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Commons Chamber

Volume 525: debated on Tuesday 30 March 1954

House of Commons

Tuesday, March 30, 1954

The House met at Half past Two o'Clock

Prayers

[Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair ]

SUPREME COURT: PRIZE, &c, DEPOSIT ACCOUNT, 1939–1953

Account ordered,

"of the Receipts and Payments of the Accounting Officer of the Vote for the Supreme Court on behalf of the Admiralty Division in Prize for the period from 3rd September 1939 to 31st March 1953, with a Copy of a Letter from the Comptroller and Auditor General thereon."—[ Mr. Boyd-Carpenter. ]

Oral Answers to Questions

Employment

Disabled Persons

asked the Minister of Labour if he will take steps to provide more work for disabled persons in the North Staffordshire area.

The Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Labour and National Service
(Mr. Harold Watkinson)

My local officers take all possible steps to assist disabled persons to secure employment, and I am glad to say that the present number of unemployed disabled persons is now considerably lower than it was a year ago. For the severely disabled who are classified as unlikely to obtain employment except under sheltered conditions, there are three Remploy factories in the area which employ 176 severely disabled persons.

While thanking the Minister for the efforts made by his Department, may I ask whether he is aware that unfortunately there is in North Staffordshire a hard core of disabled persons who have been unable to find suitable employment for many years? Does not his Department think that there is room in North Staffordshire for a new factory, or some such establishment, to provide special employment for these people?

We will certainly look at the position again. Though I agree that the figures are as they are, and I am not trying to minimise them, there is a certain change round. Some people tend to have employment for a time and then go out and others come in, and so it is difficult to ascertain what is the hard core. As to further Remploy factories, as my right hon. and learned Friend has already stated, we cannot make any changes in that direction until Remploy itself and the existing factories are on a sound financial basis.

Are all the Socialist local authorities employing their full quota of disabled persons as laid down by the Act of Parliament?

asked the Minister of Labour the number of disabled men and women, respectively, in the Whitchurch and Rhiwbina areas of Glamorgan who have been registered as unemployed for more than six months; and what steps he is taking to deal with this problem.

Separate figures are not available for the areas of Whitchurch and Rhiwbina—they are included in the statistical returns of the Cardiff Employment Exchange, and I would refer my hon. Friend to the answer given to the hon. Member for Cardiff, West (Mr. G. Thomas) on 23rd March.

While thanking my hon. Friend for that reply, may I ask whether in future he will try to obtain these figures, because this area abuts on an industrial area and there may be a hard core of these people?

I quite agree. I have figures and I gave them to the House last week. I said then that we would keep the position under review and do what we could to place these men in industry.

asked the Minister of Labour the number of disabled men and women, respectively, who have been registered in Barry as unemployed for more than six months; and what steps he is taking to deal with this problem.

At 7th December, 1953, there were, in Barry, 27 registered disabled men and 11 registered disabled women capable of ordinary employment who had been unemployed for more than six months. My local officers are doing all they can to help these people find suitable work.

While thanking my hon. Friend for that reply, may I ask whether he can say how that figure compares with the figure for last year and what progress has been made?

The position is about the same. There is a difference of only two or three. All I can say is that my local officers try very hard to help these disabled persons, and they will continue in that way.

In view of the fact that both the Questions and the supplementary questions are worded in language identical to that of my Question of last week, would it help if in future I wrote all the Questions and answers for the hon. Member for Barry (Mr. Gower)?

What would help me would be if the hon. Member and my hon. Friend the Member for Barry joined together to try to obtain more opportunities for employment for these disabled persons.

asked the Minister of Labour what steps he is taking to aid the employment of blind persons in Sunderland.

The main responsibility for placing blind persons in employment rests with the Sunderland local authority, which has made arrangements with the Royal National Institute for the Blind to provide a specialist placement service. My Department financially assists the employment of the blind in the Sunderland workshop, and I am glad to say that a joint marketing scheme in which Sunderland will participate with two other workshops for the blind will start operations very soon.

While thanking the hon. Gentleman for his reply, and appreciating that the responsibility falls upon others, may I ask if he will continue to use the good offices of his Department to assist those who have real anxiety about finding sufficient employment for blind people in Sunderland and County Durham?

asked the Minister of Labour how many men and women, respectively, who have been certified to be, at some time, suffering from pulmonary tuberculosis, are employed in Remploy factories in Stoke-on-Trent; and how many in other factories, workshops and offices in the city.

I am informed by Remploy Limited that there are 11 persons suffering from pulmonary tuberculosis employed in the Stoke-on-Trent and Longton Remploy factories. Information about the numbers of ex-tuberculous persons employed elsewhere in Stoke-on-Trent is not available.

Would the Minister bear in mind that suitable employment for people who have suffered from tuberculosis, and whose condition is quiescent, is at least as important as their original treatment? Will he agree that the number he stated is very small, and should not further steps be taken in an area like this, where there is a fair amount of tuberculosis, to see that special facilities are made available?

If the hon. Gentleman has any suggestions about how my local offices can help in this way, I should be glad to receive them.

asked the Minister of Labour how many disabled men and women are at present on the register of the employment exchanges in Stoke-on-Trent; and how many are working in Remploy factories in the city, and how many in other forms of employment.

