. I will certainly look into that, and possibly we shall be able to say something about it in the course of the debate next week, although I doubt it, when this point will probably come up again.

On the question of getting seven Ministers under one head, that is something for which I have no responsibility. To use the phrase which my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for War uses, "ad hocery," I think a considerable amount is achieved by inter-Departmental committees. There is very effective working between the different Departments who are involved in this work.

I know that the hon. Gentleman has not much use for this Government or, I think, very much use for some of the hon. Members on his own side.

I should like to say a word about a particular aspect of the Supplementary Estimate with which we are dealing today. It is, of course, set on the provision of technical aid which covers a large number of activities. As the right hon. Member for Grimsby pointed out, there are other aspects of this work which have to be carried out. Management perhaps is one which it is as necessary to concentrate on as on one of the more technical skills which are considered under this particular project.

I think that I should also follow up another point which has been made by several hon. Members on both sides of the House. Possibly they would like to study the set up of the United Nations technical aid programme, when we have a quieter moment than one can have in the course of debate in this House, and the complexity of organising at the United Nations the establishment of the projects which have been carried out in the past, the control of the United Nations over what has happened in the past year or two, and the personnel concerned in carrying out these projects at the centre.

It is complex, but I believe that in the relatively short time we have been at work since the war, a considerable amount has been achieved in seeing that proper control is kept of public money. Considerable sums of money are concerned—

It being Seven o'Clock, and there being Private Business set down by direction of The CHAIRMAN OF WAYS AND MEANS, under Standing Order No. 7, (Time for taking Private Business) further Proceeding stood postponed.

Luton Corporation Bill

( By Order )

Order for Second Reading read.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read a Second time."

7.0 p.m.

I find myself tonight in a rather unusual position, but perhaps the position from which I am speaking, on the back benches, may serve to underline what, I am sure, is appreciated in all quarters of the House, that this is a Private Bill promoted by the mayor, aldermen and burgesses of Luton, a large part of which I represent in the House.

This is a wholly non-party Bill, presented for the decision of the House unfettered and unaided by party considerations and party Whips. It is my duty and responsibility to argue its merits as would a back-bencher on either side of the House. I sympathise with the position of my right hon. Friend the Member for Mid-Bedfordshire (Mr. Lennox-Boyd) who, on previous occasions, has spoken against the Bill. Let it be said in fairness to him that he opposes this Bill with no less vigour and conviction than he did on its two former appearances.

I need not dwell for more than a moment on Luton's claim for promotion, viewed in isolation. The right hon. Member for Ebbw Vale (Mr. Bevan) referred to it in April, 1950, as a "good, independent" unit capable of carrying out county borough duties. The hon. Member for Tottenham (Sir F. Messer) said that Luton, by itself, —appropriate for county borough status. If we exclude the Greater London area, Luton is the only borough in the country with a population of over 100,000. Of the existing 83 county boroughs, it is significant that 43 have a smaller population, 43 a smaller rateable value, and 44 a smaller yield of the penny rate.

The first important issue, therefore, is the effect on Bedfordshire. With Luton—I shall not weary the House with more figures than are essential to the presentation of the case—the county, in round figures, has a population of nearly 320,000 a rateable value of £1,957,000 and a product of a penny rate of £7,800. Without Luton, the county would have a population of 209,000 a rateable value of £1,131,000 and a yield for its penny rate of £4,512. These figures are of particular significance.

The issue is whether such a county would in such circumstances be viable; whether it would be capable of efficient independent existence. What is the evidence? Without Luton, the county would be larger in terms of population than 23 existing counties, larger in rateable value and in the penny rate yield than 24 existing counties, and larger in the rateable value per head of the population than 27 counties. This, I admit, is not conclusive, but it is evidence which should be taken into account. What is particularly relevant is that the county without Luton would have a population of 209,000 persons, a figure above the 200,000 regarded by the Boundary Commission at the lowest satisfactory limit.

But there are other and stronger considerations. If the argument is put forward, as I have no doubt it will be, that without Luton the county would not be capable of efficient independent existence, one wonders how it existed before 1945. In 1944–45, Luton was responsible for spending 70 per cent, of its rate income. In 1954–55, the figure has fallen from 70 to 37 per cent.

Let us assume for a moment that Luton is promoted to county borough status. What would the county lose? As compared with the 1944 position, the county would lose, in Luton, higher education, welfare, remand homes, approved schools, licensing of cinemas and Road Fund licences. But Luton already administers higher education on behalf of the county. If, then, we may ignore higher education, the difference would be responsibility for welfare, remand homes, approved schools, licensing of cinemas and Road Fund licences. Does that represent the difference between administrative life and death? Does it represent the difference between viability and whatever the opposite of viability may be? I doubt it.

The county has made it plain that had the Boundary Commission's proposal found statutory expression, had new county boroughs come into existence, it would have accepted the position of Luton as a new county borough. This is stated in the county council's own statement:

But my point is this. With Luton as a new county borough as defined by the Boundary Commission, the county would retain preparation of development plans, police, fire, financial responsibility for county roads, remand homes, approved schools, Road Fund licences and the licensing of cinemas. But in the Bill Luton is not now asking for responsibility for the police. It is willing to agree with the county council, within the ambit of existing legislation, the arrangement of a joint fire service. The increased burden in respect of county roads is offset by the equalisation grant. So we come back to the question—does a viable county become inviable, if that be the word, by losing responsibility for the preparation of development plans, for remand homes, approved schools, road fund vehicles and, of course, the licensing of cinemas? Does that really represent the difference between life and death, for that is the substance of the argument with which we are concerned?

I have heard the argument so often that I am looking forward to a repeat performance by the hon. Gentleman tonight.

Then there is the financial aspect. Before the advent of the equalisation fund, as the House will know, it was necessary to include compensation Clauses in such private Bills. Now the equalisation fund is regarded as dealing with these matters. At present—and this is a fact which has to be faced—Luton contains 34 per cent, of the population of the county and provides 42 per cent, of the cash, not a very attractive position for Luton, but clearly it is such a position as may, in the absence of appropriate compensation, provide embarrassment for the county.

I do not pretend that there are not valid criticisms of the mode of the working of the equalisation fund, but let us consider its application to Luton. The Luton borough treasurer has made his calculations. The present position in the county is that the deficiency below the average is 23 per cent, and the estimated grant from the fund in 1954–55 is £746,000, the equivalent of the rate of 7s. 8d. Without Luton the deficiency will be 31 per cent., and the estimated grant will be £667,000—the equivalent of a rate of 11s. 11d. from the equalisation fund to the county of Bedford without Luton.

The total of these sums is slightly less than the sum which is going to the county today and the redistribution within the county will cost other areas something as it will result in a large aggregate claim on the equalisation fund. [ Interruption. ] If the hon. Member will study the figures I have given he will see that there is no difference to the other areas involved in this new proposal.

Our calculation is that by the operation of the equalisation grant the loss to the county will be trivial, if anything, and while I recognise that this is a complicated matter, and a matter to be probed in greater detail than is possible on the Floor of the House, I believe the argument is strengthened for having this matter thrashed out in Committee where, with the aid of the experts, the validity of the proposition I am putting to the House can be thoroughly tested. I believe that the argument I have so far used supports the contention that the county without Luton will be a viable entity, or, if that be not wholly acceptable, that the case is sufficiently strong to deserve the kind of scrutiny which can only take place upstairs.

I want now to turn to the second consideration. I will not weary the House with a recital of events since the creation of the Boundary Commission. Let it suffice to say that in 1949, when it was abolished, hope was raised of a general reorganisation of local government which would render piecemeal development unnecessary. By 1950 the prospects of such a reform were getting somewhat dim. By 1950 the responsible Minister was no longer hopeful of local government reform in the foreseeable future, though he still remained opposed to piecemeal development. By 1952—and this is the point to which I want to draw the attention of the House—there were hopeful suggestions that local government reform was being brought nearer by discussions proceeding between the associations of local authorities.

An outcome of such discussions is now available for the consideration of the House. The Bedfordshire County Council refers to those discussions. It says that for some time past discussions have been proceeding between certain associations of local authorities on the subject of the reorganisation of local government. I quote from its statement: great weight must be attached to those discussions, as the county council use them as one of its stronger arguments, and the opponents of this Bill give them as the sole reason for their attitude. But is there real agreement between the local authorities on this subject? Of course, a four-Power agreement in this respect is not too difficult to reach, but the fifth party—

Since when has my hon. Friend reached the conclusion that an Amendment embodies every form of opposition to a Bill?

I have not reached that conclusion, but the Amendment gives only one reason, and I am led to assume that the least important reason has not been chosen for putting in the Amendment.

Is there agreement? The fifth party, which is not bound by the conclusions of the other four, is the Association of Municipal Corporations, the representative body of the municipalities of this country. What value has an agreement which is powerfully opposed by the body which is representative of the municipal corporations?

Let us look at some of the proposals and see why the municipalities are so opposed. The proposals of the four associations led by the county councils involve the loss of county borough status for all county boroughs below 75,000 population. They involve the demolition of 19 county boroughs, including Barrow, Bootle, Burton-upon-Trent, Bury, Canterbury, Carlisle, Chester, Dewsbury, Dudley, Eastbourne, Gloucester, Yarmouth, Hastings, Lincoln, Merthyr Tydfil, Tynemouth, Wakefield, West Hartlepool and Worcester. [An HON. MEMBER: "Why not?"] I am not commenting on the merits of these proposals.

What I am seeking to expose is that there is no agreement of any value in facing this problem of local government reorganisation. And that is not all. In these proposals there is reference to the great conurbations that have been defined and reviewed by the Minister on the basis of two-tier government. The wording of the paragraphs on the great conurbations—I put it no higher than this—involves the possibility of the demotion of some of the larger cities of this country. It is theoretically possible under those proposals to advocate the demotion of Manchester, and Birmingham. It has been calculated—I did not make the calculation—that the conurbation proposals might involve the demotion of another 19 county boroughs, bringing the total to 38.

All I wish to say upon this issue is that this agreement by the county Councils' Association and three others, involving as it does the possible demotion of 38 existing county boroughs, whatever the arguments for such demotion might be, can scarcely be regarded as an agreement between the associations of local government which is of the slightest value in connection with the solution of the problem of local government.

This agreement has a particular bearing on Luton. It deals with future county borough status and says:

If that be the correct interpretation of the agreement then, out of their own mouths, the County Councils' Association and its associates accept the proposition of Luton's promotion. However, it may be said that there are financial considerations, viability considerations, which must be taken into account. An extraordinary feature is that in this agreement there are no new proposals for financial adjustment. Presumably the authors of this document regard the equalisation fund as being a satisfactory vehicle for such financial transfer as is necessary. To sum up, whatever may be its merits, this is not a real agreement it is just as likely to be the source of even greater friction than has existed in the past.

Luton's Bill is of widespread interest to local authorities generally. There are those who opposed it four years ago, believing that general reorganisation was the right method. They have wearied in waiting for general reorganisation, and they now see that the local government structure is frozen, and Luton is stuck in the ice. There are those who argue that the local authorities themselves will produce such a scheme. I differ from them. We now see that there is no such agreement in sight.

There have been arguments against piecemeal development, but the facts of the situation are that piecemeal development is the only course open to us today. There is a growing volume of opinion, upon which I do not comment, that sees in piecemeal change a greater prospect of that elasticity which local government needs and which is an essential part of local government adjustment. In any case, last week this House decided on a piecemeal change. It decided to give the Ilford Corporation Bill an unopposed Second Reading and to send it upstairs.

A year ago the Minister advised the House to wait a little longer, to vote against the Second Reading of the Ilford Bill, and to record the view that when this reorganisation comes it should be part of a general and comprehensive plan. The House wasted a year, and sent the Ilford Bill upstairs.

Would my hon. Friend develop the point and tell us what caused the House to consider that that was a good thing to do?

The procedure of the House is known to all. There are ample opportunities for those who are sufficiently interested and punctual to express their opposition. It would be a mistake for any one in this House to appear to suggest that when the House is acting according to its Standing Orders it is acting unwisely or intemperately. The fact remains that the Ilford Bill received its Second Reading.

It has hitherto been argued, and I have had to meet the argument, that to give a Second Reading to a Bill means to approve the principle. That argument has been used against me. It has been said that the Committee upstairs is in- capable of interfering with that decision of principle. All I can say is that it will be most interesting to see whether the fervent advocates of that doctrine still adhere to it in the new circumstances in which we find ourselves.

There is some difference between the House debating a matter and taking a vote and then saying that it has approved in principle, which means that it has discussed the principle and approved it, and something going through "on the nod." Surely that is vastly different.

The House provides itself with the opportunity to deal speedily with the unopposed Bill. It decided not to oppose in that case, and the Bill went upstairs. I suggest that those who are disconcerted by this had better face the implications.

Would not my hon. Friend concede that under Private Bill procedure there is the distinction that when a Bill goes upstairs the Committee has to approve the Preamble and there is the extra hurdle which has to be got over?

Yes, but I was dealing with the argument of those who say that I have sought a Second Reading and asked for the details to be thrashed out upstairs. The hon. Member for Tottenham (Sir F. Messer) shows frankly by his expression that he has used that argument in the past and that we must not follow a policy of sending a Bill upstairs to be destroyed there.

The House has given an unopposed Second Reading to the Ilford Bill, and I hope that that will be remembered. I hope that the House will not think it unreasonable for me to suggest that now that the ice has been broken, Luton—Ilford's fellow traveller in misfortune over the years—should also have the privilege of having its Bill considered in Committee upstairs. Then the thaw really will have begun.

