House of Commons
Wednesday, March 24, 1954
The House met at Half past Two o'Clock
Prayers
[Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair ]
New Writ
For Motherwell, in the room of Alexander Anderson, esquire, deceased.—[ Mr. Whiteley. ]
Petition
Housing Repairs and Rents Bill
I beg to ask leave to present a petition from the Yorkshire Federation of Trades Councils. The petitioners, who number 20,451, express anxiety about the outcome of the legislation to permit increases in the rents of dwelling-houses as they believe additional hardship will be imposed upon a large section of the community who belong to the lower income groups.
They say:
To lie upon the Table.
Oral Answers to Questions
Royal Air Force
Trooping Services, Suez Canal Zone
2.
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Air if he is aware that Royal Air Force personnel en route to the United Kingdom from units in the Near and Far East for demobilisation are being disembarked in the Canal Zone where they are being held up; what is the reason for this; and for what periods are they usually so delayed.
Members of the Royal Air Force serving in the Iraq and Aden Commands are brought by air to the Canal Zone on their way home for release so that they can join the regular trooping services which run from there. As a rule, these men are in the Canal Zone for less than a week, and I do not know of anyone's release being delayed on this account. I cannot trace any instance of airmen on the way home from the Far East, either by sea or by air, being disembarked in the Canal Zone.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that Royal Air Force personnel are waiting for 14 days or even longer, and that when they see Army personnel going straight through it causes a great deal of feeling?
There is a special committee at headquarters of the Middle East to co-ordinate movements in this theatre. Everything possible is being done to cut down waiting time. As a rule airmen are there less than a week, but sometimes, when there is an air exercise on, as there is at the moment, Middle East transport aircraft have to be taken off internal scheduled services, and that does cause delay, sometimes up to three weeks.
Air Ministry Staff
5.
asked the Under-Secretary of State for Air why the staff of his Department increased from 26,203 on 1st October, 1953, to 26,356 on 1st January, 1954; and what steps he is taking to reduce to a minimum the number of staff employed by his Department.
The increase was partly due to an improvement in recruitment, which enabled certain essential vacancies to be filled and partly to the replacement of airmen by civilians. As I told my hon. Friend last March, we exercise a strict control in these matters, and we are constantly adjusting the numbers of staff to the task in hand.
Is not the number of 26,000 civil servants in the Air Ministry fantastically high in relation to the number of R.A.F. personnel, which is to be reduced during the coming year, and especially high in relation to the number of aircraft in commission?
We have managed to meet a large increase of work caused by the expansion of the Royal Air Force with a comparatively small increase in staff. If my hon. Friend will refer to the White Papers which are issued quarterly and which show the staffs employed in Government Departments, he will see that the number of civil servants now employed at the Air Ministry is roughly the same as it was at the beginning of 1948. I think that is a record of which we need not be ashamed.
But was it not much too high in 1948?
Roads
Safety Measures
8.
asked the Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation if, in view of the public disquiet resulting from road accidents, he can yet state when the proposed legislation to improve road safety is to be introduced.
I am giving this problem urgent attention, but, as I indicated in answer to a Question by the hon. Member for Dartford (Mr. Dodds) on 3rd February, the solution is not merely a question of legislation. A great deal can be done by administrative action, and I hope to be able to make a statement shortly about various measures which I have in mind.
Has the right hon. Gentleman every confidence that the reorganisation and administrative efforts will have the desired effect?
They ought to go some way towards having it.
Pedestrian Crossings (Lighting)
9.
asked the Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation whether he is satisfied with the lighting of Zebra crossings during the hours of darkness.
Yes, Sir.
Traffic Islands, Hyde Park Corner
18.
asked the Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation whether he is aware of the difficulties presented to buses and private cars with long wheel-bases in negotiating the pointed corners of the traffic islands at Hyde Park Corner and of the disruption to oncoming traffic caused by large vehicles turning these sharp corners; and whether he will have alterations made in the shape of these traffic islands.
This is primarily the responsibility of the Westminster City Council, who are the highway authority, but we have consulted them, the police and the London Transport Executive and their reports do not bear out my hon. Friend's suggestion.
Could my hon. Friend possibly consider having consultations with his right hon. Friend the Minister, with the Home Secretary and the other interested parties, the Ministries and local authorities having at least one person or a group of people present, who are responsible for all the appalling traffic conditions which occur every day in London and which show no sign whatever of improvement.
That obviously goes far beyond the scope of the Question, which refers to Hyde Park Corner.
My hon. Friend introduced the fact that it was not a matter for his decision. I am asking whether he will consider consulting his right hon. Friends so that, when an hon. Member asks a Question about London traffic, he can get a direct answer from one particular Minister, which is quite impossible at the moment.
I was giving a perfectly direct answer about Hyde Park Corner, for which the Westminster City Council is the highway authority. We have consulted the council and it does not consider that my hon. Friend's suggestion is warranted.
Is the Minister aware that some tremendously long lorries pass Hyde Park Corner and cause damage and inconvenience? I pass Hyde Park Corner every day of my life to come here and I am very often held up because of those lorries.
I go past that Corner every morning on my way to the Ministry of Transport and also observe these things. The sharpest turn is from Knightsbridge into Grosvenor Place, on the east side of the Wellington Monument. The carriageway there is 60 feet wide, and there is no difficulty whatsoever in all the traffic turning to the right there.
Unilateral Parking
24.
asked the Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation what categories of vehicles are allowed to park or wait on the "No Parking" side of unilateral parking streets.
Parking on that side is in general prohibited. Vehicles may, however, pick up and set down passengers and, outside the inner area of London, may load and unload goods, but this is prohibited in the 31 streets in the Metropolitan Police District in which unilateral waiting is in force.
Forth Road Bridge (Minister's Decision)
28.
asked the Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation whether he has now considered the Report on Sir Bruce White's proposals for a road bridge over the Forth; and if he will make a statement.
Yes, Sir. I have now received the Report of the Panel I set up to inquire into Sir Bruce White's proposal. The Panel's finding, with which I agree, is that it is—in their own words—"difficult to see any sufficient justification for the project." I will circulate in the OFFICIAL REPORT a summary of its conclusions, and I am arranging for two copies of the full Report to be placed in the Library of the House. I should like to thank the members of the Panel for their comprehensive and authoritative Report. I have told the Transport Commission that the way is now clear for it to proceed with the improvements of the ferry service at Queensferry, and I have given it a formal indemnity to cover the risk of capital loss if and when a road bridge is built.
Now that the possibility of Sir Bruce White's scheme has been finally ruled out, may I ask my right hon. Friend whether he can name a date by which the improvements he has instructed the Transport Commission to carry on with will make themselves felt in the ferry service?
Now that we are at last able to get on with realities, I hope that we shall soon see good results.
Is the Minister aware that the people of Scotland will be looking for some suggestion that they can proceed to concentrate on the question of the new Forth Road Bridge, instead of being diverted by any other kind of project? Will he see that that question will be kept in mind, as well as the ferry?
This does not alter our attitude with regard to the road bridge, which is by no means ruled out. One of the great difficulties has been to get the Commission to concentrate on improvements of the ferry service in order to see that it does not turn out to be abortive expenditure. I think that I have, in my answer, fully covered that reasonable fear in the minds of the Commission.
Would the right hon. Gentleman be prepared to allow interested Members to have copies of the Panel's Report? Does he realise that the people in the developing areas will view the results of the Report with no great surprise but with terrible disappointment?
I shall certainly give a copy to the hon. Gentleman and to any other hon. Member who asks for one. It is a very elaborate Report, with many photographs, but I think I can safely say that anybody who wants to see it can see it personally as well as in the Library.
Following is the summary of the conclusions:
Conclusions of the Panel appointed by the Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation to examine and report on a scheme for the conversion of the Forth railway bridge into a combined road-rail bridge as proposed by Sir Bruce White.
( a ) It is possible to provide clearances for road and rail traffic allowing for a roadway 18 ft. wide between kerbs with a vertical clearance of 15 ft. 6 in. The railway clearance of 14 ft. 6 in. is sufficient to allow for future electrification.
( b ) In calculating the stresses in the members of the structure the railway loading used was the heaviest at present allowed on the bridge together with the new British Standard roadway loading Type HA for Highway Bridges which allows for a 9 ton wheel load. The wind load assumed was 37 lb. per sq. ft. in place of the 56 lb. per sq. ft. for which the existing bridge was designed.
( c ) The lightest form of roadway deck suitable for the Forth Bridge consists of a stiffened high tensile steel plate with the road wearing surface, in the form of a ½ in. thick coating of latex rubber compound, laid directly on it. This would weigh, on the suspended spans 33½ lb. per sq. ft. and on the cantilever arms 32 lb. per sq. ft.
( d ) The design of new steelwork to carry a roadway deck in addition to the railway across the approach spans presents no special problems.
The lower panels of all the lateral sway bracing between the tubular struts throughout the anchor and cantilever arms must be removed and replaced in a different form to provide clearance for the road.
New longitudinal girders would replace the existing internal viaduct on the anchor and cantilever arms.
In the suspended spans the roadway deck would be added independently of the railway deck which should not be replaced by girders and plating in light alloy. A portal frame arrangement at the ends of these spans would replace the existing sway bracing. The top lateral system of bracing should not be removed.
( e ) The steel ballast boxes containing cast iron blocks must be altered to provide clearance for the roadway. The masonry arches and some of the ballast must be removed and after alteration the ballast boxes must be increased in height to take the additional weight of ballast required.
( f ) Sir Bruce White advocated the widespread use of aluminium structural alloy so as to save weight. Unfortunately this material is subject to electro-chemical attack when in contact with steel. It would be quite impracticable, in the complex joints between new work and old, to give the protection necessary in so permanent a structure as the Forth Bridge. The Panel, therefore, does not recommend the use of aluminium alloy and, in its own designs, has substituted high tensile steel.
( g ) The additional weight of roadway deck, cross girders, bracing, etc., entailed in the proposed alterations would be approximately 0·40 tons per ft. in the suspended spans and from 0·09 to 0·50 tons per ft. in the anchor and cantilever arms.
( h ) A complete stress analysis of the suspended spans shows that certain members when subjected to full rail and road live load, were overstressed by as much as 18 per cent. The allowable stress was taken as that specified for new structures of mild steel. Such evidence as is available indicates that the quality of steel in the existing bridge can be regarded as satisfactory by modern standards but the possibility of loss of section by corrosion cannot be ruled out.
( i ) The stresses in these members of the suspended spans would appear to be critical in determining the feasibility of the Scheme. In a new structure this amount of overstressing under full load might be acceptable but it is a matter for further and fuller investigation whether it could be permitted in the members of the Forth Bridge.
( k ) Even if unacceptable overstressing of the members occurred under full rail and road live load, the bridge could still be used to carry both forms of traffic if some system of control, as advocated by Sir Bruce White, were adopted.
Automatic traffic lights could be operated by track circuit so that road traffic would be warned not to move on to a suspended span when it was occupied by trains on both tracks. A more reliable safeguard would be to leave the road traffic uncontrolled and to provide a railway signalling system which would make it impossible for trains to pass one another on a suspended span. Either arrangement would interfere to some extent with the flow of traffic.
( l ) Considerable attention was given to the questions of erection procedure and practicability. The proposed conversion is not impossible but the amount of work involved is such that a considerable interruption of railway traffic over a long period would be inevitable.
It is estimated that some 200 Sunday occupations of 10 hours each would be needed together with 60 to 100 long occupations of not less than 30 hours, which might be spread over a period of from five to seven years.
The conversion could, of course, be carried out more quickly and economically if complete possession of the bridge were obtained for a period of two or three years.
( m ) Sir Bruce White's estimate of the time of conversion is two years and the cost £3,000,000, but these estimates were not based on any programme of work or calculation of cost.
In the opinion of the Panel the cost of conversion would be far above this figure and might well amount to more than half the cost of a new bridge and there would be not much likelihood of any substantial saving in time of construction.
( n ) In view of these circumstances, including the comparatively poor facilities to be provided by the conversion and the inevitable interruptions to week-end railway traffic over a period of years during construction, the Panel finds it difficult to see any sufficient justification for the project.
J. F. BAKER.
GILBERT ROBERTS.
H. SHIRLEY SMITH.
2nd March, 1954.
St. Mawgan Diversion
29.
asked the Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation when construction will begin on the proposed new access road to St. Mawgan.
My right hon. Friend will give authority to begin construction of a section of this diversion road as soon as the order under the Requisitioned Land and War Works Act has been made, which I hope will be towards the end of July.
Civil Aviation
Helicopter Landings, South Bank
10.
asked the Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation how many experimental landings by helicopter have been made on the South Bank site since 1st January, 1953; when the last landing was made; and what is planned in regard to experiments in the near future.
All the landings that have been made on the South Bank site can be classed as experimental. There have been 11 such landings since 1st January, 1953, the last being made on the 8th October, 1953. No decisions have been taken involving further experimental landings in the near future.
Does that reply mean that there are no plans for experimental landings during the next few months? Does the hon. Gentleman appreciate that the answers given to this type of Question are becoming more and more depressing while, on the other hand, the Belgians are much more optimistic and are introducing a helicopter service between London and Brussels? Could not we do the same?
I am sorry that the hon. Gentleman thinks that the answers are becoming more and more depressing because the Questions are becoming more and more interesting as we go along. Further experimental landings will be made when it is clear that they can add to the knowledge and experience of helicopter operation.
Will the Minister bear in mind the very real anxiety of people living in the neighbourhood?
Does the right hon. Gentleman mean from the point of view of noise?
Yes.
My right hon. Friend is well aware of that.
London Airport (Noise)
12
asked the Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation whether he is aware that residents living near the London Airport are still suffering from excessive noise from aircraft, especially at night; and what action he proposes to take.
I would refer the hon. Member to the reply given to my hon. Friend the Member for Heston and Isle-worth (Mr. R. Harris) on 17th March.
Is the Minister aware that some residents say that there is more noise than ever and that it is going on for longer than it used to, especially at night? Because the reply is so unsatisfactory, I shall put down a further Question.
Perhaps the hon. Gentleman has not seen a letter which was sent recently from the London Airport Consultative Committee to the Commandant of London Airport in which it is stated that the Committee has received no complaints about any recent increase in the noise at London Airport at night. It goes on to say that complaints have decreased of late and ends by giving the most welcome information that it believes that our Department is energetically pursuing the subject of the abatement of noise.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that people over the years have become accustomed to the noise of railway trains and engines?
I must say, in fairness to the people who live near the Airport, that it will take a long time before they become accustomed to and happy about the noise of jet aeroplanes.
B.O.A.C. (Disposal of Aircraft)
16.
asked the Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation whether, in view of the disposal by the British Overseas Airways Corporation of certain aircraft that were suitable for charter work only, he will now consult with them with a view to revising his policy in regard to participation of the corporation in charter operations.
No, Sir. I would refer the hon. Member to the answer I gave him on 22nd March.
Was not that answer somewhat dishonest, because did not the right hon. Gentleman—
Withdraw.
The hon. Member really should not impute a dishonest motive to another hon. Member of the House.
I withdraw the word "dishonest" and suggest that the answer was misleading, in that the right hon. Gentleman referred to the fact that B.O.A.C. had commercial freedom in this matter whereas they did not have commercial freedom, inasmuch as they were compelled to sell these aircraft because of an agreement entered into at the instigation of the Minister to the effect that they should not engage in trooping and charter work?
While I am always prepared to overlook any limitation in the hon. Member's vocabulary when it takes a rather offensive form, I must point out to him that this subject was dealt with at length a fortnight ago, and that, by a majority vote, the House supported it.
Will the Minister answer my question? Is it not a fact that B.O.A.C. would not have had to dispose of these aircraft had not the right hon. Gentleman instigated an agreement with them which required them to cease from engaging in charter work?
That, of course, is wholly untrue.
No.
Yes. The Corporations have to modernise their fleets and take the newest aeroplanes as they come along. Unless they do this, they will always have aeroplanes of less than up-to-date types of which they want to dispose. They cannot conceivably hold their new fleets and also their old fleets. If they have to dispose of their older aeroplanes, then they must sell them to people who are prepared to buy them.
25.
asked the Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation what proposals have been submitted to him by British Overseas Airways Corporation for the disposal of aircraft other than for monetary payment.
I am at present considering proposals involving such a transaction, but until decisions have been taken I am not able to make any statement.
Is the Minister satisfied with the extraordinary policies he is forcing out of the Corporation by means of this tourniquet he has drawn around it? Can he tell the House what his attitude will be to a public corporation having a share-holding in a private company in return for these aircraft?
I have answered the Question on the Order Paper, and I have nothing to add to it.
27.
asked the Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation how many Hermes aircraft he has authorised the British Overseas Airways Corporation to sell.
B.O.A.C. are free to sell all their Hermes aircraft.
If the Minister is now able to consider this matter calmly, after his exchanges with my hon. Friend the Member for Enfield, East (Mr. Ernest Davies)—[HON. MEMBERS: "Oh."]—certainly—will he now tell the House that he is prepared to allow B.O.A.C. to exercise not only commercial judgment but unfettered commercial judgment by removing the restrictions which he has placed upon them?
I have nothing to add to the very long statement I made on this subject in the course of an attempt by the hon. Member to reduce my salary, which was decisively rejected by the House.
Will the Minister now confirm that if it were not for his policy B.O.A.C. would retain these aircraft in order to carry on a profitable business, instead of selling them at a loss?
That point has already been completely denied by the Chairman of the Corporation. If the Corporation are to be obliged to hold on to every old aircraft they will never buy any new ones, and it might then be all up with British aviation.
Accident Rates
17.
asked the Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation the latest available fatal accident rate for British airlines; and how it compares with the accident rate on British Railways and on the roads of this country.
The fatality rate on regular services of British airlines for the five-year period to 13th March, 1954, was 3·7 passengers killed per hundred million passenger-miles. The figure for British Railways for five years to 31st December, 1953, was ·35. I regret that comparative rates for road casualties are not available.
Scottish Services (Twin Pioneer Aircraft)
21.
asked the Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation what advice his Department gave on the suitability of the Twin Pioneer for providing feeder services from improvised runways for Scottish cities with no conventional air service, during the course of his discussions with other Government Departments which led to the provision of a grant for the development of this aircraft.
None, specifically related to the subject of the question, but my right hon. Friend has consistently advised that an aircraft such as the Twin Pioneer, promising operations from very short grass or similar runways, would have extensive civil aviation uses beyond those possible with existing types.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that this Question is intended to draw attention to the fact that Dundee is the only city in Scotland which still lacks modern air services? Will the Minister investigate the possibility of using these aircraft for temporary air services from Riverside Park, Dundee, pending the provision of a proper air service from Errol Airport?
I was not aware that that was behind the Question, but I shall now pay particular attention to that aspect. On the other hand, the decision as to where to run air services must rest with the operators concerned. But I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman for elaborating his Question. I will look into it.
While the hon. Member for Dundee, East (Mr. G. M. Thomson) has an excellent case for Dundee, he is wrong in saying that it is the only city in Scotland which is concerned. The city of Perth is also very much concerned.
Is the Minister aware that there is some misunderstanding of the announcement regarding the use of the Twin Pioneer in Scotland? Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether the Twin Pioneer is to replace the D.H.17 for the Islands transport and provide a satisfactory substitute for those aeroplanes which, I am sorry to see, may soon not be used for that service?
If the right hon. Gentleman will put down a Question we shall do our best to answer it.
Pacific and Tasman Services Agreement
33.
asked the Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation in view of the official statement of which he is aware, made by the Australian Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation regarding the future of British air services in the Pacific, and in view of the fact that the future of British Overseas Airways Corporation is closely concerned with the changes announced, why no statement has been made by him.
It was agreed between Her Majesty's Governments in the United Kingdom, Australia and New Zealand, that there should be a simultaneous announcement of this most welcome agreement. Mr. Anthony, the Australian Postmaster-General and Minister for Civil Aviation, did not make a statement in Parliament. Mr. Macdonald, the New Zealand Minister in charge of Civil Aviation, has not so far as I know made a public statement. In all our three Commonwealth countries Press announcements were made on the same day (16th March). I will circulate a statement on this agreement in the OFFICIAL REPORT.
Will the Minister answer two points arising out of that agreement? First, will he say whether B.O.A.C. will retain traffic rights in the Pacific area; and, secondly, if the British Corporation is now to operate over to San Francisco, and in view of the fact that the United States Government allow no pick-up rights over 6,000 miles of territory from New York to Hawaii, will there be any special financial adjustment between the Government and B.O.A.C.?
Before going into detail, it would be better if the hon. Gentleman would read the statement which I propose to put in the OFFICIAL REPORT. I assure him that, in the view of the Governments of the United Kingdom and of Australia and New Zealand, this will promote Empire air development. Qantas Empire Airways will operate services to the United States and Canada, connecting with B.O.A.C. Atlantic services to those countries. I would gladly discuss this matter in detail in the House at the first possible opportunity.
Following is the statement:
FUTURE OF PACIFIC AND TASMAN AIR SERVICES
Following a Civil Aviation Conference at Christchurch on the 14th and 15th October, 1953, decisions have been reached on realignment of air services in which the Governments of the United Kingdom, Australia and New Zealand are jointly interested. Under new arrangements Qantas Empire Airways and British Overseas Airways Corporation will continue in parallel partnership on the Kangaroo route. Qantas Empire Airways will operate services to the United States and Canada connecting with British Overseas Airways Corporation at San Francisco when B.O.A.C. extend their North Atlantic services to that point. Tasman Empire Airways will connect with these world routes at both Sydney and Nandi (Fiji) thus continuing in a different form the partnership in which the Governments have been associated for many years. Although passengers to and from New Zealand will have to change connection at Fiji, the new arrangement will provide two air services per week instead of one, as well as providing the public with improved facilities. The decisions are:
Recognising that Trans-Pacific and Trans-Tasman services will continue to be of special interest to all three Governments, appropriate machinery for special consultations will be provided to deal with questions of policy or other issues which cannot conveniently be resolved by airlines.
The Governments wish to record their deep sense of appreciation of the excellent service rendered by B.C.P.A. in operation of trans-Pacific services from New Zealand and Australia to North America and acknowledge the valuable services which the staff have rendered.
Transport
New Highway Code
11.
asked the Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation whether he can now announce the date when the proposed new Highway Code will be published; and when it will be brought before the House for consideration.
As I indicated to my hon. Friend the Member for Huntingdon (Mr. Renton) on 17th March I intend to make the text available to hon. Members before the end of next month. As I wish to consider comments made by hon. Members I cannot at this stage give definite dates for formal presentation to the House or for publication.
Does the Minister intend to have a debate on the matter when the new Highway Code is published in view of its great importance both to this House and to the country as a whole?
I am in the hands of the usual channels in a matter of that kind, but it seems more profitable that I should address party meetings of both sides of the House, perhaps separately, and then talk to those who are really interested in an informal way about the form which the Code should take.
Does my right hon. Friend's reply mean that the copy which hon. Members will see will not be the final copy, but that there will be an opportunity for him to examine their suggestions?
That is so.
In connection with the Highway Code, has the right hon. Gentleman given, or will he give, consideration to the rule which operates in other countries and in parts of the Commonwealth of giving way to the car on the right of crossings, which seems to me to work very satisfactorily?
That is indeed a very important factor.
Are arrangements being made to prepare a Welsh version of the Highway Code?
I will look into that.
Fares Scheme, Nottingham (Old-Age Pensioners)
14.
asked the Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation if he will grant the appeal of the Nottingham City Corporation against the decision of the East Midlands licensing authority who refused to permit the corporation to carry old-age pensioners at reduced rates on the city transport services along certain routes on grounds of competition with other transport undertakings which had previously been licensed to operate within the city; and if he will make a statement.
On a point of order. This Question raises a matter in which the Minister has a quasi-judicial discretion. It is not usual to put Questions on the Order Paper about how my right hon. Friend will decide these appeals, and I wonder, Mr. Speaker, if this Question is in order. I apologise for not giving you notice that I proposed to raise this point of order.
On the face of it, I think it is in order. I am prepared to hear the answer.
The answer is that no such appeal has been lodged with me.
When such an appeal is lodged with the Minister, will he give it his careful attention and support?
I think that would be a hypothetical question.
Consultative Committees (Complaints)
20.
asked the Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation if he is aware of the complaints contained in the 1953 Report of the Central Transport Consultative Committee; and if he will ensure the fullest co-operation in future in view of the fact that this is the only protection afforded to transport users.
Yes, Sir; and as noted in paragraph 23 of that Report I intend to encourage fuller use of the services of the Consultative Committees.
In view of the fact that users seem to be ground between the upper and nether millstones, is my right hon. Friend aware how glad I am to hear his answer?
As the Minister has legislation before the House concerning the number of persons permitted to stand in buses, will he refer to the Central Transport Consultative Committee this question which previously he has refused to refer to it?
As the hon. Gentleman knows, or ought to know, rules for standing in buses can apply to buses out-with as well as within the British Transport Commission's authority. The Consultative Committee exists only to advise me on the carrying out by the Transport Commission of its obligations.
Rear Lamps and Reflectors
26.
asked the Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation if he has now completed his examination of the possibilities of bringing forward the dates for the compulsory exhibition of two rear lamps on motor vehicles not classed as new vehicles; and if he will make a statement.
I expect to make a full announcement regarding rear lamps-and reflectors in the very near future. The date at which I now propose that two rear lamps should become obligatory on existing vehicles, other than cycles, is 1st October, 1956.
Does that date apply both to commercial vehicles and private cars?
This is a rather complicated story, and if the hon. Gentleman will have a word with me afterwards I shall explain in detail the situation, upon which I hope to make a comprehensive statement within the next two or three weeks.
Surely the right hon. Gentleman must know whether this date applies to commercial vehicles as well as private cars? It is an elementary point which should be within his knowledge.
If the right hon. Gentleman will also do me the favour of listening to the story he will realise that there are certain agricultural vehicles which, as he will know, fall into one category, and other industrial vehicles which fall into another. A snap answer that might appear very bright might be very misleading.
I thought that a snap answer that might sound very bright but was not always reliable was a speciality of the right hon. Gentleman.
Road Haulage Assets (Disposal)
22.
asked the Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation what representations he has received from the road haulage associations and other bodies in regard to the disposal of British Road Services; and what action he has taken upon them.
35.
asked the Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation what answer he has given to the representations of the Road Haulage Association that where three or more bids are made for transport units the highest should be accepted.
On 22nd February, I met representatives of the Road Haulage Association, who gave me their general views on the sale of the Commission's road haulage assets. Subsequently the Association also conferred with the Disposal Board. It is for the Disposal Board, in consultation with the Commission to decide whether any action is required.
I thank the Minister for that reply, but may I ask whether he informed the Road Haulage Association that, under the Act, in no circumstances can he intervene as regards the prices at which vehicles or units are sold, unless there is a dispute between the Commission and the Disposal Board?
Yes, I did so, and also referred them to the public comments of the hon. Gentleman on that point.
Can the Minister say whether he has declined the representations of the Road Haulage Association that the highest of three bids should be accepted?
I have reminded them of the constitutional position which I have already outlined, and which they readily understood.
Then can the Minister tell us why the small road hauliers have been so slow in coming forward to purchase these units, when we spent so much Parliamentary time on giving them an opportunity to purchase them?
The hon. Member must have been very slow in reading the published lists. The last list shows that 86 per cent, of the assets offered have been sold.
Can the House be assured from that reply that in no circumstances will the Minister attempt to use any pressure at all to influence the Disposal Board to sell any of these vehicles at a price lower than their proper value?
Of course not.
As the word "dishonest" has been ruled out of order, I wonder if I could have your advice, Mr. Speaker, as to what term I should use to describe the last answer but one of the Minister, which is so inaccurate as to be misleading, if not dishonest?
I strongly deprecate all these suggestions.
May I ask for your guidance, Sir, on this point? I understand the disappointment of the Opposition at the way in which these sales are going, but I think that I am entitled to ask for your protection in that I have never, at any moment, gone beyond the constitutional lines laid down by the Act.
We are not debating the Act, which has been passed by Parliament. It is merely a matter of propriety of language. I do most strongly deprecate, as have my predecessors, any suggestions by an hon. Member from any quarter of the House that another hon. Member is actuated by motives which he does not avow.
Further to that point of order, may I ask what protection the House has, on a matter of fact, when a Minister gives an answer, which on this side is known to be untrue, in relation to the vehicles and the units put up for sale last time? Why do you not withdraw that—
Order. The word "untrue" is capable of two meanings—that it may not be accurate or that it may be deliberately untrue. It is the suggestion that it is deliberately untrue which no hon. Member—no matter where he sits—should make. If there is a difference of opinion as to what the facts are, that must be thrashed out in the ordinary manner of debate, but debate should be kept clean of all these aspersions.
May I ask the Minister if he will give us the facts about the percentage of lorries sold in the last units offered, including those offered with premises?
If the hon. Gentleman really wants to bring these facts still more to the public attention he should put down a Question. What I said—and repeat—was that of the units offered 86 per cent, had been sold.
That is a lie.
On a point of order. I distinctly heard the hon. Member for Cardiff, South-East (Mr. Callaghan) say, "That is a lie."
I did not hear the remark myself, but if it was said it ought to be withdrawn.
I did say that, and I withdraw it. I hope the Minister has the satisfaction of knowing that I withdraw it.
36.
asked the Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation, in view of the representations made by the Road Haulage Association that the reserve price placed upon transport units is too high, what steps he is taking to ensure that the Disposal Board do not depart from the obligation laid upon them by Section 3 (7) of the Transport Act, 1953, that no tender shall be accepted unless the price is a reasonable one.
I am quite confident that in this as in all other respects the Disposal Board can be relied upon to observe the requirements of the Act.
Is the Minister aware that the last Press statement of the Road Haulage Disposal Board, a copy of which I now have, states that the units with premises:
"… will show very unsatisfactory results."
It also says:
"Out of 180 units offered, no tenders at all were received for 62 units …"
and that:
"… a first analysis shows that a high proportion will have to be rejected."
That is a reference to the tenders that were made. Will the Minister now answer the question why so many of the small road hauliers have been slow in coming forward, and will he please appreciate that quick answers with bright endings are not always accurate?
The hon. Gentleman overlooks the fact that the proportion of acceptances of units offered for sale is 86 per cent, of the decided cases. I recognise that vehicles offered with premises have not received the same public response. At the suggestion of both the Commission and the Disposal Board I have authorised separate sales of these premises, as I am entitled to do under the Act.
In view of what the Minister has now told the House, hon. Members will be fully aware that there is room for suspicion on this side. Will he now publish in the form of a White Paper, or in some other way, the text or a full résumé of the talks that he had with the Road Haulage Association on 23rd February?
In reply to the latter part of that question, I would no more think of publishing in a White Paper the text of my talks with a private organisation than I would think of publishing the text of my talks with the Trades Union Congress. In reply to the first part of the question, under the Act the Disposal Board are obliged to submit to me, and through me to Parliament, reports at not less than six-monthly intervals, so the whole story of the transaction will be clearly before Parliament, quite apart from the many interim Press statements which the Disposal Board issues from time to time.
Is my right hon. Friend aware that we on this side of the House have the utmost confidence both in his judgment and in his veracity?
As the Minister has frequently suggested that we on this side are disappointed at the progress of the sales, may I ask whether he is aware that we are not disappointed but disgusted at the disposal at a loss of these national assets?
Ringwood—Winchester Coach Journey
30.
asked the Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation whether he will use his powers under Section 65 of the Road Traffic Act, 1930, to ensure that particulars are sent to him in their annual report of the reasons why the Commissioners of the area concerned deemed it necessary to prohibit a coach taking parishioners of Ringwood to Winchester to see a missionary exhibition.
I have already obtained these particulars. As I have explained to my hon. and gallant Friend, the licensing authority for public service vehicles did not prohibit the journey but, after having had its attention drawn to the circumstances, gave a warning that, in its view, this would not comply with the law unless authorised under a road service licence.
May I ask my hon. Friend two questions? First, on what basis does he consider that a notice in a parish magazine constitutes an advertisement? Secondly, in regard to the reply he has given, can he say when he will introduce legislation to remove this anomaly?
The law upon this subject was interpreted by the Lord Chief Justice in the case of Poole v. Ibbotson. The legislation which deals with this point is Section 25 (1, b ), of the Road Transport Act, 1934. The journey must be made without previous advertisement to the public of the arrangements therefor. As regards the date of the introduction of legislation, I am not prepared to answer that question now.
May I ask my hon. Friend to answer the question under what judgment, in what case, has a notice in a parish magazine been deemed to be an advertisement?
I have mentioned the case in which the present Lord Chief Justice interpreted the law upon that subject. The view of the licensing authority was that the publication of an advertisement in a parish magazine would probably be considered by the courts to fall into the same category of case, but, as I made quite plain in my answer, the licensing authority did not prohibit the journey; it merely drew the attention of those concerned to the legal position.
I find difficulty in hearing the hon. Member when he turns his back to me.
I apologise, Mr. Speaker.
Look towards Mr. Speaker.
This seems to be a legal matter, which is not for us.
Passenger Facilities, Essex Area
32.
asked the Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation if he has given any recent consideration to the immediate and prospective transport needs of the inhabitants of extra-metropolitan Essex areas; to what extent passenger traffic has increased during the past five years; and if he will make a statement on the plans and proposals to improve passenger transport facilities during the ensuing five years.
I have authorised the extension of the Liverpool Street—Shenfield electric line and preliminary work on this has begun. I have also upheld on appeal a proposal for an improvement of road passenger services between Southend and London. I cannot answer the second part of the Question without knowing which particular traffic the hon. Member has in mind, but in general it is for the Commission and the other transport undertakings to assess the transport needs of the area, and any representations for improvements should be made to them in the first instance.
Can the Minister say to what extent that will relieve congestion in the constituency of Leyton, which is the constituency I have in mind? Does he appreciate that development outside that area is having an effect upon traffic inside the area, and therefore some improvement is most necessary?
I certainly realise that. I urge the hon. Gentleman to contact the Commission—on this subject. I should be very glad to discuss it with him.
Canal Bridges, Shrewsbury
19.
asked the Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation whether, in view of the fact that water has been drained from the canal, he will now have removed the humped-backed bridges over this canal in the Ditherington area of Shrewsbury in view of the dangerous nature of these two bridges and the small cost involved.
We hope to fit these improvements into the early part of our programme.
Would it not be better to bring this and all other canals into a proper state of repair?
No doubt the hon. Gentleman knows that the other day my right hon. Friend announced that, by agreement with the Transport Commission, he is arranging to hold an inquiry into the general use of canals.
Railways
Accident, Forth Bridge
23.
asked the Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation if he is aware that an accident occurred to the Aberdeen-London express train near the Forth Bridge on Sunday night, 7th March, as a result of which part of the train overturned and was damaged; and if he will make a detailed statement indicating the cause, nature and consequences to passengers, permanent way and rolling stock.
Yes, Sir. A formal inquiry has been held and has established that the express train concerned failed to negotiate a steep gradient. It moved backwards and the last three coaches were derailed at catch points. There were no serious injuries, and the damage to the rolling stock and the track was not severe.