On 18th January, 1954, the date of the last count, there were 7,151 men and 786 women on the register of disabled persons in the county borough of Stoke-on-Trent. On 15th February, 1954, the latest date for which figures are available, 506 registered disabled men and 21 registered disabled women were registered as unemployed. On 2nd February, 1954, there were 142 severely disabled persons working in Remploy factories in the city. The number of registered disabled persons in other forms of employment is not known, but at the end of 1953, it was estimated that approximately 3,600 registered disabled persons were in the employment of employers with quota obligations; an unknown number will be working with smaller employers

Is the Minister aware that in this area the hard core is, in the main, composed of people suffering from pneumoconiosis and that about 300 each year are so certified? In view of the fact that the risk in the mines, as well as in the pottery industry, seems to be nearly as bad as in South Wales, would not the Parliamentary Secretary agree that special attention should be given to the area and special factory conditions made available?

Again I shall be glad to look into that matter. Perhaps the hon. Member will have a word with me about it.

Scottish Motor Traction Company (Dispute)

9 and 10.

asked the Minister of Labour (1) if he will make a statement about the recent strike in the coach department of the Western Scottish Motor Traction Company, Kilmarnock:

(2) what steps his Department took to bring together the parties involved in the industrial dispute in the coach department of the Western Scottish Motor Traction Company, Kilmarnock; which side invited his Department to intervene; and what was the outcome of the intervention.

This strike originated in the dismissal early last November of a shop steward who was allaged to have been handling a football pool coupon during working hours. My industrial relations officer in Scotland was first approached by the National Union of Vehicle Builders in mid-November and, following that, the matter was dealt with by the parties through their established disputes procedure. This did not, however, produce a settlement, and a stoppage of work involving some 90 men began on 16th February, since when my industrial relations officer has been in constant touch with both sides.

Work was resumed on 23rd March, following an informal meeting, arranged by my officer, between the national officials of the union and the chairman of the Scottish Omnibus Group. The basis for settlement was that if the man applied for re-engagement, the group chairman would ask the general manager of the Western Scottish Motor Traction Company at Kilmarnock to consider the application without regard to the circumstances in which the man had been dismissed.

Is the Minister aware that, in my opinion, this strike should never have taken place and that the matter could have been settled in five minutes? Is he aware that the appeals committee dealing with this man's claim for unemployment benefit ruled that this was not an industrial misdemeanour and that he was granted unemployment benefit? Is he further aware that the union has been handicapped throughout by the failure of the employing side to negotiate at all, and that at the informal meeting to which he referred the chairman of the Scottish Omnibus Group said—and this is a shocking position—that nothing could be done until someone came back from America?

It is not my job, nor that of my Ministry, to take sides in industrial disputes. We try to bring the parties together and get a settlement, and that is what we achieved in this case. If I may, I would ask the hon. Member—I think he will understand—not to try to create conditions under which this business may break out all over again.

I had two Questions on the Order Paper which the Parliamentary Secretary said he would, with agreement, answer together. Surely I am therefore entitled to put a further supplementary question?

The first supplementary question from the hon. Member was very comprehensive.

In view of unsatisfactory nature of the reply and my failure to get an answer to my supplementary question, I beg to give notice that I shall endeavour to raise the matter on the Adjournment.

May I ask how a Question has appeared on the Order Paper which is connected with the day-to-day administrative affairs of an undertaking which is nationalised?

It is the ordinary responsibility of the Minister of Labour to do what he can to settle strikes which have broken out.

National Service (Deferments)

asked the Minister of Labour whether he is satisfied that his Department keeps track of all cases where call-up is deferred; and whether he will make a statement indicating how far such men are eventually called up.

Yes, Sir, every case where call-up is deferred is carefully watched, and there are arrangements for the Department to be notified if there is any breach of the conditions on which deferment was granted. As an example, I have analysed the history of all deferments granted to men of the 1930 age class and will circulate the analysis in the OFFICIAL REPORT. This shows that practically the whole number of deferments is adequately accounted for.

While thanking my hon. Friend for that informative and helpful reply, may I ask if he will consider publishing in the returns which appear every six months details of the circumstances in which deferment is granted? Is he aware that there is great dissatisfaction over the fact that a man who is deferred from military service does not have to do any part-time service? Will he consider the possibility of such men doing part-time Civil Defence or military service afterwards?

I will examine those points, but I cannot at this stage undertake to carry out either of the requests made by my hon. Friend.

May I ask how the Parliamentary Secretary reconciles his statement today with the figures which I obtained from him that 61,000 were not accounted for in the last five years? How does the hon. Gentleman reconcile that with the assurance he has now given?

I suggest that the hon. Member looks at the most careful analysis which I shall circulate in the OFFICIAL REPORT. It is of a typical year showing, as I have said, that practically the whole number of deferments are accounted for adequately. If the hon. Member cannot add up his figures correctly and will come to my Ministry, we will add them up for him.

Following is the analysis:

Deferments of the 1930 Age Class

Of the 303,400 registrants in this age class, deferment was granted to approximately 105,000. About 60,000 of these have since been called up, leaving some 45,000 to account for. These 45,000 are accounted for as follows:

Still in coalmining, agriculture or merchant navy

28,000

Still completing training for which deferment was granted

4,300

Available for and in course of call-up

1,500

Medically unfit (estimated)

9,500

Miscellaneous (including hardship postponements, family emigration and others gone abroad, etc.)

1,700

45,000

Scotland

Fish Exports to Canada and America

asked the Secretary of State for Scotland if he is aware that the value of Scottish kippers imported into Canada in 1951 was $43,000, in 1952 was $24,000, and for the first six months of 1953 was $49,000; if he will account for these import changes; and what steps he is taking to maintain the market and increase the volume and value of imports of Scottish kippers into Canada.