Two brief points, and I have finished. I know the immense burden which falls on my right hon. Friend the Minister of Housing and Local Government. I am certain that however hon. Members may differ in the opinions they may hold on the merits of the legislative proposals on which he is engaged, they will agree that there is a tremendous burden upon him, a burden which he bears with great skill and energy. However sympathetic he may be, however his sympathy may have been stimulated by Ilford's success, it is difficult to see how he can accept in the immediate future the burden involved in proposals of local government reorganisation. It is clear that they will not come by agreement between local authorities. They will have to come from the responsible Minister. It would be churlish to seek to extract a promise from him, bearing in mind the tremendous burden that he bears.

I suggest that Luton and Ilford have waited long enough, and that whatever hopes may be held out for the future, this Bill should be given a Second Reading. After all, the first Provisional Order giving Luton county borough status was made 40 years ago by the Local Government Board, and ever since Luton has been striving, whenever that has been possible, to achieve county borough status. My hon. Friend the Member for Bedford (Captain Soames) smiles approvingly. The county council has not helped it to secure county borough status, and I do not believe that it will tonight.

Finally I would urge—and I am certain that this will appeal to all hon. Members—do not let us view this problem merely as a question of population, rateable value, the yield of a penny rate or even the procedure of this House. To Luton have come people from all parts of the country, seeking and finding good employment in efficient industries. The town has grown rapidly to its present population of over 110,000. On the old Luton has been built a new Luton. Because of this denial of its right fully to govern itself, it is apt to feel unrecognised and overlooked, and to feel a futility about a local government structure which does not permit the town fully to control its own affairs. Its adolescence is over, and it should now be allowed to stand on its own feet and to govern its own affairs.

As a matter of human psychology, therefore, as well as for other reasons, I believe that it is in the interests of local government generally that this Bill should receive its Second Reading. I hope that the House will feel that the one effective way of securing the most prompt and early release from this present position of stalemate is to give the Bill a Second Reading tonight.

7.32 p.m.

I beg to move, to leave out from "That" to the end of the Question, and to add instead thereof:

The objections to this Bill fall into two parts. First of all, there is the harmful effect that the passage of this Bill would have on Bedfordshire and those who live in that county, unless it were accompanied by a widespread general reorganisation of the structure of local government. The second objection is that such reorganisation appears to be in the realms of at least possibility if not probability, and it would be the greatest pity if, at this time, the chances of reaching complete agreement were prejudiced by this House, after due debate and consideration, giving a Second Reading to a Bill of this character.

I should like briefly to review the harmful effects which this Bill will have on Bedfordshire. I do not intend to go into great detail, for a similar Bill to this has twice been before this House in the last two years and I think that the effects are well known and, indeed, not arguable. But one must realise that if Luton were to be given county borough status there would be removed from Bedfordshire, as my hon. Friend said, 34 per cent, of the population and 42 per cent, of their rateable value.

My hon. Friend poured some scorn on the loss that would thus accrue to Bedfordshire, but I would call in aid a speech made by the right hon. Member for Bishop Auckland, when he was Minister of Local Government and Planning, on a similar Measure to this, in 1951. He said:

I submit that nothing has changed since then in any way to alter the fact that the people of Bedfordshire would be considerable financial losers if this Bill were passed.

Surely the hon. and gallant Gentleman is aware that even if Luton were severed from the county, Bedfordshire would still be bigger in population and area and richer than 23 existing counties?

Yes, but I would point out that when the Boundary Commission was set up by the Coalition Government it made a Report recommending that certain of those counties to which the hon. Member refers were not viable. That was the case put by my hon. Friend.

The Boundary Commission gave a lower limit of population, in relation to this issue, of 200,000, and Bedfordshire without Luton would have a population of 209,000.

Well, it is now very much bigger. That certainly was not a firm figure, when it was stated that everything above 200,000 was automatically a viable unit. They had to take a round figure as a basis upon which to work, but I do not think the hon. Gentleman should rely too much on that point.

I would quote from that excellent and impartial provincial newspaper the "Bedfordshire Times," which recently had a leading article on this very matter. It said:

I submit that Bedfordshire, from the point of view of its services, is second to none. What will be the effect on these services? I am leaving aside the financial commitments and am talking about the services themselves. What would be the effect on the services of the county if this Bill were passed? First, there are the fire services. The Bedfordshire County Council has a great, modern fire station in Luton. That, with another in Dunstable, serves the whole of South Bedfordshire most efficiently. They really work very well.

No, a new one is being built.

The ambulance service, which is based on Luton General Hospital, and which covers the whole of South Bedfordshire, also works extremely well. The county council has built schools in Luton that are attended by children from inside and outside the borough. I know very well that if Luton were granted county borough status it would, at the moment, come to an agreement with the county council whereby the children who are now attending those schools and who come from outside the borough would be able to continue to attend them. I am sure that Luton would come to such an agreement.

However, what will happen when the population of Luton is such that those schools can be filled completely with children who live within Luton itself? Then, of course, those schools will not take children from outside Luton. Luton is the natural traffic centre, and its accessibility makes it the obvious place for children living in that part of the county to go to school. The people in the county would most certainly be the losers if this Bill were to be passed. The proficiency and economy with which their services are run would not be so great as they are now, and, indeed, could not be.

However, it is the second objection that is the more important objection to the Bill, and that is its timing. Why is this Bill brought in now? My hon. Friend made light of the fact that four local authority associations had already reached a broad measure of agreement about local government reform in general. The statement put out by Luton Corporation in favour of the Bill says this:

Will the hon. and gallant Gentleman read a little more of that speech? The right hon. Gentleman also said:

"I must say that the discussion on both sides of the House does not lead me to suppose that a great measure of agreement is likely to be forthcoming."—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 26th March, 1953; Vol. 513, c. 941.]

What the hon. Member must surely realise is that a lot has happened since then. There is a great measure of agreement, much more, I am sure, than my right hon. Friend himself hoped for at that time. I most earnestly hope that when my right hon. Friend speaks in this debate he will say something further about this, as in 1953 he held out hopes that something possibly might be done in 1955.

I think the House and those who oppose this Bill and also those who promote the Bill realise that the way this business should be handled is by the general reorganisation of local government. My hon. Friend, in his endeavour to get this Bill through, is saying, "There is no hope of it. Therefore, let us get our way by this means." I say that there is hope, and I trust that when my right hon. Friend speaks he will be able to tell us, as he suggested in his speech in 1953, that there is a prospect that by 1955 we may be able to have a measure of reform of local government.

I wonder why this Bill has been brought in at this time? I have an idea about it. It is this. The promoters of the Bill realised that agreement was about to be reached, if it had not already been reached, between four out of five of the local authority associations. They realised that agreement was on the way, that the rubber stamp was suspended over if not down upon the document. They felt that if they promoted this Bill and it was passed by this House there would be no need for the Association of Municipal Corporations to agree with the suggestions put forward and agreed by the other four local authority associations. They thought that if this Bill and similar Bills were passed by the House there would be no need for them to take any steps whatsoever to try to reach agreement with the other four associations.

If, on the other hand, the Bill is not given a Second Reading the Association of Municipal Corporations will realise that the only way in which it can get for individual boroughs the status they hope to get is by agreement, which is what all of us in this House hope to see. I suggest most seriously that the greatest service that the House can render towards furtherance of that agreement is by not giving the Bill a Second Reading, for then the Association of Municipal Corporations will realise that it must reach agreement.

What will the people of Luton gain from the passage of the Bill? This is the third time that my hon. Friend has made a speech on this subject. He is a very good advocate. He does not miss points. I have studied his speeches on this subject. I have refreshed my memory of the last two by reading them in the OFFICIAL REPORT, and I have carefully listened to the one he has made tonight, and I observe that he has not once given an instance of what the people of Luton will gain from the passage of the Bill.

Exactly. The nearest thing to a gain I have found my hon. Friend suggesting was in this remark:

"Surely the House should not lightly disregard an application by a community which is vigorous, which is growing, and which is conscious of the lack of prestige that it suffers by its present position in the local government structure."—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 17th April, 1951; Vol. 486, c. 1732.]

The Town Council of Luton represents the people of Luton and expresses the views of the people of Luton. Both parties on the council are unanimous in their desire to press this Bill upon the House.

Certainly. I can well understand that, and I absolutely agree that that is so, but the fact remains that if my hon. Friend could have found arguments to show that the people of Luton would gain anything by the passage of this Bill he would have produced them in this House. I am sure of that.

We who oppose the Bill have said again and again in this House that the ordinary people of Bedfordshire will suffer if the Bill were to go through, but my hon. Friend has consistently failed to justify the Measure by showing what the people of Luton would gain by its passage. I therefore suggest most earnestly and seriously to the House that it should reject the Bill.

7.50 p.m.

I beg to second the Amendment. I should like to ask—I have never asked for it since my maiden speech—for the indulgence of the House, with a special appeal to my own hon. Friends.

I listened very carefully to what the hon. Member for Luton (Dr. Hill) had to say in moving the Second Reading of the Bill, and I, too, caught some of the nostalgia of the old days and remembered that deep, sonorous voice that came over the air. When I remember the invective which the hon. Gentleman used in those days about the planners and the wasters, I ought surely to be amazed—but for the fact that I am beyond amazement at anything he says—that he should tonight sponsor a Bill which has the effect of putting a bigger burden on the public purse.

The hon. Gentleman skated lightly over the equalisation grant. Where is that fund coming from? It is not created with pennies from heaven. If Bedford and Luton have got to have their funds made up, where is the money coming from? It can only come from the rest of the community. It will have to come from the county in which I live, which pays into the equalisation fund but draws nothing out of it.

It is as well to remember that the hon. Gentleman did not point to one instance in respect of which the people of Luton would benefit if this Bill went through. I propose to show that the people of the county as a whole will suffer, even if the people of Luton benefit. It will be noticed that there is nothing in the Bill that asks for an extension of boundaries. Why not? Because Luton does not want the villages on the boundaries. Luton does not want Woburn because its rate product is not attractive. For the same reason, Luton does not want Woburn Sands.

Is my hon. Friend aware that Luton Corporation was quite prepared at one time to take in some of the villages if that would help the county and the villages. Indeed, it made some proposals to the local government Boundary Commission.

I can quite believe that Luton would be prepared to take anybody in, but I am speaking about the Bill, and I want to show where, in point of fact, the people will suffer if this Bill goes through. The people of Apsley Guise and the people of Ampthill will suffer. I see the hon. and gallant Member for Ilford, South (Squadron Leader Cooper) looking at me. I do not want to make a distinction between Ilford and Luton, but at the moment I am dealing with the Luton Bill.

At the present time, the Bedfordshire County Council is the health authority. That means that the people in the villages around Bedford, when they have to be taken to the Luton and Dunstable Hospital, are taken by an ambulance which comes under the control of the county council. What is going to happen if this Bill goes through? Ambulances for those people, instead of getting ambulances based on Luton, will have to be based on some distant place. That is not going to make for efficiency, for good working or for the benefit of the people who live in those villages.

The hon. and gallant Member for Bedford (Captain Soames) referred to education. I do not propose to repeat what he has already said, but, if this Bill goes through, it will mean the setting up in Luton of duplicate administrative units. There already is a medical officer of health, with a deputy medical officer of health on his staff, for the county. Now it is proposed to have another medical officer of health, and all the empire that goes with that appointment, based on Luton. We shall have an executive council which will duplicate that of Bedford. Bedfordshire has an executive council on which are eight members of the county council. Now it is proposed to have another executive council with a secretary, a deputy-secretary and all the officers that go with it. What benefit is that going to bring to Luton or to the rest of the county?

To revert to the ambulance service, which comes under the control of the local health authority, it is obvious that what is likely to happen is that a patient from just outside Luton will not be able to be conveyed to hospital by a Luton ambulance that may be quite close to it. I suggest that we have to get away from the idea that this is a question of whether or not something should be supported by the county council or by the county boroughs.

Regarding the question of ambulances, is it not a fact that in other parts of the country where there are county boroughs and boroughs, sensible, sane reciprocal arrangements exist which would, presumably, similarly be brought into operation if these people got together?

When the National Health Service started de novo that was quite easily arranged. But when the county proceeded with its development along the lines of the concentration of certain of its services in its most populous parts, it never envisaged that those parts would be taken away from its administration and become a separate unit. It is quite a different proposition to say that here is a self-contained unit, a county borough, which can do the job. There is the question of whether it can do the job.

County councils do not suggest that in any reform of local government the county councils should remain as they are. The hon. Member for Luton spoke of county boroughs. Does he agree that Canterbury, with a population of 29,000, should remain a county borough with all the powers, obligations and authority of a county borough? He cannot say that any more than I can defend Radnor, with a population of 19,000, being a county council, or Rutland, with a population of 22,000, being a county council.

What is required is a complete review of all the units of local government for the purpose not merely of recasting boundaries, but also of determining functions because it is conceivable—and here I agree with the hon. Member—that population is not the only consideration. Other considerations enter into the matter, such as geography, roads and the availability of transport. All these considerations affect the ultimate issue.

I suggest that if the House gives a Second Reading to the Bill tonight the Minister will be faced with a flood of similar applications.

Yes, and that is the reason why the House voted against the Bill and I hope it will repeat what it did before.

In its statement the Luton Corporation refers to the fact that it is the biggest non-county borough outside the Greater London area, but why pick on the Greater London area? If this Bill goes through, Harrow, with a population of 219,000, will apply. [HON. MEMBERS: "Why not?"] If hon. Members will wait, they will get the answer. Enfield, with a population of 109,700, is very nearly as big as Luton, and there are Ealing 187,000, Edmonton 102,000, Hendon 156,400 and Heston and Isle-worth 105,600. Is Hornchurch, with a population of 104,100, to be regarded as within the Greater London area? There are Dagenham 113,000 and Tottenham—the most important one of them all—125,800. There are about 10 more but I will not weary the House with their figures. If this Bill goes through, how can the House logically resist the claims of the others?

The Ilford Bill has not gone through yet. It has only gone through one phase.

I wish some people would take a bigger step outside.