Is the Minister in a position to say whether any passengers or other class of people involved in the accident suffered personal injury or other loss? If so, what steps is he taking to compensate them?
One passenger received a slight injury. I am awaiting the report of my inspecting officer of railways on the whole matter.
Branch Lines, Wales
34.
asked the Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation if he will give the names of the four branch lines in Wales referred to in paragraph 5 of the latest Annual Report of the Transport Users' Consultative Committee for Wales and Monmouthshire.
The two cases concluded, where services have been withdrawn, were the Lampeter-Aberayron and the Burry Port-Gwendraeth Valley lines; consideration of the case for closing the Pontypool-Monmouth (Troy) line was deferred; and the report of a sub-committee was awaited on the decision to abandon the Quakers Yard (high level)-Merthyr line.
While congratulating the right hon. Gentleman on his Welsh pronunciation, may I ask him whether, as the Consultative Committee is meant to act in liaison between the travelling public and the transport authority, he will ask them in future reports to be much more informative so that the travelling public may know what their represatives have been doing on their behalf?
I will discuss that with them.
Scottish West Coast Steamers (Breakdowns)
32.
asked the Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation what breakdowns or partial breakdowns have been reported during the last three years in respect of the steamers "Lochmor" and "Lochearn" in service on the West Coast of Scotland.
Between March, 1951, and June, 1952, engine failures on these vessels were reported six times all told. Modifications were then made and over the last 20 months I am aware of only two partial breakdowns. Neither was of a serious character, but I much regret the inconvenience caused.
Is my right hon. Friend aware that on 3rd March of this year one of the engines of the "Lochmor" failed while she was entering Tarbert harbour, that this caused a delay of half an hour, and that other failures have been reported? Is he aware that there is a general lack of confidence in the performance of the machinery of these vessels, and in view of their importance to the welfare of the Western Islands, will my right hon. Friend look into the matter again to ensure that a better service is maintained?
I gather that the case to which my noble Friend referred was not due to engine trouble, despite the report in the Press. I will gladly look into the matter further, for I am anxious that there should be a good service.
Can the Minister tell the House whether these two steamers are part of the MacBrayne service and, if they are, is he aware that this House voted £300,000 per year for an adequate service to be maintained in the West Coast of Scotland by them? If the House voted that amount of subsidy to MacBrayne's, should we not have some guarantee that the service given is not continually breaking down and causing annoyance and delay to the people of Scotland?
This ship belongs to MacBrayne's. I remind the hon. Gentleman that contracts with MacBrayne's have been upheld during three Socialist Governments.
That is not an answer.
Will the right hon. Gentleman consult the First Lord of the Admiralty because it is possible that he may have a ship laid up for most of the year which could replace these two ships?
Suez Canal Zone (Incidents)
The following Question stood upon the Order Paper:
To ask the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs how many attacks there have been on British Service men in Egypt in February, 1954; on what dates and with what results; and what protests have been made and with what results.
On a point of order. In view of the statement which was given on Monday, the last part of my Question is obviously now out of date.
During February, 1954, there were 11 attacks on British Service men in Egypt. They occurred on the following dates: one each on 5th February, 8th, 9th, 12th, 13th, 14th, 17th, 20th and 28th and two on 19th February. One resulted in head and body injuries, three resulted in facial injuries, and the remainder caused no injury. During the same month there were also 13 cases of shots fired at British camps from outside the perimeters, or at service vehicles, but no casualties resulted.
On 17th February, Her Majesty's Ambassador discussed the whole state of law and order in the Canal Zone with the Egyptian Foreign Minister, and urged the Egyptian Government to take steps to improve the situation, particularly by removing known gangster leaders from the Canal Zone and by exercising special care in the selection of Egyptian officers appointed to posts there.
Further representations were made to the Egyptian Government in March. My right hon. Friend referred to these in a reply given in the House on 22nd March. The Egyptian Foreign Minister has informed Her Majesty's Ambassador that measures are being taken to improve the situation.
In view of the worsening of the position which has taken place in March, will my right hon. and learned Friend now consider making a completely new approach to the whole question of reaching a settlement with the Egyptian Government?
I think that the matter had better remain for the present where my right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary left it in his statement on 22nd March.
As many of the men in the Zone are young National Service men, are any special precautions taken to protect their lives and limbs?
That is really a question for my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for War, but the Commander-in-Chief on the spot has full authority to take the necessary measures.
Germany
Police (Strength and Armaments)
38.
asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he will state the numbers and armaments of the police force maintained by the East and West German Governments, respectively.
The so-called East German "police" forces fall into two main groups. According to our latest information over 90,000 men are organised in army, airforce, and naval formations, and are armed with 600 tanks, 250 self-propelled guns, including howitzers, 1,700 other guns and aircraft. There are also about 55,000 men in the civil police, about 12,000 police for various security duties, and about 20,000 frontier police, making some 177,000 altogether.
The West German police consist of about 110,000 men. 90,000 of these are ordinary civil police normally armed with pistols. The remaining 20,000 are divided between frontier and mobile police, and are armed primarily with carbines and pistols. They also have a limited number of lightly armoured vehicles and mortars.
Can the Joint Under-Secretary say whether the build-up of armed forces in Eastern Germany, apart from the civil police, preceded or followed the proposal that there should be a German armed contribution to Western defence?
I can indeed inform the right hon. and learned Gentleman on that point. The formation of the East German military units began in October, 1948, which was some two years before even a decision in principle was taken about West German rearmament.
Could the hon. Gentleman make some arrangements whereby Communist organisations, who pass many resolutions against a German contribution to Western defence, might send the same resolutions to the East German Government and the Soviet Ambassador in London?
As the right hon. Gentleman knows, I have no influence with Communist organisations in this country or in other countries. Perhaps the words which he has uttered and the advice which he has given will be noted by the Communist Party.
Can my hon. Friend say what are the personal arms of the 170,000 East German police?
I imagine that they have carbines and pistols, but the main armament is, as I have said, in tanks, self-propelled guns and aircraft.
While I regret the necessity for either of the forces to have arms, can the hon. Gentleman state how many of the officers in control, in both instances, are former Nazis? If he cannot do that, will he, if I put a Question on the Order Paper, do his best to find out as much information about the number of former Nazis in control of the two forces as he has now obtained about their armaments?
No, Sir. I have no information on that topic, and I should not wish to mislead the hon. Gentleman into thinking that I could obtain it.
Nazi Prisoners, Spandau
42.
asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs what approaches he has received from the French and United States Governments, asking for a review or remission of part of the sentences passed on one or more of the seven Nazi prisoners in Spandau Gaol: when these approaches were made; and what decision he has arrived at.
No such approaches have been received.
Can the right hon. and learned Gentleman say whether or not he has received any correspondence on the subject from persons in this country, particularly with reference to the suggestion that at least one of the Spandau prisoners could be transferred to a sanatorium?
I can tell the hon. Gentleman that there has been a certain amount of correspondence, and in it there has certainly been the suggestion that some of the prisoners who are sick should be transferred to a sanatorium.
Will the right hon. and learned Gentleman publish the correspondence in the OFFICIAL REPORT?
Burma (Debt Agreement)
40.
asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs why the British Government waived about £20 million of the debt of about £27 million due to it from the Government of Burma; and if he will make a statement regarding this matter and the negotiations about the defence of Burma.
Her Majesty's Government accepted after full discussions, a Burmese proposal to make a present payment of £7·3 million in final settlement of the Treaty Debt of approximately £26·7 million, repayable in 20 annual instalments. This debt related almost entirely to moneys advanced by Her Majesty's Government for reconstruction and rehabilitation in Burma after the war. In accepting the Burmese proposal, Her Majesty's Government were influenced by the advantages of a final settlement on the best terms obtainable.
With regard to the second topic raised by the hon. Member's Question, I have nothing to add to the reply given to the hon. Member for Pembroke (Mr. Donnelly) on 8th March. Negotiations with the Burmese Government are continuing and I would prefer not to say any more about them at present.
Can the right hon. and learned Gentleman give the House any information about the real position in respect of China on the borders of Burma? Is it true that Communist China has laid claims to a part of Northern Burma and that recently some Chinese Communist troops actually entered a part of Burma?
That is a very different question from the one on the Order Paper. If the hon. Gentleman will put a Question on the subject on the Order Paper, I will do my best to answer it.
Commonwealth and Empire (Official Designation)
45.
asked the Prime Minister under what conditions the terms Commonwealth of Nations and Empire, respectively, are officially used by Her Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom.
I have been asked to reply. Either or both of the terms "Commonwealth of Nations" and "Empire" can be used.
Does the right hon. Gentleman appreciate that the term "Empire" is apt to evoke resentment in India, Pakistan and Ceylon, who certainly do no not consider themselves as part of the Empire? Does he not agree that it is inadvisable to use the term "Empire" when the larger portion of the Commonwealth of Nations resents it?
I do not know that I could accept that, but perhaps the hon. Gentleman would like to look up a reply upon this subject which was given on 2nd May, 1949, by the then Prime Minister, who remarked:
"Terminology, if it is to be useful, keeps step with developments without becoming rigid or doctrinaire."—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 2nd May, 1949; Vol. 464, c. 644.]
I agree.
Does my right hon. Friend agree that all that India and Pakistan have ever known of freedom has come from the Empire?
When the Commonwealth Prime Ministers agreed on the designation "Commonwealth," did they at the same time agree to the alternative designation "Empire"? Is that on the record?
Will the right hon. Gentleman indicate in what part of the Commonwealth the term "Empire" applies and in what part of the Empire the term "Commonwealth" applies?
Will my right hon. Friend be careful about this matter, since the word "Empire" means something to those who inhabit the Empire as well as to the world—it means law, order, justice, humanity and hygiene—whereas the word "Commonwealth" has still to rid itself of the smell which it had in this country the last time it was used?
I gather that it is always wrong in this House to refer in derogatory terms to foreign countries. Does that not equally apply to Commonwealth countries, and should not the hon. and gallant Gentleman withdraw his remark about no freedom in the Commonwealth countries?
This is becoming a little irregular. I did not gather that there was anything derogatory in the hon. and gallant Gentleman's remark.
Owing to the unsatisfactory nature of the reply, I beg to give notice that I shall raise this matter at the earliest opportunity on the Motion for the Adjournment.
Luton Corporation Bill (Corrected Division Figures)
Mr. ROBERT JENKINS and Mr. PARGITER, the Tellers in the Aye Division Lobby in the Division of 18th March, on the Question, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Question," came to the Table —
We have to report that, on Thursday, 18th March, in the Division on the Amendment to the Question, "That the Luton Corporation Bill be now read a Second time," we erroneously reported the number of the Ayes as 103, instead of 93, which was the correct number.
I will direct the Clerks to make the necessary correction in the figures in the Journal.
Orders of the Day
Consolidated Fund (No. 2) Bill
Considered in Committee, and reported, without Amendment.
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read the Third time."—[ Mr. Vosper. ]
World Mutual Aid
3.33 p.m.
In 1945 the Foreign Secretary said that the United Nations was humanity's last hope. We all know this is true, and the continuing accidents to luckless Japanese fishermen in the Pacific only drive it home. Every useful activity of the United Nations, therefore, deserves Britain's full support, and to us in Britain that is especially true of the United Nations' work against world poverty.
What is world poverty today? President Truman, in one of his last speeches as President, said:
In the underdeveloped territories, infant mortality in some cases is 400 per 1,000; in Britain it is 27. The expectation of life is under 30; in Britain it is 65. One person in every two in the world can neither read nor write, and two out of every three earn less than £70 a year. In other words, 1,200 million of our fellow-men are hungry, disease-ridden, ill-clothed and ill-housed from the cradle to the grave.
They used to accept it almost without a murmur as part of the ordering of fate. Now they do not. Mr. Sjahrir, of Indonesia, told me last year that the great fact in Asia today is that the underdeveloped nations are in bitter revolt. They are not only conscious of their poverty, but they know that it can be ended, and they are determined that it shall be.
They know, too, and their spokesmen at the United Nations Assembly say it every year, that every Member of the United Nations is solemnly pledged to
We want to urge on the Government this afternoon—and this is the purpose of our debate—that this work should be accelerated and expanded, and that bolder action should be taken, as soon as practicable, to tackle seriously and effectively the major problems that are still untouched. We urge that it is a vital British interest, quite as vital as the possession of atom bombs, that this should be done. We think it is a moral duty, that it is good Socialism and good Christianity; but we think that it is good business, too, and very obviously good business for Britain in 1954. Judging by their actions, the Government's perception of this truth is a little less acute than ours.
Let me try to analyse in detail what we think is the interest of Britain in world mutual aid today. I will take, by way of illustration, because I want to deal with some detailed points, our interest in the United Nations Technical Assistance Programme. The sum of money that is involved in our case is very small; it is this year £650,000. On Thursday last, the hon. Member for Heston and Isleworth (Mr. R. Harris) asked the Joint Under-Secretary of State where the money had gone, and how much, if any, had been spent within the British Commonwealth, on orders for goods and machinery in this country, on technical experts, and so on. I was rather surprised that the Joint Under-Secretary did not give him the answer which he himself made to a Question in this House on 3rd February this year. He then said:
A second benefit, indirect but certain, follows. If British experts are sent to underdeveloped countries and if fellows come from other backward countries for training here, they spread a knowledge of British methods, British machinery and British goods, and thereby they prepare the way for the expansion of British export trade. That is a second dividend from our £650,000. I am glad that the Federation of British Industries and the T.U.C. have begun to see the point.
Quite a lot of this technical assistance money is spent on projects in the British Commonwealth. I take the number of fellows and experts as a guide. In 1952, 1,627 experts were employed in the service. Their subjects ranged from flood control to fishpond culture, from bridge building to budget balancing, from handicrafts to hydraulics. Of them 378 were working in 14 different Commonwealth countries. Even more important, 283 fellows were sent from 24 Commonwealth countries to be trained. These numbers might have been very much increased if our Colonial Governments had been more active in the matter.
If this work succeeds in increasing wealth production in the Commonwealth, as indeed it is already beginning to do, this must promote the long-term interest of the Sterling Area. Even if we got none of this Technical Assistance money in this country, if no fellows were sent here to be trained, if no British experts were chosen, if no British machinery or equipment were bought, and if no productive projects were carried out in Commonwealth countries, it would still be a major British interest that the scheme should succeed. It would still be worth our while to take a very generous share. The whole purpose of this work is to increase the wealth production of more than half mankind.
The American Commission which reported to Mr. Stassen the other day said that the underdeveloped territories already constituted a significant sector of world trade. Of course they do, and of course they will become far more significant as this work succeeds. No other nation has so vital an interest in this success as Britain, for no other nation depends so much upon world trade.
In 1952, we imported £1,200 million worth of food, drink and tobacco and £1,400 million worth of raw materials and unmanufactured goods. We exported £2,550 million worth of our manufactured products. More production of food and raw materials in the underdeveloped countries, and more purchasing power and a higher standard of living for the people there, must be to our advantage, must help to improve our terms of trade, must bring down the cost of the imports by which we live, and must widen the market for our goods. Even on the modest scale on which this work has begun we can see these kinds of results beginning to be achieved We are benefiting directly and indirectly in all the ways I have mentioned
What about machinery and equipment, to which the hon. Gentleman referred the other day? At the United Nations Railway Training Centre in Lahore, £26,000 worth of British signalling equipment is being used. The British Electricity Authority lent two electrical engineers to the United Nations for Yugoslavia; shortly afterwards, there came orders for thousands of pounds' worth of British electrical equipment for farms and other things for demonstration purposes in Yugoslavia. Diseases which reduce wealth production are being wiped out inside and outside Commonwealth countries. Many millions of people in South-East Asia have been protected from malaria by D.D.T. It has simply disappeared. Millions have been cured of yaws in Indonesia alone by penicillin. In part of Ecuador, the death rate from tuberculosis has fallen from five per thousand to two per thousand.
In Afghanistan, a cattle disease, rinderpest, has been wiped out. In India, in the foothills of the Himalayas, 1½ million acres of swampy jungle have been drained, cleared and irrigated, and turned into fertile agricultural land. In Ceylon, in conjunction with the Colombo Plan—and throughout the whole Colombo area, the two administrations work very closely together; I do not talk more about it now, but it is extremely satisfactory—the two administrations have helped the Ceylonese to reclaim half a million acres from the jungle and have irrigated 3½ million acres of cultivated land.
Perhaps the most startling result has been with rice. Let us look at the Technical Assistance work on rice. About nine months ago, the Colonial Secretary said in a debate in this House that he was gravely anxious about the shortage of world supplies of rice and the high prices which the Commonwealth rice-consuming countries had to pay. He announced that the Government had just allocated a further £3 million for promoting rice-growing schemes in the Colonies. Even in that short period of nine months, that wise decision to help must have been of some importance, but the United Nations Technical Assistance people and the Specialised Agencies have been working on this rice problem for years. They have been stimulating more home production in the importing countries, and improving cultivation and introducing new seeds in the exporting countries. They have got remarkable results. The new seeds have given a far higher yield. In the countries of Southern Europe, on the Mediterranean, they have increased the crop in one year by a quarter of a million tons.
Of course, other favourable factors, such as high world prices, have helped, but the result is, according to the "Economist" last week, that the world output of rice is now 10 per cent, above pre-war, and that Ceylon is paying this year £50 a ton instead of £60, as it did a year ago. It has an agreement that by 1957 the price shall come down to £44. These are real results. They show that our contribution to the United Nations work for mutual aid has been and is being a good investment. They show that the thing works.
I want to urge on the Government that good investments ought to be increased. Britain ought to press for an increase in the scale of mutual aid through the United Nations Technical Assistance Fund, through the other normal work of the Specialised Agencies, through the International Bank, through the Special United Nations Fund for Economic Development, which has been proposed, through the creation, on the foundation made by this Special Fund of the United Nations, of an International Development Authority.
We do not give enough to the Technical Assistance Board; £650,000 is only 7·2 per cent, of the target, and is 30 per cent, below our rate of contribution to the United Nations budget, which is assessed, after all, on our proportionate capacity to pay. Of course, as the Under-Secretary said last Thursday, this is a voluntary contribution; there is no obligational connection between the U.N. budget and this fund; but of all the advanced nations we have the greatest interest that it should succeed. We should do well to pay more than our budget proportion of the target instead of less, and of course we ought to urge the increase of the target instead of being content to keep it where it is. It ought to have been $50 million in 1954 instead of $25 million.
Before Christmas, the senior Under-Secretary of State, if that is his proper title, argued that it is healthy to have more schemes brought forward than the U.N. Board can carry through—more schemes than funds. Then, he said, one can cut out the dud schemes and do the good schemes. With great respect, that is special pleading founded on a double fallacy. Of course they cut out the duds anyway. The United Nations are doing it every day. The argument also assumes that the schemes cut out are not good, but that is not so. In this year sound schemes for nearly double the total fund could have been carried through. One in two, or very nearly, of the good schemes were turned down for want of money. And turning down a good scheme may be an unmitigated disaster. It involves a certain economic loss and it frustrates and chills the enthusiasm and support upon which the whole of this great enterprise must in the end depend.
We ought to give more to Technical Assistance and we ought to pledge it for three years in advance. There is no constitutional difficulty to doing that. The hon. Member for Bournemouth, East and Christchurch (Mr. N. Nicolson) showed in an earlier debate that we do it for lots of grants-in-aid in this country, and of course we could do it for the U.N. as well.
The Under-Secretary of State—or perhaps it was the Minister of State—said the other day that one-yearly pledges do not hamper the planning and the work of the Technical Assistance Board. With respect, that does not bear examination. How can the Board make forward plans with Governments for projects which must take years to carry through when it does not know from year to year, or even from month to month, what funds it is to have? In any event, everybody connected with Technical Assistance, with the Board and with the Specialised Agencies, is against the Government on this point, and so is the American Commission which I have mentioned and which reported to Mr. Stassen the other day.
The Commission is against all the other Governments as well. Only the Government of Indonesia are prepared to contribute on a forward basis.
I hope Government opinion will rapidly change, including the opinion of our own Government. In any case, American opinion is changing, for this very high-powered Commission reported to Mr. Stassen in words which I offer as a comment on what the Minister of State said in answer to a Question. This is what the American Board on International Development said:
Apart from that, I submit to the Government in all seriousness that the normal working budgets of the United Nations Specialised Agencies—the I.L.O., the F.A.O. and others—should be increased. Unless I am misinformed, their budgets have been virtually stable for a good many years. Any increases they have had cannot properly have offset their increased costs due to rising prices. If we believe that they can work for peace, their budgets ought to be expanding, and the fact is, as everybody knows who goes to visit them, that year by year every one has to cut down or abandon activities and projects which would have been of great benefit both to this country and to the world had they been carried through. In all their work, these Agencies play a great part in mutual aid. I urge on the Government, quite apart from our Technical Assistance contribution, that their budgets ought now to be increased.
The Government ought to do better by the International Bank. The Bank is a non-profit-making, United Nations institution of the highest standard. The Federation of British Industries has recently paid its tribute to the Bank's efficiency, to its businesslike methods, to its impartiality, to its splendid international team spirit and to the high authority which it has already attained. It began slowly, So far it has lent £636 million at low rates of interest to Governments which come to ask for it. Over £400 million of that was for development projects of many kinds and two-thirds of the development loans were in the Commonwealth. These loans have been a special help to Pakistan, India and Ceylon.
But the Bank needs far more resources than it has now and, I venture to submit, the Government could do much more to help it. The Chancellor of the Exchequer could attend its meetings; he is the only Chancellor who has failed to appear. The Government could allow more use of our subscription, as the F.B.I, has urged. They could relax our control of sterling loans by the Bank. They ought to recognise that it is by far the best instrument—far better than any national Government loans, as the Americans are finding—for meeting the immense and urgent demand for large-scale capital investment in the underdeveloped regions of the world.
The Bank makes commercial loans of immense importance, already producing big results and capable of big development, especially if our Government will help; but they are commercial loans, loans on which interest and amortisation must be paid. If we are to fight world poverty, there must be large-scale investment in schemes of many kinds on which no money dividend can be paid for many years.
Mr. Eugene Black, the Chairman of the International Bank, says that illiteracy and preventable disease are the two biggest barriers and biggest obstacles to the development of these regions. In all of them, roads, bridges, ports, even railways, telegraphs and airports may be uneconomic for many years. Indeed, the railways in Australia and Canada do not pay today. But these public utilities, although they will not pay any immediate dividend to those who lend, may be the indispensable preliminary to many productive schemes which will give a very big return. That is why capital investment on a non-commercial basis is now urgently required. Mr. Eugene Black told the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations that many countries He urged that in such a case, instead of making quasi-loans, it would be far better to make grants. That is why the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations proposed this Special United Nations Fund for Economic Development, vulgarly known as S.U.N.F.E.D. My hon. Friends, I hope, will speak about it at greater length.
I want only to say that we bitterly regret that the Government have said and the Minister of State has repeatedly indicated that they will do nothing to support S.U.N.F.E.D. until an agreed international armament reduction has been brought about. The truth is that over S.U.N.F.E.D. the Government have simply followed the Americans, when they are wrong, as the easiest excuse for turning it down. I urge on them that the principle of "My ally, right or wrong" is utterly destructive to the United Nations, and this is an example where it is wholly wrong. It is simply inviting the Communists to hold up disarmament in order to prolong the economic misery of the underdeveloped nations whom they hope to win.
We urge upon the Government that they should tear up the note which they have prepared for the Secretary-General about S.U.N.F.E.D. They should say that they will support it and pay their share to its initial fund when 30 other members come in, and they should do so even though the United States do not come in at the beginning, although if we do I am pretty sure that the United States will follow suit. I urge that they should try to increase the resources of S.U.N.F.E.D. year by year until in the end—and it may be a long time—they reach the level agreed for U.N.R.R.A. of 1 per cent, of the national income of the subscribing nations.
Of course, 1 per cent. would be a heavy sum, but it is the kind of sum which we shall have to pay if we ever want to make the true International Development Authority for Mutual Aid which we have really got to have. One per cent, of our national income would be £100 million a year. Our national income is increasing by 2 per cent, at least a year. Is any hon. Member going to say that in five years or 10 years from now we shall not be able to afford it? In the beginning, the cost of S.U.N.F.E.D. may be about £5 million a year, but it is an indispen- sable preliminary to doing the bigger work that lies ahead.
The Government will say, "We cannot afford it." They will say that we are already investing £120 million in development in different parts of the world. They gave the details in answer to a Parliamentary Question a little while ago. But most of the £120 million is private investment which cannot possibly touch these needs of which I am speaking. Moreover, with these investments of ours we carry the full burden ourselves. Investment through the United Nations is most advantageous precisely because it brings in contributions from other nations, securing an expenditure for world development of perhaps £10 for every £1 which we put up.
I hope that the Minister of State will look again at all these questions with which I have dealt. I hope that he will tell us this afternoon—and if that is too much to hope for, that he will tell us very soon—that the Government will do better with United Nations Technical Assistance, the Specialised Agencies, the International Bank and the proposal for the Special Fund for Economic Development. Unless we do better now—and, as I have said, in the early stages it is really a very modest sum—we shall not be able to use the resources that will be available if disarmament ever comes.
We must prepare a preparatory framework through Technical Assistance and S.U.N.F.E.D. if we are to use anything like the sums that have been spoken of as a contribution to follow a disarmament agreement. I submit to the Government that it is really absurd to wait for an armament agreement before we begin this work. This is a defence expenditure quite as truly as the atom bomb. It is economic misery which makes people accept a totalitarian régime. It is in the aggressions which totalitarians start that our great danger lies. Hitler triumphed because democracy failed precisely in this regard.
I quote Mr. Black again. He is not a member of the Labour Party, he is an American business man, but he happens to have a unique experience in this field. Mr. Black says:
4.7 p.m.
The Government welcome this debate today. I do not think that it is a matter for party differences and I make no complaint of the speech of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Derby, South (Mr. Noel-Baker) except on one point which I think was rather unfair to Her Majesty's Government—the question of S.U.N.F.E.D. I shall deal with that in due course.
I think that the only differences on either side of the House on this matter are differences of emphasis or degree. I am not at all sure that even these differences do not cut across party lines to some extent. I think that everyone wholeheartedly subscribes to the main thesis of the right hon. Gentleman that we wish to raise living standards throughout the world. In practice our efforts have to be confined to the countries on this side of the Iron Curtain, but at any rate we all wish to play our part in raising the living standards of these countries to the best of our ability.
A variety of reasons is given for seeking to support this objective quite apart from the humanitarian ones. The right hon. Gentleman referred to one or two of them. It is said that this will assist in the containing of Communism and that Communism will grow if there are low standards of living. There was considerable argument in the debate which we had in July as to whether that is true or not. I myself think that it is probably to some extent true.
The right hon. Gentleman suggested that if we improve standards, it will be a great contribution to peace. I think that it is true that, if there are bad living conditions, Governments do tend to look abroad and undertake rash adventures abroad. I think it is true that this work is a contribution to peace. My feeling is that perhaps the most important reason for addressing ourselves to the matter is that the improvement of economic conditions is vital to the growth of stable political institutions. I think that there is very grave danger, and we are seeing a good deal of it in the world at the present time, of political consciousness developing ahead of economic standards. Nationalism is with us; it cannot be ignored and it cannot be suppressed. We in the past have done a very great deal to encourage it. In some self-governing countries at the present time slowness in economic development has led to extreme political instability. It can lead to frequent changes of Government, totalitarian methods of suppressing popular feeling, dictatorships and the like, usually ending up in acute xenophobia, which is the last refuge of Governments which fail to meet the needs of their own people.
In the non-self-governing territories, political progress has been very rapid. We must face the fact—this is one of the main reasons why we should address ourselves to this topic with the utmost sympathy—that the development of sound and stable political institutions, particularly on our Parliamentary pattern, is ten times more difficult if there is poverty and under-nourishment and inadequate health and educational services in those countries. Therefore, it is of supreme importance for the success of the other purposes which we have at heart that standards of living should be raised in under-developed territories.
Although one might not have gathered the fact from the speech of the right hon. Gentleman, I believe that in the year 1953 the achievement of this country in this field was quite remarkable. I say that in no spirit of complacency, but in one of pride. I do not think we have any cause for reproach or for hanging our heads. I shall deal later with one or two specific matters, but in general I do not think there is anything of which we need be ashamed.
It is true that the greater part of the help we have given has been to countries of the British Commonwealth and Empire, if the hon. Member for Leyton (Mr. Sorensen) will forgive me describing it as such. That is as it should be, and that is a matter for additional pride. Part of the story has already been told in the debate of July last year and in answers to Questions, like the one to which the right hon. Gentleman referred.
In 1953, under the Colonial Development and Welfare Acts, £18½ million was spent for the development of communications in territories like Fiji, the Gold Coast, Sierra Leone, Nyasaland, Tanganyika, Singapore, Malaya and East Africa; for the building of new roads, for building bridges where previously there had been ferries, and for developing airfield facilities. We have contributed to hydro-electric power projects, like the Owen Falls scheme, to considerable educational development in Nigeria, to agricultural projects in many territories and to many schemes for veterinary, agricultural and medical research. These grants were made under the Colonial Development and Welfare Acts.
The Colonial Development Corporation spent about £5½ million on housing, mining and electrical development. Colonial loans were authorised in London amounting to £23½ million. The most striking individual item was the £6 million for the development of rail and port facilities in East Africa. Other loans to Governments which were authorised were £10 million to the Government of Southern Rhodesia, as it then was, and £10 million to New Zealand in connection with its great pulp and paper project. Consent was given to private capital issues amounting to £40 million which were approved by the Capital Issues Committee.
From our contribution to the International Bank, we agreed to a £5 million loan being made to India for the Indian Iron and Steel Company. I entirely agree with what the right hon. Gentleman said about the work of the International Bank. We have, in fact, promised to allow £10 million a year for six years to be invested from our contribution within the sterling Commonwealth.
In addition, through the Export Credits Guarantee Department, a credit of £10 million was given to Pakistan. Under the Colombo Plan, £400,000 was contributed to Technical Assistance, in which countries not within the Commonwealth also benefit.
With regard to the United Nations activities, to the budgets of the Specialised Agencies we contributed £1,332,000. To U.N.K.R.A., which is doing good work for rehabilitation and development in Korea, we contributed £3 million; to the Palestine Arab refugees £1,739,000, all too little of which, unfortunately, is being used for actual resettlement and development. So far as Technical Assistance and U.N.I.C.E.F. are concerned, we gave £500,000 to Technical Assistance, which this year has been raised to £650,000. To U.N.I.C.E.F. we have doubled our contribution from £100,000 to £200,000.
In addition, we have given aid to certain foreign countries: to Yugoslavia, economic aid of £2,700,000; to Libya, for development alone, £1 million, which is to continue at the rate of £1 million a year; to Jordan, for development in 1953–54, £870,000, which in 1954–55 is to be increased to £1,600,000. That does not include any of the contribution for the maintenance of forces for military purposes; it is purely a development loan. Many underdeveloped countries have also benefited from the terms of credit given under the Export Credits Guarantee scheme.
The point has been made—I think the right hon. Gentleman referred to it—that if we can get technical assistance going to these underdeveloped countries, they are put in the way of creating for themselves their own capital resources. So far as the Colonies are concerned, the gross capital formation is calculated at about £450 million a year—that is, public and private investment, to the extent of 20 per cent, of the net product, which percentage is higher than that for this country. The work which has been done in connection with the Colonial Territories, as the right hon. Gentleman said, has abundantly proved itself to be well worth while. We hope that these territories will increasingly be able to form their own capital resources, because that is an important factor in the situation.
This story which I have ventured to tell the House is one of which we can be proud, having regard to the other demands upon our resources.
I do not think the right hon. and learned Gentleman mentioned South-East Asia.
My only mention of South-East Asia in the catalogue of what we have been doing was in connection with the Colombo Plan. Certain countries of South-East Asia obtain technical assist- ance from the help that we give under that plan.
I was trying to put this record, of which everybody in the country can be proud. It is not a question of one party being responsible, because in many cases we are carrying on the policies which hon. Members opposite initiated. It is a story of achievement, in which this country has nothing of which to be ashamed. We should look at it in perspective against the burden of the defence programme. Many underdeveloped territories are able to live in freedom and peace because of the extent of our defence programme. Although some people say it is too much, I still maintain that it is an essential contribution to the well-being of these peoples.
Then we have our capital investment programme at home. In 1953 we released I think about £57 million from the sterling balances to India, Pakistan and Ceylon and to Egypt. It may be said that that is only a repayment of debt, but so far as the balance of payments is concerned, it is a fact.
How is that figure divided up amongst the Colombo countries and Egypt?
It is, I think, about £15 million for Egypt and £42 million for the Colombo countries, for which I do not have the individual figures.
Another factor which has to be taken into account—it is not always sufficiently appreciated overseas—is that last year we repaid from our post-war debts to the United States and Canada 100 million dollars, as well as the interests on those loans. We invested in Canada, or investment in Canada was authorised, to the extent of £38 million. I think everybody, on both sides of the House, would want us to play some part in the development of that great country. In addition, we have had to face the task of building up our reserves after the balance of payments crisis at the end of 1951. I maintain, therefore, that taking all these factors into account, the record of what we are doing is not too bad.
Criticism may be made that so much of this expenditure has been in the countries of the Commonwealth and Empire. In view of our diminished resources, I think there is a good deal to be said for directing what we can afford into channels which are known to us and where we believe they can be most usefully employed. After all, half the population of the underdeveloped countries of the free world is within the British Commonwealth, so that when we channel these moneys towards the Commonwealth and Empire we are, in fact, dealing with half the population of the underdeveloped countries.
The gravamen of the criticism against us this afternoon is that we are not doing enough for development in the underdeveloped countries outside the Commonwealth and Empire. I have referred to the special responsibility that we have undertaken in Jordan and Libya, and in all the circumstances we have not made an ungenerous contribution to Korea. But apart from what we are doing, we have got to face the fact that we have not got sufficient resources to enable us to play a large part in helping the rest of the world.
The right hon. Gentleman then referred to the question of Technical Assistance—I will deal with S.U.N.F.E.D. in a moment or two. He suggested that we were not playing our proper part in the Technical Assistance Programme, but here are the figures for the last three years: in 1952, £450,000; in 1953, £500,000; and in 1954, £650,000. They do show a steadily increasing interest, and I hope that the programme will steadily increase. We do appreciate the importance of the programme. I hope that Technical Assistance will continue to develop on sound lines and we will do what we can to help.
I disagree with the right hon. Gentleman about the three-year period. I think that, although there are precedents, there is some advantage in having an annual check by the House of Commons. It also gives us some control over this expenditure. Only one other Government have so far agreed to a three-year period, but my real reason is a practical one. I know that I am speaking collectively, and the right hon. Gentleman knows that when one is speaking collectively one has to divide oneself into various parts. But from the point of view of the benefit of the Fund, I think it will be seen that to have a three-year contribution would have meant that it would have been stabilised at £500,000 for 1953, 1954 and 1955. In all the circumstances the Fund benefits from the fact that we have not stabilised our contribution on a three-year basis. Whether that part of me which deals with these matters at the United Nations would take exactly the same view if it were a question of decreasing contributions I do not quite know, but for the present, speaking collectively, I do not think that it has been bad for the Fund itself.