According to my information, exports of kippers other than canned kippers from the United Kingdom to Canada have increased in each of the past two years, and I hope this denotes their increased popularity. Expansion of exports is primarily a matter for the trade, but the Herring Industry Board has made loans to assist a co-operative organisation of kipperers to develop the market in Canada and the U.S.A. The services of Her Majesty's Government, including the Trade Commissioner Service in Canada, are available to the herring industry as to others.

asked the Secretary of State for Scotland if he is aware of the growing demand in the United States for Scottish smoked fish; and what steps he is taking to increase and develop this market between Scotland and the United States of America.

I am aware that there is a demand in the United States for high quality smoked fish, and I am sure that the trade are alive to it. For example, a co-operative organisation of kipperers, with the help of the Herring Industry Board, has introduced into the U.S.A. a new quick-frozen kipper fillet specially designed and packed for the American system of distribution.

Does the Minister realise that these smoked fish are among the finest dollar earners that we have, and will he do his best to expand the market as much as possible?

Evidence (Police Methods)

asked the Secretary of State for Scotland if his attention has been drawn to the special judgment in the case of Chalmers, delivered on 5th March, 1954, by the Scottish Court of Criminal Appeal, in which detailed guidance is given to police officers on the interrogation of suspects and, in view of this, what steps he is taking to publicise and maintain the traditional high standards of conduct practised by the Scottish police.

As I promised in replying to the hon. Member for South Ayrshire (Mr. Emrys Hughes) on 15th March, I have sent copies of the judgments delivered by the Lord Justice General and the Lord Justice Clerk in this case to all chief constables. The high standards of conduct observed by the Scottish police are, as the hon. and learned Member says, traditional, and I do not think that any further action on my part is called for.

I thank the Minister also for that reply, because, apparently, he realises that this judgment is of the utmost importance for the administration of justice in Scotland.

Is the Secretary of State aware of the considerable disquiet in Scotland at many of the actions of the police in such circumstances? Will the right hon. Gentleman not consider setting up a searching inquiry into the actions of many of the chief constables?

As I have said, I have circulated the judgment to the chief constables to draw their attention to the matter.

Fatstock Prices (Freight Charges)

asked the Secretary of State for Scotland what steps he proposes to take, when meat is once again on the free market, by continuing Government payments for transport or otherwise, to ensure that the livestock breeder in Northern Scotland is not unduly penalised by the cost of freight for meat to southern markets.

Under free market conditions the actual price received by producers at auctions for their fatstock may be expected to reflect, among other things, differences in transport costs to consuming centres. The more distant producers will, however, be helped by the operation of the two-fold guarantee, because both the individual minimum prices and the standard prices are to be uniform throughout the country. As regards freight charges, I would refer my noble Friend to the statement about existing rates and probable developments made in this House by my right hon. Friend the Minister of Transport and Civil Aviation on 17th March.

While thanking my right hon. Friend for that reply, may I ask whether he is aware that last year, from August until October, the Ministry of Food spent £82,000 in the transport of meat from the North of Scotland to London and that this was at a special flat rate which would have been nearly half as much again had the prices available to the meat trade been charged? Will my right hon. Friend bear in mind that the cost of freight has to be borne by the breeder and is bound to be reflected in the price that the breeder receives? Will my right hon. Friend consider this matter as urgent and one which must be tackled if the confidence of the breeder is to be maintained and diminishing production avoided?

I referred in my answer to the statement by my right hon. Friend the Minister of Transport, in which he said that

"the Commission intends that a higher proportion of its transport costs shall be absorbed at an earlier stage than at present, namely by the really short-distance traffic."—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 17th March, 1954; Vol. 525, c. 558.]

I hope that these proposals will come before us soon.

Will the right hon. Gentleman keep in mind that, unless there is to be a diminution in the breeding of cattle in the Highlands, the farmers will need to know what their position will be some years ahead? Uncertainty is about the worst thing from the point of view of increasing the food supplies.

The farmers do know about the arrangements for the minimum price and the standard price.

I agree entirely with my right hon. Friend, but will he bear in mind the urgency of the need for the Minister of Transport to get out the charges scheme? Will my right hon. Friend press him upon this example?

As the Government, we understand, are to give assistance to some remote parts of Great Britain, will the Secretary of State see whether similar assistance cannot be given to the Highlands and Islands of Scotland?

Glenrothes Development Corporation (Staff)

asked the Secretary of State for Scotland whether he is aware that many members of the Glenrothes Corporation staff accepted employment on the understanding that the ultimate population of the town was to be approximately 30,000; and when the corporation was officially notified that the target population was to be 18,000.

As regards the first part of the Question, I understand that all members of the staff of the development corporation accepted appointment on the basis of the conditions of service incorporated in their individual contracts of employment and not on the basis of any understanding of the kind referred to by the hon. Member. As regards the second part of the Question, the announcement that the population of the new town was not likely to exceed 18,000 was first made in July, 1950, by my predecessor in office. The hon. Member will find a reference to this in the report of the corporation for the year ended 31st March, 1951.

Is the Minister aware that some members of the corporation have expressed their concern to me on this question? Can the right hon. Gentleman give any estimate of the minimum period during which there is no fear of redundancy in the staff?

I assure the hon. Member that there need be no fear of redundancy for some years to come.

Blind Persons

asked the Secretary of State for Scotland how many blind persons are now registered as such; what increase has taken place during the last five years; and in what age group the increase is most marked.

At 31st March, 1953, the last date for which complete figures are available, there were 9,413 blind persons registered with local authorities in Scotland. The increase over the figure at 31st March, 1948, is 781 and is mainly in the age group 70 years and over.