I suggest that the effect will not merely be to give county borough status to the boroughs; it will also destroy county government. If we are out to destroy county government then by all means let us do it properly, not bit by bit. We have not heard a word yet from the hon. Member for Luton as to what way county government is inefficient in Luton. We have not heard of one person suffering as a consequence. The truth is that Luton regards its population position as justifying it in occupying a position of importance and prestige.

Have we not to consider whether the price we are asked to pay is too high? If this Bill goes through it clearly means that there is little hope of agreement on the reorganisation of local government. It means that we shall never get the boroughs to come into consultation. They will say, "No, all we have to do now is to force county borough status through the House of Commons." Every municipal borough with above a given figure of population, say 110,000, will become a county borough, irrespective of the consequences. Luton stands in a rather peculiar position. Bedfordshire has three main towns, Bedford, Luton and Dunstable. What is the attitude of Dunstable to this Bill? It opposes it. For what reason does Dunstable oppose it? Because Dunstable, like other authorities too small itself to ask for county borough status, looks for reasonable local government reform.

In addition to Dunstable, there is, opposing this Bill, a body which is surely impartial for, if it had any wish to get anything out of the Bill it would support rather than oppose county borough status, and that is the National Association of Local Government Officers. That association is opposing this Bill because it has examined objectively the need for the reorganisation of local government. I am certain that those who are looking at the matter from the standpoint of the authority which they represent, are failing to realise what can be done if we have a reasonable measure of reform.

I admit that Luton is an important and progressive town. At one period of its history it even sent a Socialist to this House, which perhaps is an indication of the general intelligence of its people. But that is not enough. Luton, being an important town, is entitled to be master of its own house in certain respects. One of the faults with local government at present is that important local authorities have had taken from them powers that they had and which have been given to the county.

In my opinion, there is room for meeting this problem along the lines of giving important minor authorities the right to claim delegation of certain functions. My own county of Middlesex is a special case, with a special set of people on the county council. There would be great advantage if the borough councils in Middlesex had the right to claim from the county council certain complete and independent powers in respect of nurseries and health. What I fear is that, if we allow this Bill to go through, if we allow Luton to get its recognition as a county borough, there is little hope of any reorganisation of local government, and that would be to the detriment of the mass of the people.

8.8 p.m.

I shall only detain the House for a few minutes on this matter, but I want to lend my support to the hon. Member for Luton (Dr. Hill) in his plea for the Second Reading of this Bill. I have listened with great care to the arguments presented on both sides. I have tried to bring a judicial mind to bear upon this matter and I am convinced by the forceful arguments of the hon. Member, perhaps not uninfluenced by the fact that my own non-county borough is in the queue.

I might find myself getting out of Order if I started to talk about the borough of Hove at this stage, but I know how those who live in a non-county borough feel about the way this matter has been handled for the last few years. Those who seek county borough status have been told time and time again that they must wait for a general overhaul of the system. They have been waiting and waiting, but they cannot do that for ever. The answer given by every Government is that we must wait until the whole thing is dealt with as one problem. And when we ask when that will be, the answer has nearly always been, never.

My hon. and gallant Friend says 1955, but I doubt whether anything effective will be done by 1955.

My hon. and gallant Friend says, "Why not wait and see?", but we have been waiting for a long time and we have not had an answer. That is why we feel that we must insist upon some action being taken. My hon. and gallant Friend said they were getting nearer agreement and that the proper way to handle this matter was to leave them to get agreement by opposing this Bill. But I feel that the passing of this Bill on to at least its Committee stage would act as a spur and would ensure that some action is taken in place of the dilatory manner in which this matter has been dealt with hitherto.

The hon. Member for Tottenham (Sir F. Messer) put forward some very strong arguments. Naturally, all of us listen with very great respect to what he has to say on local government, but I think he would be the first to agree, however, that non-county boroughs which aspire to county borough status are never likely to achieve anything unless they force the pace by the passage of a Bill of this kind through the House. Taking my own borough merely as an example, Hove has virtually to carry on its back the greater part of the administrative county council of East Sussex; and I know that the people of Hove are "fed up" with doing that.

When it is said that this is a matter of prestige, that is not an argument that should be ignored. I doubt whether the onus is on those who aspire to this status to prove their case. It was suggested that it was up to them to establish that they needed to take this step, but surely if it has been democratically decided locally that they would prefer to have county borough status it is for those who oppose that status to say that they should not have it.

I fully understood that point about prestige, but I really think that we must weigh in the balance also the harmful effect that this step would have on the people of the county. On the one hand, there is the prestige and, on the other, the actual physical and financial harm, and the disturbance to the services in the county.

The harmful effects that my hon. and gallant Friend talked about are largely illusory. My hon. Friend the Member for Luton (Dr. Hill) has satisfied the House that Bedfordshire could carry on perfectly well without Luton, just as I am sure that East Sussex could carry on perfectly well without Hove. I am sure that the people of Hove would be glad if East Sussex did. All they see is increasing rates, rising year after year, and that they are virtually putting all their money into the county when they would far rather put in the borough. That is where the prestige argument is important.

One can carry this idea of large units too far. I see no reason why we should not get back to the smaller units, which were very efficient in many cases. It is true that some units may be too small, but that does not necessarily mean that a borough of the size of Luton, with a population of over 100,000, is not capable of looking after itself. If we want to get anywhere with this matter the only thing to do is to secure the passage of a Bill of this kind. It may well be that that would force the hand of the Government in ensuring that the agreement, which my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Bedford (Captain Soames) thought so desirable, would be reached. One is far more likely to get that agreement if one starts a movement of this kind.

The House has already acquiesced in the passage of the Ilford Bill. It could reinforce that very considered and deliberate action by the passage of this Bill. If that were done, it would compel the Ministry to take this matter seriously instead of doing what has been done for years, fobbing it off and saying, "Wait, and something will come." Those of us who are interested in this matter are tired of waiting. We want to see action taken by the House to compel further progress.

8.15 p.m.

I support the Second Reading of this Bill for a number of reasons. The hon. and gallant Member for Bedford (Captain Soames) made a good deal of play of the almost complete agreement that has been reached between the associations of local authorities. He went on to say that the County Councils' Association, the Urban District Councils' Association, the Rural District Councils' Association and the National Association of Parish Councils had reached agreement, had drafted a scheme and had. submitted it to the Ministry of Housing and Local Government. But he skirted rather lightly round the fact that the Association of Municipal Corporations, which represented a large number of the biggest local authorities, is completely outside the agreement and, indeed, has not been consulted at any stage in connection with this scheme.

I want to go further and refer to the advice that I received only this morning. A document which I have in my possession was submitted by four of the five associations to the Minister of Housing and Local Government before it had even been seen by the fifth, the Association of Municipal Corporations. I am informed that the Minister has now asked for the views of the four associations and a sub-committee is at present examining the proposals. Does anybody believe that we are likely to have anything like agreement between the five associations if business is to be conducted in that way?

Is the Association of Municipal Corporations to be completely ignored? I can understand the reason for it. There is a fundamental difference of opinion between it and the other four associations which are connected with this scheme and which have now reached the conclusion that the desirable form of local government is two-tier local government. The document to which I have referred goes further and states that there are certain occasions and places where the parish councils might be another form of local government, making a three-tier local government.

I shall not express an opinion on the desirability or otherwise of one, two, three, four, or five-tier local government, but I repeat that there is a fundamental difference of opinion between the four associations responsible for this document and the Association of Municipal Corporations and that no attempt has been made in these negotiations to resolve that difference.

I am sure my hon. Friend would agree that in the initial stages of discussion between these bodies the Association of Municipal Corporations was included and that it was because of its real difference of opinion that that body left the discussion altogether. To some extent that explains why the Association did not hear anything further about the matter.

That is appreciated, but until that very real and fundamental problem is resolved we are not likely to obtain anything like agreement between the associations. The hon. and gallant Member for Bedford referred to a speech by the Minister of Housing and Local Government and said that we were likely to have a Bill placed before us some time in 1955.

We may get that kind of assurance and that kind of promise from the Minister tonight, but I am bold enough to make the prediction that neither the party opposite, nor the party of this side of the House, will be prepared to tackle the reform of local government without a substantial majority in this House. I challenge the Minister, if that is the attitude he is to adopt tonight, to say that his Government, in this Parliament, will tackle the problem of local government with the majority he can expect. The difference will not be on party lines, but on very different lines.

The document to which reference has been made is, I gather, assumed to solve all the problems. In the preamble it says: county borough, it would, in fact, reduce the population of the administrative County of Bedford and make it almost unworkable. The hon. Member who moved the Second Reading pointed out that it would still have a population greater than 23 existing administrative counties, that its size, its population and rateable value will all be greater than 23 or 24 existing administrative counties.

My hon. Friend the Member for Tottenham (Sir F. Messer) said he was holding no brief for Radnorshire with a population of 17,000—not 19,000 as he suggested—nor for any of the other small counties. But this document, which is to solve all the problems of local government, makes no attempt to define what is to be the minimum population for a new county council area in reorganised local government. Indeed, in its scheme it speaks about the structure of local government and about existing county boroughs and says:

To argue that Bedfordshire would not be able to manage effectively seems to suggest that there is something radically wrong with a large number of existing county authorities. My hon. Friend the Member for Tottenham suggested that if Luton became a county borough some insurmountable difficulties would arise in the administration of health and ambulance services. He knows perfectly well that many county boroughs and counties at present have working arrangements with each other for ambulance and health services and also admirable working arrangements even for the provision of education.

In the course of the debate, someone suggested that Luton would not benefit materially if it became a county borough. Before the passing of the Education Act, 1944, Luton was an education authority. I presume at that Luton also administered many other services which, because of legislation passed by this House, have automatically passed to the county. If the Bill is given a Second Reading tonight, and if it succeeds in satisfying the Committee upstairs, the town of Luton will be able to take a far greater measure of pride in its achievements than it can take at present.

I can see no justification for delaying any longer the conceding of county borough status to Luton. If this scheme becomes a reality, if the Minister does introduce legislation based on this scheme, if agreement can be reached and this scheme forms the basis of a new scheme, by whatever process we care to examine it, Luton is bound to be a county borough in the new set-up. Therefore, what reason can there be for waiting?

As has already been pointed out, there are very many county borough councils. I have the honour to represent one with a population of less than 75,000 and it is doing a very fine job. It was my privilege, two days ago, to call attention in the House to a project which the county borough council in my constituency undertook and which involved it in £50,000 worth of capital expenditure in establishing an airport. It has a far smaller population than 110,000.

What can be done by one county borough can be done by another. I suggest that a town of the size and importance of Luton, with a population of 110,000, ought to be given county borough status at the earliest opportunity. May I say, again as a Welshman—and a Welshman is entitled to three tries—that we should give a Second Reading to this Bill.

8.29 p.m.

When I came into the Chamber to listen to this debate, an hour-and-a-half ago, I expected my hon. Friend the Member for Luton (Dr. Hill) to tell us why this Bill was necessary, even if it was not a good Bill or why, if it was a good Bill, it was necessary. We have never been told that. Surely one of the essential conditions to be complied with is that the House should never be invited to pass any Measure unless valid reasons are given for its being passed.

As I listened, not only to my hon. Friend, but also to some of the more recent speakers, who wandered as far afield as Radnorshire in their attempts to bolster up the case for this Bill—

Radnorshire was mentioned by my hon. Friend the Member for Tottenham (Sir F. Messer) who was opposing the Bill, and I merely answered what he said.

I agree that Radnorshire was only mentioned by the hon. Member for Tottenham but it was dealt with at some length by the hon. Member for The Hartlepools (Mr. D. Jones).

So far as I have been able to understand, there is one reason only in the mind of my hon. Friend the Member for Luton why this Bill should be given a Second Reading. It is that in some quite inconceivable way it would, somehow or other, improve the prestige of Luton. This Bill will do nothing to improve the prestige of Luton. That town already enjoys an enviable worldwide prestige, for example, through the Vauxhall motor industry. This Bill will not help the sale of a single truck or car by the Vauxhall motor industry. Luton has a high prestige in quite another field, it has a museum of international repute, the Wardown House Museum. This Bill will not bring another school child to that museum or add to its wonderful collection of local handicrafts or bygones. Take another field, football. Luton is doing very well in the Second Division, but this Bill will not put it into the First Division.

There is no reason why this Bill should be brought to trouble the House, but there are many reasons why we should deny it a Second Reading. It has already been convincingly pointed out by the hon. and gallant Member for Bedford (Captain Soames) that this Bill would disrupt the present system of local government in Bedfordshire. Anyone who knows Bedfordshire would not question that it will cause a tremendous upheaval in one of the smallest counties in Britain, and mean widespread readjustments not only in Luton but in all that part of Bedfordshire immediately outside.

My principal argument against the Bill is that if it is passed it will start a thaw which will affect the whole future of local government. If this thaw should start, and boroughs become county boroughs, Luton may be the second in the queue at the moment, but we have already had indications that there are many others waiting. They will come with Bill after Bill and the proposals of the Minister for reviewing and revising the whole of the local government system in this country will be put back for a generation.

I believe that on an occasion such as this, when each one of us votes and speaks according to his conscience we should take no account of party politics. But, speaking quite impartially as if I were a non-party Member, I believe that we have in my right hon. Friend the Minister of Housing and Local Government the one Minister who can unravel this problem of local government. The field is set for a tremendous advance in local government reform, but this Bill, were it given a Second Reading tonight, would put matters back for a generation. Do not let us do that. Let us be far more broadminded and look towards the future, and deny this frivolous Bill a Second Reading.

8.34 p.m.

I am glad to have an opportunity of dealing with some of the points which have been raised, because so much of what has been said is a travesty of what has actually taken place. I wish to refer to the negotiations between the associations. The history of these negotiations goes back to the time of the Boundary Commission and even before, when there were meetings between the associations to see if it were possible to arrive at a satisfactory basis for agreement on the reorganisation of local government.