But it is in the power of the Government to say that a contribution should increase year by year. That is what I was pressing upon the Minister this afternoon.
Many things are in the power of the Government, but I was dealing with what actually happens. What I think would have happened, as the right hon. Gentleman probably realises, is that if we had decided on a three-year basis, the amount would have been stabilised at £500,000.
When we are talking about Technical Assistance, I suggest that right hon. and hon. Gentlemen opposite should remember our contribution to the Colombo Plan. Although I know there is something in the percentage argument which the right hon. Gentleman used, nevertheless his use of 30 per cent, might be misunderstood. He suggested that the 7 per cent, is 30 per cent, below that which we ought to give. They are percentages of different totals, and, in fact, it is 3 per cent, below what we might have done if we had counted it on the other basis.
So far as the Colombo Plan is concerned, we have given a pledge for £2·8 million out of a total of £8 million, which is a large proportion of that total. That contribution should be taken into account when we are considering what our effort is by way of technical assistance.
The International Finance Corporation was one of the matters debated at some length in New York before Christmas. It was suggested that this Finance Corporation should be set up with a capital of 100 to 150 million dollars to make equity investments without Government guarantees. The distinction from International Bank loans is that the International Bank makes loans with fixed interest and Government guarantees.
We doubted the wisdom of having a central body in Washington to do this job. We thought it better to tackle it on a regional basis, and, so far as this country is concerned, a Commonwealth Development and Finance Company has been set up. I admit it has taken some time to get going, but announcements recently have been made of a grant towards the Sui gas scheme in Pakistan of £1 million and something like £2 million for electrical development in South Africa. India is also setting up an Indian Development and Finance Corporation dealing with a similar class of investment. Dealing with the matter on a regional basis is better than a centralised body in Washington, although that is in no way a reflection on the working of the International Bank; but the International Bank is dealing with Governments and under Government guarantees and quite obviously that is a matter that can be more easily centralised.
Then there was the question of equity investments, and here I may strike a discordant note. There is a great deal that the underdeveloped countries can do to make investment in them more attractive, and the need is for security and fair treatment. On both sides of the House we are agreed that the days of quick profits and high returns are probably over, and if that attraction for foreign capital does not exist now there must be other attractions. I suggest that the other attractions are safeguards, such as the knowledge that lenders will receive fair treatment both as to the possibility of expropriation and in matters of taxation. In the circumstances as they are in the world today, it is no good blinking our eyes to the fact that private capital has a considerable part to play in the development of the underdeveloped territories.
We now come to the Special United Nations Fund for Economic Development. I thought the right hon. Gentleman was harsh in his criticism of us in that matter. In fact, our purpose during the debates in New York before Christmas was to save the principle of this fund from being killed. We did, in fact, succeed in that respect in the resolution which was passed. I admit that it was not an entirely satisfactory resolution, but we did maintain the principle of such a Fund. The broad purpose of that Fund is to provide grants in aid to underdeveloped countries. In other words, on an international scale to do exactly what we are doing under the Colonial Development and Welfare Act.
Would the right hon. and learned Gentleman tell us who in the United Nations threatened to kill this scheme that we saved?
That is exactly what I am going to deal with. We supported the principle of such a Fund, but the point is, where was the money to come from? The United States delegate said in perfectly clear terms that the United States were not prepared to make any contribution at all at the present time. But they were prepared to make a contribution within the terms of the statement of the President on 16th April, 1953.
Hon. Members opposite must face the fact that if the United States Government make no contribution at all to such a Fund, there is no possibility of it being developed on a worth-while scale. We are doing a good deal under the Colonial Development and Welfare Act, and even if we did agree to do as much again, which is, in fact, beyond our resources, it would be possible to get such a Fund going on a worth-while scale. There is no developed country prepared to contribute to the Fund, and in those circumstances what we sought to do was to ensure that the details of such a Fund should be kept under examination and that there should be an expression of support for the principle. It will be remembered that President Eisenhower said that in order to help build a world in which people could be prosperous, he was ready to ask the American people to join with all nations in devoting a substantial percentage of the savings achieved on disarmament to a fund for world aid and reconstruction.
Eventually, after much discussion, a resolution was passed to the effect that the member States of the United Nations It is true that, as the matter stands at present, it would appear that until we have an adequate degree of internationally supervised disarmament, we shall not have the establishment of such a Fund.
That is where it stands at present but, in the meantime, the setting up of the Fund and the circumstances under which it will operate are being further studied. A report is to be made to the next Assembly, when there will be an opportunity of reconsidering the problem. I do not believe that the time spent in further study will be wasted, because the control and administration of such a Fund involves many points. The most difficult one is whether the receiving countries and the contributing countries should have equal votes in the disposition of the Fund. The receiving countries think they should have equal votes; the contributing countries are not quite so certain.
I was interested that when an all-party delegation came to see me the other day, from the Parliamentary group for world government, and put forward the idea of a world development authority, it was suggested to me by them that the directors of the World Economic Development Authority should be appointed by, and responsible to, a committee of the whole United Nations, upon which committee the number of votes cast by each member State should bear a relation to the financial contribution it made annually to the World Development Fund.
Would the right hon. and learned Gentleman elaborate the point by saying that the recommendation contained the suggestion that this should be changed quinquennially; in other words, that as the economic centre of gravity changed so the control of the Fund should change also?
I entirely agree. The recommendation ended by suggesting that the scale of the contracts, and thus the voting rights of the committee, should be evaluated quinquennially. That is an interesting proposition. While it will not meet the views of the receiving countries, it is a matter which demands further study.
The other matter which involves further study is the association of the International Bank with this project. The work of that Bank has established a degree of confidence and everyone would feel much happier if in some way this new development Fund were to be associated with it, but it is a matter involving considerable complications.
I have tried to suggest that we welcome this debate and that we have anxiously under consideration the matters raised by the right hon. Gentleman. This topic is very different from many other Foreign Office topics, where the choice is between a number of unpleasant courses and it is a matter of which is the least bad. In this field it is a choice between things which are good and what is the best way to use our resources for constructive purposes. I wish that our resources were greater. I think nostalgically of the days when Sir William Harcourt could tell the House of Commons that we ought to stop our capital running to waste overseas. I wish we could have that time back in this connection. But our resources can be enlarged for this purpose by greater production at lower cost and by greater incentives to savings at home. That is obviously of primary importance in connection with what resources can be made available.
I promise that we shall listen carefully and sympathetically to the points made in this debate. It is a topic on which I welcome criticism and prodding from the Opposition. And apart from all the political and economic considerations in this matter, there is the human factor to which the right hon. Gentleman referred. If we can do something to alleviate human suffering, to raise standards of bodily comfort and behaviour, and to open new vistas of the mind, we shall have done something worth doing. We are very mindful of the great issues raised and we will tackle this problem with sympathy and determination.
4.35 p.m.
The offer which the right hon. and learned Gentleman has made to listen carefully to everything said in this debate today, is one which we recognise and accept gladly. He made a spirited defence at the Box of the policy followed by the Government in the United Nations organisation, which he has expressed with equal eloquence in New York, and we cannot complain of that, because he is right to explain to the world what this country has done.
On the other hand, because we in this House and in this country recognise, possibly better than many other people, what needs to be done, it is all the more reason why we should ask that even more should be done. It has seemed to me for a long time that this subject is, without qualification, the most important in the world today, even more important than the problem of defence and disarmament, because it is so closely linked with it.
The right hon. and learned Gentleman reminded us fairly of the many projects which have been undertaken in the British Commonwealth by our numerous agencies at work there, but we must remember that the Commonwealth itself contains within itself an extremely large proportion of the total underdeveloped areas of the world. We have a special obligation, therefore, and our obligation is enormous.
The Commonwealth contains within itself astonishing contrasts, from the wealthy nation of Canada, on the one hand, to the poor nations such as India and certain parts of Africa on the other. I asked for some figures illustrating the measure of the underdevelopment of the British Commonwealth, and they well illustrate the position of the world as well. Today, as we know, the average income per capita in this country is round about £250 a year. The average income per head in India is somewhat over £20 a year but definitely under £25 a year.
I tried to have a calculation made of the average annual income in the Commonwealth as a whole. Unfortunately, the figures are available only for the year 1949 and even then are slightly incomplete. In that year the average annual income in this country was £220 and the average annual income for that part of the Commonwealth for which the figures are available—it contains most of the Commonwealth including ourselves and Canada and does not leave out any of the rich parts—was only £51 a year.
On this side of the House the principal phrase in which we summarise our beliefs is "Fair shares for all." If there were fair shares for all, if we could by waving a wand at this moment establish fair shares for all in the Commonwealth, it would mean reducing our own incomes by three-quarters to an average level of £50, and even then it would mean that we had little more than doubled the present appallingly low standard prevailing in India. That is the picture and that is the problem that we have to face. That situation which obtains in our own Commonwealth obtains for the world as a whole and was illustrated by the figures which my right hon. Friend the Member for Derby, South (Mr. Noel-Baker) has given.
But the reasons for wishing to develop these areas and to raise the standard of living are not merely patriotic or idealistic. We do not suggest it only because we feel pity for fellow members of the Commonwealth who are forced to live all day and all night and to spend the whole of their lives on the streets of Bombay or Calcutta. We ask that something more and something bigger than we have yet managed to accomplish shall be done for the good economic reason that lasting prosperity is indivisible. I am profoundly convinced that that is true.
If I suggest that more and bigger efforts should be made to develop underdeveloped areas of the world, I am not suggesting it solely for our own advantage. I believe, nevertheless, that in the long run what we do for the best and the highest motives of human charity and understanding will come back to us again in some economic advantage. Indeed, the Minister of State himself expressed that by saying that by this effort we would do something to guarantee the economic and political stability of this world. Without it we can certainly guarantee neither.
At this moment we in the West are aware of instances of greatly increased supplies of certain foodstuffs. The Minister of Agriculture is aware of this as a very difficult problem. He finds it difficult to know what to do when food, falling in price all the time outside our shores, becomes available in large quantities whereas that food can only be produced in this country by farmers, for whom he holds responsibility, at a much higher cost than the cost outside. To him it is a problem and a worry.
Though, to us, it might appear from our own position that the real problem of the world is one of a surplus of foodstuffs, entirely the reverse is true. Food consumption per head in Asia, despite the improvement in the last year or two, is definitely still below the 1913 level. The last Report of the Food and Agriculture Organisation stated that the production of rice is only 290 lb. per head, compared with 330 lb. pre-war. We dare not allow a situation to develop in which British farmers are in jeopardy because of the availability of cheap foodstuffs abroad while the people of India are chronically undernourished and even starving because they cannot afford the price of that food.
In facing our responsibilities and the awkward economic difficulties in which we find ourselves because of the grossly uneven distribution of the purchasing power of the peoples of the world, there are five main principles which should guide us in our action. In the first place, we must plan to distribute to the citizens of the underdeveloped countries sufficient purchasing power to enable them to buy the products of their labour. It is an old Socialist principle that we cannot have full employment and economic prosperity unless the workers can buy back the goods that they produce. I hope that despite the fact that it is a well-established Socialist principle, the Minister of State will say that it is just and right and will not be blinded against it by political prejudice.
One cannot deal with this problem adequately unless the instruments employed provide somehow that those people who need the goods shall be able to buy and consume them, and that by our efforts of development we do not reproduce the abominable conditions of scarcity in the midst of plenty which we had between the wars. That is principle No. 1. If we apply it, it is a reassurance to the people of the underdeveloped countries and of our own Commonwealth that what we are planning is not an exploiting but a helping form of investment.
My second principle is that we must plan for world full employment and not for restriction. By that I mean that all nations willing to help must be allowed to play their part—all nations without exception, whatever their faults and whatever crimes they may have committed in the past. The International Trade Organisation, which we on this side of the House sought to promote and encourage when we were in office, has, unfortunately, been more or less stillborn but the charter of that Organisation contained a valuable chapter on world full employment. I happened to be leading the British delegation when that charter was first promulgated and we insisted that that was an essential part of our agreement to any international action on trade and tariffs. That chapter is there and we have other writings of various United Nations Organisations which also lay down this principle.
We know, today, how to secure full employment. We know it within our own country, and we know that the same principle which secured it to us at home can secure it overseas and internationally. The secret of full employment is the maintenance of purchasing power and a proper planning of investment. Our own famous White Paper on full employment, which was published by the Coalition Govern-same principle can be applied internationally and it should be kept prominently in the mind of all who deal with these matters on our behalf at New York.
Thirdly, we must recognise the need to prime the pump of economic activity by social investment. We tend to overestimate not the absolute importance, but the relative importance of the great industrial schemes. Over the last 200 years or so we have been so much an industrial people that our imagination is always more excited by projects like the Volta River scheme, the Owen Falls scheme or the Kariba Gorge scheme and other great plans of that kind than by agriculture, and we sometimes fail to recognise that a social investment is a necessary preliminary even to these gigantic schemes.
It is too long a story to tell now, but six years ago I found, in Africa, that the Owen Falls scheme was being worked out very carefully and in great detail as to specifications of motors, turbines, steel, concrete and all the rest, but despite all the highly intelligent people who were involved in the project, nobody had properly planned the railway transport which was to bring those things from Mombasa to the Owen Falls or to carry out of that area the eventual products of the mines and quarries which were to be associated with the project.
Too often we forget that the construction of railways and roads is an essential preliminary to any one of these development projects and that railways and roads have never paid for themselves, not even in the history of the United States. The development of that country went forward because of the construction of railways mainly by means of British capital in the way of locomotives and railway track. But half of those railways are not paying their way even today. At least, when I was last in the United States the railways were in the hands of receivers again and again. One will find that in the early stages these things cannot pay their way and must be provided by grants-in-aid and not for a dividend-earning project.
That applies to railways and roads and it applies, also, to schools and health centres. They, too, although very valuable in themselves as humanitarian projects, are necessary economically. The Indian Five-Year Plan has as its first priority the conquest of malaria because endemic malaria has sapped the strength and vitality of the Indian people over many centuries. There are other diseases of a similar kind, but I will not go into them. I know that my hon. Friend the Member for Newcastle-upon-Tyne, East (Mr. Blenkinsop) hopes to catch your eye, Mr. Deputy Speaker. I know that if he does so he will want to say something about these things and I do not want to steal his thunder.
If we go to Africa and ask the people there what they most want they will tell us every time, education. That is their crying need. No doubt, in their innocence, they overestimate its value. During my life I have been submitted to a great deal of education and I realise its imperfections better than those who have never had the advantage of it. But they want it and they have a right to want it. They cannot become better producers until they get it. We must encourage them to think that it is important to learn about farming and using tools and not quite so important to learn about law, politics and political institutions. Education must be provided if we are to have labour adequately and reasonably employed in development projects.
Similarly, in India if we ask what they want in the villages they say education, but health first of all. They know and appreciate the value of health and it will be a real earnest of our good intentions if we are able to provide them with health centres on a really large and satisfactory scale. One of the great tragedies of this situation is that although—as the right hon. and learned Gentleman has proved—we have done a great deal through the Colombo Plan, it is hardly beginning to touch the fringe of India's health problem. Much, much more needs to be done.
Fourthly we must base our projects more than we have in the past on the peasant cultivator. We do not want to industrialise to the extent of again producing an unbalanced economy. I say that, not because we are an industrial nation and want to preserve a monopoly of industry to ourselves. I am sure that would be wrong and we ought not to try to do that. But we must try to ensure that the peasant cultivator, rather than the hired labourer working on a plantation, is the typical product of the effort we try to make.
It is astonishing to see the way in which human energy, energy of the human spirit, can be released if it is given that stimulus and opportunity which arises from such efforts. It is rather like the release of nuclear energy where no one except a trained physicist ever suspected that such a thing existed in an apparently inert piece of matter and it is found that it can produce energy capable of destroying a whole city.
I do not know how that is done, but I do know how it is done in societies. I have seen it done in India, in community projects, in the sudden release of energy which did not seems to be there when one saw men squatting all day in the dust and apparently doing nothing whatever. Given the assurance that they really "belong," that society cares about them, and given the opportunity to learn proper means of cultivation and given freedom from the exploitation of the usurer and the landlord, the human spirit awakens and one can get something done.
Fifthly, because our resources are certainly not great enough to accomplish all we want to do as quickly as we would like, we must determine priorities and plan in stages. That is inevitable. I believe that a world development authority could best help us to fulfil these conditions. It seems essential if we are to fulfil them all at once. No one can deny that it would be practicable for we have the plan. We have it already. We have the report of the committee of experts presented to us, not only by experts from underdeveloped countries, not only by idealists from the East, but by practical-minded men from the West. No one can suggest, for example, that Sir Cyril Jones, who signed the report, is a great revolutionary. These are practical people who examined a proposition and produced a practical plan.
The only objection to the idea of a world development authority and the fulfilment of this plan of the experts which seems to have any validity at all, is the argument that it might lead to a multiplication of agencies. We are reminded that we have the Colombo Plan, the Colonial Development and Welfare authority, the Colonial Development Corporation, the Technical Assistance Programme, the World Bank, Point Four and the Export and Import Bank as well as all the older Specialised Agencies of the United Nations. But, although there are these other agencies, the fact is that many of them are marginal.
It was Mr. Eugene Black, the President of the World Bank, who himself said in April, 1953:
Many of these agencies are also local and are not linked with a world plan for full employment. Nations are reluctant to accept aid from these various agencies in many cases because possibly strings may be attached to them. Sometimes, it may be, they are wrong in thinking that the strings are there, but they do fear them. That is true, for example, of India's refusal to accept any more Point Four aid for her community project administration—the most valuable and helpful thing she is doing.
Her refusal to accept more than one-eighth of the cost of that project from Point Four aid is not because she does not need it, for she knows she needs it, but because she was afraid that in some way or other it would lead to greatly increasing the influence of one country—America—in her country. But we know she would be prepared to accept aid if it were forthcoming from a truly international authority in which she would have a voice like other nations in determining the purpose and the amounts to be given.
I believe that a world authority might afford a better means of enforcing priorities than we have today, for it cannot be denied that there is some waste and overlapping in the existing agencies. I am sure that the Minister of State is aware of that and that even with the Colombo Plan, Point Four aid and the Technical Assistance Programme quite often here and there in our Commonwealth there is an overlapping of agencies. I believe that an international body would be the best for determining priorities.
I want to refer to what the right hon. and learned Gentleman said and what we all know about the position in regard to the S.U.N.F.E.D. proposal itself. The right hon. and learned Gentleman told us this afternoon, and I am glad he did, that he was trying to ensure that the details should be kept under consideration, and he hoped that support would develop for the S.U.N.F.E.D. proposal. I hope that anything that I may have said, for what that is worth, and that other hon. Members on both sides of the House may say today, will give him that support, that this debate will be of value to him, and that he can speak with the same vigour, emphasis and self-confidence as he has done this afternoon when he is talking to the United Nations, and ask them for something much larger than he recounted to us in his speech today.
The American attitude, so far as one can judge, not having heard it expressed in New York, was that disarmament must be waited for before anything could be done. But to create a world development authority would, in itself, be an act of disarmament. The more that nations give to this purpose the less they will have available for prosecuting war and making munitions of war. Why should it not be a first step in a pro- posal for disarmament that every nation should contribute, as has been suggested, a fixed proportion of its present armament budget? I can see no answer whatever to that argument.
It is sometimes said that if only an attack could be made on this planet from Mars we should all join together to defend the world, that we should forget the cold war and our ideological differences and band together as one united world to defend ourselves from the Martian invasion.
I doubt it very much.
If my hon. Friend doubts that somewhat picturesque theory, which is sometimes put out on the radio, I hope he will agree with me that if we could enlist the support of all people and all Governments for a world development authority for mutual aid and mutual advantage we could join in a new war on poverty and make the other kind of war cease for ever upon this earth.
5.3 p.m.
I thought that the right hon. Member for Middlesbrough, East (Mr. Marquand) dealt very fairly and objectively, certainly in the earlier part of his speech, with many of the problems which arise from the very important issue which we are discussing. I agreed with him when he intimated that the amount of money which we spend in the underdeveloped areas of the world is part and parcel of our defence plan in the cold war. If there is any difference between the two sides of the House it is probably in the perspective from which we regard this investment programme.
I agree with the right hon. Member for Derby, South (Mr. Noel-Baker) that there is an obligation on the part of the highly-civilised and wealthy countries of the world to spare no effort in raising the standard of living of the less-developed parts of the world. It is not only in our interests to do so; it is also our duty. I would not quite agree with him, however, that the performance of what I believe to be our duty is the exclusive perquisite of the Socialist Party.
No one who listened to the speech of the Minister of State this afternoon could have any doubt that Her Majesty's Government do not stand or need to stand in any white sheet about their contribution; there is nothing to be apologetic about. Nor would it be fair to say that when hon. and right hon. Gentlemen opposite were in power they did not make, on behalf of what was then His Majesty's Government, a fair contribution to capital investment towards the development of the underdeveloped areas of the world.
Of course, the main burden in dealing with this great problem must inevitably fall upon Britain and the richer members in the Commonwealth and upon the United States. Between us, we have to carry the main burden. It would be very wrong indeed to suggest in any way that America has not more than fulfilled her share of the bargain.
I would say, in parenthesis, that it has always seemed to me to be a little curious that a large or at least a very vocal section of the American public, together with a number of Congressmen and Senators, should, in their understandable emotions about China, virtually ask us, as a deliberate act of policy, to starve the population in Hong Kong. That is, in effect, what the results would be were we to listen to the extremist views of those on the other side of the Atlantic who want to carry out a complete blockade of China in respect of all trade in non-strategic goods. I find that attitude difficult to understand, all the more so as the Americans rightly pride themselves on the success which they achieved in the cold war at the other end of the world, so to speak, in sending food parcels to starving Germans in the Eastern Zone of Berlin. That is by the way. In any case, this extremist view does not represent the policy of the United States Administration.
I suggest that we are sometimes in danger of over-pitching the argument that the world investment programme in the underdeveloped areas is in itself necessarily a bulwark against Communism. I am not so sure that it is. I think that the general pattern of Communism has shown that, on the whole, it grows when a nation becomes industrialised. I take the example of Turkey and France. In Turkey, there are no Communists, but there are a great many in France where the standard of living and the degree of industrialisation are more highly developed than in Turkey.
The tractor, the refrigerator, "Coca-Cola" and the lathe are not necessarily in themselves the answer to Communism unless accompanied by stable government and physical security. I think there is no dispute between both sides of the House about the goal, though there may be about the pace. We on these benches place a greater emphasis upon stability of government and physical security going hand in hand with capital investment than perhaps hon. Gentlemen opposite do.
I remember very well talking to some Malayan students here about 18 months ago. They were complaining at that time about some of the measures which General Templer had taken to restore law and order in Malaya. They said that they did not like the power he had taken to impose collective punishment on villages for not disclosing where bandits were. They said, "That is not needed at all. All that is needed is to build more roads and schools, to provide better irrigation, etc., and all the problems will be cleared up." I said, "Hands up those who are prepared to be a schoolmaster or to build a road in an area infested by bandits when your life is not worth five minutes' purchase?" None of them put up their hands. Neither should I; I did not blame them.
I am sure that capital investment by itself, however desirable and necessary it may be, is not the only answer to Communism. The erection of an effective bulwark against the spread of Communism must always be based upon stability of government and physical security. All investment of any kind carries a risk, whether the investment be on an inter-governmental basis or from private sources. The risk varies according to the type of investment, the conditions in the country, its degree of stability and what at any given moment is considered to be its future political development.
I agree with the Minister of State it is extremely important and desirable that the inter-governmental capital investment in the under-developed parts of the world should be supplemented by private investment. That is the right way to get the flow of capital moving. For that reason, I have always thought that the action of the Persian Government over Abadan was a great blow to investment in certain countries in the Middle East because it destroyed confidence.
People think twice about accepting a contract worth several millions of pounds if there is a danger that, when the work is completed on the dam, or on the factory, or whatever it is, some future Government of the country will say, "Thank you very much. We have now got what we wanted, we shall take it over and you can whistle for the interest on your capital." That kind of action destroys confidence.
I was glad to see my neighbour the hon. Member for Eton and Slough (Mr. Fenner Brockway) on the Opposition Front Bench. I hoped that he had been permanently promoted, but I see he has moved. However, I understand that he is to wind up the debate for the Opposition. May I put this to him? I assure him that I speak in no cynical frame of mind, although I think he knows me well enough to appreciate that whatever my many faults may be, I am not a cynic about these things.
He and his colleagues have for years preached the doctrine of the brotherhood of man—sympathy with the underdog—which cuts across national frontiers and boundaries. I respect that, but I think they must face the logical conclusion of this doctrine or else face the accusation that they are not always prepared themselves to practise what they preach to others. It is not much use talking about sympathy with the underdog, no matter what country he may live in, if that sympathy quickly freezes up when the underdog happens to be an Italian unemployed miner who wishes to be employed in a British coal mine.
It is rather synthetic to talk about the low wages in Ceylon and then, if the wages of those employed in the tea plantations are increased, to complain if that is followed by an increase in the price of tea. We on this side of the House are quite prepared to face the fact that, as we invest more capital in the underdeveloped countries of the world, one of the inevitable results is that the products of those areas will increase in price. That, to some extent, must be reflected in our own economy.
Several right hon. and hon. Gentlemen opposite have said that Her Majesty's Government have not spent enough on mutual aid in this capital investment programme. If they think that more should be spent may we be told what additional proportion of our capital investment programme—which they know as well as anyone else is not unlimited—they would divert from home consumption in one form or another to overseas investments in the underdeveloped areas, and at whose expense?
5.14 p.m.
I was extremely interested in what was said by the hon. Member for Windsor (Mr. Mott-Radclyffe), particularly about the breakdown in business confidence over such incidents as that of Abadan, and I shall come back to that later; but I hope the hon. Member will forgive me if I try to shape the whole of what I have to say as a comment and answer to what was said in the extraordinarily interesting speech made by the Minister of State.
If, on this occasion, I venture to impose myself upon the patience of the House for perhaps 10 or 12 minutes longer than my usual rather modest span, it is first, because there is no time limit, so I am keeping no one out; secondly, because there will be no vote, so no one is obliged to stay; and, thirdly, because I have lived with this issue, read about it, written about it, published about it and bored my friends about it to the exclusion of almost all else for the last seven years, and there are, therefore, one or two things I wish to say.
I want to concede one point to the right hon. and learned Gentleman at the outset which is this: the totality of the activities enumerated by him, if compared with the kind of thing going on in the 1930s, does represent an enormous advance. I am not making this as a party point, because what was going on in the 1930s under a Conservative Government was not very different from anything then proposed by either of the two Opposition parties of the day. The fact is that on this issue there has been a tremendous advance in public opinion, which we are entitled to record as a justification for a trace of optimism about the future of mankind.
On the other hand, if we look at the list of items given by the right hon. and learned Gentleman and compare it, not with what we were doing or thinking some 20 years ago, but with the actual problem confronting humanity at the present time and in the next quarter of a century, my view is that it does not even amount to an outside shot registered on the very edge of the target at which we must aim. I want, as objectively as possible, to make clear to the right hon. and learned Gentleman and his advisers why I believe this to be true.
The totality of the list of items he gave, so far as I could take them down quickly, runs to about £126 million for 1953. Of that sum I propose to strike out £10 million to New Zealand, because New Zealand is not an underdeveloped country. I shall strike out another £5 million to India and £10 million to Pakistan, because, although these figures were approved this year, they do not fall to be paid until next year or the years after. For reasons I shall elaborate later, I shall strike out £40 million of private investments, and that leaves us with £65 million.
Now, whatever may be said in Colonial Publication, No. 298, called "Sterling Assets of the British Colonies"; however the Colonial Office may explain them away, and prove, by arguments with which I agree, that the sterling balances of the Colonies do not represent any exploitation or underhand work, or any swindling, the fact remains that in the same period as we have spent, given and lent £65 million the Colonies—partly through their Government agencies and partly by private agencies—have lent to us £98 million. Therefore, I am bound to say that although this is a great advance on anything done in the 1930s, I am not very impressed by the comparison of it with what is now required of us.
I wish now to elaborate what I consider an important point, namely, my reason for thinking that we can properly strike out £40 million of private profit-making investment. A report issued recently on the international flow of private capital, and which is an examination of what has been happening on a worldwide scale in the years since the war, states:
The problem that faces us is a worldwide social revolution involving economic and political instability on an unprecedented world scale. This revolution, this instability, is caused by ½ billion people waking up out of century after century of poverty, contempt and inferiority of status, and telling us by their actions, as clearly as if they were writing it up on a blackboard in big letters of chalk, that if, over the next three or four decades, they have to choose between Communism, chaos, barbarism and a continuation of their present status, the continuation of their present status is the last of the four alternatives which they would choose.
Therefore, if we are right in the judgments which we make about Communism, chaos and barbarism, the only hope that these 1½ billion people will live out their lives in growing freedom and creative harmony, the only hope that they will become our friends and colleagues, is that we and they prove that we are able to become a working partnership of peoples working together, and that we can find for them a way out of their present poverty and inferiority of status.
In 1948 I wrote a book. I would not like everything that I wrote in that book to be brought up now and quoted in evidence against me, but this sentence, I believe, stands the test of time rather well:
The hon. Baronet must not misquote me. I said that the party opposite must face the logical consequences of a rise in wages in the backward parts of the world.
I am sorry. I was quoting the hon. Member a bit too soon.
Capitalists as a whole are afraid of what they regard as excessive wage claims which may be made upon them by excited workers waking up from their poverty. They are afraid of the taxation which may be imposed upon them to finance hospitals, schools and other social services which may be necessary.
Now I am quoting the hon. Member for Windsor. They are afraid that nationalistic Governments may nationalise their installations and factories. All of these things are incidents in the revolution which is going forward—and capital says, "Assuage our fears on all these points, and then we will go in and do the job." In other words, private capitalism is saying to the world revolution, "Chloroform the revolution and then we will go in and cure it." That is a complete impossibility.
I pray in aid no less than Mr. Chester Bowles who, in his recent book, says: I am not expecting that this will be understood by the hon. and learned Member for Old Sarum or the hon. Member for Piltdown, neither of whom are with us today, but I am sure that it can be understood by the Minister and his advisors, who are responsible for policy, and I beg them to get it out of their minds that any major part of this problem is to be dealt with by creating conditions which will enable private capital to go in and develop the underdeveloped countries.
What is the size of the problem? I have quoted my own view on it. May I quote David Morse, who is the Director-General of the International Labour Office and who, in his Report on 2nd April last year, said:
What sacrifice are we prepared to make? The fact is that the difference between the party opposite and the Labour Party is that we would this year pay £1 million, and next year £1½ million, and the year after £2 million to United Nations technical aid, and they will not. That is not a difference of degree. It is a complete difference of policy and outlook. And who is right? In agreement with our view Mr. Chester Bowles says:
The only hope of that is the Tana River scheme, and that costs £50 million. It will create new life, it will create hope, and perhaps bring harmony between races, but it will not earn a farthing of dividend for anybody. With the outlook and approach and policy of this Government, when, in the next quarter of a century, is that £50 million for Kenya likely to become available?
Let us look more closely at the Colombo Plan. Is the House aware that the purpose of the Colombo Plan, even if it were carried out, is in relation to standards of living nothing more than, in Morse's phrase, "the stabilisation of misery" for a six-year period? In a report on the Colombo Plan, the first document that was drawn up, it is stated, on page 44:
But is the Colombo Plan being carried out? I have disputed with the right hon. and learned Gentleman and some of his hon. Friends about a speech made by Mr. Sterndale Bennett at a meeting of the Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East in February this year. I claimed that as our Deputy Commissioner in that area he advised the South-East Asian countries to cut down their economic programmes and to squeeze the standard of living of the people to pay for what they did not cut down. That is what they have done.
On 20th July, 1953, Ceylon, by the abolition of food subsidies, raised the price of the basic food of the people, rice, from 12½ cents per lb. to 35 cents per lb. to pay for its development programme. On Friday, 5th of March last, when the hon. Member for Heeley (Mr. P. Roberts) was talking about the atom bomb, I asked him to tell us what he would do with the atom bomb if Ceylon went Communist some time in the next 10 years; and all he did was to sit down.
I must quote once again from Chester Bowles, and I should like to explain why I quote from him so often. When I speak on these subjects I speak largely as a theoretician, an idealist, and apart from a brief politician's visit to West Africa all of my knowledge comes to me from books and reports. My opinion can, therefore, be brushed aside by practical men who have been around the world a great deal and have been running businesses with overseas ramifications in various countries. Chester Bowles, however, was a very successful businessman, and he has been a director of wartime controls in wartime, the International Chairman of the U.N. Children's Appeal, a former Governor of Connecticut and, for 18 months, U.S. Ambassador to India. Therefore, anybody has to have a lot of experience and first-hand knowledge before he can brush aside the opinions and judgments of Chester Bowles.
I am deeply indebted to the Foundation for World Government in Virginia for sending me an advance copy of his book "Ambassador's Report," in which he talks of the Indians cutting down food subsidies for their people and quotes an Indian statesman as saying: not, as in Britain, to feed the upper and upper-middle classes—
Let us take another measurement of the problem. Nobody has yet disputed the financial calculation, made in the first great international document on this subject called, "Measures for the Economic Development of Under-Developed Countries," that a rise of 2 per cent, per annum in the per capita income in under-developed countries would require an annual importation of 10 billion dollars worths of goods, services and materials from outside sources for economic development.
Let us take another small objective test resulting from the careful, practical study of what has to be done in one particular place, leaving aside great, sweeping world generalisations. When the Colonial Secretary was announcing the measures which he proposed for British Guiana he said: argument, a point which I do not believe—but perhaps because they may have been misled by conspiratorial groups, have nevertheless objectively shown us that they would prefer to knock the place to chaos or go Communist rather than remain in their present status of poverty and contempt.
Judged by expediency there may be some argument for giving special attention to a country that will give them a "kick in the pants" if we do not; but judged by long-term prudence, and judged by morality, there is no argument in favour of giving British Guiana any treatment more generous than that the world should give to all the rest of the underdeveloped peoples, who are in a comparable state of poverty and who want social advancement. I do not want to press the Government to accept my precise figures, but £3,125,000 over the next two years for a country which has about 450,000 people in it corresponds to a rate of expenditure of £5,000 million per year on the 1½ billion inhabitants of the underdeveloped countries of the world.
Take another comparable test. There is a report by some hard-headed Americans called the Bell Report on the Philippines, published in 1950. Having examined the practical needs of the Philippines the authors of that report recommended that the United States should grant to that country for economic development 250 million dollars over five years. The population of the Philippines is 20 million; so, if we apply that figure to the 1½ billion inhabitants of the underdeveloped parts of the world, it works out at a development plan costing 3,750 million dollars per annum.
I give those figures to show the size of the problem confronting us. I am very well aware of one of the arguments of people who do not believe in doing this kind of thing at all, but who want to pretend that they do. They tell us that while they agree that in principle that this is necessary, we cannot possibly spend money at that proposed rate because we have not enough technicians through whom to spend it. Of course, that is true. It means that it will take us a number of years before we can begin to spend money at the rate required to bring about a net increase of 2 per cent, in the per capita standard of living of the people of the underdeveloped countries. But that is no reason for hanging back.