Teachers (Pay and Conditions)

asked the Secretary of State for Scotland what reply he proposes to make to the letter he received recently from the Educational Institute of Scotland about his policy in regard to conditions for the teaching profession.

I have carefully studied the views expressed in this letter, and I do not think that it calls for any reply. The Institute knows that, while I agree with its general propositions about the need for wholehearted co-operation from the teachers and for more recruits of the right quality, I cannot accept its views as to the effect of the measures it criticises, either on the willingness of Scottish teachers to do their best for their pupils, or on the number and quality of future recruits.

Does the Secretary of State not agree that this letter is representative of the views of Scottish teachers and that teaching conditions in Scotland have considerably worsened during the period of the present Government? Is the right hon. Gentleman allowing this state of affairs to continue? Will he not do something to allay the fears of the teachers in this respect?

The points with which the teachers are particularly concerned are the slight relaxations of the conditions for entry into training for primary teachers, which we have discussed before; the proposed increase in the superannuation contributions, which will be discussed fully when the Bill comes forward for Second Reading—[HON. MEMBERS: "When."] I am not the Leader of the House—and the draft salaries regulations. It is not the case that I have treated these representations of the teachers summarily. They have been given the greatest care and full consideration.

Although the Secretary of State says that he is not sending a reply, would he consider making a gesture? Might I suggest that he tenders his resignation?

asked the Secretary of State for Scotland when the working committee to examine the salary structure in further education was appointed; when it first met; and how often it has met since.

The setting up of the working party was agreed at a meeting which my hon. Friend the Joint Under-Secretary of State had with representatives of the National Joint Council on 23rd December, when it was also agreed that the working party's first meeting could not be held before April.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the job that this working party has to do is one of great urgency, and will he do all he can to expedite it? Will he reconsider the question of having on the working party, at least as an observer, a highly qualified teacher who is actually engaged in further education?

I do not think that I could alter the constitution of the working party at this stage, but I hope that it will be able to meet very soon.

asked the Secretary of State for Scotland what proposals he has now made to teachers' organisations to meet their objections to the Teachers' Superannuation Bill; and what the teachers' response has been.

My noble Friend the Minister of State, Scottish Office, invited representatives of the Institute to meet him on Friday in order to ascertain whether they would favour a separate superannuation scheme for teachers entering service after the Bill comes into operation. The Institute have informed me that they would regard such a scheme as unacceptable, and that they do not consider that it would meet their objections to the Bill.

In view of that Answer, does the Minister now intend to go on with this Bill, despite the objection of the teachers and despite their frequent assertions that nothing will satisfy them but the complete withdrawal of this odious Measure?

It is the Government's intention to proceed with the Bill, because, as the hon. Gentleman knows, the Actuary's report shows that some action is necessary.

If the teachers do not pay for their pensions, will not the rest of us have to do so?

Is not the Secretary of State aware that this is one of the sources of discontent among the teaching profession, and that he has recently said that he is not aware of any serious discontent existing within the profession?

I did not say that. I admitted that the teachers were opposed to this Bill, but, nevertheless, the Bill is necessary, and it will, no doubt, be taken in this House in due course.

asked the Secretary of State for Scotland if he is aware that there have been 12,680 new entrants to the teachers' superannuation fund between 1st April, 1948, and 1st April, 1954; that the net increase in the same period is 3,760; and what effect their contributions will have on the estimated deficit of £11½ million of the fund as contained in the Government Actuary's Report of 1948.

In making his estimate that there would be a deficiency of £26·5 million at 31st March, 1954, as compared with a deficiency of £11·5 million at 31st March, 1948, the Government Actuary took account of the new entrants in the intervening six years.

Royal Commission on Scottish Affairs (Report)

asked the Secretary of State for Scotland Whether the Royal Commission on Scottish Affairs has now reported to him; and when he expects to publish that Report.

asked the Secretary of State for Scotland whether the Royal Commission on administration in Scotland has yet concluded its taking of evidence; and when it is likely to report.

I understand that the Royal Commission on Scottish Affairs has completed the hearing of oral evidence, but I am not able to say when its Report is likely to be submitted.

When the Report is submitted, in view of the very wide interest in it, will the Secretary of State consider publishing a condensed and popular version for the Scottish people?

The normal course with a report of a Royal Commission is to publish it in full. Thereafter, it might be possible to publish what the hon. Member calls a popular edition, but I will consider the suggestion.

Hospital Medical Officers

asked the Secretary of State for Scotland what representations he has received from hospital staffs, or from hospital boards, concerning the status and remuneration of registrars, junior and senior, and senior hospital medical officers; and what action he proposes to prevent these staffs from leaving hospitals for general practice.

I have received no recent representations about the status of these grades. As regards remuneration, I would refer the hon. Lady to the reply by my right hon. Friend the Minister of Health on 4th March. I do not propose any action to prevent doctors leaving hospitals for general practice or vice versa.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that this is an astonishing statement that he does not intend to take any action prevent our hospitals being undermanned and understaffed? Is he aware that the reply referred to was given on 4th March, and that it is now nearly the 4th of April, and will he see his right hon. Friend who is his opposite number for England and get a move on quickly?

I will very gladly see my right hon. Friend, but I must point out that it is equally important to maintain an adequate number of general practitioners.

Monkland Canal (Report)

asked the Secretary of State for Scotland whether the technical experts of Glasgow Corporation, the British Transport Commission and his Department have now prepared their report dealing with dangerous sites on the Forth and Clyde and Monkland canals; and when action can be expected.

Yes, Sir. A report on the Monkland Canal has just been submitted to me and is being considered urgently.