After many months of negotiation, when it was felt that there was some prospect of getting agreement, and when we felt that we were reaching some conclusion, the spokesmen of the Association of Municipal Corporations said, "Of course, we do not really agree with any of this."

Therefore, nothing that was done in the negotiations had any effect at all. The Association of Municipal Corporations did not come out very well from those early negotiations, because it also said that it was back on its 1942 document, in spite of all the changes that had taken place in the structure of local government since then, and that was where they stood. The other associations said they would be very sorry if the A.M.C. did not continue the negotiations, but that they themselves would be bound to continue in order to see whether agreement could be reached, and they would welcome the A.M.C. if, later, they felt able to depart from their stand on the 1942 proposals with a view to reaching a measure of agreement.

To say that the A.M.C. has been left out in the cold, and that all this has been done deliberately behind its back, when it had no knowledge of what was going on, is barely a statement of fact in relation to the activities of the associations during these negotiations, with part of which I have been associated. We have heard of the Molotov spirit, and certainly the Molotov spirit has operated as far as the A.M.C. is concerned. It is because of that fact that I feel that we really must prevent any impression being created that there had not been a sincere desire on the part of the other associations to come to terms with the A.M.C.

I could challenge some other things that have been said here. In fact, one would think that the spokesmen of the A.M.C. are speaking with one voice on the question of county borough status. Are they, in fact, speaking for the whole of the membership of the Association? Are all the non-county boroughs in the Association satisfied with what the Association has been doing? I would ask a future spokesman for the A.M.C. to say whether or not that is so, because my advice is that there is a good deal of difference of opinion between them on this question of how the A.M.C. has behaved in endeavouring to arrive at an agreement for the future of local government reorganisation.

If it has not been possible to get the five associations together to discuss the matter, that has been due to the fact that there has been no element of give-and-take as far as the A.M.C. are concerned.

I understood the argument to be that a certain measure of progress had been made towards agreement between the associations, but my hon. Friend the Member for Southall (Mr. Pargiter) is now emphasising the fact that it is extremely unlikely that any agreement will be made.

I shall deal with that.

The associations concerned speak for half the population of the country, and this agreement has been submitted to all the constituent bodies which are members of the various associations, and they have approved it. I doubt whether the A.M.C. could say that any proposal which it has made has been submitted to and approved by the whole of its constituent bodies. Therefore, we have the situation that the representatives of 50 per cent, of the population have reached agreement upon what the future structure of local government should be.

If we look at the structure of local government—and we are being criticised because we have not laid down precise details—we shall see that it would be virtually impossible to settle those details. What the agreement does provide is that a reorganisation shall take place, and it is an instruction to the Minister that a preliminary reorganisation of counties shall take place and that other alterations shall take place after that has been done. That would make provision for dealing with the county problem and also for dealing with the general question of the larger urban areas which might become county boroughs if they so desire, and would also promote an orderly approach to this problem.

Some hon. Members have said that it is the last thing that will happen, and that the time has come to get a move on and that we ought to give a Second Reading to the Bills which are now coming forward as that would force action to be taken. If anything is done which encourages a flood of applications for county borough status the A.M.C. will feel more and more entrenched in its Molotov attitude towards the reorganisation of local government. This is almost inevitable.

The A.M.C.'s attitude is to sit back and wait. It does not want to go into a scheme of reorganisation because it must inevitably lead to some county boroughs losing their county borough powers; not necessarily their status, but some of the powers they have exercised as a right. Some authorities do not exercise all their powers but ask other authorities to help by providing certain services.

With regard to Luton, I thought we did not want to use more manpower in local government than we needed. We do not want to increase the total volume of manpower or the number of "generals" in local government. What does this proposal mean? More officers, children's officers, welfare officers, and so on; and increased status for the town clerk, the surveyor, the treasurer and other officers. I do not know what the proposals are about their minimum salaries.

If the granting of county borough status to Luton will mean increased status for the town clerk, does it not follow that there will be reduced status for the county clerk?

This is an interesting argument from my hon. Friend. He has been very anxious when there has been reorganisation affecting people in industry to take care that people shall not suffer personally as a result of reorganisation. He must at least apply the same logic and the same rule if he wants to deal with the officers of local authorities. I am not adducing the argument; it has been adduced before. Quite apart from the enhanced status of the officers, the Bill would increase the total number of officers.

One of the objects which we had as a Labour Government in regard to reorganisation and the transfer of functions was that we should conserve manpower. That object was opposed by hon. Gentlemen now on the Government side, but it was done in regard to the transfer of local government functions. I am not arguing that Luton should not get county borough powers, but some reorganisation of Bedfordshire and other areas would follow so that the matter would be dealt with rationally. The importance of dealing with this matter rationally is considerable.

I might be tempted to ask at this stage why Luton did not come forward last year. This Bill has been progressive, but Luton seemed to miss out last year. I have no doubt that hon. Members would like to ask why Luton missed last year. Perhaps it was because of a certain court decision about the activities of the Luton Corporation, in the course of which some strictures were expressed. I was surprised that, after proceeding initially with their Bill, Luton decided to withdraw it. It indicates that there are one or two things that want looking at with regard to Luton itself. I say that in passing.

Luton is large enough and important enough to have county borough powers, but not to do that as a part and only part of a plan, and just for Luton, would be wrong. While welcoming the agreement which has been arrived at between the four associations, I am not arguing that it is not capable of amendment or perhaps considerable alteration. It is the best, and it is the greatest advance which has been made at any time among any associations about the future of local government.

If it could be argued that the country could be divided into all-purpose authorities with directly elected representatives I would favour that. If the all-purpose authority could be achieved it would be a better structure. I like the principle of direct responsibility and direct representation rather than delegation of powers. The answer is that it is not possible, because even the A.M.C. has not been able to devise a scheme which would provide for this country being divided into a number of all-purpose authorities.

If we cannot have all-purpose authorities we must have the best possible form of democratic Government, so we must have some form of two-tier authority. In settling the form of the two-tier authority we have to have regard to the size of both the major authority and the smaller authorities, and the extent to which all-purpose authorities may interfere with the structure of two-tier authorities.

I am not arguing here either for or against Luton. I am arguing the important general principle that it is conceivable that a large part of this country—including many of the authorities which are part of the A.M.C.—must be divided into a two-tier structure. They accept that themselves. If we are to have a two-tier structure conjointly with a number of single-tier authorities, the whole thing should surely be examined in that light.

I hold no brief for either the present or the previous Government that they did not tackle the problem. It ought to have been tackled long ago. I think that it was a pity that the Boundary Commission was abandoned. It was on the way to doing really good work, and that it was abandoned with nothing in its place is not at all helpful to a consideration of these matters.

I like to think that I am a progressive sort of person. I do not like continually saying no to matters of this kind, which are obviously deserving of careful consideration. But we ought not to take one piece out of its context, unless it can really be established that the body concerned will seriously suffer unless something is done for it now.

That argument has not been adduced. In fairness to the hon. Gentleman the Member for Luton (Dr. Hill) I do not think that he would want to argue that Luton suffers severely. It suffers in status. He has not argued that it will suffer if it fails to obtain the services it requires. The hon. Gentleman would not say that Bedfordshire has not been very careful in establishing services in Luton, not only for the benefit of the town but for the surrounding areas. Therefore it cannot be argued that Luton will suffer if it does not get its Bill now. Because it is not obliged to suffer, there is no particular reason why it should not wait a little longer.

If the floodgates are let down this House will be considering a vast number of similar cases. It will have to consider them in the light of decisions taken now. If the House approves the principle of this Bill going upstairs we shall inevitably be further than ever from real local government reorganisation. We shall be adopting the piecemeal legislation to deal with an involved national matter which we have said we do not wish.

On a point of order. I have arranged to wind up the debate for the promoters of the Bill. In view of the tendency of the debate up to now, can the House have an assurance that the hon. Member so charged will have the opportunity of fulfilling his undertaking?

I am following the well-established practice—indeed, the rules—of the House in calling upon the right hon. Gentleman.

8.48 p.m.

This debate tonight has a note of urgency that has been absent from similar debates in recent years, although in each of those in which I have taken part I have urged the Minister that in this matter it was desirable that there should be some indication of early action on general lines.

Last year I found some difficulty in voting against the Ilford Bill; not because I was in favour of it, but because I thought that if it had got upstairs it might perhaps have conveyed a note of urgency to the Government Departments concerned. We will not argue as to how the Ilford Bill got upstairs, but let those responsible for it be assured that if it comes back here the House still has opportunities to deal with it. That is not so much a threat as a promise.

I want to urge upon the right hon. Gentleman the argument that we have reached the stage in our post-war discussion of the reorganisation of local government when we should all agree, no matter what our faults may have been in the past—and I do not dissent very much from what my hon. Friend the Member for Southall (Mr. Pargiter) said on that matter—that we should review the redistribution of the population of England and Wales as a result of all the efforts made during the war and the post-war period, and try to get a local government machine which is capable of dealing with the new tasks and the new areas. I hope, therefore, that the Minister will give us some indication that the remarks which he made a few years ago—as quoted by the hon. and gallant Member for Bedford (Captain Soames)—still hold good, and that the thought which he has given to the matter since then may give us real opportunities for reorganisation in about the year that he mentioned.

I shall not conceal from the House the fact that although I speak for myself alone in this matter—as I have always done and, as far as I know, as all my hon. Friends have done—I am President of the County Councils' Association, and can probably be regarded by my hon. Friend the Member for Leeds, West (Mr. Pannell) and my hon. Friend the Member for The Hartlepools (Mr. D. Jones) as one of the major villains of the piece.

My right hon. Friend has referred to the statement by the Minister that he might bring something forward in 1955. Will my right hon. Friend say what value he attaches to an undertaking in respect of a year which might be a post-election year, an election year, or a pre-election year?

I would attach as much weight to what the right hon. Gentleman said as to the manner in which he said it. I have heard Ministerial statements, and I have made a few myself, and I can adjust the balances pretty well.

I want to say a few words about the measure of agreement which has been reached, and the possibilities of complete agreement. When I became President of the County Councils' Association a year ago, the negotiations with the three other associations were still in a very fluid state. After a good many years' experience of these negotiations I was not very hopeful that we should get a result which could be formulated and accepted by all four associations, but when I attended the meetings with the other associations I was immediately impressed by the earnestness with which they were pursuing this purpose.

The fact that they were able to reach agreement on the structure of local government, and the manner and extent to which delegation could be given to the county district councils, assured me that this was a matter in which they had reached firm conclusions, which they were able to put to the whole of their constituent bodies—consisting of each member council of the various associations—and get their cheerful acquiescence. That is a very considerable achievement.

Let me remind my hon. Friends who have been speaking tonight for the boroughs that the Association of Municipal Corporations includes, I understand, every corporate borough in the country and the Metropolitan borough councils, which means that it goes from the great city of Birmingham to the borough of Montgomery, where a penny rate produces £12. That represents the two extremes, and between them we have boroughs of all possible sizes.

A good many of these non-county boroughs, especially the smaller and medium-sized boroughs, are convinced that they will get a better deal for their future out of the agreement between the four associations than they will out of any scheme which provides for the whole country being divided into single-purpose authorities. One of the reasons, I am convinced, why the Association of Municipal Corporations felt it expedient to retire from the negotiations at an early stage was the fact that it could not speak for a body which could unite itself on any proposals for local government reform.

On a police Bill, I once said something about the future of Luton. I do not withdraw from that. All I can tell my hon. Friend the Member for Broxtowe (Mr. Warbey), who at that time represented Luton, is that my prognostications for the next year's Derby were better than my prognostications for Luton.

I had the honour to be on the deputation which saw the Minister on behalf of the four associations. I hope he was impressed, as I had been earlier, by the unanimity and the detail with which they had come to conclusions on this problem. I am quite certain that the feeling in the country is now such that we shall get the thaw which the hon. Member for Luton spoke about, but we do not want the thaw to be accompanied by a devastating flood which will defy all reasonable means of control. I therefore hope that the Minister will be able to say that he hopes in the very near future to be able to put before the House such proposals as will warrant us voting tonight for the Amendment moved by the hon. and gallant Member for Bedford.

8.58 p.m.

This has been a delightful debate because it has cut across the usual party lines, which is very refreshing. I wish we had more of such interludes. Although it has cut across party lines, I have not observed a similar indifference to territorial divisions for, broadly speaking, by some strange chance, hon. Members have come down upon one side or another according to whether their interests lie mainly in the counties or in the boroughs.

He was very impartial. That is why we give such weight to his views.

This is the fourth Bill promoted by Luton and the third occasion on which I have had to advise the House on the question of allowing fresh county boroughs to come into being. Such a debate always puts a Minister in a difficult and even equivocal position, because the Private Bill is traditionally left to a free vote, and yet the issue may be one of considerable importance in public policy, affecting matters within the Minister's special responsibility. On this occasion the issue is perhaps further confused by what happened last week. Last week, a Bill to give county borough status to Ilford received a Second Reading "on the nod." Homer, it was said, sometimes nodded. So, excusably enough, after an all-night Sitting, but in the wrong sense, did the chosen champion of the counties.

I wish to intervene for only a short time, because I want to leave an opportunity for other hon. Members who wish to speak, on the general rather than the particular problem. I do not think that anyone will question the fact that Luton is large and efficient enough to become an all-purpose authority, assuming it to be desirable to add to the number of those authorities without reference to the general problem of local government.

I think that Bedfordshire would be injured, but not fatally. The case of the county, I think, should not be underrated, but I do not think it should be overstated. Perhaps the chief difficulty it would find would be that its overheads would be, in the first instance, rather too large in proportion to its services, and there might also, as has been said, be some financial loss. But I do not think that these local difficulties were the main reasons which swayed my predecessor or myself in advising the House to be patient a little longer.

The real grounds were as stated by me and by my predecessor on the Ilford and other Bills. Some reference has been made to what I said last year and the year before, and I think, therefore, the House is entitled to ask: has any progress been made since then? My hon. Friend the Member for Luton (Dr. Hill) has, so I am told, sent out a Whip. He is perfectly entitled to do this and it is entirely in accordance with precedent.