The fact that a great many technicians have to be trained before we can get going on the requisite scale does not make the work cheaper, but only more expensive. It is no use the world complaining that we have not enough technicians unless we can show that we are training them with the same intensity as we showed in training bomber and air crews and all the other technicians needed for war purposes from 1939 onwards. It is because of the importance of making a start on this kind of thing that I was glad to hear my two right hon. Friends on this side dwell with such emphasis on the proposal for the Special United Nations Fund for Economic Development.
I want to add another reason why it is important to go ahead with the establishment of this fund and to build up around it a great body of international prestige, and to have international civil servants drawn from all countries in the world engaged in the activities which could flow from it if it were allowed to be financed, and, step by step, sustained and enlarged to meet its growing potentialities.
One of the things of which I am always acutely aware is that economic assistance from the developed countries is not the only measure that the world has to take to deal with the social revolution of the 1½ billion men, women and children who now live in poverty. There are all sorts of other things that have to be done as well, of which a supremely important one in many lands is land reform.
I wonder how many hon. Members know who is the third great land expropriator of this century next after Stalin and Mao Tse-tung. The third is General MacArthur, for, with a stroke of the pen, he expropriated every landlord in Japan who owned more than nine acres of land. He did this masterly deed in 1946 in the middle of a rip-roaring inflation and based his compensation on 1938 values, thus swindling the private landlords out of 95 per cent, of their sacred right to private property.
It is my earnest wish that General MacArthur will one day pay a visit to this country and enter into a long discussion with my right hon. Friend the Member for Don Valley (Mr. T. Williams). The Labour Party programme at the next Election would be very much stimulated. I cannot understand why it was impossible for the late Mr. Ernest Bevin to treat Krupp as MacArthur treated the Japanese landlords. Most countries are not lucky enough to be temporarily occupied by a general who can do all kinds of things by the stroke of a pen on the way to establishing a new democracy. But let that pass.
Where, for the purpose of making good use of the economic assistance given, it is necessary for all kinds of difficult reforms to be put forward internally in underdeveloped countries, it is one thing to have advice given by a single nation such as Britain, which is necessarily suspect; and quite a different thing to have it given by an international organisation on which the country concerned is represented. This is recognised by the authors of the very wise report entitled "Economic Strength for the Free World" made by America's Advisory Committee on Underdeveloped Areas, where they say:
I was particularly glad to hear the last part of the speech of my right hon. Friend the Member for Derby, South (Mr. Noel-Baker) and the clarity with which he indicated the Labour Party's policy on these matters. I hoped it was quite beyond doubt ever since we declared at Margate that Council of the United Nations will urgently call for the implementation of the S.U.N.F.E.D. Report as soon as other 30 nations are ready to do so; and would go ahead whether or not those nations include the United States of America. I very much hope that America will, in fact, be included; but it may well be that the willingness of other nations to go ahead without the Americans which will be the final thing in persuading the American Administration to come in. One remembers how long the Americans dithered and boggled about supporting the St. Lawrence waterway until it was made clear that the Canadians would do it alone. Within six months the Americans were in.
It has been stated today on behalf of the Conservative Party that Britain could not afford to make its contribution to S.U.N.F.E.D. on the basis of America staying outside. But if we were in, together with the Canadians, the New Zealanders, the Australians, the Scandinavians, the Dutch, the French and, I think, the West Germans also, our contribution need not exceed £30 million of convertible sterling every year. What did the party opposite mean by saying that we could not afford that amount when we have afforded at least half as much again on abolishing sugar rationing? Of course we can afford it. The difference between our party and the Conservative Party—not a mere difference of degree—is that we would do it and they will not.
5.50 p.m.
I have listened with great attention to what the hon. Baronet the Member for Gravesend (Sir R. Acland) has been saying, but I must confess that I am still not quite clear what rate of contribution by this country would satisfy him, or what the full implications of such payments would be to the standard of living of this country. On a later occasion he will no doubt clarify those two very essential points for those of us who are anxious to understand quite how fast he wants to travel along the road which all of us wish to follow, and are following.
The hon. Baronet used one very striking phrase. He spoke of one and a half billion people waking up. I agree with that. I do not agree with him that these people can—again to use his own words —"be chloroformed" by private capital, which was his point—or even by public capital. The problem is bigger than that. Nor do I agree with what I thought the implication in his remarks, that we had three or four decades in which to see a solution of the problem one way or the other. In my view, it may be longer than that.
If the hon. Member will permit me, I said that three decades will not suffice to put through the right policy but will only suffice to show that we are going to make a right start. If we do not make that right start in three decades, then I think we have "had it."
In that case I agree with what the hon. Baronet said. The point was also made by the right hon. Member for Middlesbrough, East (Mr. Marquand) when he spoke of the "long run" which would be necessary before we feel the full benefits of these policies.
I am concerned that danger may arise from any exaggerated statements, or exaggerated hopes of immediate benefits in the political sphere. The hon. Baronet quoted the Labour Party resolution in saying that the "first priority" for peace was economic aid. Any excessive expectations raised by such a statement from a country like ours—which has a longer, profounder, and more intimate experience of those matters than perhaps any other country in the world—may do damage to the cause which we all wish to pursue. It may lead to disillusionment here, and even more probably, to disillusionment in such countries as America, which has a high standard of idealism and is making very great contributions.
I do not want there to be any danger of the idea of the "long haul" being under-estimated. Nor do I want us to run the risk of building up high hopes of immediate beneficial results in the political field, only for those hopes to be disappointed. That might lead to a diminution, or a fluctuation, in aid which would be inimical to the whole progress and build-up of the schemes in which we are all interested.
The hon. Member for Windsor (Mr. Mott-Radclyffe) stressed that industrialism in itself is not a barrier to Communism. There is another aspect. Great nations or great areas of the world are bound to pass through a dangerous interim period—a turbulent adolescence. To some extent they are in it already. The increasing tempo of aid may, in the short run, increase rather than diminish the political ferment and difficulties.
The right hon. Member for Derby, South (Mr. Noel-Baker) spoke of the abysmally low standards in which many people in these areas live. We all know that. It is true that poverty can cause insurrection, but it is equally true, I think, that in many areas large sections of the population are living in a state of dull apathy brought about by hunger, toil, ignorance and the rest, and that when their standards start to rise a little, they will start to look round and ask the reason why. If their Governments are not in a position to give a good answer —and some Governments may not be—there may be great difficulties, great dangers, great turbulence.
It is also true that political ferment, agitation and insurrection are very often the work of the half-educated. When we start to lift the standards—and the right hon. Member for Middlesbrough, East again had some very interesting things to say on this—we shall for a time increase the numbers of the half-educated.
Would the hon. Member apply that to this country—that the ferment and agitation here are due to the half-educated?
Fortunately, I do not regard the danger of political insurrection in this country as being in any way imminent. Changes of Government we may have, but I do not regard that as imminent either.
The Minister of State referred to the difficulties of political consciousness developing ahead of economic standards. Political consciousness in many areas is also developing ahead of administrative ability. It is important, and my hon. Friend the Member for Windsor stressed this, that as we build up the economic standards, we should equally assist those countries to build up standards of sound administrative ability, impartial political judgment and the rest of it, by which alone the danger of bloodshed and chaos can be avoided.
The hon. Baronet the Member for Gravesend spoke most interestingly about technicians, a point to which I should like to bring the attention of my right hon. Friends on the Front Bench. A lot of the dangers which I have been envisaging will be averted by the development of governing ability in the underdeveloped countries pari passu with the economic level, and our contribution to that must be very largely by the injection, not of money, but of technical advice and aid. As the hon. Baronet said, that raises the large and very difficult problem of training such technical personnel. But the expert adviser who can really gain confidence in those countries and make his personality felt is often heaven-sent—he cannot always be produced by training, and he can never be mass produced.
Men who can serve as technicians are easier to find, but men with the qualities and character to act as technical advisers, and get their advice accepted by the people of different race, language and tradition among whom they work are hard to come by. There is a limited number of such people available. The question also arises whether they would invariably be employed to the best advantage in an international organisation, or to what extent they can more usefully serve under the direct auspices of one Government.
In last week's debate on the Foreign Office Vote the right hon. Member for Grimsby (Mr. Younger) said that he was becoming increasingly convinced that the United Nations type of aid has great advantages over other national schemes. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Middlesbrough, East said something of the same sort today. When we are considering large economic capital development schemes that may be so, but I do not think it as cogent an argument when applied to the sending out of individual technical advisers.
What I should like to bring to the Government's attention is that while contributing to these general United Nations aid schemes which are new, exciting, expanding and much-publicised, we should not overlook any opportunity of maintaining and even further building up the less spectacular, less advertised, but enduring benefits many nations have been reaping from the existing practices and activities of British technicians.
I have in mind in particular the Development Division of the Middle East Office, about which the hon. Member for Gloucestershire, West (Mr. Philips Price) spoke in the last debate. I agree with almost all that he said. When we hear criticism that enough millions are not being spent on this international scheme or that, it is, in contrast, rather disconcerting to go round the countries of the Middle East and find local complaint and dissatisfaction at the absence of—or eagerness to have—the services of just one more adviser in forestry, or of just one more chap who knows about animal husbandry and can command respect locally when he gives advice. A handful of people, less than a dozen or so, in the Middle East have been producing results out of all proportion to the finance involved.
The history of the Middle East is full of the names of individual Britishers, whose efforts have not only made enormous contributions during the time they were at work, but whose record has virtually become part of the history and legend of the lands in which they served. We still have men of that quality; I do not want to see these lands denied their services. I also think that in many cases, such people may be most beneficially employed under the established British agencies, such as the Development Division, which has gained confidence and is well known in areas where confidence is hard to get, which still carry on there a long-established tradition of work, and still bring enormous benefits to the countries concerned, to ourselves, and to the wider cause which we all seek to pursue.
In his closing remarks, the Minister of State said that we should try to direct our effort into channels known to us and where we believe it could most usefully be employed. In considering these wider, bigger and more exciting United Nations schemes, we should not lose sight of the benefits still to be derived from maintaining, and further expanding, the day-to-day work of our existing agencies.
6.2 p.m.
I am not going over the ground which has already been covered by other speakers. I just want to make a few remarks on items which have not been mentioned already. It has been said that a great revolution is in progress. That is quite true. As Britons we are now reaping the crop we sowed in the last century. I well remember the time when it was the object of many British people to paint the map of the world a British red and to have an Empire upon which the sum never set.
We never hear that said today. That was economic imperialism, jingoism, or call it what you will. It is now as dead as a doornail. As a result of that imperialism, we now have vast commitments, in the form of our Dependencies all over the world, including Asia, Africa and even America. The French are in the same boat. They have about 4½ million square miles of territory in Asia, Africa and America. In those territories they have a coloured population of about 85 million, which is roughly double the population of France. Even though we have shed India, Burma and Ceylon, the population of our Dependencies is about 90 million, and we have only 50 million in Britain. This presents a terrific problem.
In addition, in many vast territories under the jurisdiction of France or Belgium, there is abject poverty. One can think of China, and territories in South America which are very seldom mentioned but which went through the revolution through which we are now going when they threw off Spanish and Portuguese rule in the last century.
At a rough guess, the number of people living in poverty is 1,500 million, out of the world's population of 2,500 million. Hon. Members have dilated on the tragic circumstances of these people, and my right hon. Friend the Member for Derby, South (Mr. Noel-Baker) spoke of them as being in bitter revolt. In revolt against whom? Who is to blame? Whatever may be said about the justice or injustice of the trusteeship of these territories by France, Belgium and ourselves, immense wealth has been brought to them which was not there before, and we are certainly not responsible for the poverty of our Dependencies. Some territories such as China, have been independent, and great poverty has always existed there. What the Communists will do about China I do not know.
Some hon. Members have suggested that we are in some way responsible for this poverty, and that we must somehow lift these 1,500 million people out of it. We cannot do that, and in any case we are not responsible. Whatever is said in this House is quoted in these territories, and we shall do immense harm if we leave them to think that we are responsible for their conditions. We must not relieve them of the responsibility of helping themselves, because nobody else can do it in the long run. By all means let us help them as much as possible with advice, finance, and technical officers, but do not let us relieve them of their responsibility. If we do, we shall never succeed in our object.
In the Middle East, most of which I happen to know very well, enormous wealth is now being pumped out of the oil wells. Enormous revenue comes to these countries from the royalties on oil from those wells. I do not pretend to know the inner dealings of those States, but the people who live there ask, "What is becoming of this enormous annual revenue from the oil?" I do not believe that one could get a single person in the Middle East to agree that it is all going where it should, in creating new wealth by various methods.
It is no use our taking responsibility for the conditions which exist in these territories. The people there are responsible. They are not backward people. They are Arabs, with centuries of civilisation behind them. If they have not the experts they require, they have only to pay for them. I beg hon. Members not to mislead these people, who are terribly poor and need our assistance, financial and otherwise, into believing that they are in bitter revolt against us, because we are not guilty.
We may be guilty of taking their liberty away from them—and that was an immaterial disadvantage because it deprived them of responsibility—but we are not guilty of having caused their poverty. The Minister of State gave a list of what we have done for them. I should like my voice to travel overseas and tell these people that we have behaved with enormous generosity. We went through two world wars, in which most of our capital wealth was consumed. We helped to save the world. I do not think any other nation has done as much in two world wars to save the liberty of the world. We spent enormous sums of money, and reached the end of the Second World War pretty well bankrupt.
In spite of that, in recent years we have given or pledged about £450 million as free gifts and cash to our Dependencies. We recently gave over £100 million to the Colonial Development Corporation, whose object was to start risky new industries in these territories. If anyone says that we are making a profit by the interest we are receiving on those loans, he should remember that they are very risky and may never be repaid. Only today I asked a Question about Burma, where we forfeited £20 million because the Burmese Government could not pay it. Time after time loans which we have raised for our Colonies and Dependencies have been waived. We have behaved with enormous generosity.
People on the spot often have different ideas about these problems from those of people at a distance, whether in Paris or in London. The people on the spot in India are the Indian Government and people. According to the religion of India which dominates the lives of the people from the cradle to the grave, any restraints on the production of children were contrary to Hindu custom; yet Mr. Nehru and his Indian advisers have found it necessary to set up a commission in Bombay and to recommend to the people that they must practise birth control. That is advocacy of a kind which was never heard of in India before. Mr. Nehru had the courage to go forward.
What I wish to impress on the House is something that I have said before which I defy anyone to prove wrong. The whole of this vast effort that we, America, France and others are making will completely fail so long as people in the distressed areas insist on breeding as they are breeding today. There is no system of economics ever invented which could cope with that.
I take what we did in India as an example. When we ruled India we irrigated a tract of country about as big as the whole of Britain. That was a tidy accomplishment. When people talk today about the irrigation in process in the Punjab, and so on, they should be told that that is a mere bagatelle compared with what we did before, though we do not want to boast about it. The result was that the population of India under British rule went up by 150 million.
Before we took over India there were periodic famines and epidemics. We stopped the famines. That might appear to be a trifling matter. It was an enormous achievement, in view of the fact that the population was increasing by leaps and bounds all the time. However, when we left India, although we did our best and we had a great Civil Service there, we were not able to pay for the education of more than 12 per cent, of the people. We established a great deal of wealth in that country. We opened up about 50,000 route miles of railways, and we introduced new plants and the tea industry as well as others. Yet we were able to teach no more than 12 per cent, of the people to read and write. Of course that was 12 per cent, of a population of 400 million.
The reason was not that the government was bad. After the mutiny India probably had one of the best governments ever known in the world. It was a very efficient government by experts and picked men, yet we were able to educate only 12 per cent, of the people. In addition, when we left India the poverty was appalling. More than half the people were living at or below subsistence level. The reason was that the people of India produced children more quickly than they produced wealth. That process is going on today. I am told that the standard of living today in India is lower than it was when we left. That is appalling.
Can my hon. Friend say what rate of tax was paid on company profits in India in those days?
I could not say. This was not caused by any taxation scheme. What caused it, as everyone knows, was the high birth rate.
I know well enough the difficulty of getting the United Nations organisation to organise anything. It is a house divided against itself, between the Communists and the rest. Therefore, when it is proposed to give the United Nations a fund with which to meet this colossal problem, all sorts of administrative difficulties arise, because the United Nations are not united. It is obvious that various kinds of schemes have to be undertaken. Some are free gifts. There are others like the Volta scheme which may be highly remunerative in years to come, and they are different.
The free gift part should be organised in the main by the United Nations organisation. Many difficulties are raised and various reasons are given about the British Empire part. That is all very well, but there is a huge chunk of the world which is in nobody's empire and which is also a distressed area. Therefore, the United Nations should deal with that.
The Minister said that the Government were keeping this matter open to see what could be done. I suggest that we require an international effort similar to the national effort which is being made. I hope that, in spite of the appalling difficulties, something can be done to alleviate the misery and poverty of 1,500 million people.
6.16 p.m.
If some of us have felt that one or two of the earlier speeches were a little starry-eyed, no one could complain that we have had anything but one of the usual hard-headed contributions which we expect from the hon. Member for Swindon (Mr. T. Reid). I have listened attentively to the debate, and there are two features in the speeches of hon. Members opposite, excluding the last one, which I have noted. On the one hand we have heard skilled and brilliant advocacy as to the large sums of money that should be spent on these development projects, sometimes reaching astronomical sums according to contemporary ideas of finance, as I think the hon. Member for Gravesend (Sir R. Acland) would admit, while on the other hand no one has yet devoted any time to telling us where that money is to come from in relation to our national income and spending power. We have had one or two references to sugar de-rationing and so on, but nothing of any consequence.
Would the hon. Gentleman agree that if we spent less on non-productive and destructive purposes, we should be able to spend more on productive and social services?
If it is said that we should accomplish some of this by abolishing or drastically pruning the defence programme, then I cannot but agree with the hon. Gentleman. I thought, however, from recent debates and from the record of previous Governments, as well as this one, that the defence programme was regarded on all sides as the minimum conducive to our own security and the security of the territories with which we are dealing.
We voted against it.
I am not prepared to pursue now any differences of opinion about defence which exist on the benches opposite, because I do not want to make my speech in that light at all.
The first point is, I repeat, that we have not really had a reasoned exposition as to where the money is to come from on the scale required. But the point to which I should like to devote my remarks is that, even if so much money were available, one doubts whether that of itself would solve the problem. Even if not to the same extent, like the hon. Member for Gravesend I have been studying this problem for a little time myself and also reading a number of these compendious reports which the various organisations produce.
My conclusions are certainly that this problem is not as simple as it seems. I say that because it cannot be said that if one is not doing a task when one devotes x pounds, one can do it all right by devoting 2 x pounds or 3 x pounds, as the case may be, because then one immediately runs into several severe economic snags when coming to applying this aid which our American allies especially have found in their Point Four and other similar programmes.
The first of these which I should like to mention has been illustrated in various events which have taken place in certain of the underdeveloped countries. Let us assume that a credit under whatever programme we are talking about—whether Point Four or anything else—is used for the import of raw materials. It is common ground that when we talk about money being made available for a programme, it is not just a matter of handing over a sum of dollars to permit the country in question to buy something from the country which is giving the money. If an underdeveloped territory imports raw materials for the purpose of long-term capital projects such as the building of dams and roads, the material arrives on the spot, and the obvious thing then is to get the contractors together and the plans prepared so that the project can commence.
One then has to start paying wages to the people who will do the work. They are paid in local currency. Where will one get the local currency? The underdeveloped countries are poor and have no large monetary reserves. One method of course which they can adopt is simply to print the money to provide the wages. If at the same time the consumer goods and the food supplies in the country are not increased, and they are not increased simply because the country is importing some raw materials, all that happens then is that inflation results because too much money is chasing too few goods.
There is plenty of evidence that this has occurred, particularly in the initial stages before we learnt our lessons. The first to suffer under those conditions are the poorer communities in the underdeveloped country which it was intended to help. Unfortunately, that happens not only with raw materials. It can also happen in the case of food. If the Government chooses to use its credit to import food because the people are underfed, the people who will ultimately buy and eat the food have to have some money with which to buy it. Where will they get it?
Out of the wages paid under the development programme.
I do not deny that they will get it from the wages when they are paid under the programme. However, my argument is that it is not nearly as simple as it seems. It is not merely a matter of having a grand idea to build a dam, road or dock, and of putting the people to work. The whole thing has to be worked out simultaneously so that all sorts of goods are arriving in the country, not always at the same time but at times and stages to suit the economic development of the country.
Another suggestion has been that food surpluses in America should be sent to the underdeveloped countries to be disposed of free there. There would not then be the inflation danger about which I have talked. There is another danger in that, however. A certain standard of living would be created, but when the food surpluses ended the standard of living would have to be reduced again. That is not the sort of thing to encourage stability in a country.
Another way of dealing with the problem is to encourage the government of the underdeveloped territory to permit the import of a certain number of manufactured goods which it could then sell to people in its country who could afford to buy them. One must be very careful about that, too, however, because the persons in an underdeveloped country who can afford to buy manufactured goods are the better-off members of the community, and the sort of goods that they want may be Packards and Buicks and anything else of a luxury type that they can get hold of. The one sure way to condemn an aid programme in the eyes of the poor is so to arrange things that the first thing that they see as the result of aid is the better-off members of the community riding round in flashy American cars. The argument that this will improve wages in the future through stimulating local currency is not convincing, particularly when there is in the first place a potentially revolutionary situation.
I seriously plead that when we talk about what the present Government or the previous Government have done in the way of giving aid to underdeveloped countries we do not concentrate merely on the amounts involved but think rather more of the difficulties that stand in the way of the wise use even of the funds which are at the moment available. I am sure that from what I have said hon. Gentlemen will realise that it is a serious problem.
I have here one of the monthly operations reports published by the Foreign Operations Administration for Mr. Stassen. Fortunately, as I make no claim to being an expert economist, the Report is in pictorial form, and I find that a little easier to understand than a mass of figures. One learns from it that the problem of most of the underdeveloped territories seems just now to be not how to get more money but how to use on sensible projects the money they already have available. The amount expended so far this year in the case of India is under 40 per cent, of the amount, not only of that already appropriated by the United States and agreed to be spent generally, but also of that which is actually obligated—a better English word I think is "committed"?—to specific projects. The problem in India, Pakistan, Iran, Egypt, Jordan, and so on at the moment seems just as much how to absorb on sensible projects money which they already have available as it is to look forward to where they will get fresh money in the future.
The local prestige factor is another difficulty facing those who are trying to assist in schemes sponsored by America, the United Nations, or others. It is frequently the case in underdeveloped territories that the government is not too stable in respect of the support which it is getting from its public. It does not believe that it will get any great popular support, electorally or otherwise, if it devotes its money merely to long-term projects which will bring jam in 25 years' time, and what it wants therefore is a programme which will show startlingly quick results to its electorate within the next year or two. One great problem in any of the assistance programmes is to strike a happy balance between the government showing a modicum of progress—otherwise there may be another revolution and the existing government may be superseded by a worse one—and making sure that the aid funds are not frittered away on projects which have no real long-term bearing.
Remarks have been made today about differentiating between military and economic aid. Here we are in danger, as some of the recipients are, of deluding ourselves a little on this account. Here again, the question relates to credits which are allotted to the countries concerned. Credits, for whatever purposes, form part of their overall national resources. If a country is given economic aid on a large scale, that frees other of its resources for military expenditure just as much as if the aid itself was military aid.
Mr. Nehru, in his objection to military aid being given to Pakistan—I am talking not about his implications concerning neutrality but his accusations that it is wrong for Pakistan to have military aid—dresses himself in a white sheet and says that he has only economic aid. That does not altogether ring true. If he gets a large amount of economic aid, he can devote that much more of his own resources to military purposes. We do not want to be misled by the claims of certain gentlemen that they are holier than others because they are not taking what is described as "military aid."
Finally, when we are discussing how much the various countries ought to contribute to these various projects, we ought to be very careful in criticising the United States if we feel that they are not doing enough, and, particularly, with regard to one particular project in the United Nations, S.U.N.F.E.D. We should realise that, even though they may have temporarily refused to join, they have devoted very large sums to work which is still going on in a whole variety of other forms of Technical Assistance throughout the underdeveloped territories.
Moreover, reference has been made to the value which we can expect to flow to this country from raising the standard of living, and therefore the purchasing power, in overseas countries, because of the resultant greater trade promoted, and we are a trading nation. With all that I fully agree, but we must remember that that sanction is not nearly so forceful when applied to the United States, because, quite bluntly, it is not absolutely vital to the United States to have an enormous export trade. As a matter of fact, if it were all cut off, it would mean at present a 5 per cent, reduction in the national income of the United States, I understand, and that is not a very substantial one.
I am not saying that the United States have no ulterior motives at all in their aid programmes. Of course, in the present political situation, what they want to do is to stop countries going Communist, but we ought to realise that they have not got the same economic reason as we have for increasing purchasing power in these other territories, at least in the foreseeable future. Therefore, at a time when there is an increasing demand for economising on the other side of the Atlantic, we should be careful not to be too demanding or critical or we may find ourselves, if not killing the golden goose at least curtailing further, rather than increasing, its output.
The Minister of State, in his opening speech, detailed what are the plans of our Government and the United Nations for economic aid to the underdeveloped territories. I am not for a moment disputing that more could be done in the future, and I hope that, in due course, more will be done; but do not let us think either that we are going to get enormous and astronomical sums, because that would be unreal, or, secondly, that, even if they were available, they could all be devoted rapidly in the direction on which all of us on both sides of the House are intent—which will bring about a solution of the problem and create reasonable standards in these underdeveloped countries.
6.35 p.m.
The population of the world today is 2½ billion people, but the astounding fact is that two out of every three of these people are continually hungry. They are living—indeed, not living but existing—on a starvation diet, and it could be stated truthfully that, as a natural result, the majority of the people of the world are continually sick in body and in spirit. Their lives from birth to death are constantly surrounded by squalor and disease, by famine and epidemics. To these people premature death is not a tragedy but a pleasant relief.
How many of us realise that in India each child born there has only one chance in four of surviving its first year? What a terrible thought that must be to Christian men and women in this country. We should also realise that, when a coloured child is born, the chances are overwhelming that it will be constantly and chronically sick throughout its life, suffering from either malaria, intestinal parasites, tuberculosis or leprosy.
It is true to say that, due to the application of scientific knowledge to methods of production, world productivity has been increased not less than a thousand-fold, but this revolutionary change has been confined to the regions of the West, and the result is that we have the anomaly of the gap between the rich countries and the poor countries growing wider and wider each year. I believe it is also true that last year, for the first time in 15 years, world production of food caught up with the growth of world population.
If that is true, there is another fact which counterbalances it. The expansion of food production has occurred chiefly in those areas which have already reached a high level of agricultural development, whereas in many of the underdeveloped areas the inhabitants are actually worse off for food than they were before. Although larger supplies are now available, the underdeveloped countries cannot take advantage of them because they cannot earn enough foreign exchange with which to pay for them, and such a state of affairs aggravates the position considerably.
The outstanding fact about these underdeveloped countries is their unspeakable misery and their ghastly poverty. I am sure I am not painting the picture too darkly when I so describe it. I must remind the House that hungry people become angry people. There is nothing that will generate anger so much as hunger, and especially is this the case once these people realise that their hunger is not necessary and is not unavoidable.
We must be both deaf and blind if we fail to realise that this is the mood of the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America today. They are in a state of revolution, and they are determined to rid themselves of their habitual misery. They are demanding freedom from domination, freedom from colonial exploitation and freedom to enjoy the fruits of their labour. They are demanding also equality of status.
We find these countries going Communist. Why? I am sure that it is not because they have studied principles of Communism and prefer them after comparison with the principles of any other political system. Indeed, their knowledge of political systems is obviously very limited. It is because the Communist elements in those countries have taken full advantage of the awakening, and the fullest opportunity to organise and promote the cause of the Kremlin.
Governments of the West have been so obsessed by the bogy of Communism, and they have fixed their eyes so much on Moscow, that they have overlooked those millions of people, who are really not interested in Moscow. It is simply the poverty and the degrading misery of those people which have made them receptive to any ideology which can hold out the promise of a better life. If the 'principles of Western democracy are eventually to take root in Africa, Asia and South America, the peoples of those lands must be shown by deeds as well as by words that the democratic nations recognise responsibility to help to remove their poverty.
"Example is better than precept" is a true saying, and another is that deeds are far more convincing than words. I should like to quote from the President of the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations. Speaking at the closing session of the Council last August, he said:
The problem of the underdeveloped countries is the most formidable one confronting the leading nations of the world. Even to send over to these peoples large stocks of food in the form of gifts would only alleviate the position, and would not solve the problem. I heard the Minister of State say that the Government's record was not too bad. I will take advantage of that phrase. I agree that it has not been too bad; what worries me is that it has not been too good. Indeed, according to the Director-General of the Food and Agriculture Organisation of the United Nations, the food stocks now accumulating in the more-favoured nations "shrink into insignificance"—those were his words—when compared with the needs of the underdeveloped countries. According to him, any basic improvement must come primarily by expanding food production in those countries themselves.
That is the way to solve the problem. I understand that the Food and Agriculture Organisation part of the United Nations started on this programme four years ago. It is failing because of lack of funds to function as it desired to do.
The time has arrived when the foreign policy of the West must be more positive and less negative. More than anything else, it will have to be a foreign policy that will appeal to foreigners. I know that the Government are satisfied with their foreign policy, but are the foreigners satisfied with it? We must prove to these people by our deeds that we are anxious to rid them of their poverty and of their diseases, to raise their standard of living, and to make available to them the benefits of human knowledge.
My right hon. and learned Friend the Member for St. Helens (Sir H. Shawcross) said in this House on Monday that Britain should regain the leadership of the world. I am sure that all sides of the House share his sentiments in that respect, but how can that be achieved? Only through our foreign policy. I believe that a change is needed at once. We must proclaim to the world that the social and economic dangers facing the world today are greater than the military danger. The question has been asked from the Government benches today: "Where is the money to come from?" Where is the money coming from to pay for armaments? This nation believes that the military danger is the greatest, but it is high time for us to realise that the greatest dangers confronting the world today are the economic and moral dangers, and not the military danger.
We must therefore start waging peace, and we must do it with the same enthusiasm as we have waged war. On all international issues Britain must speak with a new and entirely independent voice. We must start to wage war on poverty, even at the expense of making substantial reductions in our arms expenditure. After all, the human race is one family. I make no apology, particularly as a Welshman, for quoting the Apostle Paul, who was one of the world's greatest thinkers. He said that when one member of the body suffers, the whole body suffers. We are discussing here today world mutual aid. If I understand aright the word "mutual," it means that more than one is involved. If other people are with us in mutual aid, then when one member of the body suffers, as St. Paul said, the whole body suffers.
The West cannot live without the East; neither can the East live without the West. The world is one. Beneath the seas, all the islands are one. Beneath the divers coloured skins of mankind, the colour of human blood is one. Beneath all our systems, humanity is one. Beneath all our creeds, the spiritual aspirations of mankind are one. Let us build a temple in which the spirit of man can live in freedom and peace, in comfort and in joy.
6.50 p.m.
I shall not quarrel with much that the hon. Member for Merioneth (Mr. T. W. Jones) said, for in his closing sentences he expressed exactly the intentions of the specialised agencies of the United Nations. The only point on which I differ from him is that he seems to suggest that we should use the specialised agencies as a sort of propaganda weapon for the West. I would point out to him that it would destroy very much of the spirit and the purpose of the agencies if they were to be associated with one part of the world rather than another.
The hon. Member may not be aware that the Russians have contributed this year quite a sizeable sum to the United Nations funds for technical aid. In using the accumulated monies which we have gathered from practically every country in the world, we shall be using them in the name of humanity in exactly the way that he suggested in his final paragraphs but seemed to deny in his opening sentences. We must have mutual security in the West, but that does not exclude mutual aid throughout the whole world; and while mutual security may have a political motive, world-wide mutual aid has none at all.
Does the hon. Gentleman imagine that the recipients of the aid, those humble villages of the Far East, realise where the aid comes from? Does he imagine that they will be grateful to any country, or even to the United Nations as a whole, for the help which has been given? Of course they will not. Most of them do not know where it is coming from, and gratitude is not a thing for which we should look any more than we do in this House as a motive inspiring the political decisions of our own countrymen. We do not want gratitude. What we want is to produce, by the wise and widespread expenditure of these accumulated funds, the atmosphere in which peace can grow and flourish.
We want gratitude, too.
As a by-line we do, but we do not expect it.
What we want to do is to remove the fundamental sources of misery and of war. We need not be boastful about this because, as Mr. Ritchie Calder said in his most excellent book, "Men Against the Jungle"—and I advise any hon. Member who has not read it to do so—what we are doing is to provide the fruits of 200 years of technology in the West for the benefit of cultures which in many cases are far older, and some far wiser, than our own. In that event, it is most unlikely that the countries to whom we go with our superior technical skills will immediately recognise us as superior nations in the moral and spiritual senses. Of course they will not.
Secondly, it is mutual aid, which means that we are helping these backward nations to help themselves. They are making enormous contributions to supplement our own. To give one example, the peasants of the Punjab have supplied from their own threadbare pockets five million rupees to solve the problem of land consolidation within their own State, against one million supplied to the same problem by their own Government and the United Nations Specialised Agencies.
These countries are not stupid. We so often confuse illiteracy with stupidity. They are merely ignorant, and ignorance is not the same as stupidity. They are countries which are very easily educable, and what they need now more than book knowledge is practical experience. They have their universities in India, Pakistan and Ceylon. A friend of mine who recently went out there on behalf of the United Nations was asked, as soon as he arrived, whether he had read so-and-so on such-and-such—naming a highly technical book on land erosion. He said he never read so-and-so, whereupon he was told that he could not be any good—until they found out that he knew all about such-and-such, and much more than they did. Curiously enough it is that way round, for we are providing such-and-such while they have read so-and-so In other words, it is not book knowledge which they need as much as the practical experience which we can give.
It is a co-operative venture—a venture in which the backward nations are obliged to request aid. It is not a question of aid being thrust upon them. No possible accusation of exploitation can be levelled against us. One of the most remarkable things about the success of the United Nations Technical Aid Programme is the degree of welcome which it has received among the people it is designed to help.
That has not always been so. Perhaps I may tell the House of one instance which I gathered from a man who returned shortly after the war from the Far East. He found himself short of £500 with which to pay his fare home. What he did was to acquire for nothing a thousand glass bottles and to fill them with a liquid coloured by a harmless colouring matter. He went round the villages in China and asked at each village whether there were any expectant mothers. Having found them, during the course of a month's tour he sold a bottle of mixture to each expectant mother for £1, telling her that it would ensure that she was delivered of a son. He guaranteed that if a son did not appear, but a daughter, he would return the money. Sure enough, in the passage of time, the babies were born and 500 of them were boys and 500 were girls. As he had agreed, he returned the £500 to those mothers who had been delivered of girls. He retained for himself the £500 which paid his passage home. That was not mutual aid nor was it technical assistance; and we have moved far from those days into a totally new relationship between West and East.