Will the right hon. Gentleman make this report available to hon. Members? May I also draw his attention to the fact that, in my Question, I have also referred to the Forth and Clyde Canal as well as to the Monkland Canal, and will he say what consideration has been given to that matter?

I cannot at the present moment give the hon. Member any information about the Forth and Clyde Canal, but I will consider his point about publication of the report. He may be interested to know that it is suggested as a long-term policy to carry out the gradual removal of the waterway, and it is recommended that high priority might be given to the filling in of certain sections of the canal.

Is the Secretary of State aware that, as my previous Questions of two and four months ago mentioned the Forth and Clyde Canal specifically, it is most disappointing to know that no more action has been taken?

Fee-charging Schools

asked the Secretary of State for Scotland which local authorities charge fees in schools which they administer; which schools they are; and whether the fees are charged in the primary or secondary departments.

As the list of schools is a lengthy one, I propose, with permission, to circulate in the OFFICIAL REPORT a table giving the information asked for.

Would the Minister agree that it is a bad practice in schools which are administered wholly by public funds for fees to be charged; that this leads to rather foolish snobbishness, and that in the case of the primary depart-

Education Authority

Name of School

Department in which fees are charged

Dundee

Grove Primary School

Primary

Harris Academy

Primary

Lawside Academy

Primary

Morgan Academy

Primary

Edinburgh

Royal High School

Primary and Secondary

James Gillespie's High School for Girls

Primary and Secondary

James Gillespie's Boys' School

Primary

Trinity Academy

Primary and Secondary

Wardie Primary School

Primary

Leith Academy

Primary

Holy Cross Academy

Primary

Glasgow

Allan Glen's School

Primary and Secondary

High School

Primary and Secondary

High School for Girls

Primary and Secondary

Hillhead High School

Secondary

Hillhead Primary School

Primary

Notre Dame High Roman Catholic School for Girls

Secondary

Notre Dame Primary Roman Catholic School

Primary

Angus

Arbroath High School

Primary

Brechin High School

Primary

Forfar Academy

Primary

Montrose Academy

Primary

Bute

Rothesay Academy and Thomson's Institution

Primary

Clackmannan

Alloa Academy

Primary

Dumfries

Dumfries Academy

Primary

Fife

St. Andrews, Madras College

Primary

Inverness

Inverness, Royal Academy

Primary

Inverness, Convent of Notre Dame Roman Catholic Primary School

Primary

Kincardine

Stonehaven, Mackie Academy

Primary

Kirkcudbright

Kirkcudbright Academy

Primary

Moray and Nairn

Elgin Academy

Primary

Perth and Kinross

Perth Junior Academy

Primary

Callander, McLaren High School

Primary

Renfrew

Paisley Grammar School and Wm. B. Barbour Academy

Primary and Secondary

Paisley, John Neilson's Institution

Primary and Secondary

Greenock Academy

Primary and Secondary

Paisley, St. Margaret's Roman Catholic Senior Secondary School

Primary

Selkirk

Galashiels Academy

Primary

ments charging fees inside senior secondary schools it is used as a backdoor method of entry for these children?

It is permitted, as, no doubt the hon. Member knows, under Section 2 of the Education (Scotland) Act, 1946. I did not anticipate a discussion on that on this Question.

Following is the table :

Salmon Poaching

asked the Secretary of State for Scotland the number of organised gangs who have been arrested and convicted of salmon poaching under the Salmon and Freshwater Fisheries Protection) (Scotland) Act, 1951.

Since the passing of the Act in 1951, 85 persons have been convicted under Section 3, which deals with poaching or illegal fishing by two or more persons acting together.

I asked the Minister about organised gangs being arrested. I know he was not responsible for passing this Act, but it was passed because of gang poaching. I have not had my question answered. I asked him how many gangs have been caught?

I will endeavour to answer. The Act does not specify gangs, but it does deal with two or more persons. It does not lay down any definition of a gang, and I have, therefore, answered the Question in the terms of the Act. There have been 85 persons convicted for illegal fishing by two or more persons acting together.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say how many of these persons have been in front of the newly-appointed judges in Scotland?

Does not my right hon. Friend agree that the figures justify the passing of the Act?

Housing, Scotland

Production

asked the Secretary of State for Scotland to what extent the greater housing output in Scotland in 1953, compared with 1951, is attributable to the building of houses with fewer rooms.

The number of rooms is not a good measure of housing output since kitchen, bathroom and other services are common to all houses. As local authority returns show only the total number of houses completed, it is not possible to make a precise comparison on the basis of rooms. But even if all the houses completed in 1951 averaged four rooms, which is definitely an overstatement, and all the houses completed in 1953 averaged three rooms, which is definitely an under-statement, there would still have been nearly 30 per cent. more rooms provided in 1953 than in 1951.

Can my right hon. Friend say to what he attributes this great increase in the production of houses?

The increased productivity of the industry, the fact that materials are in better supply, and the fact that the present Government decided that it was in the national interest to speed up the production of houses.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that at no time since the war in Scotland was the building industry ever restricted from doing its very best to build the maximum number of houses possible?

Vermin

asked the Secretary of State for Scotland what steps are taken by local authorities to clear out vermin from tenements and other houses; and if he is satisfied that these are effective.

Most local authorities undertake the eradication of vermin from infested houses. Others advise on methods, and many supply insecticides free of charge. I am satisfied that, thanks to local authorities' activities and to the efficiency of the new insecticides, the steps taken are generally effective.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the local authorities have been pursuing the same methods for years, and yet rats and mice are terrifying women and children in the tenements of Scotland? Is it not possible to deal with these pests at the source; in other words, to prevent them going into the houses, rather than wait until they are inside and then put poison down? Would the right hon. Gentleman, before he resigns, try to do a good deed like this for Scotland?