My hon. Friend has certainly earned and deserved, and tonight more than ever, the confidence of the people of Luton. No one has ever worked harder in their cause since he has represented them than he has. There was some passage to which he previously referred, and I think that he referred to it again tonight in which he said, "As matters stand the general reorganisation of local government is not in sight," or words to that effect. I do not quite know what authority my hon. Friend has for making this statement. It may be that he is not seized with the full information of the Government's intention.

Deeply trusted as he is by all his colleagues, he is not yet, as, no doubt, he soon will be, in the inner circle of confidential information.

I think that considerable progress has, in fact, been made. I would briefly refer to it tonight. All the associations, not merely the four, but, I think, all the associations, have been working on their various plans, and that is not a bad way of starting. Of course, I remain completely impartial. All I want to do is to get information as soon as possible about their affairs, and I am very glad that the four associations have submitted to me their agreed proposals, the counties, the urbans, the rurals and the parishes.

I know that there is a great field of disagreement between that plan and what might be acceptable to the Association of Municipal Corporations. But I have, as a first stage—and I think it was right so to do—at the request of the right hon. Gentleman who led the deputation, sent these proposals to the Association of Municipal Corporations, who represent, as hon. Members know, both the county boroughs and the non-county boroughs, large and small. The Association have told me that they will shortly let me have a detailed memorandum of their views, and, I hope, counter-proposals. So quite a lot has been going on during this year.

But I do not propose to let the matter rest there. It may well turn out that there will never be an agreed scheme, but I think that a good deal of agreed ground will be reached, and that is a great help to a Government. This preliminary work, even if it serves to narrow the ground of disagreement, is a great advantage to any Government, of any party, that has to deal with the problem.

In the long run, of course, after seeing how much agreement will be reached, it will be the duty of a Government to reach its own decision; for it cannot shirk the responsibility of taking a decision one way or the other, framing its proposals, if it is to frame proposals, or announcing that it has abandoned the hope of doing so and gives it up as an impossible task.

I am sometimes asked why we have not done all this before and why it is left so late in this Parliament. The hon. Member for Broxtowe (Mr. Warbey) seems to think that a Government can never operate during the year of an Election or in its penultimate year; and in the year after an election it is so pleased at having been returned that it will not take up local government reform anyway. Therefore, according to the hon. Member, nobody will ever do anything.

Surely the right hon. Gentleman will agree that the question of local government reform is specially ticklish when an Election is about.

We have dealt with quite a lot of other ticklish matters, and we intended to continue to do so.

Some newspapers and journals, and one of great authority, have taken me to task for not already having launched a scheme of local government reform. "What has this Minister been doing?" they cry, "How has he idled away his time all these two years?" "In what land of the lotus has he lingered and dallied?" The first reason for delay is the one which I have given, and a sensible one. Surely, it would have been folly to rush in with proposals without doing the utmost possible to get the associations concerned at least to formulate their proposals and at least to meet and discuss them together. That is the first reason why these years have not been wasted.

The other reason is that one way and another we have had quite a bit to do. Apart from the administrative problems of my Department, we have had to promote a great deal of legislation to meet urgent needs. I would remind hon. Members of some of that legislation in case they say we ought to have produced a local government reform Bill by now.

In the first year, we had four Bills to pass: including the Town Development Bill, a very complicated Bill; a New Towns Bill and a Housing Bill. In the second year we had to pass a Bill for the postponement of the new valuation lists, the first stage of a Town and Country Planning Bill, which, though not very long, needed a great deal of thought before that scheme could be devised; a Local Government Superannuation Bill, one of these agreed Measures that takes so long in Standing Committee, longer even than the disputed Bills; and a Bill for Valuation for Rating, and another New Towns Bill, a short Bill but five Bills in all. In this third Session we have had the Housing Repairs and Rents Bill, quite a long controversial Bill, and now we are to embark on the second stage of the Town and Country Planning Bill. It really was not possible for any Minister to have added to those labours without wearying the House and undertaking too great a task.

However, I have not forgotten the need of local government, and I agree that its turn is overdue. The House is entitled to ask what we are going to do, and I shall try to reply perfectly straightforwardly. Quite clearly, decisions on this matter cannot be put off indefinitely. The House and the local authorities concerned have been very patient. The time must come soon when we must decide either to deal with county borough Bills such as these on their merits, which means sending them upstairs to be considered in detail, or to introduce, or to put a time on the introduction of, a large-scale Measure of local government reorganisation. I say that the House ought not, in my view, to take that decision today and I will explain why.

When I hear in detail from the Association of Municipal Corporations what it has to say about the proposals of the other associations and what it has to propose itself, I shall reach my own decisions and submit them to my colleagues. Perhaps I might add that we have done a lot of preliminary work ourselves, and that it is not necessary to wait for the views of other people about problems without one having thoughts about it oneself. When we see to what extent there is any common ground we shall consider all the proposals and we shall reach our decisions for which, once they are made and announced, we shall be responsible.

I feel confident at least of this, that it will be possible for a statement of the Government's intentions one way or another to be made early next Session, and that is why I am asking the House not to give a Second Reading to the Luton Bill. What shall be done with the Ilford Bill will be discussed by the Committee. But I will add this. This is the last time that I hope either I or my successor will ask the House to refuse approval to a Bill giving county borough status to a local authority solely on the ground that a new prospect is just around the corner.

I confess that in previous years, I hesitantly asked the House to reject this Measure. I ask the House confidently tonight to do so, because, before such Bills as this are due to be brought forward next Session, the Government will either have informed the House that they cannot introduce a Measure that will take the place of such Bills as this, or they will have announced in broad outline what their proposals are.

If it is the former, then the Government will abandon the task and Parliament will have to decide what to do with each particular Bill as it finds it, but if we decide to embark on the reorganisation of local government Parliament will then be asked no doubt to wait until the Government's plan is announced. I ask the House to await this decision. I realise that I am asking my hon. Friend a great deal because he has waited so long, but I believe that in the long run, both from the point of view of the expenditure of the authority and of the general interest of local government, it will be wise to wait a little longer.

I hope I have left my hon. Friend enough time to wind up the debate, but I was anxious not to shorten by too much the little that I had to say. Might I add a personal note. I have looked through the debates which we have had in other years, and I find that in 1952 I said this:

9.14 p.m.

The Minister has made a speech which was almost in line with that made by my right hon. Friend the Member for Ebbw Vale (Mr. Bevan) when he wound up the Local Government Boundary Commission. Since that time my right hon. Friend the Member for Bishop Auckland (Mr. Dalton) has made a speech resembling the speech which the present Minister has made. I hope that we are going to divide on the Bill tonight, because I believe that if we do, and if the Bill gets a Second Reading, local government reform on a large scale will then come about. I think that we must make some sort of token decision tonight.

I understood the Minister to say that this was the last time that he would ask the House, solely on the ground that local government was just around the corner, to postpone a decision. What does that mean? It means that Luton might very well bring forward its Bill again and meet the objections of the Parliamentary Private Secretary to the Prime Minister, who seems to be singularly uninformed on these matters.

Luton has been discussed today, but it was the Ilford Bill that passed "on the nod" last week. There did not seem to be very much sympathy for the right hon. Gentleman's position by the Prime Minister or by his Parliamentary Private Secretary, or by the Chancellor of the Exchequer or his Parliamentary Private Secretary, who sits for an Essex division. Broadly speaking, they did more than nod. [An HON. MEMBER: "The hon. Member for Chelmsford (Mr. Ashton) is ill."] I did not know that, and I of course withdraw that remark, but the hon. Gentleman, who is sitting facing me at the moment, does not look very ill. It seems to me that as that Bill went through "on the nod" last week, it is rather difficult for Parliament to deny Luton the same result today. I do not know whether last week's decision came about because the County Council's Association was not very well organised for the occasion, but there it is.

I may find myself in strange company tonight in supporting the Bill brought forward by the hon. Member for Luton (Dr. Hill), but I can only say that this is an all-party affair. I find myself in coalition with the hon. Member for Broxtowe (Mr. Warbey), with the hon. Member for Luton, and I support the Bill on behalf of the Luton Borough Labour Party, which proves the all-party complexion of the Bill's supporters. It might interest some of my hon. Friends to know that the Luton Borough Labour Party requires as a first priority of its candidates that they shall support this conception of the borough status of Luton.

Why do towns want county borough status? The hon. and gallant Member for Bedford (Captain Soames) gave us one reason. He laughed at the word "prestige," and dismissed it as nothing at all. If he had to live as I have had to live—

I will just finish what I was about to say. If the hon. and gallant Gentleman had lived as I have had to live, 14 miles away from a county centre, he would know the difference between local government and county borough government. It was a fact, of course, that during the war, when local government services really had to operate, the county had to hand over certain of its functions to the local authority on the spot.

Let the Minister go to Bromley, which entertains hopes of county borough status. It is one of the most progressive boroughs in Kent. People whose towns enjoy county borough status feel that there is a greater receptivity to popular demand; nobody who has ever represented a county borough would doubt that at all. I do not propose tonight to go into the question of the relative merits of counties, county boroughs, non-county boroughs and the rest, but nobody can deny that local government in its fullest sense is under an all-purposes authority, a county borough.

I did not really laugh at prestige, because I can quite understand how important it is to the Luton Borough Council. What I said was that I thought it was wrong to compare, on the one hand, the prestige of the council, and, on the other hand, the actual physical loss of the people in the county of Bedford; and that, whereas it was quite possible, indeed a probability, that were Luton to become the sort of county borough as envisaged in this Bill the rates in the county of Bedford would rise, there was, in my view, no possibility, if Luton becomes a county borough, of the rates in Luton falling.

The question of national patriotism and of local patriotism does not always depend on efficiency or on the amount of the rates. There is no question about that.

What about the scheme trotted out tonight about a measure of agreement? Let us get down to the figures. Four local authority associations have put a proposal to the Minister but, if we were to take the total population of all types of boroughs, they represent 26¾ million out of 43 million. In effect the urban and district councils and county councils represented by the memorandum put before the Minister represent just over 17 million. If my hon. Friend the Member for Southall (Mr. Pargiter) asks if all the counties are of one voice on this matter, my answer is that I doubt it.

It seems to me that we have to look at this matter from the viewpoint that Luton has put forward this proposal and wishes to press it. What will the county lose? I think we have a right to ask, what has Luton lost already since 1945? In those days the county were taking 4s. 3d. out of a total rate of 14s. 6d., but today it is taking 16s. out of a total of 26s.

I am fully aware of the transfer of services and my hon. Friend should appreciate that what is dimly apparent to him is blazing daylight to me.

What has bedevilled this question of local government? I will tell the House. It is because neither on the Front Bench opposite nor on my own Front Bench have we ever been able to find the Minister who has looked on local government as the end of his ambition. It is always looked upon as a step to the Colonial Secretaryship or to being the Chancellor of the Exchequer or to the field of foreign affairs. The great thing about my friend the late George Tomlinson was that he looked on education as the office that he would enjoy above all others. We do not seem to find that attitude in people who go to the Ministry of Housing and Local Government. They tend to treat it as a second-class service. [HON. MEMBERS: "No."] I am sorry to disagree, but hon. Gentlemen opposite can look at a long list of them.

When I listened to the right hon. Gentleman speaking on the Ilford Bill last year, and saying that local government reorganisation would not happen in 1953 or in 1954 but perhaps in 1955, I read his thought, "I shall be well out of it by that time." I think that is a fair summary. The trouble with this House is that it is full of potential Foreign Secretaries, and I am quite impartial in saying that. It is full of potential Foreign Secretaries for the reason given by my right hon. Friend the Member for South Shields (Mr. Ede) in another context, but he will not mind my referring to it. He said that of course there was a greater attraction for people to enter for arts degrees than for science degrees because arts degrees dealt with the imagination and with matters of opinion, whereas science degrees dealt with the brutal facts of life.

It is the same with the prospective Foreign Secretaries. They like to cast their eyes upon foreign fields, to speculate on something that may or may not happen in the dim and distant future. But in the case of local government we have to deal with the rate in the pound and the value for every penny spent. That is the difference between the two offices. We have to look forward. I offer this hint to a young and up and coming first-rater of about 40 years of age: If he will get himself trained to the job of becoming a really good Minister of Local Government, he can sit tight and find a niche in that field.

There is exactly the same situation in relation to the Ministry of Education. If hon. Members will look at the number of Ministers of Education that we have had since the beginning of the century they will see that they have been just birds of passage. I believe that the same applies to the Minister of Housing and Local Government today.

I thought it rather unkind of my hon. Friend the Member for Tottenham (Sir F. Messer) to refer to Canterbury as a county borough, because after all he voted to give it county borough powers under the Education Act.

Adequate steps were also taken to secure that Canterbury came into the Kent scheme.

That is true, but that is a matter for the Kent County Coucil.

* Later corrected to 93; see OFFICIAL REPORT, 24 March, 1954, c. 1237.

I will not argue about that at great length—[ Laughter ]—because I have not the time and not because I have not the inclination. Attention had to be paid to the historical claims of Canterbury. The keystone of this whole business is this matter of prestige, which is entering into it again. No one would think in terms of demoting the great city of Canterbury. No hon. Member opposite would think in terms of demoting the City of London.

This matter of prestige is a matter of local pride, the desire to look after one's own business, to spend money in one's own way and not to leave matters to the leisurely consideration of county councils. Local government means something immediate and on the spot that people want. They want a councillor in the next street to whom they can complain if what they want done is not done. For all these common-sense, earthy, reasons I hope that this Bill will be given a Second Reading.

Question put, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Question."

The House divided: Ayes, 103 * ; Noes, 125.

Division No. 53.]

AYES

[9.28 p.m.

Acland, Sir Richard

Harris, Frederic (Croydon, N.)