I must emphasise the need not to break up village economy and native ways of life in our efforts to give them the benefits of Western technology. It is most important that we should not spend money, which is so limited, upon luxuries, upon a hospital built at enormous expense to which villagers suffering from some chronic disease will go to be patched up and returned to the villages, which have meanwhile not been touched at all, and in which they will again become infected with the same disease from which they have been cured. We must start at the village level; we must provide four jeeps instead of one Rolls-Royce, to put it in the form of a Western analogy.
We must start with such basic, simple and indeed squalid things as village sanitation. We must make a particular point to introduce among these backward nations the Western principles of birth control. We must show them methods of food and fish production and methods by which they can weave their garments for themselves, and so gradually systematise their village life in a way that they would never learn to do themselves.
It would appear to be very difficult to impose upon old cultures, old traditions and old superstitions, methods which we know are good for the people but which they do not immediately recognise as good. In point of fact, that has not been the case. The whole experience of the technical aid experts sent out by the United Nations is that these prejudices are much more easily overcome. Take the Hindu sacred cow, an animal so sacred to the Hindu that he would not move it out of the way when it was blocking a train by lying across the lines, or take the Buddhist whose devotion to the mosquito went to such lengths that no Buddhist would destroy a mosquito because it was an act against God, and so malaria rampaged throughout the land—in these two particular instances the prejudices have been broken down.
I must now introduce a note which I know is one of controversy. It seems to me that when Catholic countries of the West, highly-civilised countries, refused to allow the technical agency of the United Nations to introduce contraceptive methods of birth control to these backward nations, methods which are needed above all to raise their standard of living, it was we who were showing racial and religious prejudices far more than the nations we were helping.
The right hon. Member for Middlesbrough, East (Mr. Marquand) emphasised the need to spend our money wisely upon the small things and not to spread out our limited funds on lavish developments which are more suited to the economy of Western civilisation. It is to me a matter of regret that none of the specialised agencies, except U.N.I.C.E.F., which is not really a specialised agency at all, is allowed to make any large-scale contribution in kind towards the welfare of the people.
When we look at the work which U.N.I.C.E.F. has done in the Far East and South-East Asia, particularly in the way of providing dried milk, D.D.T. for the conquest of malaria, and penicillin to do away with the boils, these yaws as they are called, which grow on the hands and feet so that one cannot walk and cannot work—when we look at the effect which a comparatively small expenditure of money upon these necessities of medicine has had upon the health and vitality of the people, it is then that we begin to regret that hundreds of thousands of pounds are spent upon hydro-electric schemes, dams and so forth.
I would go a little further. Money spent on education is not money that is well spent among the most backward nations of the world. We have a certain affection for U.N.E.S.C.O. because it was one of the very first of the specialised agencies to attract the attention of the world, but the work of U.N.E.S.C.O. is not one-quarter so important as the work of W.H.O., F.A.O., or particularly the work of U.N.I.C.E.F. among those people. Let us postpone this luxury of literacy until a later stage—postpone it together with Frigidaires, Coca-Cola, dams and hydro-electric schemes, and do not let us assume that the primary necessity of these people is the need to know how to count, read and write, because it is not.
If a man born in this country can expect to live for 70 years, his opposite number in Asia, Africa or in South America has an expectation of life of not more than 30 years. He is chronically sick, he is disfigured, he is devitalised and he is obliged to earn his living from the soil with primitive tools, cutting his corn with the sickle if it has not already been mown down by a plague of locusts; and many people will say that if by the use of medicine we increase the population we shall only be adding further to their troubles and in no way contributing to their happiness.
That is an argument which has already been heard in this debate, but I think it is an argument of utter despair, an immoral argument, and to say, as some have said outside, that it is part of nature's wastefulness to allow babies to die and to prevent young men and women coming to maturity so that they can have their own families—if that argument is used, there is no possible object in having all these specialised agencies which we have been discussing.
Anyone who can employ that argument in public debate is a person with no sympathy for the new spirit which has come over the world. It is not a disadvantage to keep alive children who would otherwise die. From a purely economic point of view there may be more mouths to feed, but there are also more hands to work, and if we can ally new methods of agriculture, crop gathering and crop preservation to the medical work which is done to preserve these human lives, then society as a whole has made a big advance forward.
It so happens that this moral stimulus has coincided with a political stimulus, a scientific stimulus and an economic stimulus, all tending in exactly the same direction. Hon. Members will not need to be reminded that it was in the darkest days of the war at Hot Springs that the Food and Agriculture Organisation had its birth, nor that, at this very moment, it is in some of the black spots, the war spots of Korea, Indo-China, Malaya and Africa that these United Nations organisations are doing some of their best work. The money is there, the skills are there and the initiative is there; all that is needed to make these things work properly is money, and money can only come in large enough quantities from the West, supplemented by what provision can be made from the beneficiary countries themselves.
The hon. Member should be a Socialist.
No, I should not. I shall come back to that later. The point that I wish to make at this particular moment is that Britain's rôle in this tremendous opportunity is one of prime importance. We have got the tradition of Imperial Government which is not altogether a black tradition. It is a tradition which has given us knowledge and, I think, sympathy to deal with the backward coloured nations. We have only to look at the popularity that we have in India now that we have left. They look to us as people who did them a great deal of good and whose absence now has caused them a great deal of harm. It is to us that the whole world, not only the backward parts of it, looks for moral leadership in these affairs.
The hon. Member for Stoke-on-Trent, South (Mr. Ellis Smith) said that I ought to be a Socialist, and the hon. Baronet the Member for Gravesend (Sir R. Acland), who is not at the moment in his place, attempted to divide the House on great broad issues and said that we on this side were fundamentally opposed to this great march of events and that only he and some of his colleagues saw the light. That is utterly untrue.
We on this side, as my right hon. and learned Friend instanced in his opening speech, have expended thousands—millions—of pounds upon the development of the backward nations. If in my closing remarks I press the Government for further money—not exorbitant sums, such as the hon. Baronet wanted, but a little more money—to be distributed in a slightly different way towards these aims, it is because I know that in his heart my right hon. and learned Friend will not resent such pressure for such a purpose. He desires, as much as does the hon. Baronet and any other hon. Member, the same objects for which this money can be used.
Now that my right hon. and learned Friend has returned, I want to take up his refusal—that is the only way I can describe it—to promise for a period of three years a regular fixed contribution from this country. I listened with close attention to his arguments and it seemed to me that his reasons for refusing this request, which I have made on previous occasions, were three. He said we would lose control of the moneys which were being spent, that no other Government except one has so far agreed to do this, and that if we fixed a sum now for three years it would be unlikely to be increased and so the United Nations Agencies would suffer.
I do not regard those three reasons as good enough. My right hon. and learned Friend knows very well that although only one other Government has agreed to make this three years' promise, all the United Nations Agencies are demanding it over and over again as an essential condition for their work. Furthermore, many other Governments throughout the world would follow our lead in such a matter and are longing for us to set it.
What does my right hon. and learned Friend mean about "control"? Have we not all the control that we need over the expenditure of these moneys? In what way would it be affected if these moneys were promised for three years instead of for one? We have our own representatives upon each of the specialised agencies. We in the House, let alone those in the Government, have ample opportunity to read the full reports of each of them. We as ordinary private Members and the Government as a Government member of the United Nations, can protest at any fantastic expenditure which has been made in our name as one of the contributors. But it would be fantastic to suppose that the same men who have been conducting these affairs with such good sense, humanity and economic soundness during the past five years would suddenly go haywire and be guilty of foolish extravagance.
The final point made by my right hon. and learned Friend was that the sum promised for each of the three years might stick at that figure. Why can we not promise a minimum figure? If we find that we have more money available, or if the pressure from hon. Members and outside bodies becomes too great, we could raise that minimum to a slightly higher level. Why should a minimum always be a fixed minimum that cannot be converted into a higher figure later? I hope that when my hon. Friend replies, he may expand slightly the reasons for the Government's unwillingness to adopt what seems to us a very reasonable suggestion.
The hon. Baronet, who is still absent from the House, did not help his speech by the foppish and histrionic manner in which he delivered it. He made a big attack upon the unwillingness of British industry to contribute towards the development of the backward areas. I rather wonder—I wish he were here to answer—whether the hon. Member would devote any of his capital to the construction of a road running between two Indian villages.
If my hon. Friend were here, the hon. Member would not say that.
Would the hon. Baronet be willing to devote thousands—millions—of pounds to the creation of very necessary assets in a far off country which would show no sort of return?
I suggest to the hon. Member that the fewer personal references he makes to the hon. Baronet the better. If he knew my hon. Friend, the hon. Member would realise that a good many of his apparent criticisms would fall to the ground.
I reinforce what my hon. Friend has said. Does the hon. Member know what the hon. Baronet did with his own estates?
Withdraw.
The right hon. Member was not in the House when the hon. Baronet was speaking. I was not criticising the hon. Baronet—[HON. MEMBERS: "Withdraw."] No—for refusing to invest in a far off country. I was merely replying to his criticism that British industry was apparently unwilling to take the risk and help the backward nations. I am saying to the hon. Baronet, as a preliminary to my final point, that we can never obtain money of this type for works which will never show a return in the form of interest to industry, British or otherwise, because that is not the purpose of risk capital.
The obvious conclusion, with which the hon. Baronet would agree, but he approached it from a different and a slightly partisan point of view, is that there must be some auxiliary to the International Bank, run under the auspices of the United Nations, in order to provide long-term small interest capital of exactly this nature. I agree with the hon. Baronet that it is rather a pity that we have to put upon ice the proposal for S.U.N.F.E.D.—a happier combination of initials than is usual in the United Nations—which would have provided capital for exactly these needs.
I well understand the argument of my right hon. and learned Friend that neither the United States nor, I think, any other Government of the West was willing to put up one penny towards this cause. It was quite clear, therefore, that we could not take unilateral action. I make no criticism on that score. All I ask is that this project should be kept alive and that we should revive it continually and, if necessary, take the lead, after private conferences among our own peoples in the Commonwealth, to provide at least a basis of the fund, which would prime the pump of this essential institution.
I end with a plea that we in Britain should set up some sort of institution, as the Dutch have done in their country, which would specialise upon the needs of the United Nations Agencies. It is to me surprising that the United Nations have no university of their own in which all reports and experience of tropical diseases, of methods of food production and so on, are centralised and from which they can be distributed throughout the world. The United Nations need a university and, if they cannot have a central one, let them have several regional universities, one of which can very well be located in this country where we have so much knowledge of tropical medicine and methods of food production in backward areas.
Let us make it a career for our young men and women within the United Nations. At the moment it is no career at all. All that happens is that specialists or experts go to a country and then return to their universities after perhaps three months' or a year's experience in a tropical country. It should be made a career. If I had a son I should like to see him going into this type of work. After all, we are dealing in this debate with the main problem of the 20th century. Our job is to organise peace and plenty. We organise peace through our diplomacy and our weapons. Through the agencies we have been discussing we should attempt to organise plenty and to distribute the goods of the world and the skill of the world to the needy of the world.
7.21 p.m.
I am very glad to have caught your eye, Mr. Speaker, after the speech of the hon. Member for Bournemouth, East and Christchurch (Mr. N. Nicolson), for I am sure the House has listened with great interest and very considerable sympathy to all that he has said, save only for that rather unfortunate passage in which he criticised my hon. Friend the Member for Gravesend (Sir R. Acland). I am quite sure that had the hon. Member known, as we do, something about the personal life of the hon. Baronet, he would never have made those suggestions.
I can assure the hon. Member that I intended no criticism at all of the personal motives of his hon. Friend the Member for Gravesend (Sir R. Acland). I was merely dealing in a few words with a suggestion which he had made, and I was saying that it would be unlikely that any reasonable man would invest his capital in a project which had no possibility of financial return. If the hon. Member for Gravesend would do it, which I believe he might, I unhesitatingly withdraw any allegations that I may have made against him.
That very generous withdrawal I am sure will satisfy hon. Members on this side of the House, and will, I am sure, satisfy at once the hon. Member for Gravesend whose character was in question.
There was very little else in the speech which I wish to criticise. I shall come to one or two of the points he made in the course of my speech, but there is one point I had not intended to touch on which I should like briefly to deal with. The hon. Member has pointed out with great cogency that there is so much to be done in the world, particularly in the underdeveloped areas, that a certain priority should be imposed in regard to those matters. As he put it health should take priority over problems of education, leaving the matter of literacy until a later date.
We understand just what the hon. Member was getting at, but I do not think we can leave it just like that. I have myself for many years believed that the British public school system, for example, came under political fire largely because it looked like an institution set up by the privileged in order to keep a small minority permanently privileged.
So it was.
To a great extent it was. These people in the underdeveloped areas want desperately to have opportunities to advance their education, and if the Western world, which has these institutions and which has the advantage of education, now says, "Ah, but you need health first and education later," we shall be suspect. I think these problems cannot be isolated. It is a vast interlocked problem that we must somehow tackle, and I wonder often whether it can ever be satisfactorily tackled piecemeal.
I was amused, as was everybody, with the story of the gentleman who sold coloured bottles to the Chinese women, and the hon. Member ended the story by saying that this was certainly not mutual aid or technical assistance. No, it was not: it was sheer smart Aleckery. I wonder also whether there is sometimes not this danger in the proposals we are making in the western world and in the world as a Whole, that we may, if we do not go about this problem in the right way—and it is a profoundly difficult problem—leave ourselves open later to the charge of smart Aleckery. Others will think that we should have foreseen these difficulties even if it was through sheer ignorance on our part that we did not do so.
Notice taken that 40 Members were not present;
House counted, and 40 Members being present —
I personally am glad that it was possible in the time available for 40 Members to appear so that this debate could go on. I have no understanding and no clue why my hon. Friend the Member for Dudley (Mr. Wigg) should have thought fit to call for a Count during a debate which, after all, we on this side of the House have initiated, and which we are all agreed is important. For the life of me I am entirely mystified.
It is probably to inconvenience hon. Members who are having dinner, which some must have, when all is said and done.
I do not think that that is the reason. I do not know what the reason is, but I do not happen to believe that that is it.
I was saying when I was interrupted that this problem which we have to face is very intractable, as intractable as it is vitally important to solve it, and I want to devote a few minutes of the time available to pointing out some of the problems, trying if I can to emphasise those problems in order to indicate the lines upon which it seems to me they can best be solved and indicating lines upon which I do not think they can be solved at all.
I want to split my speech into three parts and I shall be brief, if I can. I want to pose three questions and try to answer them. The first question is, why is a World Economic Development Authority, being a functioning department of the United Nations, necessary at all? Then I want to ask what is immediately required in the short run to tackle this problem; and, thirdly, to go on to what we ought to do in the long run, and what should be our ultimate aim in this respect?
First, why is it necessary to have a World Development Authority at all? Let me emphasise what has already been said once or twice, that there is in the world today an immense differential between the standards of living of a small minority of people mainly in the Western countries, and the vast majority of those who live mainly in the Asian countries and whose skins are of a different colour.
This is wrong, but the worst of it is that the wrong is getting greater and the differential is growing steadily. As my right hon. Friend the Member for Middlesbrough, East (Mr. Marquand) pointed out, the standard of living in the West is now roughly ten times as high as it is in India, and with every day that passes the difference between the standard of living in the few rich nations and that in the others grows greater and greater.
In the past, even as short a time as a decade or two ago, it was known that there must be living upon this planet a few people who were reasonably wealthy and some who were very wealthy, while the great mass of the population lived permanently in terrible poverty. That was an evil, but it was an unavoidable evil because the total production of goods and services in this world was not adequate, even if shared out equally, to maintain above subsistence level the standard of living of the population which inhabited the globe.
It was an unavoidable evil until quite recently. Now, with the advance of scientific knowledge, we know that the capabilities of mankind are such that the evil can be abolished. So what was before an unavoidable evil is now an intolerable injustice; and everybody knows it. There is no question whatever that when mankind fears and suffers from what it knows to be an intolerable injustice, unless that is corrected civilisation will be destroyed by the people with a sense of grievance. So we have to solve this problem and we must solve it soon because, with every day we delay, the intolerable injustice gets more unjust, the gap widens. Therefore the first point is that the injustice is not necessary, that it can be solved, and that all the world knows it can be solved.
Secondly, we are all aware that the present cold war compels mankind to spend a fantastic amount of its wealth on armaments. We all believe, we hope and pray that this need not and must not go on for ever. Sooner or later, sooner we hope but anyway some day, there must be a change. The burden of armaments must be reduced substantially and, when it is reduced, it may have to be reduced very rapidly indeed. What bothers me is what will happen to the highly-geared economies of the West if suddenly it becomes possible to create the conditions of world peace. That is the appalling problem. Therefore, we have to find some global mechanism which can take the strain so that, when the economy is no longer asked to produce arms, it can turn to produce the instruments of agriculture and welfare.
It is not sufficient to say that nations, when they begin to disarm, should be asked to give voluntarily to a global fund. This is another aspect of our problem which bothers me, because the suggestion generally put forward is that sovereign States be requested—because being sovereign they cannot be ordered—to donate to some global authority a proportion of their national product. I wish they would, but I have never seen in my study of history, which is not profound by any means, that a society can adequately manage its affairs on the theory that a welfare State can be created by donations voluntarily given by the rich to be enjoyed by the poor who are expected to be thankful.
When I, as I do, ask my doctor through the National Health Service to come and see my child who is ill, I do not now pay for his services, but I do not write and thank Sir Bernard Docker for the vast amount of money which he and his firms have paid to the Chancellor of the Exchequer in excess of the modest amounts which I have had to pay. I regard it as right that the Chancellor should raise his revenue by an enforced fiscal system, taxing the rich for the good of all.
But if Sir Bernard Docker and his kind were not competent to run their industries so as to produce profits, in order that they can be drained off to pay doctors' bills, the hon. Gentleman would have to pay them himself.
If there were not any competent industrialists in any country, the world economy would collapse and we should go back to barbarism and savagery; but I do not imagine that will happen, and I refuse to admit that the welfare State can exist only because Sir Bernard Docker is an efficient executive. He could be replaced by others—[ Interruption. ] I am being asked a lot of questions which are slightly irrelevant and I do not think that the hon. Members who are asking them all together expect me to answer them.
The other point on which I want to touch is rather negative though an important question. I have often had people say to me, "These glamorous ideas which you and your friends support about world mutual aid and making the United Nations into a world government are unnecessary. All you have to do is to persuade the Americans to sell as much as they buy and to spread the wealth they now hoard in Fort Knox to the four corners of the globe. Britain in the 19th Century managed to irrigate the channels of world trade adequately and, somehow or another, the Americans will have to find enough sense to do in this century what Britain did in the last one."
There is, however, a significant difference which is very important. I do not always like publicly to mention it, but it is nevertheless true that during the 19th Century we had a form of world government, Pax Britannica, and Great Britain in a sense managed the globe. Therefore, it was not very dangerous for British capitalists to take their surplus wealth and invest it in any part of the world because the Gladstonian gunboats would see that their dividends came back and that the local communities would not nationalise the enterprises which the British businessmen were setting up; in short they had a sense of security.
I am not saying that was entirely wrong. I believe that unless there is a sense of reasonable security we cannot expect private individuals who have any wealth, even if it be very small, to invest in other parts of the world. I believe that many American businessmen who have wealth saved would like, not only for economic and profit reasons but for welfare and moral reasons, to invest it in other countries where it could do good to humanity as well as earn a modest dividend.
But they do not know what will happen. They know very well that any enterprise of any consequence will probably require a fairly large slice of capital to be invested in the first instance and that it will be two or three years or a decade or more before it can hope to produce dividends, by which time, they argue, the national community may become a sovereign State and may decide to nationalise without compensation all the enterprises within its geographical area. If one looks at Persia and the experience of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company, one sees a national Government doing what a sovereign State is legitimately entitled to do but simply unable to pay compensation to the owners of the nationalised industry because Persia had not the wealth with which to do so. It might wish to be just but it cannot.
There are restrictions on the movement of capital arising from the fact that the world is now in anarchy without any form of world government. It is thus absurd to say that America could solve this problem if it only could dispose of its surplus wealth and import as much as it exports. It cannot do as Britain did in the past because the circumstances have entirely changed in this century.
My second question is what, then, is required in the short run. In the long run this is a vast problem. In the short run, nevertheless, something must be done soon to get started. I know of no proposition which has been put forward by the experts which is anything like as hopeful as the proposal known as S.U.N.F.E.D. It is most important that it should be supported, particularly by Her Majesty's Government. If the Government cannot make a contribution now, I ask them to say that they will do something about it as soon as possible, or to say that they are at least willing to have another look at the problem. I urge Her Majesty's Government to give up the idea that just because the Americans have said that they were not going into it, then it should follow that we should not either. I am convinced that the best way to encourage Americans to support S.U.N.F.E.D. is for the British to support it.
I do not think that my right hon. Friend the Minister of State said that we were not supporting it because the Americans would not support it. Certainly that is not the fact as I understand it. We cannot support this Fund because we cannot support the creation of an organisation as large and costly as this until we make some savings from an internationally supervised disarmament convention.
That is not exactly what the Minister of State said. We can consult HANSARD tomorrow to see who is right. I understood the Minister of State to say that the British felt that unless the Americans supported it the thing would be of so little consequence that it would not be worth supporting, which is another way of saying that unless the Americans support it we shall not support it.
I do not believe that unless the Americans support it, it will be of no consequence. The sum, of course, would not be adequate or as large as that for which the expert committee asked. It will not rise to 250 million dollars; but in the view of the experts that sum itself was known to be inadequate. It was merely a beginning, a kind of symbolic proposition, and if the sum subscribed does not reach 250 million dollars they would be glad if a fund could be created which would be started with any reasonable sum of money, so long as about 30 nations or more agreed to join it.
I suggest that if and when S.U.N.F.E.D. can be created it will not be enough for the nations to agree to give something. The amount of money that a nation ought to contribute should be related to a statistical fact—for instance, the amount of its national product, a sum which can be calculated so that the United Nations shall know what is expected from each nation. I do not think that it will be much good if nations make arbitrary donations of any size or nature. Subscriptions should be related to national product as a percentage of that product. It could be a very small percentage to begin with.
Secondly, it is important that at an early stage the contributions that the nations make should be regarded as permanent ones. I should prefer to see nations making contributions each year which could be relied upon over a long period, perhaps five or 10 years. More could be done if the United Nations agencies could be quite sure of receiving their funds over a long period rather than a large bounty for a few years which was always in doubt.
The Minister of State gave us a list of numerous contributions which Britain has been making. He left with me an impression that on the whole the United Nations was getting a good deal of money already and ought to be able to make better use of what it is receiving. The specialised agencies on paper do have a fair income, though it is nothing like adequate.
There was an article of some importance in the "New York Times" of 21st January last, written by its Geneva correspondent, Michael Hoffman. He was warning the world of what was happening to the specialised agencies. He said: continue over a reasonable length of time. A good, competent administrator, burning with a desire to do something in which he passionately believes, wants to have a fair chance of seeing the job done. He will not take a job, start it, and then find that the cash is being cut off at source.
My hon. Friend knows his history sufficiently well to recall that all great movements are started by pioneers who are not concerned about the financial reward which they receive. That applies to the movement in which we have been brought up.
If my hon. Friend had not intervened, I was about to say that the fact that the individual would lose his job was of little or no importance to him. What mattered to him was that he had put his heart and enthusiasm into a project which counted a great deal to many people who were relying upon it for relief, and then, all of a sudden, it came to an end. That is almost worse than never having begun it at all. U.N.R.R.A. was spendid while it lasted, but I wonder whether the expectations that grew as a result of U.N.R.R.A. and were then suddenly thwarted did not leave in their train many unfortunate results.
Therefore, I think it is important that mankind should make sure that money contributed through this organisation can be relied upon and that it will not be money based upon an ex gratia donation. We must have a system by which those representing mankind can tax mankind, the rich countries or individuals, in order to benefit the globe. Until we can introduce into the United Nations this concept by which its funds can be raised through a kind of global treasury to be spent for the benefit of global projects for the good of mankind, I think we shall always find our efforts failing and our plan aborting.
When we are able, as I hope we may soon be able, by our example to persuade nations to contribute to a World Development Authority under the aegis of the United Nations, it seems that the first problem we must face is how it is to be controlled. If it is to be of any use it will wield great political power because the use of these funds in various parts of the world could have great political significance. People who receive this money and people who give it will want to know who controls the agency. Is the money going to be used for really good purposes or for shady ulterior motives, for political chicanery? The first question which will be asked, as soon as we solve the question about getting money, is how will its allocation be controlled?
I want to put to the House the idea that the United Nations, good though it is, best though it may be, at the moment is not adequate for this purpose. The civil control that this economic authority will require is not there in the present United Nations set-up. The instrument of global government—that is what it will be—that will be essential to make anything of this fund has not yet been created. I am often told that I am a Utopian visionary, concerned with something which is ultimately desirable, which indeed everyone outside a lunatic asylum agrees is desirable. The trouble is that only inmates of asylums believe it to be possible.
Now is this so? Nearly everyone who has spoken here has argued that a World Development Authority is both desirable and practicable. I have tried to show that it cannot succeed unless we create world government. Obviously, then, this House is the asylum; and I am proud to be an inmate of it.
7.53 p.m.
No one could listen to the hon. Member for Yardley (Mr. Usborne) without being impressed. He showed me that he had a courageous and vivid mind and was seeking, as we all are, in a commonsense yet, perhaps, idealistic fashion, for a solution to this great problem of the depressed peoples. There are two great problems interlocking with each other. One is the challenge of the military threat of Communism, and the other is to help the underdeveloped nations of the world. The problems are complementary; they interlock and intercross.
Some hon. Members I have heard speaking in the debate showed such a vivid mind and justifiable Christian reaction to the problems of the East that I felt a little diffident about taking part in the debate at all. But I feel that we have to be realistic. Perhaps one of the most valuable contributions came from the hon. Member for Swindon (Mr. T. Reid). He recognised the position and also the problems. The first problem of the Far East is that of the ever-growing population, the teeming population. In the last analysis that should be the responsibility of the authorities controlling those nations.
I do not think we shall get anywhere near long-term solution until there is recognition by the peoples of the East of the need for proper birth control. I mean proper birth control of a class and kind which is realistic. I know perfectly well that in the East people look upon children as part of the security of the family and as hands to do the work of the family. Because of the death rate from sickness they have almost to create a surplus to protect themselves as a family unit. I am one who believes unhesitatingly that the benefits of medicine can, in the end, do nothing but good because, as we improve the health of the people, so will they realise that large families are not necessary and so will solve the dilemma themselves.
The hon. Member for Yardley touched on an angle of the question of illiteracy to which I entirely subscribe. Another angle is that if we want the peoples of the Far East to accept progressive thinking in regard to families we have to educate them. That cannot be done unless we give them some measure of education and lift them from the mental blindness in which they are today. Even in our early Christian era it was not until people were able to read and write and to comprehend and think for themselves that the benefits of civilisation began to emerge.
Let me turn to the question of defence. Some hon. Members deplore the amount of money spent on defence. Of course we all deplore the amount spent on defence as an utter and absolute waste. It is the greatest waste the world has ever undertaken in all its long history, which is the fault of the U.S.S.R. One hon. Member from South Wales spoke with great Celtic eloquence. But he confused and blurred the issue because he was arguing—there is some merit in what he said—that if we lift the living standards of the East we might arrest Communism in the East. But that has nothing to do with defence because, if we lift the living standards of the East, we shall still have the great threat of Russia and be destroying the very thing we seek to create if Russia triumphed.
I feel that perhaps the great task of our time is to have the power to contain Communism within the borders of Russia and yet to penetrate to the Russian proper the sanity of our common-sense way of life. We must realise that the cost of rearmament is the burden we must bear for the sake of humanity and not only for ourselves. I am sure that the Government do not count every penny spent on the United Nations nor withhold a single pound, shilling, or penny as being unnecessary. The late Government and this Government understood and understand these points.
We would all intensely desire to increase considerably the amounts of money available for these purposes. But I wish to be a little hard-headed about all this. If good will were hard currency we should be well through our problems, but good will alone is not sufficient. It will not pay anything at all. Words never put food into anyone's mouth. What is holding this country back from giving immeasurably greater aid abroad is that we can only do it if we send more goods abroad. Sending paper pounds is no use to anyone. The only way we can benefit the depressed nations of the East is by increasing our export position so that we can send the goods or have the ability to make loans or provide advisory services. That is the hard-hearted point which we have to get across to the nation.
What do these countries want? They want heavy engineering equipment and light engineering equipment. They want tools to carry out agricultural development. There is only one way in which that can be provided, and that is by our actually producing in increasing quantities. We as a nation are barely able to support ourselves and to balance our Budget. Our hearts are in this matter, but common sense has also to march in step.
The hon. Member said that the only way in which these goods can go out is by our productivity increasing. I am sure that he does not mean that. There is another way. If the Service chiefs reduced their demands on factories, instead of having to make atom bombs and what not, we could make tractors and send those out.
We are getting back to the argument of rearmament and defence. As I said, this is an ever-interlocking problem; the one is bound up with the other. We must face that fact.
There is need in the factories of England for the same kind of good will that existed in the last century among the cotton workers of Lancashire during the American Civil War, an attitude of not measuring the issue in terms of the wages they will get or the profits that the owner will get, but of approaching it on a higher level altogether as a matter of increased production which is going out to help the world; in other words give the Chancellor of the Exchequer those margins he so badly needs.
That was the workers. The cotton employers were against it, during the American Civil War.
That does not alter my argument in the slightest. I am linking the worker and the management. I am confident that we can do it, and that the workers and managers of this country would do it if the issue was put to them. We here have that responsibility to the nation. If we were to make in the country the same sort of speeches that have been made here today, and if we wrote articles more on that basis than on the basis of many other narrow party ideas that occupy our minds, we should be doing great good for ourselves and for the world.
I had a real shock when I recently saw a film showing some of the United Nations' work for the children of the depressed nations of the world. It was part of a television series which was shown one Sunday night. It is not often that we Members of the House have an opportunity of home life, but on that evening I was at home and sat spellbound. The punch, and the shock which I felt, came at the end, when the commentator said that the contribution per head of the population of this country per annum to that work was measured in terms of a few pence. It was the first time that I have come up hard against and realised the bitter honest truth of how better we were able to assist. I said, "If only this could be got across to the people of the country and they could realise it, that few pence could be turned in a very short time into shillings or pounds."
The need is not for paper pounds but actual production of goods. We have to be hard-headed in this matter. I say frankly to the hon. Member for Yardley that, while I listened to him unfold the project of world government in logical fashion and urge the allocation of part of the capital earnings of the country per annum, etc., what was worrying me was not his idealistic proposals and hopes, which I share, but the feeling I have that world trade at this moment may be going backwards. I reflected that everyone in this country and in Europe and throughout the world was carefully watching what is happening to the recession in the United States. We cannot plan with optimism if the fear is that instead of expansion of production the trend may be the other way, under such conditions people begin to think first about themselves and world plans go overboard.
I should like to consider this matter, not in the narrow terms of our United Nations allocation but as an industrialist coming from a hard-headed generation. Therefore I suggested that there is another approach to this matter which can be equally effective but which I believe is more positive than idealistic planning and which can be carried out more quickly. I say first what I said in an Adjournment debate two years ago, and which I shall keep on saying, that what we have to avoid in the world today is unreasonable, unnecessary competition between nations.
I believe that if we could get a world understanding and agreement, starting with the industry I know best—steel—not for the curtailing or holding down of production and increasing the profits, but for the purpose of stabilising the world production and the price of steel, wages and conditions, and for planning that part of the steel goes to the right places, either for cash or loan, as need dictates or demands—
Would the hon. Gentleman agree with his hon. Friend the Member for Louth (Mr. Osborne), who keeps indicating, and rightly so, his approval of the proposals of the hon. Member, to start a campaign in this country here and now, as an industrialist, along with the trade unions, to get the workers and management of this country to give one hour per week voluntarily to produce goods for these backward nations? I advocated this many years ago and mentioned it at the last Labour Party conference. It is a proposal which would not impinge on our privileges. Would the hon. Member for Louth agree with that suggestion?
Certainly, I would, because I have advocated that. I have been waiting all day to make a speech saying that if we were prepared to go back to Saturday morning work without profit or wages, and give the whole of that production to an international fund, we could do more than would be done by all the speeches in this House in a century.
Then let us get started.
My hon. Friend the Member for Louth has expressed the sentiments that I feel. I wish to pay tribute to the hon. Member for Rotherham (Mr. Jack Jones) for bringing forward such a practical point. That is the sort of common sense way in which we have to face this problem. The realising of such a proposal can only be brought about by consultation and action at the highest possible level. I recommend the members of the F.B.I, and the T.U.C. to read the report of this debate.
I wish to revert to what I term the industrial aspect of this matter. I am concerned about the way things are going now. We are drifting towards the prewar international battle for trade and, with it, a danger of lowering of living standards generally. That would mean that there would be very little hope for the East. If things get worse in the West there will be little that we can do for the East. Whatever money we can spend on the United Nations—in medicine, advice and the like, is excellent, but to achieve our purposes thousands of millions of pounds will have to be spent in a more positive way for over a decade or more.
Expanding world trade is the greatest single answer to Communism. It will do more to lift up the standards of the East progressively, substantially and permanently than will anything else. I believe that the time is now ripe for the nations of the West to seize the opportunity at this moment, when we are emerging from a war economy into a peace economy, not to revert to the prewar condition of internecine competition, but to work together.
I wish to revert to the theme that if we could achieve an international understanding on steel, on fuel, by which I mean coal, oil and the like, on chemicals—now a tremendous factor in world trade—and on food, we should achieve stability for the world.
That is Socialism.
I do not care what name is given to it; I think it is very good Toryism also.
The hon. Member is proposing that we shall build the world welfare State on international understanding. Does he realise that nations are prepared to sign any kind of agreement so long as there is no force available to make them keep it? Does it not seem to follow that if we want agreements there should be some force of law to see that those agreements are kept?
My aim is to cut across such high international complications and get down to the practical solutions. I assure the hon. Member that when, internationally, an industrial understanding is reached on a proper basis the parties can see that it is operated without any force of law because there is international honour, even in commerce.
One thing which is perfectly certain is that we have emerged from the seller's market into a buyer's market. Therefore we must increase world trade. It is a big "if," but if we can increase trade with the East to any perceptible extent and if, by the smallest degree, we can increase the purchasing power of the masses of the East, we can carry the whole world past the danger of another world slump; otherwise we shall drift into it overnight.
I said two years ago, and I will repeat it, that prosperity and peace are indivisible. We cannot for long live in a world in which some nations are highly prosperous and others have a very low standard of living and expect to maintain peace. Far-seeing statesmen all over the world are appreciating this, but I am afraid that if the recess in trade continues these high ideals will be abandoned and people will become selfishly nationalistic.
I am always concerned about extreme nationalism. It is one of the scourges of our time. When nations raise unreasonable tariff barriers they are acting against their own interests and the interests of the world, namely, peace. That is a lesson which the United States has not yet learned. The Americans must realise that a nation living within barriers erected against other nations creates difficulties not easily overcome. Other nations of the world do not wish to receive charity from the United States of America, however well-intentioned and sincere the Americans may be in offering it. Other nations would infinitely prefer to pay in goods and services.