I should be very glad to see them eradicated, but, of course, in old houses it is very difficult to get rid of rats. With the new houses, everything possible should be done to keep them out.

Requisitioned Properties and Service Camps

asked the Secretary of State for Scotland if he has now received a report on requisitioned properties in use for housing; and what action he proposes to take to close all Service camps and rehouse the occupants.

I expect that most, if not all, of the 548 properties still under requisition for housing purposes will be released to their owners this year and the 596 families in them rehoused. My Department has recently had discussions with the local authorities about the re-housing of the 1,500 families who still occupy Service camps, and I am now considering whether any further steps can be taken to expedite this work.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that his right hon. Friend the Minister of Housing and Local Government has accepted the recommendations of the working party, and, while we are glad to hear that the right hon. Gentleman will expedite this matter, can he now tell me how many camps are involved and how many houses?

There are 1,500 families who are occupying Service camps, but I have not got with me the exact number of camps concerned. As regards requisitioned houses, we did not think it necessary to set up a working party in Scotland, as in England, because we are making satisfactory progress, and the number of families in requisitioned houses has dropped from 3,561 in 1949 to 596 at the present time.

Repairs and Rents Bill (Certificates of Disrepair)

asked the Secretary of State for Scotland if he is satisfied that local authorities will be able to carry out the extra duties that will be imposed upon them with additional demands for certificates of disrepair, consequent upon the Housing (Repairs and Rents) (Scotland) Bill reaching the Statute Book; and whether he will take steps to ensure that any delays will not adversely affect the rights of tenants under this Act.

Can the right hon. Gentleman indicate what the nature of the delay will be?

There is an Amendment on the Order Paper to Clause 16 of the Bill, under which the tenant will not suffer from any delay, because any certificate granted by a local authority will apply as from the date of the application therefor.

Space-saving Standards

asked the Secretary of State for Scotland the reason for issuing instructions to local authorities that they must conform to a space-saving type of house which also must have a 7 feet 6 inches ceiling.

I have asked local authorities to adopt revised space standards for their houses in view of the continuing need for economy in labour and materials and the importance of reducing housing costs. I am sending the hon. Member a copy of the relevant circular.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that there is more material today for housing than under the previous Government?

There was nothing strange in that statement. I repeat that there is more material. There should be no need for space saving in the building of houses. The Minister is very proud of his record of public ownership of houses; will he take steps to end this space saving in houses? Otherwise people are not getting what they are entitled to get for the rent they are paying?

The issue of the circular to local authorities is the latest development of the space-saving proposals, which were first formulated by the previous Government in 1951. We have also to consider costs. There will be a saving of brick, stone and other materials in the nature of £100 or £150 per house.

Will the right hon. Gentleman assure us that the savings in raw material and labour by space saving in local authority houses will not be made available to those who are building very large houses for owner-occupation?

I hope that it will enable us to continue to maintain a high rate of building as well as for repairs to houses which are so badly needed.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that under his predecessors there were more spaces than houses?

National Service

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Defence if he will now reduce the period of National Service to 12 months in view of the relaxation of world tension.

While not expecting more detail from the hon. Gentleman, may I ask him whether he agrees that in future wars we shall have one man, one bomber and one bomb, and that we shall all leave this mortal coil for the ethereal regions? Does not the Minister think that it is nonsense to keep 850,000 people in the Armed Forces today?

I will, of course, convey the hon. Gentleman's views to the Chiefs of Staff, but I think they are rather sweeping.

British Army

Sandhurst (Gold Coast and Nigerian Cadets)

asked the Secretary of State for War how many Gold Coast and Nigerian Army cadets are now at Sandhurst taking a full Queen's Commission.

There are two West Africans at Sandhurst, one from the Gold Coast and one from Sierra Leone.

While welcoming the Minister's answer, may I ask whether he will extend this scheme to East and Central Africa?

That does not arise out of this particular Question. We have now 14 vacancies at Sandhurst, and our attempt is to increase the number of suitable candidates so that we can fill all 14 vacancies

Colonial Units

asked the Secretary of State for War why the Colonial Forces will have decreased from 78,900 in 1953, to 72,450 in 1955, despite his promise that 19 new battalions were to be raised in the three-year cycle 1952–53 to 1954–55.

With minor exceptions, the new colonial units which have been or are to be raised are paid for by the Colonies themselves and are therefore not shown in Vote A. The lower numbers shown in 1954–55 as chargeable to the United Kingdom were partly due to an over-estimate in 1952–53 for East African troops to replace civilian labour in the Canal Zone and partly to the Central African Federation assuming responsibility for a number of troops previously paid for by the United Kingdom.

If those figures are accurate, as the Minister agrees they are, does he not think this is a sheer flop for a Minister who, when in opposition, was full of glowing speeches in support of Colonial Forces? Can he tell us how many Colonial Forces he has raised in these Territories, including Africa, as distinct from Malaya?

I think the hon. Gentleman had made up the supplementary question before he listened to my answer. I said that the new colonial units to which I was referring were not shown in Vote A because they were paid for by the Colonial Governments themselves.

Korea (Missing Personnel)

asked the Secretary of State for War how many men un-repatriated as prisoners-of-war from Korea are still registered as missing; and what action he is taking to trace them.