Robens, Rt. Hon. A.

Barber, Anthony

Hill, Dr. Charles (Luton)

Roberts, Peter (Heeley)

Beach, Maj. Hicks

Holt, A. F.

Robinson, Kenneth (St. Pancras, N.)

Bell, Philip (Bolton, E.)

Hornsby-Smith, Miss M. P.

Robinson, Roland (Blackpool, S.)

Benson, G.

Houghton, Douglas

Russell, R. S.

Bowden, H. W.

Hughes, Hector (Aberdeen, N.)

Shackleton, E. A. A.

Boyle, Sir Edward

Iremonger, T. L.

Shepherd, William

Braithwaite, Sir Albert (Harrow, W.)

Johnson, Eric (Blackley)

Simon, J. E. S. (Middlesbrough, W.)

Brockway, A. F.

Johnson, James (Rugby)

Skeffington, A. M.

Browne, Jack (Govan)

Jones, David (Hartlepool)

Smith, Norman (Nottingham, S.)

Burden, F. F. A.

Jones, Frederick Elwyn (West Ham, S.)

Soskice, Rt. Hon. Sir Frank

Burton, Miss F. E.

Kerr, H. W.

Stewart, Michael (Fulham, E.)

Carr, Robert

Lever, Leslie (Ardwick)

Stross, Dr. Barnett

Clarke, Brig. Terence (Portsmouth, W.)

Lockwood, Lt.-Col. J. C.

Sutcliffe, Sir Harold

Cooper, Sqn. Ldr. Albert

Lucas, Sir Jocelyn (Portsmouth, S.)

Taylor, William (Bradford, N.)

Corbet, Mrs. Freda

McKay, John (Wallsend)

Teeling, W.

Cove, W. G.

Maitland, Patrick (Lanark)

Thomas, George (Cardiff)

Craddock, George (Bradford, S.)

Marlowe, A. A. H.

Thomas, Leslie (Canterbury)

Crossman, R. H. S.

Mason, Roy

Turner, H. F. L.

Crowder, Petre (Ruislip—Northwood)

Mellor, Sir John

Wall, P. H. B.

Darling, Sir William (Edinburgh, S.)

Morgan, Dr. H. B. W

Wallace, H. W.

Drayson, G. B.

Morley, R.

Ward, Miss I. (Tynemouth)

Duthie, W. S.

Moyle, A.

Webb, Rt. Hon. M. (Bradford, C.)

Fell, A.

Oakshott, H. D.

Webbe, Sir H. (London & Westminster)

Fisher, Nigel

Padley, W. E.

Wigg, George

Fleetwood-Hesketh, R. F.

Page, R. G.

Wilkins, W. A.

Foot, M. M.

Pannell, Charles

Williams, Paul (Sunderland, S.)

Garner-Evans, E. H.

Pilkington, Capt. R. A.

Williams, W. R. (Droylsden)

Greenwood, Anthony (Rossendale)

Pitman, I. J.

Winterbottom, Richard (Brightside)

Grenfell, Rt. Hon. D. R.

Pitt, Miss F. M.

Grimond, J.

Powell, J. Enoch

TELLERS FOR THE AYES:

Hargreaves, A.

Raikes, Sir Victor

Mr. Robert Jenkins

and Mr. Warbey.

NOES

Allen, Scholefield (Crewe)

Griffiths, William (Exchange)

Nutting, Anthony

Amory, Rt. Hon. Heathcoat (Tiverton)

Grimston, Sir Robert (Westbury)

O'Neill, Hon. Phelim (Co. Antrim, N.)

Arbuthnot, John

Hare, Hon. J. H.

Oswald, T.

Assheton, Rt. Hon. R. (Blackburn, W.)

Harrison, Col. J. H. (Eye)

Palmer, A. M. F.

Baldwin, A. E.

Hastings, S.

Parker, J

Baxter, A. B.

Hayman, F. H.

Plummer, Sir Leslie

Bell, Ronald (Bucks, S.)

Heald, Rt. Hon. Sir Lionel

Price, Henry (Lewisham, W.)

Beswick, F.

Heath, Edward

Proctor, W. T

Bevan, Rt. Hon A. (Ebbw Vale)

Holman, P.

Ramsden, J. E.

Blackburn, F.

Horobin, I. M.

Redmayne, M.

Blenkinsop, A.

Howard, Gerald (Cambridgeshire)

Remnant, Hon. P.

Brooke, Henry (Hampstead)

Hoy, J. H.

Renton, D. L. M.

Brown, Rt. Hon. George (Belper)

Hubbard, T. F.

Ridsdale, J. E.

Brown, Thomas (Ince)

Hudson, Sir Austin (Lewisham, N.)

Roper, Sir Harold

Bullard, D. G.

Hudson, James (Ealing, N.)

Ropner, Col. Sir Leonard

Campbell, Sir David

Hughes, Emrys (S. Ayrshire)

Scott, R. Donald

Cary, Sir Robert

Hutchison, Sir Ian Clark (E'b'rgh, W.)

Simmons, C. J. (Brierley Hill)

Champion, A. J.

Hynd, H. (Accrington)

Smyth, Brig. J. G. (Norwood)

Channon, H.

Irvine, A. J. (Edge Hill)

Sorensen, R. W.

Churchill, Rt. Hon. Sir Winston

Irving, W. J. (Wood Green)

Strauss, Henry (Norwich, S.)

Clarke, Col. Ralph (East Grinstead)

Jeger, Mrs. Lena

Studholme, H. G.

Colegate, W. A.

Kerby, Capt. H. B.

Thomas, Ivor Owen (Wrekin)

Conant, Maj. R. J. E.

King, Dr. H. M.

Thompson, Lt.-Cdr. R. (Croydon, W.)

Crookshank, Capt. Rt. Hon. H. F. C.

Lambert, Hon. G.

Thorneycroft, Rt. Hn. Peter (Monmouth)

Crosthwaite-Eyre, Col. O. E.

Lee, Miss Jennie (Cannock)

Touche, Sir Gordon

Crouch, R. F.

Legge-Bourke, Maj. E. A. H.

Turton, R. H.

Crowder, Sir John (Finchley)

Legh, Hon. Peter (Petersfield)

Vane, W. M. F.

Davies, Ernest (Enfield, E.)

Lennox-Boyd, Rt. Hon. A. T

Vosper, D. F.

Deer, G.

Lucas, P. B. (Brentford)

Wakefield, Sir Wavell (St. Marylebone)

Delargy, H. J.

Maclean, Fitzroy

Waterhouse, Capt. Rt. Hon. C.

Dodds-Parker, A. D

McLeavy, F.

Weitzman, D.

Donnelly, D. L.

Macmillan, Rt. Hon. Harold (Bromley)

West, D. G.

Drewe, Sir C.

Markham, Major Sir Frank

White, Mrs. Eirene (E. Flint)

Ede, Rt. Hon. J. C.

Marples, A. E.

Whiteley, Rt. Hon. W.

Eden, J. B. (Bournemouth, West)

Marquand, Rt. Hon. H. A.

Williams, Sir Herbert (Croydon, E.)

Evans, Albert (Islington, S.W.)

Maydon, Lt.-Comdr. S. L. C.

Wills, G.

Finlay, Graeme

Medlicott, Brig. F.

Wilson, Geoffrey (Truro)

Fletcher-Cooke, C.

Messer, Sir F.

Woodburn, Rt. Hon. A.

Galbraith, Rt. Hon. T. D. (Pollok)

Mitchison, G. R.

Wyatt, W. L.

Gibson, C. W.

Molson, A. H. E.

Godber, J. B.

Morrison, Rt. Hon. H. (Lewisham, S.)

TELLERS FOR THE NOES:

Gough, C. F. H.

Mott-Radclyffe, C. E.

Captain Soames and Mr. Pargiter.

Griffiths, Rt. Hon. James (Lianelly)

Neave, Airey

Words added.

Main Question, as amended, put, and agreed to.

Resolved,

That in view of the progress made in the last year towards agreement among local authorities as to the form the reorganisation of local government should assume, which agreement has been submitted to the Minister of Housing and Local Government by four out of five of the local authority associations, this House declines to give a Second Reading to a Bill which will prejudice complete agreement.

Supply

REPORT [16th February]

Postponed Proceedings resumed on Question, "That this House doth agree with the Committee in the Resolution,

"That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £150,000, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March 1954, for grants in aid of expenses of the United Nations and of technical assistance for economic development."

It being after Half-past Nine o'Clock, Mr. SPEAKER proceeded, pursuant to Standing Order No. 16 ( Business of Supply ), to put forthwith the Question necessary to dispose of the Resolution under consideration.

Question, "That this House doth agree with the Committee in the said Resolution," put, and agreed to.

Mr. SPEAKER then proceeded to put forthwith, with respect to each Resolution come to by the Committee of Supply and not yet agreed to by the House, the Question, "That this House doth agree with the Committee in that Resolution."

Vote 2. Foreign Office Grants and Services

That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £7,328,580, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1954, for sundry grants and services connected with Her Majesty's Foreign Service, including grants in aid.

Resolution agreed to.

Supply

REPORT [9th March]

Navy Estimates, 1954–55

Navy

Vote a. Numbers

That 139,000 Officers, Seamen and Boys and Royal Marines, who are borne on the books of Her Majesty's Ships and at the Royal Marine establishments, and members of the Women's Royal Naval Service and the Naval Nursing Service, be employed for the Sea Service, for the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1955.

Resolution agreed to.

Supply

REPORT [11th March]

Army Estimates, 1954–55

Vote a. Number of Land Forces

That a number of Land Forces, not exceeding 549,000, all ranks, be maintained for the safety of the United Kingdom and the defence of the possessions of Her Majesty's Crown, during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1955.

Resolution agreed to.

Supply

REPORT [4th March]

Air Estimates, 1954–55

Vote a. Number for Air Force Service

That a number of officers, airmen and airwomen, not exceeding 288,000, all ranks, be maintained for Air Force Service, during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1955.

Resolution agreed to.

Bill to provide, during 12 months, for the discipline and regulation of the Army and Air Force; ordered to be brought in by Mr. Antony Head, Mr. J. P. L. Thomas, Mr. George Ward and Mr. J. R. H. Hutchison.

Army and Air Force (Annual) Bill

"to provide, during 12 months, for the discipline and regulation of the Army and the Air Force," presented accordingly, and read the First time; to be read a Second time upon Monday next, and to be printed. [Bill 85.]

Supply

REPORT [16th March]

Army Estimates, 1954–55

Vote 1. Pay, &C, of the Army

That a sum not exceeding £123,080,000, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the expense of the pay, &c, of the Army, which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1955.

Vote 2. Reserve Forces, Territorial Army, Home Guard and Cadet Forces

That a sum, not exceeding £21,310,000, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the expense of the Reserve Forces (to a number not exceeding 70,000, other ranks, for the Regular Reserve and 174,000, all ranks, for the Army Emergency Reserve), Territorial Army (to a number not exceeding 328,400, all ranks), Home Guard (to a number not exceeding 60,000, all ranks), Cadet Forces and Malta Territorial Force, which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1955.

Vote 5. Movements

That a sum, not exceeding £34,450,000, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the expense of movements, which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1955.

Vote 8. Works, Buildings and Lands

That a sum, not exceeding £30,700,000, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the expense of works, buildings and lands, which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1955.

Vote 10. Non-Effective Services

That a sum, not exceeding £18,960,000, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the expense of non-effective services which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1955.

Vote 11. Additional Married Quarters

That a sum, not exceeding £100, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the expense of certain additional married quarters, which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1955.

Resolutions agreed to.

Navy Estimates, 1954–55

Vote 1. Pay, &C, of the Royal Navy and Royal Marines

That a sum, not exceeding £47,800,000, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the expense of the pay, &c, of the Royal Navy and Royal Marines, which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1955.

Vote 2. Victualling and Clothing for the Navy

That a sum, not exceeding £17,573,000, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the expense of victualling and clothing for the Navy, including the cost of victualling establishments at home and abroad, which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1955.

Vote 6. Scientific Services

That a sum, not exceeding £15,665,000, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the expense of scientific services, including a grant in aid to the National Institute of Oceanography, which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1955.

Vote 9. Naval Armaments

That a sum not exceeding £31,595,000, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the expense of naval armaments, which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1955.

Vote 10. Works, Buildings and Repairs at Home and Abroad

That a sum, not exceeding £16,837,000, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the expense of works, buildings and repairs at home and abroad, including the cost of superintendence, purchase of sites, grants and other charges connected therewith, which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1955.

Vote 13. Non-Effective Services

That a sum, not exceeding £16,122,000, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the expense of non-effective services, which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1955.

Vote 15. Additional Married Quarters

That a sum, not exceeding £100, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the expense of certain additional married quarters at home, which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1955.

Resolutions agreed to.

Air Estimates, 1954–55

Vote 1. Pay, &C, of the Air Force

That a sum, not exceeding £86,350,000, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the expense of the pay, &c, of the Air Force, which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1955.

Vote 2. Reserve and Auxiliary Services

That a sum, not exceeding £2,179,900, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the expense of the reserve and auxiliary services (to a number not exceeding 194,000, all ranks, for the Royal Air Force Reserve, and 11,300, all ranks, for the Royal Auxiliary Air Force), which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1955.

Vote 7. Aircraft and Stores

That a sum, not exceeding £199,640,000, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the expense of aircraft and stores, which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1955."

That a sum, not exceeding £57,470,100, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1955, for expenditure in respect of the Air Services, viz.:—

£

8.

Works and Lands

51,500,000

9.

Miscellaneous Effective Services

5,970,000

11.

Additional Married Quarters

100

£57,470,100

Resolutions agreed to.

Civil Estimates and Estimates for Revenue Depart- Ments, Supplementary Estimates, 1953–54

That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £26,426,593, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1954, for expenditure in respect of the following Supplementary Estimates, viz.:

[ For details see OFFICIAL REPORT, 16 th March, 1954; Vol. 525, c. 331–3.]