Yet the hon. Member advocates "bundles from Britain."
I did not catch that contribution—
In the earlier part of his speech the hon. Member was arguing that if the factories worked on Saturdays in order to give bundles from Britain people would be satisfied to receive them. That is also charity.
I am rather disappointed at the hon. Member. After all, we are now standing at the bar of history. There have been speeches in this debate tonight worthy of the days of Wilberforce. I have listened to them with interest and pride. This is a powerful debate on an outstanding international issue. This is Britain at her best. I believe it is our duty as a nation to support all liberal minded international proposals from whatever direction they may come. I will surprise the House by saying that if the U.S.S.R. had any proposals of this kind to make I would welcome them heartily, because it would be the first sign of the lifting of the Iron Curtain, breaking down the barrier which exists between the two parts of the world.
One of the things which is troubling everyone tonight is the disposal of surpluses, particularly in the United States. I think the United States are waiting for a lead from the British Commonwealth. I think that both the late Government and the present Government gave a lead in the Colombo Plan. It was a noble concept, and we must go forward with it but that can only be done in a sensible and logical fashion. I do not wish to weary the House with talk of projects and plans, but if the will and the finances are there, the West can solve the problem.
I think there is bound to be a falling off in the pressure of re-armament, and I hope that there will be, and that the slack may be re-absorbed by the manufacture of peaceful goods for peaceful purposes. The second problem facing this country is to relate that to the world pattern, and I am confident the Government have that in mind. We have moved through successive periods of free trade and high tariffs. We have tried both ways. I am worried about retaliatory trade with every nation trying to be economically self sufficient. I wish to see us move into a new phase of gradual liberalisation of trade within the framework of international mutual assistance and co-operation.
When we send out the plant and equipment we must encourage the technicians to follow. We must speed up the expansion of facilities in this country for technological training. That is a powerful contribution which we can make. Britain should set out to become the premier technological training and recruiting ground for the free world. In the past British engineers have been far ahead. They have been the real pioneers and developers of many nations, and they can do it again. With the opportunities for training and abundant scope for trained men overseas, the British artisan of today can be the British technician of tomorrow.
As we elevate ourselves we shall elevate and help other people in other lands. By helping others we shall be helping ourselves in a strict arithmetical proportion. It is the buying power of the peasant and the worker which will decide the level of world trade, and by conferring benefits on them we shall benefit ourselves. Here is a challenge and an opportunity to British engineers and workmen to run railways into the Rhodesias, to dam the West African rivers, to irrigate the paddy fields in South-East Asia and to help clear the jungles of Northern Ceylon. All these things we have done before and we can do them again. It calls for unprecedented capital expenditure and above all for goodwill, faith and ample courage.
8.18 p.m.
Although we welcome the good intentions of the hon. Member for Esher (Mr. Robson Brown), I find it difficult to discern a clear line of argument in his speech. It seemed to me that the hon. Member made a general tour of all the world problems. While I appreciate the remarks he made with regard to technological education, I am always worried when an hon. Member refers too much to our big hearts on matters of this kind.
It is very dangerous to embark upon platitudes when discussing a subject such as this. It is often said as a criticism of some hon. Members on this side of the House that we merely indulge in a parade of moral virtues without any danger of personal sacrifice or hardship. I think that charge is untrue. But we should be warned to avoid generalities and try to deal with some of the very important issues involved in this matter, and to see what practical advance can be made. It is no use saying how desirable it is to promote the expansion of world trade. We all agree about that. But there are people who cannot afford to buy. What are we going to do about that? It seems to me that this is the problem of the moment that we are directly concerned with.
I want to deal with one fairly narrow aspect of this problem. It has been touched upon to some extent very effectively by the hon. Member for Bournemouth, East and Christchurch (Mr. N Nicolson), who made a most interesting, valuable and lively contribution which I felt raised the whole level of discussion and made quite a break from the contributions that we have had from the benches opposite. It adopted a realistic and sensitive attitude to the problem.
I should like to follow up some of the matters that the hon. Gentleman raised, particularly with regard to world health. I had the opportunity when I was at the Ministry of Health of having some little contact with the work of the World Health Organisation, and I had some discussion with Dr. Brock Chisholm who was at one time the Director-General of that great organisation. For a moment I should like the House to consider some of the very real and urgent problems that that great organisation is now facing, and, in making my remarks, I tie in with a lot that the hon. Member for Bournemouth, East and Christchurch was saying about this problem, and indeed with much that has been said on these benches.
The World Health Organisation, as we all know, has two broad functions. First, it is carrying on the work that was done in earlier times by the League of Nations Health Organisation largely in ensuring for all the member nations the collection of health statistics, the passing round of health information, the holding of conferences and all that kind of work which we all agree to be of great importance. It is the second part of that work to which I want to direct attention, and that relates to the special work they have undertaken since the end of the war to help underdeveloped countries. We know something of this work from what we have read and from some of the very excellent films prepared by the United Nations.
I want to quote one example. It has been partly referred to, but not the section about which I want to speak. That is the work that is being done at present in Afghanistan, and this is merely an example of what is happening in other parts of the world. The work that has already been done in Afghanistan to control malaria has controlled that dread disease effectively among about 1 million of the population who were living in the infested areas. The work is going forward during this year and the next year, and it is hoped that the further million who are now affected will by then be covered and that by the end of 1955, if the plan can go forward—and it is an "if"—then this disease, which has already been cleared in some of the countries through the work of this magnificent and devoted international team, will be cleared from Afghanistan as well.
Already—and this refers to the fears of some hon. Members on the question of the natural growth of population, and so on—the wiping out of part of this scourge there has caused a remarkable improvement in productivity in Afghanistan. The figures show that some of the textile mills have doubled their production, fertile land has been brought into cultivation which was not possible before because of the low standard of health of the population. The annual yield of rice and cotton in two districts has doubled in the last three years because of this work.
Related to this work, and joined to it in effect, another World Health Organisation scheme in Afghanistan is one for raising general public health education—a point that was so rightly mentioned by the hon. Member for Bournemouth, East and Christchurch and also by my right hon. Friend the Member for Middlesbrough, East (Mr. Marquand)—in the importance of concentrating on some of the simpler but urgent matters, such as simple sanitary problems that afflict many of these countries. Indeed, they afflict us, too, in many ways.
But here—and this is the important point—the public health engineer who is carrying on most of this work on behalf of the World Health Organisation does not come from one of the so-called rich countries. Here is a man who comes from Haiti—itself an underdeveloped country—and this is a point which cannot be too often stressed. This is mutual work. This is a scheme under which countries that are themselves badly needing help, and some of them receiving it, are making their contribution, not only in their own countries but those who happen to have the extra skill and ability are making a contribution in other countries under the World Health Organisation scheme.
It is important that we should understand that this is not a scheme which recruits its staff merely from amongst a relatively select group of countries. One is impressed by the statements made by this man who explains why he is doing this work and why he feels that, although his own country urgently needs more help, and that there is a lot he can do there, it is his duty to extend his help outside as well. My right hon. Friend who opened this debate rightly called attention to the other terrible problems of disease that are being to some extent dealt with by the World Health Organisation, but only, alas, to a very limited extent. There are, for instance, the problems of yaws and tuberculosis.
What is the World Health Organisation doing, and what is it costing? It costs fantastically little. It is incredible how much work is being done for so small a contribution. The finances of the organisation come from three sources. First, there is their regular budget which provides the bulk of their revenue. That provides from all the countries which are contributing at the moment something like 8 million dollars, or something under £3 million altogether.
Then there is the Expanded Programme of Technical Assistance which it was hoped would make a big contribution here, and did for a year or two, but this has proved to be a great problem because sometimes it is available and sometimes it is not, and the World Health Organisation does not know where it is. It cannot plan ahead because it does not know what funds it is going to have at its disposal in the following year. It is a shocking position for it to be in. That Technical Assistance Programme has provided during this last year some 4½ million dollars or about £1½ million—again from all the spending countries.
Finally, in the last year or two there has been some contribution from U.N.I.C.E.F. towards the cost of the scheme—contributions that should not have come from that fund. In fact, the World Health Organisation has had to go round almost begging for money in order to keep going these vital projects which every hon. Member knows must continue. It is shocking that this great Organisation should be dependent almost for its pence upon assistance from other agencies of the United Nations in order to carry on its work. This is a serious matter. Britain contributes only 10 per cent, of the relatively minute sum of money which I have mentioned. Each year the Health Estimates show, broadly speaking, how much we contribute. I know that there are small additions from elsewhere as well, but the figure is something like £350,000. That is our regular contribution to the budget of the World Health Organisation.
Is this enough? Are we contributing sufficient? Are other nations contributing enough for this vital work which is being tackled in such an insignificant way? Some hon. Members urge caution and ask whether more money could be used. They say, "It is said that this is a very small sum, but are we sure that there are practical schemes on which we could use the extra funds which are called for?"
First, I would say that the country concerned must make its own application for the World Health Organisation to come in. That is absolutely right. It must not be felt that this is a charity which is being pressed upon a nation against its will. The whole initiative must come from the country which is to benefit. Secondly, the scheme itself must be capable of being handed over to the people in the country concerned at a relatively early date. There is no sense in embarking upon schemes which are utterly unrelated to the conditions in the country. I agree straight away that there were some schemes at the start of the Organisation which could be criticised on that basis.
When I discussed these matters with Dr. Chisholm some years ago, his anxiety at that date was that there were some funds, especially from voluntary agencies in America, that he felt were not being properly used. They had not at that date got sufficient control. He was anxious to build up a better control over what was being done. He wanted to build up technical skill and to get together experts, and he wanted to improve the statistical information in the countries concerned to ensure that the best possible use was made of the money available.
That is not the position today. That was the position some years ago. There was every reason for hon. Members to argue caution a few years ago and to say, "Do not let us rush into schemes which will just be a waste because we have not got the men available or sufficient details worked out." That is not the position now. I want to quote from the remarks made by the Director of the Organisation in the last Report which he submitted dealing with the proposed schemes for 1955. Confirming the point I am making, he said:
In the past that has not been possible, for the reasons I have mentioned, but now there are projects awaiting attention. The Report gives a comprehensive list of the schemes which are waiting to be put into operation. The Organisation says that it can put them into operation but it has not the funds. They are all projects that hon. Members would wish to be carried out. They are concerned, for example, with tuberculosis in India, and nursing and public health schemes all over the world.
We have a full guarantee that everything is ready for putting them into operation except the funds. Is the balance a matter of hundreds of millions of pounds? Not a bit of it. It is a matter of a contribution by all the countries concerned of another £2 million or £3 million at the most, representing a modest further contribution by individual participating countries. Yet the schemes cannot go forward.
It is not a matter merely of the total funds available; it is a matter of the unreliability of those funds. I was shocked by the attitude of the right hon. and learned Gentleman who opened the debate in his opposition to the proposal for three-year grants. It is quite impossible for the Organisation to do its work when it does not know from one year to another what funds will be at its disposal.
This is made clear by comment after comment by the Director-General, Dr. Candau. In his Report on the work of the World Health Organisation in 1953, he says:
The Director-General goes on:
Surely, we cannot allow a position like this to go on. It cannot be on our consciences that, for so little assistance from this country, this great potential development, not merely concerning the health of many people in the world but affecting also the peace of the world, should be restricted in the opportunities that are presented. Surely the Government can give a declaration of that kind? They should say, with regard to schemes of this kind, that they will not stick to their declared intention of voting only annual allotments to this scheme, but will give a guarantee that, for the next two or three years, the schemes that are listed here shall have our complete pledge and guarantee that they will go forward, whatever any other country may do.
I must remind the House once more that, in fact, the countries that are being helped are making vastly bigger contributions themselves, and that, almost without exception, that is true. They are making far bigger contributions than were envisaged either by the Organisation or the Colombo Plan. They are tightening up their economies far more than before, in order to squeeze out something which will enable these schemes to continue, and it would be a tragic thing if we here in this country—never mind any other country—cannot meet this clear moral challenge that is proffered to us.
There is one final point I should like to make. Some hon. Members have seemed to suggest that, after all, we should not argue so much about what the United Nations has done or what contributions we are making, because are we not ourselves making further contributions directly through our own colonial schemes? We are all glad to hear these reports of what is being done, but surely the point must be emphasised that it is of enormous importance that, in many countries to which aid is given, it shall go under international auspices, and not under national auspices. That is a valid and important point which has been made in Mr. Eric Johnson's report to Mr. Stassen in the United States, which has already been quoted, but I should like to remind the House of what it says:
I am moved by what other hon. Members have said, and I believe that this work will be enormously to the future advantage of this country. I believe that is has an enormous contribution to make in order to help to stave off Soviet Communism. This is the basic morality which we on this side of the House—and I hope it applies also to many hon. Members opposite—believe. I would call it part of my Socialism, and I would appeal to the right hon. Gentleman sitting on the Front Bench opposite at least to give a pledge or guarantee of some kind with regard to this limited programme, and to give new hope for the building up of the new society which we want to create.
8.45 p.m.
I can support wholeheartedly almost everything the hon. Member for Newcastle-upon-Tyne, East (Mr. Blenkinsop) said: the modest demand he made, the limited amount of money he wants, and the guarantee that he requires for at least a three-year period. I hope that my right hon. Friends will listen to his plea and, in so far as they can, will try to get the Chancellor of the Exchequer to agree to it.
When I was at the United Nations, both during the past year and in the year before, the men who are handling the Technical Assistance and the World Health Organisation impressed upon me the uncertainty of their work because they were not sure whether funds would be coming in or not. Both the hon. Member for Newcastle-upon-Tyne, East and the right hon. Member for Derby, South (Mr. Noel-Baker) pleaded for such limited amounts that I am sure we all agree that their demands should be met, and met at once. Those amounts will produce very good dividends for us in every respect, and, compared with our Budget of £4,300 million, they are just chicken-feed.
That is not the point that was put, however, by the hon. Member for Gravesend (Sir R. Acland), who spoke earlier. He talked of a much bigger problem, and it is to that problem that I want to direct the attention of the House. We are all agreed that somehow the great gap between our standard of life and that which is enjoyed, or endured, by the vast majority of the human race has to be narrowed. I want hon. Members to face the questions: "How far can we in this country help to bridge that gap? How far are we willing to face the sacrifice that will be entailed in doing so?"
Let me remind hon. Members of the immensity of the problem. The United Nations calculate that two-thirds of the human race live at one-eighth of the British standard of life, and one-third of the human race live at one-sixteenth of our standard of life. Therefore, if we were to make sacrifices, even big sacrifices, they would not, other things being equal, make a great difference to the standard of life of the people whom we wish to help. Let me give one or two figures issued by the United Nations in their Report for 1949.
The income per capita—I agree that these are only estimates subject to correction—in Indonesia, with 80 million people, is estimated at 25 dollars per year; in China, with 463 million, is estimated at only 27 dollars; in India, with 346 million, is estimated at 57 dollars; Japan, whose competition hon. Members on all sides of the House fear, had at that time an income per capita of only 100 dollars; and Germany, whom we are going to have reason to fear in the engineering world, had only an income per capita of 320 dollars. In this country we had a773-dollar standard. These facts are not appreciated by the bulk of the people of this country, where even those who are worse off are infinitely better off than the vast majority of the human race. The final figure is that the United States had the highest per capita standard of 1,453 dollars per year.
How far are we as a nation prepared to work harder to produce the amount of wealth in order that we may give it away? How far are we prepared to go without, in order to give to those on whom we would like to have compassion? Hot air speeches are no good; they do not fill bellies or clothe backs. What is demanded from us is something practical. It is no good saying that other people ought to do it. The question is, are we prepared to do it? I ask hon. Members opposite how far they are prepared to go, say, to the Welsh mining valleys or the industrial Midlands and tell our people, "This is what we should like to do for the coloured peoples. You must go without a lot." To what extent are hon. Member on both sides of the House prepared to face the unpopularity which that will bring?
Before I leave this point, may I give another quotation? The World Economic Report of 1950–51 had this startling comment to make on food—and ultimately it is food which matters more than anything else:
Hon. Members may say—as some do, with great sincerity, but I think wrongly—that it is not necessary for us to work harder in this country or for us to sacrifice. They say that we can give all this help if we cut our arms commitments. Supposing they had their way, by how much would they cut the arms programme? Supposing I were to give a figure and to suggest that it be cut by £250 million a year. That would be a large cut, and I remind hon. Members that we cannot have it both ways; if we reduce our armaments, we reduce our security.
But let us suppose that we accept the figure of £250 million. On the Order Paper the other day there was a Motion in the name of the hon. Member for Gravesend on world mutual aid. Immediately below it there is another Motion on old-age pensions demanding, I am sure hon. Members opposite believe that to be true. I ask them whether they will give this £250 million, which we should save, to the coloured people, who need it most, or to our old-age pensioners?
I believe charity begins at home, and we are in no mood to talk about starving people abroad if our own old people are starving. As the hon. Member is asking questions, I should like to put one to him. Is he—
I am obliged to the hon. Lady. I like her frankness and I agree with her; I believe charity begins at home. I remind hon. Members, however, that if we saved £250 million on armaments, it could not be given to both these deserving classes.
There is another point that will affect hon. Members opposite. Whatever we saved—and we cannot save with safety as much as that per annum—we should have to choose whether we were willing to give it to our own deserving poor or the poor overseas. They cannot both have the same money. Then there are the ex-Service men whom most of us have a great desire to help.
rose —
I will give way in a moment. If we save this money, are hon. Members opposite prepared to go to the old age pensioners and to the ex-Service men and say, "We have saved this money and we should like to give it to you, but we are going to send it to Indonesia, India and China"?
If we were to cut the armaments programme by £250 million, we should not save £250 million as such at all. It would be a saving of £250 million of raw materials for which we would have to find an alternative market.
I thank the hon. Gentleman for helping me to make my speech. That is where the absurdity, if I may use the term, of the Bevanite theory lies, because if we were to cut out the whole of our armaments programme we should bring upon ourselves such a colossal unemployment problem that we would wish we were back where we were, and that very quickly. Therefore, I put this to hon. Members opposite. They are not going to help materially the coloured men abroad by cutting armaments at home, unless they are going to starve or fail to help the people at home.
Does the hon. Member not think that the greatest re-armament of all is the goodwill of our neighbours and the peoples of the world?
Quite, but goodwill is something that must be two-sided. If the hon. Lady were facing a very hungry tiger in the jungle, it would be no good her talking to the tiger about goodwill. I am sure that the hon. Lady will remember the attempt made by the late Mr. Ernest Bevin, who did his utmost to get goodwill with the rulers in Moscow. For a long time he exercised the greatest patience and he could not get it. Goodwill is something that must come from two sides.
I was not referring to Moscow; I was referring to the underdeveloped countries, where there is great unrest.
On the narrow issue, I agree that the Government ought to do whatever they can at once to support the United Nations, but on the bigger problem, which hon. Members opposite so often talk about, I want them to face this certainty that, if we are to help, we have to make great sacrifices.
Would the hon. Member be prepared to advise his right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer to put back the 6d. on Income Tax which he took off last year, and give the proceeds to the underdeveloped countries?
I am prepared to make a sacrifice on my side, if the right hon. Gentleman will get the workers to make the same sacrifice on their side.
As a member of my party and my executive, I would point out that we are committed to an international plan of asking nations to make contributions to an international fund, and I will certainly advocate that to the workers in my division and elsewhere.
I am much obliged to the right hon. Gentleman. The other point that I wish to put to hon. Members opposite is this. Both consciously and unconsciously the thought lies at the back of our minds, "If we cannot do it, well, of course, the Americans ought to." I am always sorry when so much anti-American bias is shown from the benches opposite. The right hon. Member for Huyton (Mr. H. Wilson), the former President of the Board of Trade, wrote the pamphlet "The War on Want." He wrote, not in terms of £350,000, but spoke of a sum of £5,000 million per annum, with a United Kingdom contribution which he put at £400 million per annum, for a period of 20 years. That is talking in terms of real figures. If we are really to help the distressed people in their hundreds of millions, it is figures like those that we must provide.
Hon. Members opposite are all the time saying that the Americans ought to do more. There is no proper realisation in this House, and certainly not in the country, of what the Americans have done and are still doing. The Technical Aid Programme of the United Nations for 1953 cost about 22 million dollars, of which 12¾ million dollars was provided by the American taxpayers. We provided 1½ million dollars. But in addition to that, the American taxpayers were providing over 155 million dollars for the same purpose under America's Point Four programme. In addition, since the end of 1945, my American friends tell me that they have given to the world no less than 41,000 million dollars in external aid.
It would do good if we in this country occasionally were to acknowledge the amount of aid that America has given in the cause that we ourselves preach so much. Had we given the same proportion of help as they have given, the position would be a great deal better.
I cannot accept that. The hon. Member must not denigrate the effort that has been made by this country. The situation of Great Britain and the United States has been totally different following two wars. As a result of the last war, they got richer and Britain got poorer. Having regard to our circumstances, our contribution has been highly creditable.
I was not denigrating this country or what we have done. I was asking for a fairer appreciation of what the Americans have done.
If we are to do what in our hearts we all would like to do—help the coloured man to come nearer to our standard of life—it can only be done if our industrial efficiency is increased enormously at home. We can only give away the wealth that we create. It is so easy to give away American wealth—we have no American voters in our constituencies.
I make this final plea to hon. Members opposite, whose sentiments and sincerity I respect. None of the schemes on which they have set their hearts can come to fruition unless we so increase our industrial efficiency that we can meet the demands of our own people—the ex-Service man and the old-age pensioner—and still have a large surplus that we can give away to those who are in greater need. It is for that increase in industrial efficiency that I make a special plea.
9.4 p.m.
For six hours we have had an interesting discussion on what my right hon. Friend the Member for Middlesbrough, East (Mr. Marquand) early in the debate described as the most important of all our problems. I do not intend to follow the speech of the hon. Member for Louth (Mr. Osborne), but I hope to develop certain arguments in answer to what he said.
A little while ago one of my hon. Friends said that the dangers were those of Communism in the underdeveloped countries. I ask myself the question, what is the alternative to Communism in the underdeveloped countries? I say quite candidly that it is mutual aid and mutual helpfulness among the nations of the world. There is no other alternative. The hon. Member for Rutherglen (Mr. Brooman-White) and the hon. Member for Louth asked how much we can give. It is impossible to set down in pounds, shillings and pence the amount that we can contribute to Malaya or Africa. The only way we can measure it is to give according to our ability and according to their needs.
I listened carefully to the Minister of State this afternoon. He made an excellent speech and I agreed with a great deal of what he said. He wound up by saying that he welcomed any prodding or any criticism from hon. Members, and I hope before I finish to give a little of both. He said that our aim was to alleviate the suffering of the backward areas. Everyone in this House, irrespective of party, will agree that that is a magnificent aim. It is not a question only of help, about which we are all agreed, but about other things as well.
Where we disagree is about the measure of the help that we are going to give. If we were to save £250 million on our armament programme, as was suggested by the hon. Member for Louth, and to spend it in the Colonies, we would be doing a world of good. As the Minister of State said, we can stop the growth of Communism in the Colonies only by helping them out of their present financial and economic difficulties.
When I saw on the Order Paper that we were to discuss world mutual aid, I myself these questions, What do we mean by that? How does the principle of mutual aid appeal to the people of this country? How can we put it into practice? What is the alternative? Those are the four questions that came to my mind, and I want in the few minutes at my disposal to elaborate upon some of them.
What is mutual aid? As far as one can understand, it is co-operation, good will, friendliness and neighbourliness among the nations of the world. We all agree with that and we will do all in our power to develop it. It is the law of Nature and a condition of all human progress. To my mind it is an important factor in the evolution of human society.
When we think of mutual aid, I cannot help but say that it is something for which the mothers of this nation are praying. They do not call it mutual aid, particularly those whose sons are about to go into the Forces. They realise that what we call mutual aid is the alternative to war, and if the opportunity is given to develop that system it will mean that their sons will be able to come home to them. It is a constructive principle which can drive out the fear that is eating into the minds and hearts of men and women not only of this country but of all the nations. Mutual aid will develop higher moral feelings and establish a sense of equality and justice between man and man and nation and nation. As far as one can see, it is the only soil in which world peace and friendship can thrive.
What does mutual aid not mean? It does not mean two or three nations ganging up against two or three other nations. It means all the nations forming a complete unit with the object of winning from nature in every part of the world what the soil is ready to give to mankind. It is to my mind an alternative to war, an alternative to dictatorship, and an alternative to poverty. The truth of these statements regarding mutual aid is too apparent to be denied. The issues of mutual aid are deeper and wider than we can imagine and will have far-reaching effects.
How do ordinary people react to this principle? I come from the working classes, I have lived amongst them all my life, and I have found them always ready to practise mutual aid for their friends and their neighbours. Anyone who has been in a mining area during a flood or an explosion or in time of sickness has seen displayed there the spirit of mutual aid. When a miner goes to the pit to help those below who are helpless, his wife watches him descend but does not protest, because she knows that he is going down to help his comrades.
The heart of the world is touched by mutual aid in times of storm, stress, explosion and pestilence. I remember reading that in the latter days of July, 1914, a team of German miners went across the frontier into France to save their French comrades in a pit where there had been an explosion. They went down there and sacrificed everything to save their French comrades. A week or two later fate decided that these men should be on opposite sides in the trenches, fighting against each other in mutual destruction instead of mutual aid. Even the animals have taught us how to develop mutual aid for self-preservation. Man appears to be the only animal who resorts to mutual destruction, and does it with the greatest skill which the best scientists can advise.
So far no speaker in this debate has told us what is the alternative to mutual aid. The alternative to mutual aid is mutual destruction. We have seen enough of that during the past decades. We have only to look round our cities to find how well we have accomplished that mutual destruction. We call it by the ugly name of war. Some people try to call it civilised war, but it is war nevertheless. I estimate that during the past three or four decades we have wasted £100,000 million of wealth and health in this mutual destruction of man by man.
I was shocked and a cold feeling ran down by spine as I listened to the Prime Minister reply to a question about the hydrogen bomb, which is 300 times more powerful and devilish than anything that we have had in the past. The tone of the Prime Minister contrasted strongly with the severity of his words. That is the mutual destruction which is the alternative to mutual aid. Does anyone wonder that there is a feeling of fear and panic among the peoples of the world?
There was published in the Press on Sunday a report which was as terrible in its way as anything that the Prime Minister told us. The inventor of the V.2, speaking at Dusseldorf, said that it would be possible to reach any point of the globe within 45 minutes with an atom-loaded rocket. That is the alternative to mutual aid. He also spoke of a system of mirrors which can be established in space to reflect on a city and so wholly destroy it. That is the alternative to the mutual aid which we have been discussing today.
The fear of the devastating strength of these weapons will maintain the peace. In future it will not be peace by strength but peace by fear of the effects of the unimaginable machines and bombs and gases that are being made today by our scientists. If we want a lasting peace it can be established, not by mutual destruction, not by the expenditure of £1,600 million a year on armaments, but only by mutual aid.
Today's debate brings hope especially to the colonial peoples and to the hungry and the oppressed. I try not to be sentimental when we are discussing the position of colonial peoples. I try to be practical and to realise that what we give them to raise their standard of living we give to ourselves, because it comes back to us in another way. We have learned recently that half of the 70,000 population of British Honduras are below the poverty line and that of the 5 million people of Malaya half are on or below the poverty line. One hon. Member said in this debate that this was not our responsibility. It is our responsibility to see that these people are fed, housed and clothed. We are our brothers' keepers, even if they live in the Colonies.
I am not blaming the Minister, I am not even blaming the Tory Government, I am blaming the system in which we have established mutual destruction instead of mutual aid. This House has heavy responsibilities to our Colonies. Those people are not here to defend themselves. They are not here to speak for themselves. If they were, they would tell us in no uncertain way how much we have taken from the Colonies and how little we have given. They would tell us that in a number of cases repression has moved on with lightning speed while reform has walked with feet of lead. There is a suspicion there which is very great at the moment. Mutual aid, in the right spirit, could break down that suspicion if we were honest with them. The Foreign Secretary in the Labour Government put it succinctly when he said we must put our cards on the table, face upwards, and that then we could break down suspicion.
Mutual aid can be given now to the Colonies, irrespective of their development. Hon. Members opposite say that many of our Colonies are not ready for self-government; but they are ripe and ready for mutual aid today. What is the choice before us? The choice is mutual aid, co-operation and friendship, or war, revolution, Mau Mau, bandits, Communism and poverty. Ninety-nine per cent, of the people of this country want the first; they want mutual aid; yet we spend so much on the alternative of mutual destruction.
It has been suggested that we ought to establish machinery for the purpose of helping our Colonies and helping the United Nations. We have a War Office; why is it that we cannot have an Office for Mutual Aid so that we can help people in distress? If there is to be a struggle, let us see that it is against the adverse forces of stubborn nature, and not a struggle between nations. The one will bring a fuller life, and the other desolation and death. The fittest may survive in a struggle between nations, but all can survive and all can flourish if we have co-operation and mutual aid throughout the world.
9.24 p.m.
I do not want to repeat any of the things I said in the debate on Thursday of last week. I made my attitude towards world mutual aid and technical assistance abundantly clear on that occasion, although I believe the hon. Member for Rugby (Mr. J. Johnson) had some doubt about it.
I begin by taking up my hon. Friend the Joint Under-Secretary of State on the offer he made on that occasion to send me and to any other hon. Member a copy of the United Nations Technical Assistance Programme for 1954. He said that there was a copy in the Library, but when I tried to get one I found it was not available, and it had not been available for 24 hours. It is somewhat aggravating to have to speak in the debate without being able to quote a document like that. If he can send me a copy, I hope he will do so in view of his promise on the last occasion.
On the general principle of world mutual aid, I wish to express the feeling that it is one of the tragedies of history that there are too many countries in the world which have been developed only when they have become involved, either directly or indirectly in a war. Great progress is made when a war takes place. Very often it is not particularly the sort of progress one wants to see. No doubt there are today many countries that have benefited because they were indirectly concerned in the last war through our wanting to use them as bases for troops or supplies. That is a haphazard kind of progress, and very often it is not lasting progress.
The days of obtaining allies for ourselves by overrunning other nations and compelling them to be our allies have gone. Today one should obtain one's allies by making it sufficiently attractive for a country to ally itself with one and co-operate with one. That is the way in which we do things in the 20th century. I believe it to be the great challenge of the 20th century for the Western world that it should do everything it possibly can to help the underdeveloped countries of the world. The people of this country must be warned that if we do not do so they face disaster, because it will not be long before the Communist countries will make it abundantly clear to those underdeveloped countries how badly off they are, and seek to exploit their poverty for their own ends.
One of the most important tasks is to educate the people of this country. There is not nearly enough realisation in this country of how the other half of the world lives. I do not want to discourage anything which is said by trade union leaders, but sometimes when I hear them telling their members how badly off they are and how much they need another increase of a shilling or two in pay, which is no doubt perfectly true in relation to this country, I wonder whether they realise what it is like to live in some of the equatorial countries and other parts of the world where the people have a standard of living that is in no way comparable to ours.
It is a situation which cannot last. It can only breed discontent and misery, and in the end it can do us a great deal of harm. The days are gone when such nations can be kept down by overrunning them militarily. Therefore, I would stress the need for a big campaign to educate the people of this country and to get them used to some of the things which have already been pointed out by my hon. Friend the Member for Louth (Mr. Osborne). To help other people usually means some sacrifice for oneself, and no Government will be prepared to tackle world mutual aid on a large scale if they think they will lose votes by it. It is not easy to persuade people that they must give up something to help other people.
I regard the United Nations as the correct and proper body to which this world mutual aid should be directed. Many of these points were made in the debate on Thursday last week. I thank the Minister of State for the friendly reception he gave to the delegation from the Parliamentary Group for World Government. I apologise for my absence on that occasion; it was due to illness. I was very glad to hear that my right hon. and learned Friend gave a friendly reception to the proposal for the development of a world economic development authority. I shall not go into the details of it now; I understand that my right hon. and learned Friend read out the paragraph dealing with what was proposed on that occasion. I hope he will give that his full support.
The possibility of that proposal will depend very largely on whether or not the United Nations can, in the coming years, be strengthened into something very nearly approaching a world authority—call it world government or any other name that is preferred. Something like that must come. Many of us in the Parliamentary Group for World Government pin great hopes on the next two years—1955 and 1956—when the whole question of the United Nations Charter revision comes up for consideration. Details may not be worked out until 1956, but I hope that when the time comes the British Government will try to include the question of a world economic development authority. It seems to me that that is a positive piece of development and progress.
I hope that, if there is any question of Charter revision, it will not go by the board because the discussion becomes bogged down by arguments about the abolition of the veto and things of that kind, which are far less important than the question of a world economic development authority. I will not go into the other points mentioned by the delegation, except to say that, if we are to have a world economic development authority, there must go with it some kind of United Nations police force, as proposed by the delegation on Thursday. We must have law and order if we wish to achieve development and progress.
In any development of the underdeveloped countries, the Christian churches have a part to play as well as the British Government. I do not know if any other hon. Member has mentioned it, but I make the point that material progress is not enough. One of the curses of the last 200 years has been that we have had material progress in the Western world which has far outstripped our spiritual and moral progress. We now have hydrogen bombs which can do vast damage, and we are worried about how they are to be used. That reveals something wrong with the moral and spiritual progress of the Western world. Let us try to keep the whole thing in step, and if the British Government do not feel capable of tackling that question, I think it is a job for the Christian churches. I hope that all the bishops and those responsible will take the matter to heart and see that they march in step with the work which we hope will be done by the British Government.
9.33 p.m.
I am conscious that we are all anxious, as the debate nears its close, to hear the concluding speeches, and although mine is possibly one of them, I feel that many hon. Members do not wish me to speak for very long, I shall oblige them by omitting as much as possible of what I intended to say, and I am wondering whether in so doing I shall succeed in retaining a certain amount of coherence in the thoughts I wish to express.
The very fact that we are discussing world mutual aid reminds me of a book which many of us may have read some years ago written by Prince Peter Kropotkin on the subject of "Mutual Aid." He endeavoured to refute the deduction, drawn by many people from the Darwinian interpretation of evolution, of a scientific justification for the wholesale exploitation of the then capitalist era. He endeavoured to point out that in the natural world there was much evidence of mutual aid as well as of strife between the species and that in the human world mutual aid was the means by which ultimately the human race could survive. Tonight as a contrast we are all united in pressing for world mutual aid in a way in which I am sure we should not have done 50 or 60 years ago. There is evidence of that measure of moral development, although I do not think it is merely moral development which has brought us to consider this question tonight.
More than once hon. Members have said that one of the reasons we must consider this possibility of world mutual aid is to avoid the expansion of Communism. Evidently fear not only of Communism but also of war is a stimulation to human thought and activity. On the other hand, that is certainly not enough, because unless we can supplement our natural fear of either Communism or war by a policy of what is best for mankind, then fear will overwhelm us in the end. That being so, the first thing we must recognise is that we are confronted today with the awakening need of some two-thirds of the human race whom we know are impoverished, diseased, ignorant and super- stitious. However, I hope we shall realise that this is not a modern problem. It is a very old one. There is an intrinsic poverty which has haunted human life from its earliest days. Locke's famous phrase about human life being "nasty, brutish and short" is very true.