Two officers and eight other ranks are still registered as missing, believed to be prisoners-of-war; and eight other ranks as missing, believed to have died as prisoners-of-war. The reports of United Nations prisoners-of-war who have returned are being carefully studied to see if they can throw any light on the fate of these men.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that this is a very human question and that many parents in my constituency and elsewhere are convinced that their sons are still alive? Will he proceed with his inquiries?

Home Guard (Long-Service Awards)

asked the Secretary of State for War whether there is any award available for members of the Home Guard equivalent to the long service medal awarded to members of the Regular Army and the Territorial Efficiency Medal awarded to members of the Territorial Army.

Are not these men who have come forward after many years of service entitled to some additional recognition?

Regular Army and T.A. Ties

asked the Secretary of State for War what steps have been taken to inform units of the Army of the introduction of the Regular Army tie and the Territorial Army tie; and what has been the volume of the demand in each case for these ties, respectively.

By an Army Council Instruction and a letter, respectively. I cannot give the exact figures of sales, but I understand that they have been brisk.

Will not this proposal bring the Army into line with the other two Services?

Has the right hon. Gentleman the intention of giving the Regular and the Territorial Armies public school status?

Is it not a fact that every regiment and corps in the Territorial and Regular Armies already has a tie of its own? What on earth do they want another one for?

Tower of London and Catterick Camp (Allegations)

asked the Secretary of State for War if he will agree to meet the hon. Member for West Ham, North, and the parents of certain National Service men in the Tower of London who can produce evidence of irregularities and brutality so far as incidents at the Tower of London are concerned.

In view of the fact that the Minister knows that I sent him correspondence stating that these National Service men were warned by the N.C.Os. that there was to be an investigation and that if they revealed anything they would be in trouble, and in view of the fact that he knows that there have been grave irregularities, why will he not agree to meet the parents?

These allegations were all very wide, and an investigation lasting a very long time has taken place. If the hon. Gentleman and I were to go together to interview the parents of the National Service men I should not be doing my job, and I do not think that it would be very satisfactory for either of us.

If the Minister will not go to the Tower to investigate, and to see these boys privately, will he agree to meet me with the parents? Is he not white-washing the whole of this affair?

asked the Secretary of State for War the nature of his inquiry into the allegations made in the letter from the hon. Member for West Ham, North, concerning allegations of irregularities at the Catterick Camp, Yorkshire, and the Tower of London; and whether the National Service men concerned were asked to submit evidence of brutality, so far as the Tower of London incidents are concerned.

Inquiries were carried out by the Commanding Officers and commanders concerned. Both at Catterick and the Tower of London the investigations were extremely thorough. At Catterick over 1,000 soldiers were interviewed in connection with the allegations which have been made. At the Tower of London the soldiers concerned were interviewed and all troops were questioned about irregularities. Every opportunity was given to any soldier to make a complaint.

Is the Secretary of State aware of the fact that one soldier was kicked down the stairs by a N.C.O. and was asked by an officer whether he saw the N.C.O. who kicked him down the stairs? As obviously he did not, because he was facing the wrong way, the N.C.O. being at the back of him, surely this was not a fair and proper investigation? Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that these boys were told and warned that if they made any complaint, if they said anything at all incriminating a N.C.O. or officer, they would be in trouble?

On the average some 25½ per cent. of the full intake into one of these units against which these allegations are made are offering to re-engage. One would hardly expect that of a unit of which such allegations were true.

Will not the right hon. Gentleman consider appointing a court of inquiry? If there is nothing in the allegations, there is nothing to hide. Again the House feels suspicion—I think unjustified suspicion arising because of the right hon. Gentleman's incompetence—that he has something to hide.

I feel absolutely confident that this matter has been gone into most carefully. A great deal of time has been spent on it. As the hon. Gentleman knows, and as I know from my days at Sandhurst, if someone had asked us then what the N.C.Os. were like we could have told him a lot of things worth publishing.

asked the Secretary of State for War what was the one incident that occurred at the Tower of London where disciplinary action was found to be necessary; against whom action was taken; what were the charges made; and what was the punishment meted out to those responsible.

A corporal accepted payments of 2s. 6d. from two National Service men for pressing their battledress at their request. He was charged under Section 4 of the Army Act and was reprimanded.

While I thank the Secretary of State for at least admitting half of the irregularities that have been going on, may I ask if he is aware that these National Service men had to contribute towards the cost of purchasing the iron and were compelled to have their battle-dresses pressed, for which they were charged by the N.C.Os.? Is that fair? Is that proper? Should not something be done to stop it?

It is not true. As I have told the hon. Gentleman, I have been into these cases carefully. There were three cases in all of which this was one. I have sent him full particulars of the other two as well.

In view of the unsatisfactory nature of the reply, I beg to give notice that I shall raise the matter on the Adjournment.

Personal Case

asked the Secretary of State for War why Mr. J. F. Tomes, who had been absent from work owing to sickness and who had sent a certificate of unfitness to travel in compliance with his National Service call-up was taken from his house by the police on Saturday, 13th March, and locked in a cell for three days; and what is the policy of his Department regarding the validity of certificates issued by general practitioners to patients under their care on the date of call-up.

This is a long and most complicated case, and I am writing a full explanation to the hon. Lady. I would, however, say that I am not entirely satisfied about the way this case was handled and I am making, in addition, a full inquiry.

Can the right hon Gentleman tell me why the letter I wrote on 26th February remains still unanswered, except for a completely misleading interim note?

The reason for that is the complication of the case, and I think that when the hon. Lady gets the letter I am about to write to her she will agree.

Requisitioned Land, Swansea

asked the Secretary of State for War if he will now comply with the repeated request of the Swansea County Borough Council to derequisition Mumbles Hill, or explain what is the difficulty in doing so.