Resolution agreed to.

Air Supplementary Estimate, 1953–54

That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £10, be granted to Her Majesty to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1954, for expenditure beyond the sum already provided in the grants for Air Services for the year.

[ For details see OFFICIAL REPORT, 16 th March, 1954; Vol. 525, c. 334.]

Resolution agreed to.

Civil (Excess) 1952–53

That a sum, not exceeding £730 7s. 2d., be granted to Her Majesty, to make good an excess on the grant for Works and Buildings in Ireland for the year ended on the 31st day of March, 1953.

[ For details see OFFICIAL REPORT, 16 th March, 1954; Vol. 525, c. 333–4.]

Resolution agreed to.

Navy (Excess), 1952–53

That a sum, not exceeding £71,556 2s. 8d., be granted to Her Majesty, to make good an excess on the grants for Navy Services for the year ended on the 31st day of March, 1953.

[ For details see OFFICIAL REPORT, 16 th March, 1954; Vol. 525, c. 335–6.]

Resolution agreed to.

Ways and Means

REPORT [16th March]

Resolutions reported,

That, towards making good the Supply granted to Her Majesty for the service of the year ended on the 31st day of March, 1953, the sum of £72,286 9s. 10d. be granted out of the Consolidated Fund of the United Kingdom.

That, towards making good the Supply granted to Her Majesty for the service of the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1954, the sum of £77,930,103 be granted out of the Consolidated Fund of the United Kingdom.

That, towards making good the Supply granted to Her Majesty for the service of the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1954, the sum of £1,617,769,200 be granted out of the Consolidated Fund of the United Kingdom.

Resolutions agreed to.

Bill ordered to be brought in upon the said Resolutions by the Chairman of Ways and Means, the Chancellor of the Exchequer and Mr. Boyd-Carpenter.

Consolidated Fund (No. 2) Bill

"to apply certain sums out of the Consolidated Fund to the service of the years ending on the thirty-first day of March, one thousand nine hundred and fifty-three, one thousand nine hundred and fifty-four and one thousand nine hundred and fifty-five"; presented accordingly, and read the First time; to be read a Second time upon Monday next, and to be printed. [Bill 86.]

British Industries Fair (Guarantees and Grants) [Money]

Resolution reported,

That, for the purposes of any Act of the present Session to empower the Treasury to guarantee loans and the Board of Trade to make grants to British Industries Fair Limited (hereinafter referred to as "the company"), it is expedient to authorise—

Resolution agreed to.

British Industries Fair (Guarantees and Grants) Bill

Considered in Committee.

[Sir CHARLES MACANDREW in the Chair]

Clause 1.—(POWER OF TREASURY TO GUARANTEE LOANS TO THE COMPANY.)

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Clause stand part of the Bill."

9.44 p.m.

Before we part with this Bill altogether and hand over the British Industries Fair to a public corporation, there are still one or two questions which were not answered during the Second Reading debate which I should like to put to the Government.

This Clause gives power to the Treasury to guarantee loans to be made to British Industries Fair Limited, but says nothing of the purpose for which these guarantees may be given. The explanatory memorandum to the Bill tells us that the purpose of the Bill is to empower the Treasury to make grants to carry on the British Industries Fair. The explanatory memorandum is not part of the Bill. I want to know whether the functions of the new company for which the guarantees are to be provided is to be strictly and narrowly confined to the purpose of carrying out the British Industries Fair as it now is in London, or whether it has any other functions as well.

The Bill derives from the recommendations of the Goodale Report. That explains the need for working capital to be provided for the new company and for provision to be made against loss. I do not disagree with that at all. The Committee's Report made reference in paragraph 10 to the possibility of a new building in London for a more satisfactory and enlarged fair, with which, as the Committee knows, we are strongly in agreement. The report stated that

The Clause under discussion provides that guarantees shall be made available to the company for five years. Does it mean that during those five years, until 1959, the new corporation is to run the existing fair in London and is not to make any preparations whatsoever for the construction of a new building? Is the desirable objective of a new, substantial and properly-equipped fair building to be put completely into cold storage for five years? Or is it within the power of the corporation, for which we are asked to authorise this guarantee, to study further the question of a new building for the fair during the five years, to make a comprehensive survey and to present a report to Parliament through the President of the Board of Trade when the five years have elapsed?

I hope that we shall be able to get an assurance that the whole thing is not being put off for five years on the rather curious ground that present economic conditions, according to the Goodale Report, do not justify it. We have often heard from Her Majesty's Ministers in this House that the present economic conditions are remarkable and are improving. Do they now tell the Committee that nothing will be done for five years about providing a new building for the British Industries Fair?

The purpose for which the guarantee is being given is to provide working capital in London. Five years is the maximum period for which the guarantee is given. The company is not solely responsible for running the London section of the fair. It has also the responsibility of co-ordinating the London and Birmingham sections, although Birmingham will continue to run as independently as possible.

The company has very wide powers under its articles and memorandum. One always takes terrifically wide powers when forming a company. I cannot say from memory, but I have no doubt that this company has power to build canals, railways and other things, if they are connected with the object for which the company is being set up.

The right hon. Gentleman has asked me specifically about a permanent site for the London section. It is perfectly true that we have felt that what the Goodale Committee said on that subject was realistic—that, in present circumstances, it was not feasible to go forward with the very big scheme which, even in 1946, was to cost a number of millions of pounds. I think it was £6 million to £8 million at that time.

But I am sure that it would be a mistake to adopt the attitude that we must never hope for a permanent home for the London exhibition. Although I should be surprised should it prove possible to go forward with it in the near future—and clearly it would be a project which would be beyond the financial scope of such a company as has been set up now—I should very much hope that we should not set our minds against such a possibility. I think we might hope that within the soonest possible time it might perhaps be possible again to envisage a project of that kind. At this stage we certainly cannot commit ourselves to any such project. I think we all wish to regard it as something which we hope will one day become a possibility.

That is a rather disappointing reply. I had hoped that the right hon. Gentleman would have gone a little further than that. I know he cannot commit himself now to a new building—that would need a different Bill altogether. But I thought he would say that most certainly this new company, in association with the Board of Trade, would keep a close eye, the whole way through, on the possibility of a site becoming available for a new building, and, if necessary—certainly well within this five-year period—if the new company and whoever might be in charge of the Board of Trade at that time thought that the time was ripe, they would bring forward proposals.

Question put, and agreed to.

Clause ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Clause 2.—(POWER OF BOARD OF TRADE TO MAKE GRANTS FOR ADVERTISING BY THE COMPANY.)

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Clause stand part of the Bill."

I have a few more questions to ask about this Clause. I rather expected that we might have had an Amendment on the Order Paper in the name of the hon. Member for Handsworth (Sir E. Boyle). I see that I made a rash offer to support him if he put one down, and it was probably that which prevented him doing so. On reflection I see that I made a great error there. I should have liked him to have put down the Amendment so that, on the basis of it, we could have had a discussion on the need for advertising the Fair. I agree very strongly with the President of the Board of Trade when he said that he wanted a floor for Board of Trade expenditure.

I am extremely glad to see that the Financial Secretary to the Treasury is here tonight, because it is really to the Treasury that I want to address my remarks about the need to advertise the Fair. I feel pretty certain that all, or most, of what I have to say will be agreed to by the Minister of State, Board of Trade. Those of us who have had close contact with the British Industries Fair, and those of us who, because of our special interest in trade overseas, want to see the fair become, as I said, the spearhead of a new export drive, in the present difficult competitive circumstances facing the country, believe very strongly and firmly that the fair cannot be a success unless it is very widely and very vigorously advertised.

If it is true, as the Government have told us, that in the last couple of years, the London section has been relatively unsuccessful, that is a reason, not for spending less but for spending more on advertising. We cannot do without the fair, and on this point the explanatory memorandum causes grave misgivings. It contains the sinister sentence:

The hon. Member for Kidderminster drew attention to the excellence of the German fairs. It is very important that we should realise what the Germans are doing and the extent to which we can usefully and profitably take a leaf out of their book. Since we discussed this matter on Second Reading I have taken the opportunity of talking to some of my friends who are engaged in overseas trade. They all take the view—and I doubt if they are exceptional—that this question of advertising, and making the fair a successful and attractive place to which foreign buyers want to come, is closely bound up with the problem of transport. They assured me that the foreign fairs which they visited not only circularised them in advance, and told them of the exciting and interesting things which they might see in the fairs, but offered them air passages to and from the fairs at reduced rates. They said, "You will be surprised how many people who can perfectly well afford to pay the ordinary rate, or whose companies would pay it for them, are attracted by this offer of reduced rates."

I hope that the Government will pay attention to this point. Although I do not expect a reply to it tonight, I do expect a redoubled assurance from the right hon. Gentleman—stronger than that which the President of the Board of Trade gave us, and certainly much stronger than is given in the explanatory memorandum—that the Government recognise the value of advertising the fair and realise that it will not be a success until it is advertised.

Foreign countries give full information, not only about the fairs and transport facilities which are available, but the hotel facilities and all the amusements and attractions of the towns concerned. I presume that the new company, although it is to be independent and not part of the Board of Trade, will be able to link up very closely with the Travel and Holidays Association and keep close and frequent contact with it.

Personal contacts at these fairs are usually more important than looking at stands. I hope the fact that the fair is now to be run by a private company will not mean that the Government will not do a good deal of entertaining at the fair, and will not give overseas visitors opportunities to meet Members of the Government—such as they are, and they are the Government, whether we like it or not—and leading businessmen in this country, so making the Fair a focal point for those personal contacts which do so much to help trade.

Above all, let the advertising be bright, attractive and up-to-date. I notice that one of the signatories to the Goodale Report is Mr. W. P. N. Edwards. He did a splendid job years ago for the London Passenger Transport Board and he afterwards did a good job in the Ministry of Production, as I know, for I worked in the Department with him. I hope that his talents will be made available in some way to the B.I.F.

10.0 p.m.

Let them not advertise, "The good old British Industries Fair—the same as ever"; rather let them advertise that this year the B.I.F. has something new and special to offer. "Come to the B.I.F. and see the latest electronic brain or the latest scientific invention." That could be linked with the Council for Industrial Design so that we may have well-designed stands and at the same time draw attention to the latest and most modern thing which we produce in British industry. We can focus the fair on one particular thing. That will be possible when we have an independent corporation; it need not be afraid, as a Government Department may sometimes be afraid, to distinguish between one product and another. It can say, "It is good for business to advertise it in this way." That is one advantage of handing the project over to a new, independent corporation.

I hope that during the five years in which the Bill is in operation in its present form, the Treasury will fully recognise the high importance of spending money in order to get it back again. Expenditure on advertising the fair would not be extravagance. I feel sure that it needs a lot of money to be spent on it, and if it is spent in a new, up-to-date and modern way we shall reap the benefit of it.

I know the Parliamentary reasons for allocating the money year by year, but it would be a good thing if those who are responsible for the fair were nevertheless given some private undertaking, verbally and off-the-record, perhaps, that substantial sums will be forthcoming over a period of years so that they may plan ahead and not be compelled continually to recast their plans or not to be able to fix them firmly because of not knowing whether the annual grants will be forthcoming.

It is as well to put those remarks on record because, although this subject will come up for discussion from time to time, it is important that these comments should be made. I hope the right hon. Gentleman will make some reassuring noises about what I have said, and that my comments about the Treasury have not fallen on deaf ears. I see that the Financial Secretary is more preoccupied with Purchase Tax and raising revenue than with spending; let him think it is a good plan if he raises revenue to spend the money in the desirable way which I have suggested, on this very worthy and important object.

I did not put down an Amendment to this Clause because I was impressed by the speech of my hon. Friend the Member for Kidderminster (Mr. Nabarro) in the earlier debate, and because I was entirely satisfied with the reply which I received from the President of the Board of Trade.

The first reassuring noise which I would make to the right hon. Member for Middlesbrough, East (Mr. Marquand) is to say that I entirely agree with him about the importance of advertising and publicity. It may be that we are not very exhibition-minded in this country, and there may be a case for saying that our traders and manufacturers are not as firm believers in the commercial advantages of fairs and exhibitions as are many of our competitors abroad, who most clearly are believers in these things.

I shall not go into the rights and wrongs of that, but I agree that we are entering upon an era of intense competition and that we must vigorously pursue every possible means of promoting the sale of our products. Design and development are important, productivity is important, salesmanship is important; and I feel that, now and in the future, we must place special emphasis on the importance of selling and everything that flows from it. That is why we think it is important to do everything we can to ensure that the future of the B.I.F. is secured in the best possible way. That is why we believe that the best possible means should be applied to ensuring the most effective overseas publicity. I quite agree with the right hon. Gentleman that when business becomes competitive one has to redouble one's efforts in that field. I assure him that the Government recognise that and are anxious to play their part.

I should like to say, concerning personal contacts and entertainment, that I agree with the right hon. Gentleman that these are the very essence of success in a case like this. We are going to ensure that there is the closest possible contact between the various branches of the Board of Trade, our exhibition branch and our export services branch, to ensure that any trade mission, parties or visitors from overseas are contacted at once and entertained as they have been during recent years under the auspices of the fair.

The right hon. Gentleman mentioned the British Travel and Holidays Association. I agree with him that contact is very important and we must see that goes on. I should like to take this opportunity, because it may be the last opportunity I shall get on this Bill, of referring to the nominee to be appointed by the Government on the board of direc- tors. My right hon. Friend has invited Sir Ernest Goodale to act as our nominee on the board of directors, and I am glad to say that he has accepted. I think that hon. Members generally will feel that Sir Ernest Goodale, in view of his close knowledge of the textile trade, his public service in various capacities and the association which he has had over a long period with the British Industries Fair, will be an admirable representative there. I repeat what we said on Second Reading, that our idea of a Government director is not that he should be a watchdog but a link to ensure that the contacts are close.