I have noticed tonight an absence of the suggestion that the poverty of the rest of the world is merely due to exploitation by the European section of the human race. Although undoubtedly exploitation by Europeans has aggravated the situation, although undoubtedly our irresponsibility has allowed a great deal of misery to accumulate which might have been minimised, basically it is true that even if the Europeans had never intruded into China, Africa or Asia there would still have been an intrinsic poverty, a poverty belonging to the struggle of the human race for survival.
The struggle for survival which takes place in sub-human nature is continued in the human race itself, so that we are not facing a new problem, nor are we simply facing the by-product of our own misdoings. We are facing a very old problem which in some measure we have solved in this country and which has been solved in America. No one would suggest that American wealth, which is two to three times per head more than our own wealth, is basically due to American exploitation of the rest of the world. There are many things in America which I do not like, including the worship of material magnitude. At the same time, I must recognise that Americans have developed scientific industry and have fulfilled the hope of Dean Swift who eulogistically, in "Gulliver's Travels," spoke of the man who could make two blades of grass grow where one grew before, and added that he would then deserve more gratitude than the whole race of politicians put together.
We have now learned to multiply not only by two but by many times the blades of grass we can grow. In a world of industrial science we have seen in America an amazing increase in human productivity. We have seen the same in this country, with the result that, although our population is three times, or more, greater than it was at the beginning of the last century, we are not poorer. We are very much better off both absolutely and individually. That, again, has been due not substantially to the exploitation of the backward races of the world; undoubtedly that has made its contribution, but the main factor why this country is not in the same condition as Nigeria or any of the other backward areas is that, fortunately, not only have we had certain reserves of raw material such as coal, but also we have been able to apply industrial science successfully. Modern technology has saved or is saving us from the ancient curse of intrinsic poverty.
Therefore, the problem we have to face in the world is a problem which we have begun to solve in some measure in some parts of the world, and the solution must now be applied to the whole of the world. For that reason, I plead we should recognise that if we are to tackle the problem it is no good assuming that Europeans alone can do the trick or that the Americans, with their technological knowledge, can come forward and say, "We are going to save you from your poverty." That is not good enough.
There must be co-operation between those who have the resources and those who are to receive aid. Unless that cooperation takes place, there will, unfortunately, be grave suspicion and indeed resentment on the part of the backward areas of the world in the belief that possibly we are now coming forward rather late in the day to talk about mutual aid with some ulterior motive. Only if we can secure the confidence of these two-thirds of our fellow human beings to work with us in co-operation shall we really be able to implement the splendid ideals and aspirations which we now possess.
There is, of course, great cause for encouragement in the fact that during the last few years, particularly since the war, great developments have taken place. Do not let us forget what the Americans have done nor what we have done through our Colonial Welfare and Development Fund, our Development Corporations, in the initiation of the Colombo Plan and in a variety of other ways. Do not let us under-estimate the great psychological and technical value of the projects of the United Nations and, previously, the League of Nations—the World Health Organisation, the Food and Agriculture Organisation, U.N.E.S.C.O., U.N.I.C.E.F., and so on, in recent years. All of them may be small in their scope—indeed, they are far from what is needed—but they are indications of the way in which the world is moving, and we should take great encouragement from that trend.
Sir Herbert Broadley, Deputy Director-General of the Food and Agriculture Organisation, said last year:
The lamentable fact is that, in spite of all that has been done, the condition is, if anything, worse today than before the war. Few people realise that, whereas before the war it was estimated that 61·4 per cent, of the world's population had a daily calory intake of 2,200 or more, now only 40 per cent, of the world's population have that level of calory intake. This has to be linked with the fact that every day some 80,000 new mouths are waiting to be fed, that in 10 years the population of the world increases by 200 million, and that, through the advent of modern medicine and the spread of new methods of hygiene and sanitation, the whole problem becomes more acute. The sweeping away of malaria in some parts of the world means that the increase in population there becomes much greater than it was before and there is no corresponding increase in economic productivity.
That is why Pandit Nehru and his colleagues appear to be very worried by the situation in India. Although they have increased the expectancy of life at birth in India from 27 to 32 years, Mr. Nehru has had to admit that, despite the agricultural and other economic developments which have taken place in India, they are not keeping pace with human fertility.
Several references have been made to this situation. Some people draw an entirely wrong conclusion from it. They say that, that being so, the whole position is hopeless and that we cannot keep pace with it. However, in this country the population has increased three times, and yet there has been an even greater increase in our standard of life. Potentially, we can solve the problem.
President Eisenhower on 16th April, 1953, drew our attention to the potentialities of modern science wrongly disposed of and applied today in the manufacture of arms. I am not now arguing that we can or should do without arms. I am merely saying how President Eisenhower recognises that if we could secure a measure of drastic multilateral disarmament, for which the United Nations Disarmament Commission has been preparing for many months past, we could at least divert the potentialities of modern science which are now used for war purposes to meeting the great need to which I have referred. Said President Eisenhower:
If we want to see these ideals of mutual aid implemented, we must press for an agreement between the nations to carry out a measure of multilateral disarmament, and to do that, it seems to me we should approach the problem with due recognition of our own shortcomings but also not being so shamefaced as to assume or convey the idea that the fault lies entirely with the Western world. We have our shortcomings, we have our share of the blame and we have our responsibilities, but, on the other hand, we ought to realise that we ourselves were where others are now before modern science came to our aid.
It is not in any spirit of mutual recrimination that we should approach this matter, but in an effort to guide the peoples of the world so as to divert their energies from mutual destruction and absorb their thoughts and services in a common human purpose. If we can do that, if this nation can do it and if this Government can do it, I am sure in the greatest degree that this will be productive of a far richer and profounder response than all our appeals to fear or our calculations of expediency.
9.48 p.m.
The hon. Member for Leyton (Mr. Sorensen) has stirred up the memories of many of us by his reference to Peter Kropotkin's "Mutual Aid," which was very well known to our generation, but I should like to put it to the hon. Gentleman that the idea of mutual aid goes back even beyond Kropotkin. The speeches we have heard today have been on a very lofty level in references to world government, the United Nations and so on, and they have been very moving and inspiring to those who have lived to see the materialisation of some of these things, but I am content to look at what we have got and apply it to days gone by, because mutual aid did not begin with Kropotkin.
Our country has rendered such mutual aid way back over many years. The East India Company was a great piece of mutual aid, and where would India be today but for its efforts, carried out without any subsidies from a Government? Where would China be but for the China Association? What about the position in Burma? We have seen the disappearance from the horizon of very many of these developments. What about the Borneo Association and the South Africa Company?
My hon. Friend the Member for Heston and Isleworth (Mr. R. Harris) referred to the Christian Churches. What about the London Missionary Society and the noble work it has done in many parts of the world? It is still doing great service. What about Dr. Livingstone and John Williams, who surely, least of all, should be forgotten by the hon. Member for Eton and Slough (Mr. Fenner Brockway)?
There have been varied degrees of beneficence, and they were all without the aid of the Socialist-inspired theory of world government, or of the United Nations itself. That is all changed, because we have fought two world wars for liberty, and because of a theory, not of good will that we have propagated, but a theory of class war and mutual hatred, propagated throughout the world by those who have destroyed the very happy relationships that had been built up. These evils are to be laid not at the door of capitalism but of those who have disturbed and are disturbing the happiness of nations the whole world over.
The things of which I have spoken are now in the past. Two world wars and the loss of an Empire have deprived us of our former position, but we can look forward to other methods, some of which we are at present using, to give nations the benefit of our knowledge. We need not go to the public purse to the extent we are doing to subsidise the extravagant proposals of the United Nations. We should strengthen British industry and let it do more for the happiness of the world. Do hon. Members realise that the Singer Sewing Machine Company has done more for human happiness than the League of Nations and the United Nations put together? The manufacturers of bicycles in Birmingham, capitalist organisations, are doing more for human happiness than the United Nations. The British-American Tobacco Company has raised the standard of living all over the world for the people who help to produce tobacco.
These are all expressions of mutual aid. What about the Imperial Chemical Industries Limited, about which no good word has been said on the other side? That organisation has raised and is raising the standard of living. What about the Dun-lop Rubber Company, employing more than 93,000 people? Is that not an example of mutual aid, getting nothing from the Exchequer and doing more than world government will do in ten centuries? What about Monsanto, which is one of the greatest dollar earners? What about the tea companies in Ceylon and India, the coffee companies in Kenya, and the Ford Company? There is a long and glorious record of mutual aid under British capitalism. The list of its organisations is so long that I cannot possibly give all the details.
Let us not throw away the proven instruments and tools of the great past in favour of one put forward by hon. Gentlemen on the other side. I do not despise their suggestions, but it would be folly in a practical world and in our impoverished condition for us to throw away large sums of money in the way suggested. I make a plea. We remember that there was a certain man who used what he had, instead of waiting for something better. We have these great industries and enterprises, both here and in the United States, which have proved their capacity for raising the standard of living. Are we to truncate them by taxation or limit them by foolish policies and so deprive ourselves of them? No.
Let us go forward and use these instruments and increase their usefulness, so as to strengthen the economic basis of their own country. Let us raise our standards here so as to make them richer and more powerful. [ Interruption. ] If the hon. Baronet the Member for Gravesend (Sir R. Acland) wants to interrupt my peroration, I will sit down for one minute.
I only regret that the hon. Gentleman was not present in the earlier part of the debate when some of us were referring to the most recent report on the flow of private capital. It shows beyond doubt that it is not that which is doing the work of developing the underdeveloped countries, which now needs to be done. I will send the hon. Gentleman a copy of the report after he has finished his peroration.
I heard the hon. Gentleman's speech, in which he made an elaborate calculation to prove that only £40 million was available for British investment. The hon. Gentleman had one new gesture with his hands and his mannerisms have somewhat improved. Now perhaps I may resume my peroration.
Here is British industry, which has been made the butt of unfair criticism tonight from hon. Gentlemen opposite. That is the instrument which has made Britain great in the past. It has made the world free. That instrument, fortified and strengthened, can still make Britain strong.
9.55 p.m.
The hon. Member for Edinburgh, South (Sir W. Darling) said several times that he did not disagree with many of the sentiments expressed from both sides of the House during the debate, but from what I understood of his speech I thought he was throwing a certain amount of disdain in this direction.
I made my position quite clear. I am more proud of the past than certain of the future.
That is a point which I cannot argue. I do not wish to follow the hon. Gentleman in the devious ways which he travelled in his short speech. What I want to say can be said very shortly. I thought we ought to lay more emphasis—and I think the hon. Member for Edinburgh, South will share this view—on what we in this country have accomplished towards the development of the underdeveloped areas, particularly in our Commonwealth and Empire.
May I speak of the very substantial development which has taken place since the war? Even in our darkest economic days, when we in this country were living on meagre food rations and had not the wherewithal to obtain food supplies for our people, we were prepared to devote millions of pounds from our resources towards assisting and developing less fortunate people. May I remind hon. Members opposite of their attitude at that time? The Colonial Development and Welfare Fund was particularly bitterly attacked by hon. Members opposite.
In those dark economic days, just after the war, hon. Members opposite attacked violently and bitterly the expenditure of money on these colonial enterprises. They picked out small discrepancies and small failures from very large speculative investments through the Colonial Development and Welfare Fund, constantly exaggerating them and putting them in that way to the general public. I suggest that they did more harm by that type of propaganda than by anything else to these ideas to which they have paid lip service during this debate. We all regret that very much.
Would the hon. Gentleman describe £36 million as a small discrepancy?
I should not describe it as a small discrepancy, but equally I should not exaggerate the loss of £1 million or £2 million in a colonial venture of a very substantial and speculative kind, nor should I regard that as the complete failure of the colonial developments schemes. Yet that is what I have often heard hon. Members opposite do in the House; they have described the whole thing as a complete failure.
The opening speeches from the Government side of the House today did not inspire us to keep these important problems before our minds. We were told, and the suspicion grew in our mind as the Minister of State spoke, that the Government were intending substantially to cut this country's contribution to the United Nations organisation responsible for this relief work. We were left with the impression that the Government's enthusiasm for this work we have been discussing today was very rapidly dwindling. That impression is very disconcerting to many of us. I hope that the Minister who is to reply will reassure us in that direction.
Another point which I want to put forward was raised by my hon. Friend the Member for Swindon (Mr. T. Reid). He pointed out this important fact, that even in the under-developed countries we can point our finger at places where the responsible authorities are in no way concerned, or so it appears to us, with the proper economic and social development of those countries. He instanced the huge revenues that are being derived from the exploitation of oil in the Middle East, and he questioned very seriously what was being done with the hundreds of millions of pounds that are coming in in the form of oil revenue. It is perfectly obvious that these underdeveloped countries themselves are not acting in a proper way in the development of their own resources. They are afraid that many millions coming into the oil companies are being squandered completely frivolously.
My hon. Friend the Member for Middlesbrough, East (Mr. Marquand) pointed out that the average income per year of each person living in the British Empire and Commonwealth is about £50. That seems to me to be a good measure of the problem confronting us even within our own Commonwealth and Empire, and not taking into account the huge problems related to China, the Far East and South America.
To increase that income by four is the least at which we can put the figure. Fifty pounds a year must in the initial stages be reduced substantially because of the necessity for capital investment to create the productive capacity to raise the income generally within our own particular field. Therefore, the immediate position is that, if we choose to make any substantial contribution, we must inevitably reduce the income of each member of the British Commonwealth of Nations by at least £3 or £4 a year, bringing the average in the initial stages to £45 or £47 a year. That is the extent of the sacrifice we should have to make to produce sufficient wealth to increase the standard of living within our own particular orbit of influence. That is the measure of the problem. We recognise that very little spectacular progress is to be made. It is a matter for earnest and persistent attention and development over many years.
I make this plea that, because the problem is large, that should not be an excuse for not tackling it. Do we refrain and delay, so the problem becomes larger and larger. Therefore, my appeal is this. We should recognise that we cannot do much immediately of a spectacular kind, but we can start and start effectively, given the necessary will and enthusiasm.
10.5 p.m.
I think it will be agreed from both sides of the House that we have had a useful debate. The hon. Member for Esher (Mr. Robson Brown) said that on these occasions the House is at its best, and that has been particularly true of this debate. The speeches by my right hon. Friend the Member for Derby, South (Mr. Noel-Baker) and by the Minister of State, although I shall have much to say in criticism of that speech, and those by my right hon. Friend the Member for Middlesbrough, East (Mr. Marquand), the hon. Member for Bournemouth, East and Christchurch (Mr. N. Nicolson), the hon. Member for Merioneth (Mr. T. W. Jones) and my hon. Friend the hon. Member for Newcastle-upon-Tyne, East (Mr. Blenkinsop), not to mention others, were some of the most notable utterances I have heard in this Chamber.
That is appropriate, because in my view we have been discussing one of the three biggest issues in world affairs. The biggest issue of all, perhaps, is war or peace, because if war comes everything good would go. The second is racial equality or discrimination, because unless there be racial equality there can never be permanent harmony in the world. But the third big issue is world hunger or world planned production. With the increasing population, to which my hon. Friend the Member for Leyton (Mr. Sorensen) has referred, unless we vastly increase the food production of the world, millions who are now hungry will become starving and millions more will become hungry. Therefore, the problem which we have discussed tonight is one of the most important for the future of the peoples of the world.
I was disappointed by the speech of the Minister of State. He said that there was no difference in policy between us, but only a difference in emphasis and degree. But, surely, there may be such a difference in emphasis and degree that it becomes a difference in policy. In my view, it becomes all the difference in the world.
My right hon. Friends the Members for Derby, South and Middlesbrough, East and others have emphasised the width and urgency of this problem. I only propose to make a short reference to further facts. In its Second World Food Survey, the Food and Agriculture Organisation said that the percentage of the total population of the globe which is definitely undernourished has risen from 38·6 per cent, before the war to 59·5 per cent, two years ago.
The Minister of State has taken pride in what has been done on this issue in the Colonies. I propose therefore, to read to the House facts which are given in the Special Study on Social Conditions in Non-Self-Governing Territories, published last month by the United Nations. They give these facts for Kenya. Even when allowance has been made for the value of subsistence farming which does not pass through the cash market, the per capita income among Africans in Kenya, 1949, was £5 18s. a year. The per capita income of non-Africans in the Colony was £205 15s. a year.
Then there are the figures for Northern Rhodesia. In addition to the figures on the table, there is the estimate given on the next page for the subsistence value of food production. Adding these, the per capita income of Africans in Northern Rhodesia was £10 6s. a year. The per capita income of non-Africans was £486 16s. There are Asian countries where the standard of life of the majority of the population is even lower than that. When those are the conditions of two-thirds of the population of the world, it should surely be a most urgent matter which should have the attention of the House in order to try to prevent conditions getting worse than they are.
It is true that in the latest report of the Food and Agriculture Organisation, which is entitled "The State of Food and Agriculture" published in 1953, it is shown that for the first time since 1939 the world production of food has caught up with the growth of the world's population. That is a fact to be welcomed, and one pays one's tribute to the work of the Food and Agriculture Organisation as well as to the many independent activities.
But the expansion of food production has been very uneven. It has occurred largely in areas which already reach a high level of agricultural development, whereas many of the underdeveloped areas are worse off for food than they were before the war. In North America the expansion of food production has outstripped the population growth. In the Far East the food consumption figures are even lower than they were before the war despite the fact that the world production of food has increased.
The first difference between the point of view of those of us on the Opposition benches and those on the Government side of the House is seen in the very delightfully expressed speech of an old friend of mine, the hon. Member for Edinburgh, South (Sir W. Darling). The view on the opposite benches is that the economic development of the Colonies and the underdeveloped territories must come primarily from the investment of private capital. Frequently it has been argued from the benches opposite, particularly by the Colonial Secretary, that the investment of private capital must be the main means of economic development in the Colonies.
The hon. Gentleman might say that it is the view not only of hon. Members of this House but also of the Prime Minister of the Gold Coast.
I shall not be diverted from my main argument except to say that when my friend Dr. Kwame Nkrumah stepped out of prison to become Prime Minister, his first duty was to judge whether he should accept or reject a proposal for the development of the Colony. That plan, which had been worked out by economists sent from this country, had as its main theme that the Gold Coast must be developed by private enterprise. He and his Cabinet rejected it and that does not bear out what the hon. Gentleman has suggested.
rose —
No, the hon. Gentleman has made his interruption. He must allow me to reply. I shall not be diverted further from my argument.
It is an old dodge.
That view, that the main development in the Colonies must come from the investment of private capital, places the Minister of State and the hon. Gentleman in a dilemma from which they cannot escape. The appalling social conditions in the Colonies throw up revolutionary movements which deter the investment of private capital. The hon. Member for Gravesend (Sir R. Acland) quoted a phrase from Mr. Chester Bowles' "Ambassador's Report," a copy of which was also sent to me. He was the American Ambassador at New Delhi, and he wrote: there has been in Kenya, or the movements which there have been in Malaya, in British Honduras or in British Guiana, and that those movements prevent the investment of private capital, obviously we are in a vicious circle and cannot get out of it by the private enterprise methods for which hon. Gentlemen opposite stand.
The Minister of State acknowledged that position. He said that in these Colonial Territories political concessions—
I said "political consciousness," not "concessions."
I hope the right hon. and learned Gentleman will forgive me, it is my bad writing.
The Minister of State said that in these countries political consciousness is in advance of economic conditions. I submit that is an argument not for slowing down political advance, but for speeding up economic progress, because national consciousness is there in those Colonies. It is the most intense thing in all their minds. If we leave in the Colonies the present appalling conditions we shall have the kind of explosions that are taking place in Kenya and British Guiana and which may take place in British Honduras. I submit, therefore that we must be very bold in our improvement of economic conditions in these countries if we are to avoid a situation of that kind.
If one comes to that conclusion one must face the fact that the investment of private capital will not meet the most urgent needs in those countries. Those most urgent needs are fivefold. They are first, agricultural development—new techniques, new seeds, fertilisers, D.D.T. sprayers, tractors, bulldozers, ploughs, pumps, drugs and antibiotics; secondly, higher health and educational standards; thirdly, villages built round light industries; fourthly, community projects of the kind that are to be found in India; and, fifthly, major economic projects such as dams, power plants, railways, roads, public utilities and mineral development.
Only one of those most urgent needs—mineral development with its early and high returns—attracts private capital. Every other feature of the urgent needs in the Colonies and the underdeveloped territories to lift the standard of life of the people must be met by public effort, either by this Government or by the United Nations. Private capital is completely incapable of going to the rescue of two-thirds of the world's population who are in this condition of destitution.
Is it not a fact that Mr. Nehru will not accept either private or public capital from any other country because he objects to any form of political domination?
I shall be able to answer that as I go on, because my argument will be in favour of United Nations assistance.
He will not accept even that.
Oh, yes.
The hon. Member opposite is quite wrong. The Prime Minister of India has been indicating his intention only to receive a small percentage of the American aid that he is offered because he does not want particular pressure and influence by another country. He has not said the same thing about aid from the United Nations as a whole through an economic authority. Indeed, the Indian representative on the United Nations has taken a leading part in the matter of world economic aid.
He has had hundreds of millions of dollars from the International Bank.
The Minister of State also laid great emphasis on Empire and Commonwealth aid rather than United Nations assistance. I submit that no one Government is capable of dealing with the great problem which has been described in this debate. It so happens that Britain is responsible for the administration of 80 million peoples abroad, but their condition is the concern of the whole world. If we fail, as we must fail if we attempt to tackle that problem ourselves, then, obviously, the world will condemn us. I suggest that it is good policy and good sense to welcome every tendency towards United Nations responsibility in this matter.
That brings me to ask how it is to be done. The first method is that of technical assistance and the Specialised Agencies of the United Nations. My right hon. Friend the Member for Derby, South dealt in great detail with technical assistance. I hope that the Government will listen to the appeal which was made by my hon. Friend the Member for Newcastle-upon-Tyne, East regarding the specialised agencies. It is ironic that this country should be only contributing to technical assistance and the specialised agencies of the United Nations £651,300 a year, which is less than the cost of two bombers.
The hon. Member is quite wrong when he says, "To the specialised agencies and Technical Assistance Programme." It is £2 million to the Specialised Agencies.
I apologise if I have made a mistake, but the amount given for technical assistance is less than the figure I quoted.
It is £650,000 to the United Nations for technical assistance and £400,000 for the Colombo Plan.
I thank the right hon. and learned Gentleman. But, even if we accept all those figures—
Do not deceive the House.
My hon. Friend leaves that to the hon. Gentleman.
As I hope the hon. Gentleman knows. I have no intention of misleading the House at all. That is shown by the fact that I am so easily corrected.
Secondly, and here I want to lay my greatest emphasis, there is the assistance from the Special United Nations Fund for Economic Development. My right hon. Friend the Member for Derby, South suggested that it was vulgarly called "Sunfed." I dislike names by initials, but it seems to me that "S.U.N.F.E.D." is a very happy title for the assistance which would be given through this new organisation. Proposals for the establishment of this international fund and for the appointment of a general council representing from eight to 12 Governments appointed by 30 participating Governments were quite unanimous by nine nations.
The recommendations were not binding upon the governments, but not only was there Sir Cyril Jones from this country, but Mr. Wayne C. Taylor from America, the President of the Export and Import Bank and the former Under-Secretary for Commerce. The proposal of that scheme is that there should be a special fund of 250 million dollars to be contributed by 30 countries. I understand that the British share in that would be 25 million dollars.
I suggest to this House that the scheme is so reasonable that it ought to have had the support of us all. Under the leadership of the United States Government this scheme and this aid have been put off until sufficient progress has been made in internationally supervised world-wide disarmament. I think it a deplorable thing that the British representatives should have backed the American representatives in postponing this hopeful scheme.
If the British Government on that occasion had said, "We will go ahead" and had sought to get the support of 30 other nations—which might have been possible from Scandinavia, from Europe even one or two from South America as well as other parts of the world—that council could have been established. Had we done that, we should have given a leadership to the whole world in mutual aid. Instead of that, we have surrendered to the American view on this matter and have lost this great opportunity of making that contribution.
We have been challenged by hon. Members opposite to say whether, in our view, some reduction in the defence programme is necessary in order to meet the cost of this kind of proposal, and our answer is, "Yes." We voted against the White Paper on Defence. I have not time to quote at length the relevant passages from the speech of my right hon. Friend the Leader of the Opposition, and I will read only two sentences: £120 million a year, there is every case for that adjustment.
rose —
I have been interrupted many times and I want to conclude.
I emphasise strongly that the possibilities of Communist expansion today are much more in the economic field than in the military field. Where there is poverty, disease, illiteracy and an awakening of national consciousness, there is all the fertile ground for Communist development. The hungry man cares little for liberties of mind and of spirit. While we here place the highest values on the liberties of personality, thought and speech, which are contrary to the Communist expression of totalitarianism, the man who is semi-starved and physically without opportunity will, naturally, respond to the Communist appeal. In our view, the balance between military expenditure and mutual aid is all wrong in attempting to contain Communism.
If there were no Communist on the earth, the duty of mutual aid would remain. It is our moral duty. It is our return for some of the exploitation which there has been of these people. The hon. Member for Louth (Mr. Osborne) asked whether we would be prepared to make sacrifices to obtain mutual aid, and I say to him, if we take the Indian worker on a wretched wage growing tea; the Kenyan labourer working on 3s. to 4s. 6d. a week growing coffee; the workers in the sugar plantations, in appalling conditions, in British Guiana; the timber workers in North Honduras, and if we do justice to them and pay them will we recognise that the cost of those products will rise.
We on this side of the House will be as prepared to go to the people of this country and say they must do justice to the producers as we were prepared in the case of the miners, when they were relieved from the exploitation of the private ownership of mines. That must obviously be a part of our propaganda. It is not merely what we say in this House; it is what we said at the last Labour Party Conference. We said:
When I joined the Socialist movement, nearly 50 years ago, the motive for doing so was that two-thirds of the population of this country were impoverished and only about one-tenth were rich. That is now the condition of the world, of which about two-thirds are impoverished, and one-third is comfortable, of whom one-tenth is rich. Exactly the same spirit of human brotherhood and social solidarity which led us to desire Socialism for our own country must now lead us to demand that the policy of Socialism and equality shall be extended to all the peoples of the world.
10.37 p.m.
Every hon. and right hon. Member who has followed this debate will, I think, agree that we have had some very lofty speeches and have spent quite a part of the afternoon in the spiritual stratosphere. The debate has covered just about the whole gamut of the problems of the human race, metaphysical as well as material. However hard I tried, I could only give the briefest perspective at the end of a debate of some seven hours.
The effort which has been put into the debate has been well worth while. Though many of us feel that the narrow debate is generally the best, there are occasions when we feel that we should lift our eyes to the hills. When I heard that this debate was coming on I, no doubt like other hon. Members, looked at the Motion on the Order Paper in the name of the hon. Baronet the Member for Gravesend (Sir R. Acland). It sets out some general matters from which few hon. Members would dissent. Its terms are the constant preoccupation of Her Majesty's Government, and would be indeed of any Government which was in office in this country.
Perhaps I might say a word in all humility about one or two of the metaphysical points which have been touched on before I come to the more material problems which are possibly within the control of the Government. I hope that nobody will accuse me of pontificating, and I promise to tread very delicately on what I know are thorny and controversial problems.
There is no exact category which is "underdeveloped country." There are underdeveloped areas in most countries and in most countries generally described as "underdeveloped" there are religions other than the Christian. Many of the religions, in my experience and from what I have read, set less store on material progress than do we in the West. I was interested in what the right hon. Member for Derby, South (Mr. Noel-Baker) said, that people in the Far East had had enough of fatalism—or whatever we like to call it—and were demanding a higher standard of living. In the past there has been a general fatalism towards material shortages such as famine, and pestilence, as being due to divine Providence in the course of a cosmic plan.
One feature about which we may do something is population control. The hon. Member for Swindon (Mr. T. Reid) made his usual good speech on the sort of subjects which we have been discussing. Again, on the status of women, this greatly affects social and material standards which are in many territories only one aspect of a fundamentally different approach to life to that which many of us in the West have. I believe that we may have to change quite a lot out there before material standards can be substantially altered for the better.
Perhaps it would not be entirely inappropriate on this occasion to say a few words, in reference to the status of women, about what happens in other parts of the world which are generally regarded by most of us as fairly well developed. For instance, there is the great North American sub-continent where, owing to the status of women, to use anthropological terms, society is largely matriarchal these days.
With the incidence of things like washing machines, very few women will allow their husbands to make them continue antiquated methods of washing. Possibly this pressure on the husband is one of the reasons for raising the standard of living, but I believe that it is this sort of approach which, developed elsewhere in other parts of the world, may help to raise the standard of living from what it is today.
I have touched on these points in all humility. I do not want to go any wider on that. I want to restrict myself to some of the material factors over which we can exercise some control. Whatever our metaphysical aims may be, everybody in the House is agreed that we should put all our efforts into obtaining minimum standards of food, shelter, clothing and health for the population of the world as a whole.
As I mentioned recently in a debate on technical aid, careful selection of individual projects, by doing a lot starting from quite a little, can produce a significant result. For instance, the introduction of four experts in Afghanistan has paid a major dividend in reducing rinderpest in that country. Our maximum effort should be applied to this problem for the rest of our lives. I do not think that anybody thinks that we can solve the problem quickly. There has been no suggestion of that kind in the House. I have heard the assumption that the population of Africa will double in the next 30 or 35 years, but at present I do not know where the double food supply will come from.
What is the aim of all of us, and certain of Her Majesty's present advisers? It is, first, to play our world rôle as in the past, maintaining freedom and peace. I believe that we have no future except as part of a world system, and by maintaining our position in the world to the mutual advantage of people overseas to earn our food and raw materials to enable us to keep 50 million people in this country and, in return, to sell manufactured goods and services. That will help us to keep 50 million people and assist those overseas to raise their standards of living.
How are we to set about this task? These problems are much more immediate owing to the tremendous development of modern communications both physical and mental. Aircraft and newspapers bring the people of the world more closely together. I was struck, on a recent visit to the Middle East, with the development of radio. People who are illiterate can gather round in the evening and listen to a radio from some central point. This has introduced the possibility of spreading education, in its broadest sense, to an extent which we did not appreciate before the war. We are more involved and more interested at home, and there is also a greater interest in this country and its problems.
I do believe that in a debate of this nature, we have to stress this word "mutual". There has been some tendency towards thinking that everything is to be one way only; that we are concerned simply with a hand-out from this country, but, economically and morally, this country cannot go on handing out without some return. We do not seek an exact monetary balance at any particular time, but only some balance of mutual aid and not simply a hand-out on the part of the better organised, the more skilful, and the harder worked. This aspect, perhaps, has not been sufficiently stressed today.
I should like now to say a word, not perhaps nearly so readily acceptable, in support of what has been done by this country in the past. I think that there is too much of a tendency today for people to say that Britain has not played an important part in the development of overseas territories. My hon. Friend the Member for Edinburgh, South (Sir W. Darling), who always makes such forceful and charming speeches, has illustrated this point in an admirable manner; in a way in which I can never hope to do.
In one respect alone, that of development of communications, in the 19th and early 20th centuries, this country has done so much. We have been told of the development of American railways, and of British engineers in bowler hats actually working on the tracks. My hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Arundel and Shoreham (Captain Kerby) made a speech a day or two ago about what we left in Russian between 1914 and 1917; I have heard its value estimated at £400 million at 1914 prices. More recently, we have heard of what has been lost to this country in China; more than £200 million, and, in addition, we have in that respect to remember the treatment of our personnel.
The treatment of our British friends in many areas, and taxation at home and abroad, are things which will not encourage private money, even if private savings are possible today, in equity investment, which is, of course, what is needed. I might add a point which will appeal at least to the hon. Member for Eton and Slough (Mr. Brockway); and that is the treatment of our missionaries in China. It is said that technicians and the like are needed, but the treatment of the missionaries does not tend to turn public opinion in this country towards helpfulness.
It is self-help which we are all aiming at through so many of these programmes; a plan to help the underdeveloped territories to help themselves. Many of the projects attempted are already helping to create domestic savings within those countries, and, therefore, those countries wish to attract overseas capital from Britain or elsewhere to help in that development. But, whatever hon. Members opposite may say, the bulk of investment will come from private sources; for, despite six and a half years of Socialism, the great bulk of investment remains in private hands. The best methods, in my opinion, are the mutual aid of ordinary trade, and much of the day-to-day social intercourse of exchange—that is, by means which are not Government inspired or financed. The Government, where necessary or possible, can prime the pump as a means to an end. They can create the conditions in which self-help can be created.
We have had two good debates on the Extended Technical Aid Programme in the last six weeks, and I believe that in all quarters of the House there is a general appreciation of what has been done and what can be done under that heading. How especially can we in this country help, and where? I think we can all pride ourselves on what has been done in this country since 1945, not only to set our own affairs straight, but to help others. When hon. Members read the speech of my right hon. and learned Friend and see the staggering total that he revealed as having gone, in one form or another, in unrequited exports, as it were, from this country, in capital, investment, releases of sterling balances, and so on—according to my estimate, a total for 1953 approaching £200 million—I think we can congratulate ourselves on what we have succeeded in doing.
I will not repeat those figures, but I just wish to underline what my right hon. and learned Friend said. We in this country, and certainly in the party to which I belong, are putting the Commonwealth and Empire as our priority. It still covers about a quarter of the world's surface and contains about a quarter of the world's population. I believe that it is still the greatest and best practicable world organisation the world has ever known, and our determination to continue our work to secure freedom from want and economic freedom is the best practicable mutual aid system that has been developed.
My right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer in attending the Commonwealth Finance Ministers Conference, as he does at regular intervals, has given a lead to the Commonwealth as a whole which has been most useful not only to ourselves but to those outside the Commonwealth.
I should like to say a word about the World Bank, because I believe that it is using many of the methods of British banks in the 19th century up to the beginning of the 20th century when the world was economically freer than it has been since the end of the first war. Its methods are based on good commercial principles and it deserves every encouragement, and I was delighted to hear support from hon. Members opposite for Mr. Eugene Black who has been doing an outstanding job of work as its President. Although his name is not as well known in public as it should be, I believe that when the history of these years is written his ability will be recognised as being one of the decisive factors.
The World Bank manages to keep on the narrow edge between ordinary overseas commercial transactions which, without Government support, would often get into difficulties, and, on the other hand, Government investment which so often brings accusations of political motives and intervention. I believe that the World Bank has succeeded very well in steering between these two pitfalls.
In general, as my right hon. and learned Friend said earlier, we feel that in the present circumstances existing agencies for aid are adequate, though they obviously need constant and careful watching the whole time. We believe, too, that the United Kingdom's resources are stretched to the limit until substantial disarmament can be achieved. We on this side of the House claim as much good will as any hon. Members opposite for what we want to do for these territories overseas, whether within the Commonwealth and Empire or outside.
The hon. Gentleman seems to be coming towards the end of his speech without answering a single question that has been put from this side of the House on some matters about which we feel very deeply. Is he not going to answer any of those questions?