I do not think that I need refer to the request made by my hon. Friend the Member for Handsworth (Sir E. Boyle) on Second Reading, because he has said that he is satisfied. But my right hon. Friend did consider that point. We feel that it would be a mistake to put in a top limit. As mentioned in the Second Reading debate by, I think, the right hon. Member for Colne Valley (Mr. Glenvil Hall), one of the greatest safeguards that the grants will not be too large is that they have to receive the approval of the Treasury. Apart from that, any grant that is made is included in the Board of Trade Estimates, and so is debatable in this House. The grant will, in fact, be the same type of grant as we make to the British Travel and Holidays Association.

I hope that I can reassure the right hon. Gentleman that we have in mind exactly the points which he has mentioned, and we are most anxious to ensure that the association between the Board of Trade, the British Travel and Holidays Association and the new company will be just as close as it has been with the British Industries Fair in the past, when it has been run by the Board of Trade.

Question put, and agreed to.

Clause ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Clause 3 ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Bill reported, without Amendment; read the Third time, and passed.

Purchase Tax (Registration)

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House do now adjourn."—[ Sir C Drewe. ]

10.10 p.m.

Since I became a Member of this House, I have, on several occasions, raised matters connected with Purchase Tax. I, as well as many other hon. Members of this House, and traders and housewives, would like to see an end of that tax. I could not help feeling, when I heard of the moneys that were being dispensed to cover the Service and Civil Estimates, that that day is a long way ahead. However, I wish tonight to raise a matter that has been causing considerable concern among many wholesale firms. I refer to the question of Purchase Tax registration for wholesalers.

Purchase Tax was introduced in the Finance (No. 2) Act, 1940, in which it was defined as a tax that

In the light of experience, a new Clause, which became Section 12, was introduced among certain others in the Finance Bill, 1944. It is unfortunate that that important Clause was introduced without any discussion whatever on the Floor of the House at any stage or in Committee. There was not even a cursory reference to its meaning or intention, and it became incorporated in the Act without any discussion at all.

That Section gave

This has brought some very unhappy conditions and circumstances upon certain firms. My hon. Friend the Member for Spelthorne (Mr. Beresford Craddock) has brought to my notice the case of a small firm trading at Shepperton. Its Purchase Tax registration has been withdrawn on the following conditions. I am quoting from a letter that was sent explaining why it was withdrawn: That firm was registered, as I submit it was entitled to be registered, in 1946, when it was domiciled at Beckenham. It moved to Shepperton, in my hon. Friend's constituency, and was re-registered in May, 1952, after its arrival there in 1951. Subsequently its registration was arbitrarily withdrawn on the grounds that it was not doing a sufficient export trade.

If we assume that there is a very good reason for withdrawing Purchase Tax registration because a firm does not do a sufficient export trade, I would submit that we might expect that a very real reason for granting such registration would be if a firm were showing evidence of building up a really excellent export trade. But I have received a letter from a hosiery firm in Leicester with a very big dollar export trade. It informed me that in the year ended 5th April, 1952, its export turnover was approximately £100,000. At the end of the following year that had grown to £135,000. But despite constant application to the Commissioners for Customs and Excise for Purchase Tax registration, it was refused. That firm is not in the happy position of being able to hold tax-free goods with which it can fulfil its export orders quickly, and it is penalised thereby, not only in the home trade but in developing its export trade.

I would go further. Recently the Commissioners of Customs and Excise have indicated to a firm in South Wales, a firm which was blitzed from its premises in the war, and which hoped to move back to its own premises, that if it moved it would lose its Purchase Tax registration. Its own premises have been rebuilt and naturally it wishes to go back to those rebuilt premises. But Her Majesty's Commissioners for Customs and Excise have intimated to that firm that if it does so its Purchase Tax registration will be withdrawn.

That is not all. Another reason which has been fastened upon for withdrawing Purchase Tax registration is what is termed a change of legal status. A firm changes from a partnership to a limited company, and in those cases Purchase Tax registration is withdrawn. The hon. Lady the Member for Liverpol, Exchange (Mrs. Braddock) has drawn my attention to the case of a firm which has traded as carpet wholesalers for 30 years. The proprietor is an old man and he wishes to turn it into a limited liability company in order that his sons can become directors. He has been informed that if he does so his Purchase Tax registration will be withdrawn.

Another case is that of a firm which has been operating for 100 years, the owner of which is 75 years of age, and who, because of his advanced age, wishes to turn it into a limited liability company and to take his two sons into the firm. He has been told that his Purchase Tax registration will be withdrawn if he does so, and that he will only be able to retain a restricted Purchase Tax registration on his business as a shirt manufacturer. There are many other cases which I could quote, and I know that hon. Members on all sides of the House have been approached on this matter.

Another reason put forward for the refusal of registration is that there may be occasions when unscrupulous people might get hold of goods, when there might be evasion and when the Revenue might suffer a loss. We might have some sympathy with the Commissioners of Customs and Excise in their concern over tax evasion, but I submit that we can have none with the present apparent policy of Her Majesty's Customs and Excise, who appear to grasp at any opportunity for the withdrawal of registration from businesses which have been operated legitimately and honourably for many years.

But, even if there is this fear, there are full powers under Section 17 of the 1944 Act to proceed against any person where fraudulent evasion of tax is held to have taken place. There are very heavy fines for such evasion—£500, treble the amount of Purchase Tax evaded, imprisonment or imprisonment and a fine. Indeed, the Act goes further. It gives the Commissioners of Customs and Excise the power to demand, as a condition of giving a certificate of registration to any person whom they assume might not act honourably in the payment of their tax, security for payment of tax for which the wholesaler might become liable if he receives registration.

The effect of this action upon unfortunate firms which have their Purchase Tax registration withdrawn is very grave indeed. This is discriminatory treatment because it apparently applies in such a manner that the Commissioners of Customs and Excise can look at wholesalers and say to them, "Eeny meeny miny mo, out go you," and that person goes out, and is put in this unhappy position of having to find very considerable extra capital in order to collect the Purchase Tax which he has to pay at purchase level. He has to finance the Purchase Tax on the whole of the stock that is transferred, in the case of a private company, to a limited liability company or any company that is holding tax-free stocks from which the Purchase Tax registration is withdrawn. As a result of that, he must pay tax on the whole of the stocks he is holding.

There is the case of one textile wholesaler which was brought to my notice whose stocks at the end of 1953 amounted to £4½ million. He would be asked to find £400,000 extra. These people face enormous Purchase Tax losses when there is a grading down of the tax. There are difficulties in regard to the question of prices, because where these additional commitments are involved, prices must be raised in order to cover the risk.

If we refer again to the terms, we find that power to except from registration shall only exist when tax on purchase would be not less than tax on sale. But, surely, if in the case of a wholesaler tax is levied on purchase, the revenue acquired must be less than if the tax were paid on the selling price. According to the Act, as amended in 1944, an unregistered wholesaler or manufacturer pays tax when he acquires charge of goods for resale or materials for use, and no further tax is payable when he uses or disposes of them. The real reason which seems to lie behind this ruthless and persistent reduction of wholesale Purchase Tax registrations seems to be that it is for the convenience of the Commissioners of Custom and Excise in collection and for greater economy in administration.

But so far as the convenience of Her Majesty's Commissioners for Custom and Excise is concerned, this House does not pass laws for them to be interpreted in such a manner. It is of no importance to consider their convenience if it means inflicting difficulties and injustice upon reputable traders. If it is the deliberate policy of the Government to withdraw from as many of these wholesalers as possible their Purchase Tax registration, I submit that it is the duty of Her Majesty's Government to come to this House and obtain authority for such action.

My view is that Her Majesty's Customs is ultra vires in the action it has taken. I have already informed my right hon. Friend that I have taken learned counsel's advice on this and he, too, is of that opinion. But whether that be so or not, I submit that this is an injustice and I hope that my right hon. Friend will agree to look at it again.

10.26 p.m.

I am sorry to intervene without waiting for my hon. Friend the Member for Spelthorne (Mr. Beresford Craddock) to speak, but, as the House will appreciate, my hon. Friend the Member for Gillingham (Mr. Burden) has indulged in so many animadversions upon a number of public officials that it is necessary for me to take a minute or two to convince him of the error of his ways. He referred again and again to the Commissioners of Customs and Excise and used various adjectives—"arbitrary" was one, the "seizing of excuses" was another—and he suggested that they placed their convenience before the interests of the public.

Let me say straight away that although under the Act which this House passed in 1944 wide powers were deliberately given by Parliament to the Commissioners to exercise, the policy in general which has been pursued under a succession of Governments has been followed on the authority of those Governments, and both the previous and present Government are responsible and accept full responsibility for the policy. It is wrong of my hon. Friend, no doubt showing his usual delicate consideration for my feelings, to direct his attack upon the Commissioners of Customs and Excise or on their devoted staffs. The policy is one for which Her Majesty's Government accept full responsibility, and if my hon. Friend has any animadversions, they should be directed at my reasonably tough skull.

The registration for Purchase Tax purposes of wholesalers is a difficult topic. Like so many difficult topics in the tax field there is a general clash of interests and considerations. It is not possible reasonably to adopt so wholehearted an approach to either of those considerations as my hon. Friend the Member for Gillingham, in his attractive way, has done this evening.

In the first place there remains the fact that, so far as the registration of wholesalers is concerned—we are not discussing the registration of manufacturers tonight—the more of them that are registered the greater the cost of collection of the same amount of revenue, the larger are the administrative staffs required, and the more difficult is the task of policing the Revenue.

I hope my hon. Friend will understand if I do not give way. My hon. Friend the Member for Gillingham has made a tremendous onslaught, which I have to answer in the short time at my disposal.

If we multiply the number of points at which the tax is collected—which is the same as saying "the number of registrations"—we increase the size of the staff that deals with them and the risk to the Revenue. The House must weigh the perfectly understandable wish of wholesalers to carry large stocks against the need they feel, in the public interest, not to be compelled to provide excessive staffs.

One of the feats for which this Government take some credit is their success in keeping down the size of the Civil Service and the cost of it to the taxpayer. I was sorry that my hon. Friend referred in rather scathing terms to the "convenience" of the Commissioners of Customs and Excise. There is no question of personal convenience here, because it does not matter a rap to the officials concerned how many people are registered. The only question is the convenience to the public in regard to the size of staff it has to maintain.

For that reason, new registrations have not been granted to wholesalers unless there were special circumstances to justify their existence. "Special circumstances" means, for example, actual or potential export trade of some substance which makes it necessary for them to handle goods free of tax, or some substantial sales to other registered traders, such as manufacturers of components of their end product. The matter has been complicated because, under the Act of 1940, registration was extended to the overwhelming majority of wholesalers. That was necessary at that time owing to the fact that large stocks would have otherwise passed the tax point and escaped the tax. A large number of traders trading in 1940 were registered.

If we did what my hon. Friend wants us to do, leaving that position unchanged, virtually anybody who happened to be in business in 1940 would have the advantages of registration, while the new up-and-coming wholesalers would not get it unless they satisfied such conditions as I indicated a moment ago. It is equally true that if, in fairness to the new wholesalers we deregistered the pre-1940 traders, we should cause great dislocation, because one of the consequences of deregistration is to impose a legal liability to pay tax on all the goods taken in stock.

Successive Governments have been faced with this clash of interests between the new trader and the old. There are three courses open. One is to register old and new alike. The objections to that course I have indicated; there is a substantial increase in Customs staff and a substantial risk to the Revenue. The second is to deregister all the pre-1940 traders except those whose circumstances justified registration, when we should encounter the difficulty of imposing a sudden and severe burden upon them. The third course, which is a compromise to some extent, is to maintain the registration of the pre-1940 traders while things continue normally, but on some change, as for example a change in structure or ownership, when in any event some reorganisation is taking place, to deregister them then.

The third course is the one that has been followed under the present Administration and its predecessor—the choice of deregistration as and when a change takes place in the case of a trader whose circumstances would not justify a new registration. That does not justify the epithets of "arbitrary," "inconvenient" and so on which my hon. Friend applied. It seems to me to bear some relation both to fairness between trader and trader, which must be the aim in these matters of taxation, and to the realities of the situation.

It is clear, and my hon. Friend has admitted it, that a rigid application of that doctrine can in certain circumstances cause hardship which one would wish to avoid. Therefore, the present policy is not necessarily to withdraw registration, even when such a change occurs, if the business concerned is an old-established one with a good Revenue record, and if the change that takes place does not involve a real change of control in the case of a change of structure, or a change of address to another district. That involves no modification of the broad general principle which, subject to the limitations of time, I am doing my best to explain to the House, but it involves, perhaps, some modification of its effect in individual cases in which hardship might result.

I do not propose even to try to deal with the individual cases to which my hon. Friend referred. He will appreciate that it is very rash to deal from this Box with individual cases unless they have been specifically brought to one's attention. He will forgive me if I content myself with saying that these cases have been dealt with in accordance with this general policy. If he has any reason to doubt that on the facts in his possession and he cares to draw my attention to them in the usual way, I shall do my best to investigate the matter.

Tonight I have been trying to explain the policy, which broadly remains unchanged but involves some recent mitigation of what might be regarded as its rigorousness. My hon. Friend indicated that we should not be careful of the Revenue and that there were heavy penalties in the law in cases of fraud. The law very properly lays down heavy penalties in cases of fraud, but it does not necessarily provide that one can lay hands on the offender. That has to be done before one can impose penalties or—what is more important—regain from the offender the tax which the citizen has paid and to which the offender has helped himself.

It is clouding the issue to say that there are heavy penalties in the law. My hon. Friend should remember the words of Mrs. Beeton,

The Question having been proposed after Ten o'Clock, and the debate having continued for half an hour, Mr. SPEAKER adjourned the House without Question put, pursuant to the Standing Order.

Adjourned at Twenty Minutes to Eleven o'Clock.