If the hon. Gentleman will contain himself I will come to that in a moment, but I wish to make these points first.
As I said, we on this side of the House claim as much as hon. Members opposite for giving tactful and effective help to these people overseas. As was pointed out by my right hon. and learned Friend, our contribution to the United Nations Children's Fund is double that which hon. Gentlemen opposite saw fit to give. I think we in this country may well be proud of what we have done in the past years.
I shall come now to the more detailed points put by hon. Members opposite, without any further prodding. The right hon. Member for Derby, South, the hon. Member for Gravesend and the right hon. Member for Middlesbrough, East (Mr. Marquand) talked about a world development authority. The right hon. Member for Middlesbrough, East envisaged a supreme world authority to which all other agencies should transfer their activities. We believe that his would lead to a vast bureaucracy. Our policy is to go on as we are and to consider S.U.N.F.E.D. when there are adequate funds provided.
The proposal was considered by the 13th session of the Economic and Social Council in July, 1941. The two hon. Members who represented the Government at that time have not spoken in this debate and I do not blame them for that. The delegation played a leading part in turning down this proposal on the grounds that the false hopes of underdeveloped countries should not be raised, and that the proposal for substantial grants-in-aid to underdeveloped countries had no practical reality without the support of the United States. The United Kingdom
I should like to refer to S.U.N.F.E.D. and emphasise what has already been said by my right hon. and learned Friend. The final result last summer was that the Governments of the members of the United Nations
My hon. Friend the Member for Windsor (Mr. Mott-Radclyffe) challenged the hon. Member for Eton and Slough, and took up the point of wages in the tea plantations. It will be interesting to see whether as time passes, if hon. Members opposite challenge us that tea prices have gone up, they will be prepared to admit that this may be at least partly due to the fact that the wages of those who work on the tea estates have also gone up.
The hon. Baronet raised a point also about S.U.N.F.E.D. and suggested that a percentage of our annual expenditure on armaments should be allocated to the Fund. The U.S.S.R. has never supported S.U.N.F.E.D. It has long been opposed to the expanding Technical Aid Pro- gramme, and has only just offered, last July, a contribution to the Expanded Technical Aid Programme, on condition that it was not used through the Specialised Agencies The House must remember, although some hon. Members find it difficult, that Russia is a member of a number of these bodies.
If the hon. Baronet will forgive me, I shall not take up time in following him into many of the points he raised. He tends to mislead people of the underdeveloped lands by laying all responsibility on Her Majesty's Government for world poverty, saying that it is entirely the fault of the Government and particularly of the Tory Party. The hon. Baronet sometimes has a good point, but practically always ruins it by exaggeration. This time, he exaggerated a bad point.
The hon. Baronet advocated the allocation of £30 million a year in convertible sterling. I do not know whether he wants to be Financial Secretary to the Treasury in a very distant Socialist Government, but before he makes that sort of suggestion he might refer these points to his right hon. Friend the Member for Leeds. South (Mr. Gaitskell) to see whether that kind of project would be possible. The hon. Baronet spoke of a conflict of principle rather than a matter of degree Of course, had there been a conflict of principle, we would surely have stopped subscribing altogether to these United Nations funds.
My hon. Friend the Member for Rutherglen (Mr. Brooman-White) made a particularly valuable point, which, I am sure, will be appreciated by the Development Division of the British Middle East Office, about the value in underdeveloped countries, especially in the Middle East, of individuals from the outside world, and what can be done by one good man who has the confidence of local people. It has very often been my experience that those who own large herds of animals are mistrustful of people who come along with needles and want to shove them into their animals. The hon. Member for Swindon pointed out that we cannot really relieve the 1,500 million people of poverty, but that we can help and that we have worked very hard over the last 50 years. The hon. Member made the point, which I have already stressed, about population control.
My hon. Friends the Members for Esher (Mr. Robson Brown), and Bourne- mouth, East and Christchurch (Mr. N. Nicolson) stressed that the Government would not withhold one penny which it could afford for the United Nations and development. My hon. Friend the Member for Bournemouth, East and Christ-church said that we are as keen as anyone and the Government does not resent pressure. I assure him that we do not resent pressure or Members on this side putting their views frankly to us. I hope they are well aware that we have this good will, even if some hon. Members opposite deny it to us.
I was pleased that one or two Members, particularly my hon. Friend the Member for Louth (Mr. Osborne), referred to the part played by the United States Government in making grants since 1945, to the extent of 41,000 million dollars. Generosity like this has never before been seen, and we should acknowledge what the United States have done when we think of what we have done also.
I am sorry that I have kept the hon. Member for Newcastle-upon-Tyne, East (Mr. Blenkinsop) anxiously waiting. He made some interesting remarks about Malaya and Afghanistan and the value of D.D.T., particularly in the islands, saying that malaria had been wiped out in Cyprus, with a resulting improvement in productivity. The fact that the man who helped to do this came from Haiti and understood the meaning of the word "mutual" is encouragement to quite a lot of us.
Activities such as irrigation of the Nile Valley, the 70 million acres in India before the war, the Tennessee Valley Authority, all have irrigation engineers who can help each other to get on and work out their problems together.
I am sorry that the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Llanelly (Mr. J. Griffiths) has gone, because it was the first time I had heard that it is a proposal of the Opposition that 1 per cent, of the national income should be set aside for these overseas purposes. From my rough estimate this means £120 million a year in, one assumes, convertible sterling across the balance of payments. I wonder whether this has been approved by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Leeds, South and, whether it has or has not, I feel that this is the sort of prior knowledge which caused the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Dundee, West (Mr. Strachey) to write the remarkable article he did in the "New Statesman" about a month or so ago.
I am sorry that my hon. Friend the Member for Heston and Isleworth (Mr. R. Harris) did not get a copy of the report of the Technical Aid Board in time—
I am sorry to interrupt, but the hon. Gentleman was apologising for keeping me waiting on tenterhooks, yet he has still not answered the clear point I put to him, which I thought had general support in all parts of the House. It was, what are the Government prepared to do to help guarantee funds for the World Health Organisation?
I think that was answered, as was the point on the technical aid, by my right hon. and learned Friend when he said that our action does not stop forward planning. General action by all the countries concerned may in some ways restrict forward planning, but there is so little general support—only one country has said it will do so—that we are not prepared to follow the suggestion made by the hon. Gentleman.
The hon. Gentleman is not dealing with this point at all fairly. I put the narrow practical point, which only amounts at the maximum to a contribution from this country of £1 million, to deal with the projects which the W.H.O. cannot deal with at the moment. I asked whether Her Majesty's Government could not guarantee at least to provide the funds to enable those to go forward, whatever other countries did. Surely that much can be said.
No, we cannot undertake individually as a country those projects which the United Nations itself collectively is not prepared to support and finance. We have an enormous amount in our own territories to carry on and we are not prepared to pick out these individual projects and support them.
Are the Government prepared to propose that the budget of the W.H.O. shall be increased, and that we will pay our share if it is?
That is a job for the Managing Board to put forward, on which Her Majesty's Government have a representative.
Will the representative do it?
These points are all considered in their right place and they will be considered by the Government.
The right place is here.
No, it is not.
Where is the right place for Government policy on this matter to be decided?
Order, order. This is a Third Reading debate, not the Committee stage.
The responsibility is at the United Nations. Her Majesty's Government have a representative there on the Managing Board and the Board decides these totals which then go to the subscribing countries, who put up the money.
Who is responsible for instructing our representative?
Her Majesty's Government. If the hon. Gentleman does not understand that after being years in the House, I cannot help him.
I come now to the last point which was made by the hon. Member for Leyton (Mr. Sorensen) in one of his helpful speeches. He talked about moral development since 1900. Perhaps more important has been the development of technology and the modern sciences of productivity by means of which I believe we can catch up in the production of food. I believe that at the moment health has got ahead of food production and more people are being born and remain alive than there is food to keep them going.
As to the special contribution which the people of this country can make, I believe that we have men and women second to none, with a sense of adventure and history, who can go out to help in the territories overseas. Some cynics may say that there is some self-interest in that and, of course, people do want to go out and get something in return. But I believe that there are still, and there always have been, people who feel that this is a vocation. That is most clearly seen among teachers, doctors, nurses and engineers.
The place of water engineers should not be underestimated and the social results of proper water utilisation by way of irrigation, hydro-electricity and flood control. There is the introduction of a small 1 h.p. or ½ h.p. engine to do the work of the treadmill by a human being or animal. It not only raises the water, but frees an individual from 12 hours of slow, searing work. It is the social and practical results of these innovations that are important.
We also need technicians in the commercial world on production enterprises. We need managers and agriculturists. I must, however, add the warning that there must be basic law and order overseas and there must be medical services if these people are to go out from this country and carry out their work as they would really like to do. I am not at all defeatist about what faces this country. I believe that this is the greatest chance that this country has had to produce men and women and ideas to help solve some of these problems.
The Government wish to help solve, materially and morally, some of the problems which have been raised today. We believe that this country is second to none. We want to do this work as an end in itself, because we think that it is the right thing to do, as we have been doing for quite a long period of our history. What we have been debating today and the suggestions which have been put forward are really only the modern aspect of what the United Kingdom has been doing for many years past.
I accept, as we all must, that in what we have set out to do we have often failed, but I make no apology for our attempts to help others and thereby help ourselves to live a fuller and a better life. That is often summed up in the words, "Health, wealth and happiness." I should like to add the words, "in a free world," and I undertake that as long as we are Her Majesty's advisers we shall, in all humility and conscientiousness, continue to work to the best of our ability for the benefit of all at home and overseas.
Furniture (Hire-Purchase)
11.15 p.m.
It is not my intention to detain the House for long tonight, but I think that one of the most important things about the Consolidated Fund Bill is that it gives hon. Members the opportunity of raising grievances. Today, we have had a debate which has ranged over a wide world field and I now wish to range over a very small field.
Although I always understood that on the Consolidated Fund Bill debate one could raise any grievance or subject, I realise, of course, that one cannot raise matters of legislation and it is certainly not my intention to do so. I want to talk tonight about two very real grievances of the ordinary people. They arise under the present administration of the hire-purchase system. I say straight away that I am not asking for any change in the Act—I should be out of order in doing so—but I am very anxious to bring to the attention of the Government the shocking way in which some retailers, the least reputable traders, are doing business under this system.
I should like to thank the Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Trade for coming here tonight. The Government, obviously, cannot know the way in which these people are fleecing ordinary customers who buy goods under this system, or they would look further into the administration of the present law and see that it was carried out correctly.
The law, I emphasise, does cover both the points I wish to raise, but the general public is not thereby protected. It is not protected for two reasons. The first is that the general public does not know the law and people are not aware of their rights under the present law. The second point is that some of the traders in the hire-purchase system—those in the least reputable shops—are a disgrace to their trade. Tonight, I ask the Government, and the Board of Trade in particular, if they would consider a campaign to get over to the public their rights under the present law. I hope to show to the Parliamentary Secretary that what I have been saying is true.
For the past 18 months I have been making what investigations I could into the position of the consumer vis-à-vis the retailer, the manufacturer, or the advertiser. I think that at present we have reached a position whereby the reputable trader, or manufacturer, or advertiser does realise that nobody has any complaint against him, but that he and the public have a very legitimate complaint against the trickster in any trade who brings disrepute upon his fellow tradesmen. In this country, certainly, this sort of trader is in a minority, but I hope that the Parliamentary Secretary will not say that because the people I am talking about are in a minority they should be left alone and that there is no way of informing the public of how they can deal with such people.
Although they are in a minority, these tricksters fleece the very people who can least afford to lose money. Anyone who has had any experience of hire-purchase would agree that as a method of trading this system has always been open to abuse by a minority of traders. In addition, I have always found that the hire-purchase system itself attracts the custom of a large number of people who are insufficiently informed of the intricacies of the system. What must seem perfectly obvious to a great many people can become very muddling if there is a trader who is determined to evade what the law says he must do. The Government have rightly decided to support a proposed extension of the Hire-Purchase Act, and that extension will soon be considered by the House. I want to deal with something which is mentioned a good deal in the Act—in Section 2—on the question of the cash price.
As the House knows, hire-purchase agreements should not be entered into unless the person who wishes to hire the goods has been told the cash price, and there are various ways in which he can be told. In some of our provincial centres today, many shops in this business are not informing the would-be customer of the cash price. I expect hon. Members agree that the average advertisement today for these goods runs something like this, "9s. 6d. weekly, no extra for credit; delivery on first payment." If, in many cases, the person who wishes to hire the goods asks the shopkeeper what is the cash price, he is told, "Well it is just about the same as the hire-purchase price." That is a very profitable answer for the shopkeeper, but it is a dishonest one.
Another way in which the law is evaded is that some customers are persuaded—I know quite wrongly—to sign blank contract forms. I have some evidence about that. If the Parliamentary Secretary replies that people should not be so stupid, that is certainly a point of view, but it is a fact that some people are persuaded by these shady traders who own shops to sign such forms.
I want, first, to ask the Government whether they will explain to the people in a publicity campaign that they are fully entitled to know the cash price, as well as the hire-purchase price, before they enter into any agreement. I should in fairness state that this is a problem of the provincial centres and not of London. The other day I went down Tottenham Court Road, Oxford Street and Edgware Road, where hon. Members can see many different types of hire-purchase shops. In all those shops the cash price was given. I went into them and my questions were answered very reasonably. But this is a problem in the provincial cities.
Secondly, I want the Board of Trade to explain to the people that under the present law a shop is not entitled, when it cannot deliver the goods ordered by a customer, to refuse to return the customer's deposits and to force him to take more expensive goods instead. That is what is done. We all know that under the present law would-be customers cannot be robbed of their deposits, and they should not be compelled, through ignorance of the law—and I want the hon. and learned Member to deal with this—to take goods which they do not want.
I hope that by raising the matter in the House, and if the Board of Trade will take action to make the facts known more widely, that we may prevent people from being treated in this way. It would not be fair if I were to say to the Parliamentary Secretary that these things exist if I gave him no evidence about it. Many people have come to me who have suffered from these shady traders, and are suffering from them. I have a large file on the matter, but I shall not detain the House with it.
There are six examples which I want to give to the Parliamentary Secretary, if I may. They are not chosen because they are particularly bad but because they illustrate the background of what I have been saying, and stress the urgency of asking the Government to get over to the people that this sort of thing should not be condoned. I have the name and address of each person cited, the name of the shop, and in many cases the name of the actual salesman or manager concerned, and the date.
Are they all provincial cases?
Yes. I do not know whether the hon. Member would like to add other places to these. I would be very glad if he did. They do not include Scotland.
Do they include the British Electricity Authority?
Unfortunately, I did not have time to go to the British Electricity Authority. No one would be more delighted than I if the hon. Gentleman can later catch Mr. Speaker's eye and add to these examples.
My first case, proving the need for this education—for want of a better word—concerns a married woman who chose a bedroom suite costing £44. She put down a deposit and was guaranteed delivery in seven or ten days, or a fortnight at the outside. Every week for four weeks she paid money, and was told that the suite would be along next week. She was told that for six weeks.
After seven weeks, she went to the shop and requested that the goods should be delivered within a week or her money be refunded. That request was completely ignored. After eight weeks, she went back to the shop and asked the manager if she might cancel her order. The manager said that she could not cancel her order because she could not break the contract, although he could give her no delivery date and could not even guarantee to deliver the goods at all. When she said to the manager that she gave him seven days to deliver the goods or refund the money his manner was quite indifferent. I do not know whether the Parliamentary Secretary or hon. Members have had experience of this type of salesman, dealing with people whom he thinks just cannot answer back. I expect some hon.—
They should go to a solicitor.
The next example I want to put to the Parliamentary Secretary concerns a man and wife who saw a suite advertised in a shop window, and the only price on it was "5s. weekly." When they got into the shop, all the suites at 5s. had gone, although the one in the window stayed there a long time, They saw a more expensive one, which would have involved the payment of 8s. a week, but the man could not afford it.
The salesman wrote on the back of the form that he would accept a weekly payment of 5s. These customers were more fortunate than the others. They got their suite after six weeks. They got with it a note to the man saying that he was in arrears of payment because the amount he had undertaken to pay was 8s. a week, which was, of course quite untrue. Although the couple made every effort to get redress by going along to the shop to see the sales manager, he took no notice of them at all.
I should like to read the concluding sentence of a letter from the man concerned, because it expresses the opinion of the ordinary customer when he is treated like this by people who think he does not know the position he stands in in law. He writes:
The case concerns a woman who ordered a suite following an advertisement in the Press. The suite was advertised at 29½ guineas. The woman wrote and said that she would like to have the suite. The firm sent a representative to see her. Again, we have exactly the same story. All the suites at that price had gone, and they persuaded her to say that she would have one for 54 guineas which would be delivered at the end of the same week. The woman waited six weeks and the suite still had not been delivered.
What she thought rather strange was that all this time the cheaper suite at 29½ guineas, which the firm could not supply, continued to be advertised in the same paper. She wrote to the firm and asked why, if it was not available, it was still being advertised. Of course, as the Parliamentary Secretary will probably know, she got no answer to that inquiry.
The next case is a simple example of how this type of what one might call "spiv" salesman treats people whom he thinks have neither the financial means nor the knowledge to deal with him on points of law. A man and his wife ordered a suite, paid the deposit and were promised delivery within a fortnight. After four weeks they went to the shop and were told that delivery would be made at any time. They went to the shop for each of five successive weeks, and got no satisfaction at all. They both work for their living and each time they went to the shop they had to take time off work.
On the last occasion they went down after nine weeks. They went on a Saturday, and the salesman or the manager at that shop had the impudence to tell them that it was no use going on a Saturday because the person they wanted to see was only there during the week. If they wanted to get anywhere they would have to take another day off work. These people have not yet got their suite.
The last example is of somebody who purchased a suite of furniture and paid the deposit and to whom delivery was promised on the following day. The same story went on for a month and then husband and wife went to the shop and said that as there was no guarantee of delivery now or at any time they would like their money back. They requested the return of the deposit on the grounds that the goods were not available and. therefore, the contract had been broken. The manager informed them that it was quite impossible, that they had no right to get their deposit back or to anything else and that they could take what action they liked.
I have finished quoting the examples and have quoted five instead of six. They all tell the same story. The cases were from Cardiff, Manchester, Birmingham and Cheshire. The one in Cheshire was from a small place where it would be easy to identify those concerned.
I am sure that neither the Government nor anyone else wish such people to continue in business. They do nobody any good at all. I have raised this matter because the only way to deal with such tricksters is by publicity and also by the fear that action will be taken against them if they continue in this way.
Can the hon. Lady throw any light on the fact that every case quoted appears to be from the furniture trade?
That is true. I may have been remiss in not stating at the start that I proposed to deal with the furniture trade alone. I accept, if it was intended as a correction, that the hon. Gentleman is quite right.
It is only the furniture trade about which I am in any way competent to speak, but I am hopeful that the Board of Trade will say that practices like this in the provincial centres will be stopped; and that the Government will take action to use what publicity is in its power to bring this matter to the notice of the shoppers of the country. Furthermore, if I would not be out of order in suggesting legislation, I would suggest that there be two amendments to the Act to deal with cash price and date of delivery.
11.36 p.m.
I do not wish to detain the House, but the close attention which has been paid by hon. Members opposite to the remarks of my hon. Friend the Member for Coventry, South (Miss Burton) show that they are in support of her in raising a matter in defence of the consumer.
My main reason for rising is to draw attention to the intervention of the hon. Member for Edinburgh, South (Sir W. Darling), who, after his facetious interruption, has now seen fit to leave the Chamber. It was, as I take it, an inference that the British Electricity Authority was breaking the law in relation to hire-purchase; and the Government have a direct responsibility for the Authority as one of the nationalised industries.
I hope that the Parliamentary Secretary will have the information obtained from his hon. Friend and the facts communicated to the Authority; and that action will be taken—which is within the power of the Government to take—to prevent any breach of the Act in relation to hire-purchase. But, if he finds that the Authority has not made any breach of the Act, then perhaps his hon. Friend the Member for Edinburgh, South will be just as ready to apologise as he was to make the inference which he drew earlier in the debate.
11.38 p.m.
I can say straight away, in answer to the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Blyth (Mr. Robens), that failure to state the cash price is not a breach of the law in the sense that it involves any criminal offence. The effect under Section 2 of the 1938 Act is that the contract becomes unenforceable by the seller.
In answer to the hon. Lady the Member for Coventry, South (Miss Burton), I would say that, even if I were not a member of the legal profession myself, I should know the danger of commenting on any case in dispute on hearing only one side of that case. I would, however, say at once that, in many of the examples which she has given, the facts may well be such, if she is correctly informed, that the people on whose behalf she was speaking would have a legal remedy.
Her plea has been that the 1938 Hire-Purchase Act should become better known. In my own experience, I think that it is fairly well known and events about to take place in Committee upstairs will make it even better known. I do not think that it would be right for me to say that the Government will indulge in a publicity campaign merely to publicise rights which can be ascertained by a reference to the Statute, or by consulting a solicitor, or a poor man's lawyer; or by many other methods.
So far as further publicity is needed. I think that the fact that she has raised the matter tonight and that greater publicity will be given to it by the proceedings about to take place upstairs will achieve that purpose.
Question put, and agreed to.
Bill accordingly read the Third time, and passed.
Malaya (Criminal Procedure Code)
Motion made, and Question proposed. "That this House do now adjourn."—[ Major Conant. ]
11.41 p.m.
I wish to remind the House of a case which attracted considerable attention in this country and, indeed, throughout the world about a year ago, when a Chinese girl called Lee Meng was sentenced to death in Malaya on a charge of carrying offensive weapons, I think hand grenades. The case attracted attention because there were some peculiar circumstances attending the way in which the girl was tried. These circumstances related to the assessor system which was then in existence in parts of Malaya, and the terms and conditions, which I wish to describe as they applied to capital charges.
In the case of this girl, the proper system was followed. Three assessors were summoned. Two of them were appointed to sit with the judge, and in the first trial of this girl these two assessors found her not guilty. The judge disagreed and ordered a retrial. This is not unknown in Malaya, but it was unusual because in other contemporary cases, where the assessors found the accused not guilty the judge has let the matter drop and there has been no retrial. But, in this case, although the girl was found not guilty by the assessors, a retrial was ordered by the judge, and at the second trial two assessors—this time not both Asians as they had been in the first case, but a European and an Asian—disagreed. The European found the girl guilty. The Asian found her not guilty. The judge in this case sided with the European assessor and found the girl guilty, and sentenced her to death.
As a result of this action, and because I think it is accepted by everybody that the assessor system is not a particularly gleaming jewel in our judicial crown, there was some concern in this country and particularly in Malaya. As a result of influences, which we can well imagine, General Templer appointed a committee which, inter alia, had to decide upon the practicability and desirability of introducing trial by jury in the Federation.
Now, trial by jury in the Federation is no new thing. It was in existence up till 1890 when it was replaced, for reasons which I cannot now discover, by the assessor system. It already exists in the Settlements of Penang and Malacca, and in Singapore itself. Therefore, it is against the background of the past and of the considerable interest aroused in this case that this committee started to meet.
I may say that when the Criminal Procedure Code of the Federated Malay States was first enacted in 1927, Chapter 2 said:
The committee met. It was oddly constituted. It consisted of four Europeans and five Asians. Of the four Europeans, two were judges. One was the Attorney-General and the other was a member of the Malayan bar. Of the five Asians, one was a lawyer and the four others were laymen. They met on 9th, 16th and 30th May. Those were the only three days on which this committee met. It is true that the committee caused it to be advertised and widely known that the last date for receiving memoranda of evidence was to be 1st June, but nevertheless the committee did not sit on any day after 1st June so that they would be able to receive any of the documents.
In fact, two of the most important documents, one sent by Mr. Seenivasagan of Ipoh, and the other sent by 21 other lawyers from Kuala Lumpur which was dated 30th May, were never seen by the committee. As I say, the committee had its last sitting on 30th May, although it advertised 1st June as the last day for receiving evidence. Some concern is felt in Malaya about the fact that this committee, sitting on so important a subject as the future of trial by jury in Malaya, should have met on only three occasions; but there it is.
Odd as was its construction, some of its comments as published in its report were really quite ridiculous. The committee made great play with a broadcast made in Britain by Mr. C. J. Hamson. Reader in Comparative Law at Cambridge University. Two of his remarks were quoted in the main report:
Ultimately, the committee issued a report. There were four main recommendations and the first was a very good recommendation indeed. It recommended no more solely European assessors at the trial of a European, but that wherever practicable only one assessor should be of the same race as the accused. That, for obvious reasons, was an admirable recommendation. But they did not keep up the quality.
The second recommendation was: Singapore, a selection of that number takes place for the whole session lasting a month and in the State of Perak itself there are 2,146 suitably educated persons and an average of only 34 capital cases a year. So that about 20 or 30 of these people, 1 per cent., would be available to look after a session lasting a month.
The next recommendation was that
The fourth recommendation, which, fortunately, no one in the House would attribute to me, is that had the jury system been in operation during the last few years, there would have been a large number of acquittals. This does not come well from a committee composed, as this one was, largely of legal people.
These recommendations were violently opposed by all classes of society in Malaya. The United Malaya National Organisation, the Malayan Chinese Association, headed by that distinguished man, Sir Cheng Lock Tan, and the Pan-Malayan Labour Party, representing the overwhelming mass of the population, protected unanimously and vigorously against the report of the committee. They did everything constitutionally. For the first time in the history of the Federation, they produced a petition. There was nothing further they could do to ensure that the Government understood and appreciated fully their objection to the recommendations, and the voicing of their demand for trial by jury.
Despite all this, despite the packed meetings and the articles in every newspaper, both English and vernacular, opposing the recommendations, the nominated Federal Legislative Council passed the Bill. It did not, however, do it quite as simply as that. A Select Committee was appointed, to which the Chief Justice gave evidence, for some odd reason, in camera. First, the Select Committee agreed with the special committee, and then it did not agree. But time is short, and I must cut my speech by saying that the Federal Legislative Council, the nominated body, passed the bill against that overwhelming opposition of the vast mass of the population.
This means that the powers of the assessors have been removed. The judge may now record a verdict of guilty although the opinion of the assessors clearly indicates that in their view the accused is not guilty. The judge has only to ask the assessors for their opinion. He is not bound by it, however, and forms his own opinion of whether the accused is guilty. That is to say, the judge takes on the terrible responsibility of deciding for himself on law and on fact as to whether the accused is guilty. I ask hon. and right hon. Gentlemen opposite to think what would happen in any civilised part of the world, and particularly in this country, if a judge was given power to ask a juror, as a judge in Malaya may now do, why he arrived at his decision: for that is what happens there today.
The position of judges in Malaya has been settled by the action of Terrell v. the Secretary of State for the Colonies. Judges can be dismissed; pressure can be put upon them. They are not in the position, as judges are in this country, that they cannot be discharged. They can be discharged if the Government does not like their services. In my opinion, and in that of my friends in Malaya, this puts far too great a power on the Executive and makes the judges far too vulnerable. If the Government were not ready to introduce trial by jury, they should not have worsened the position by changing the assessor system, unsatisfactory as it was at the time.
The Malayans are being told that they are not ready for free elections or for the jury system, but they are being asked to fight with us against Communism and for the British way of life. But what they are being asked to do is to fight for the British way of life here, in this country, and not for the introduction of the British way of life in Malaya, where they are being denied two fundamentals of it. One is free elections, and the other is the right to be tried by jury on capital charges.
When the Malayans get elections, as they will do in time, one of the first things they will do is to repeal the Act; they will not have it, and they will see that they get trial by jury. They will follow the example of India, which is now repealing, wherever possible, the assessor system; and so, in time, the Malayans will do it. But think how much more graceful it would be if the Government said now, "We will see to it that you do not have this system to which you object so violently imposed upon you. We will see that it is stopped." And, of course, the Colonial Secretary has the power to do it for, under Section 55 of the Second Schedule to the Federation of Malaya Agreement, 1948, he can veto the Bill, or at least arrange for the suspension of its operations.
That is what I am asking the Minister tonight to agree to do; at least until time has been given for a full debate in the House of the situation which I have described. I do not apologise for taking the time of the House on a matter which can affect the lives of several hundred people a year. I am asking that the same consideration should be given to people in Malaya who are facing a capital charge as we give to people facing a capital charge in this country. I am asking that we do it as a manifestation of our intention to give to the Malayan people those rights that we have in this country and which we intend ultimately to share with the Malayans.
11.56 p.m.
The hon. Member for Deptford (Sir L. Plummer) has raised a point of great importance on which I should like to say a few words. I am sure that any hesitation to introduce the jury system, or any weakening of the assessor system and putting the full responsibility on the judge, must arise from exactly the same set of facts as are well known where there is a disturbed state of affairs in a country.
The whole object of both the jury system and the assessor system is to try to find the true facts, but if circumstances are such that no jury, or some members of a jury, dare not convict, or a person or an assessor dare not advise the conviction of a person out of fear, then the system breaks down completely and the responsibility has to be taken by the judge alone.
I do not believe that this situation in Malaya is intended to be permanent, and it is only a local one, but I can well understand that there are parts of Malaya at the present time where the jury system and the assessor system cannot be made to work satisfactorily. There need only be one or two members of a jury who are frightened to join in a verdict, or one or two assessors who are frightened to advise the judge as they who certainly want to do, and the system breaks down.
The all-important thing is what the hon. Gentleman has said, that there has been a Select Committee at which the Chief Justice and the judiciary have given their evidence, so that I myself am certain—though one does not know what the evidence was—that the action that has been taken would not have been taken unless the judiciary themselves had felt that justice would be better administered for the time being—I hope only for a short time—under the system which has been attempted before.
It has been known elsewhere that the jury system or the assessor system has had to be by-passed for a few weeks or months, and that in disturbed places special courts have often had to be established simply because the ordinary system will not work when there is terror lurking by night. Under these circumstances, I hope that my right hon. Friend will be able to tell us that this is only a temporary system, that it has been introduced and that the judiciary themselves feel that it is the right system for the time being.
12 midnight.
The hon. Member for Deptford (Sir L. Plummer) directed most of his observations to the fact that the recent Criminal Procedure Codes Amendment Bill in Malaya does not provide for the introduction of the jury system in the Malay States. I shall seek to answer the detailed points that he raised later, but I feel bound to comment first on the background of this matter.
In the Malay States, but not as the hon. Member suggested in the two ancient British Settlements of Penang and Malacca, where trial by jury has always existed, trial with the aid of assessors has hitherto been carried out in all cases involving the death sentence. All other cases in the Malay States are tried by a judge or magistrate without assessors. The object of the assessor system is to enable the judge to secure the opinions of qualified laymen in trials involving capital charges.
These assessors have to be able readily to understand and speak the English language. They form, in effect, a compromise between trial by judge alone and trial by jury and, as the hon. Member for Deptford mentioned, the system was adapted from the pattern which existed in India. Similar systems exist in a great many of our Colonial Territories to this day.
There was one important point on which the former Malayan system differed from the system in India and in our other Colonial Territories. In India, the judge is not bound to accept the advice of the assessors. That is also true in our other territories. In Malaya, on the other hand, if both assessors were in agreement, and if the judge differed from them, he was obliged to order a retrial.
Before the terrorist outbreak in Malaya, when the only capital cases were murders of a non-political character, the system worked well enough. Even then assessors tended to take an over-lenient view in many cases. But since the emergency the assessors trying prisoners on capital charges arising out of terrorist activities have repeatedly agreed in returning verdicts of "not guilty" in the face of clear and even overwhelming evidence to the contrary. The result is that a very large number of retrials have had to be ordered. In the period between 1949 and 1952 these amounted to nearly 10 per cent, of all such cases. That gave rise to a feeling in Malaya that all was not well. There was a feeling that in a murder trial there should be a definite decision of acquittal or conviction.
Matters reached a head over the case of Lee Meng. There was clear evidence that eight surrendered terrorists had seen her in a terrorist camp carrying arms. There were photographs of her with a rifle. It was clear that she was guilty. At the first trial, at which both assessors showed signs of nervousness in court and even of fear, they returned a verdict of "Not guilty." A second trial was held. She was convicted and eventually reprieved.
The public discussion to which this, case gave rise led to the setting up of the committee on which I thought the hon. Member for Deptford poured rather unnecessary scorn. It consisted of many distinguished gentlemen, including the Chief Justice, another Justice of the High Court, the Attorney-General and others. Every member, except the Chief Justice, had spent many years in Malaya. They had no kind of personal axe to grind and we are fully satisfied that they gave the right advice.
In their report they came to the unanimous decision that the jury system should not be introduced into the Malay States at the present time. They gave two main reasons for this decision. The most important was that under the jury system, as operating in the Settlements, juries would be subject to the same influences, amounting in some cases to fear, against bringing in a verdict of guilty on a capital charge; or in some cases to strong religious feeling against capital punishment, which would lead to the same result. Either of those factors would in fact have operated in exactly the same way as has occurred in recent cases under the assessor system. In the words of the report:
Finally, as the main object of the recent inquiry has been to avoid retrials, the committee pointed out that even the introduction of the Settlement jury system would not always help, since when a jury took a decision by a majority, the judge would be bound to order a retrial unless he himself concurred in that verdict. Those recommendations of that committee were substantially endorsed by a majority of a Select Committee of the Federal Legislative Council set up to consider the Bill embodying the committee's views. The Select Committee did, however, insert a safeguard under which, if the judge, in convicting an accused person, found himself obliged to overrule the opinions of both assessors, the case would automatically go to the Court of Appeal.
But then the prisoner goes to appeal in the shadow of the gallows. There is no possibility of a retrial, which is what the prisoner had up to six months ago. Now he goes to appeal under entirely different circumstances.
The case goes automatically to appeal on which matters of fact as well as matters of law can be considered. This Bill was debated by the Federal Legislative Council. It was passed by a majority of 48 to 14 and that included 27 unofficials. I see no reason whatever to think that either the original committee or the Select Committee or the Federal Council when it took this decision was in any way biased. The hon. Member said there is strong public support in Malaya for the jury system. Although it may be a fact that the political parties and the local Press have later taken that line, it also remains a fact that at the time the matter was considered there were only three memoranda put in. Although two arrived late, they were taken into account by the committee and embodied in its report.
Her Majesty's Government feel that in so far as this political feeling does exist in favour of the introduction of a jury system it is in some way bound up with a belief that the jury system is connected with the country's advance towards self-government. That, of course, is not the case and the fallaciousness of that belief was made quite clear by the Attorney-General of the Federation in the debate. As far as my right hon. Friend is concerned, he would feel called upon to set aside a decision of the Government of Malaya which had been taken in due accordance with constitutional procedure only if he thought the decision was objectionable in principle or if he thought it was contrary to the interests of the Territory. Such is not the case.
My right hon. Friend is convinced that under existing conditions in the Malay States the arguments against the introduction of the jury system, as advanced by the special committee, are conclusive and that the amendment of the previous system of assessors as adopted by the Legislature will lead to a more efficient and speedy administration of justice, while in no way damaging the rights and interests of the accused.
Question put, and agreed to.
Adjourned accordingly at Eleven Minutes past Twelve o'Clock.