There is valuable equipment on this site and, as soon as certain work has been done, the remaining land will be released from requisition.

Why the inordinate delay in dealing with such a simple problem? The matter has been bandied about for two years and should have been dealt with long ago.

I do not think it is quite as simple as the hon. Gentleman says. I can assure him I am going to press on with it.

Firing Range, Breconshire

65 and 66.

asked the Secretary of State for War (1) what action he intends to take in order to secure the use of the proposed gunsite at Trecastle, Breconshire; whether he is aware that the land is good agricultural land and contains a trunk road; and, in view of the decision of the interested parties, not to conduct negotiations with his Department for the use of this land or for rights to fire over intervening land, whether he will make a statement;

(2) what action he intends taking to secure the use of a strip of land at Llanfihangel-Nant-Bran, Breconshire, for firing purposes; whether he is aware that this is good agricultural land as far as the Sennybridge range; and, in view of the decision of the interested parties not to conduct negotiations with his Department for the use of this land, whether he will make a statement.

Regular Army Recruits

asked the Secretary of State for War the number of Regular Army recruits enlisted in the months of January and February, 1954, together with the comparable figures for 1953.

In view of that very serious statement, what is the right hon. Gentleman doing about it?

Has the right hon. Gentleman considered resigning as an essential step towards better recruiting?

Trade and Commerce

Machine Tools(Exports to U.S.S.R.)

asked the President of the Board of Trade what are the regulations which govern the export of diesel engines to the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.

These regulations vary according to the specification of the engine. If the hon. Member knows of any exporters who require advice in this matter, I hope he will put them in touch with the Board of Trade.

asked the President of the Board of Trade what applications for permission to export machine tools to the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics have been received following the recent visit of British businessmen to Moscow; and what proportion of these applications have been allowed.

Applications for export licences have been received in respect of machine tools and of tinplate and rolling mill plant to a total value of £21,900,000; £1,350,000 worth has been approved up to date, and the remainder is under consideration.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say when the remainder are likely to receive approval or refusal, because I believe that one of the conditions of these contracts is that there should be some speed in deciding whether they can be fulfilled or not?

Yes, we are bearing in mind the point the hon. Gentleman has made. We are giving approval or disapproval as quickly as we can in cases that are clear, but there are some cases subject to quantitative approval in which further consideration is necessary.

East-West Trade

73 and 74.

asked the President of the Board of Trade (1) what further action he is taking to secure a substantial relaxation in the regulations restricting trade between the United Kingdom and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics;

(2) whether the Government will seek agreement with the other Powers at the Geneva Conference in April for a substantial expansion in trade between the United Kingdom and China.

I do not think I can usefully add to the very full discussion of this subject during the debate on East-West trade on 22nd March.

Would the right hon. Gentleman supply the House with a list of any of the machine tools that may be barred from export to Russia after the present talks with Mr. Stassen are over and see that no longer are machine tool lists hidden from Members of this House and the business men of this country?

Whether a particular tool comes outside or inside the present embargo list very often depends on a narrow detail of specification. I have emphasised that any business man who is in any doubt whether his machine tools fall within or without the list has only to come to the Board of Trade and state the exact specification and we shall give the information.

Will the right hon. Gentleman give us an assurance that the talks now going on with Mr. Stassen will not lead the Government to go back on what was obviously the desire of both parties in this House for a substantial expansion of trade between this country and Eastern Europe?

Post Office Administration

asked the Prime Minister if he is aware that the administration of the Post Office no longer enjoys the confidence of the Commons; and if he will ask for the resignation of the Postmaster-General.

The suggestion in the first part of the Question is unfounded. The second part does not, therefore, arise.

In view of the bitterly critical Questions from all parts of the House that appear regularly on the Order Paper concerning a Department that is usually outside the usual political wrangles, would the right hon. Gentleman tell us why he refuses to dismiss the Postmaster-General from his office?

I cannot remember in all my recollections any time when the detailed administration of the Post Office has been outside ordinary political wrangles.

Queen's Homecoming

asked the Prime Minister whether, in order that the people may celebrate in appropriate manner the safe homecoming of Her Majesty the Queen, he will recommend that 15th May be a day of public thanksgiving.

It would not be in accordance with precedent to proclaim a day of public thanksgiving on the Sovereign's return from a visit to her subjects overseas, nor do I believe it would be Her Majesty's wish. The 15th May is a Saturday, and I am glad to think that modern conditions of employment are such as to enable the great majority of the people, with or without the assistance of wireless and television, to take part in the general rejoicings when the Queen sets foot at Westminster Pier.

Hydrogen Bomb Development

The following Questions stood upon the Order Paper:

To ask the Prime Minister whether he is aware of the danger caused to British ships pursuing their lawful occasions on the open sea by experiments made by governments in time of peace with weapons of war which produce effects dangerous to the citizens of other countries at a great distance from the place where the experiments are made; and whether he will represent to President Eisenhower and M. Malenkov that such experiments are not consistent with the accepted rules and practices of international law.

To ask the Prime Minister whether he will propose to President Eisenhower and M. Malenkov that no further experiments shall be made by any government with atomic or hydrogen bombs or other weapons of mass destruction until further discussions have been held about the practical measures required to secure the effective abolition of such weapons, in accordance with the pledges already given by the British, United States, Soviet and other Governments.

TO ask the Prime Minister whether he will instruct the atomic scientists and other experts in the service of Her Majesty's Government to examine the plan for the effective abolition of all atomic weapons prepared by the Atomic Energy Commission of the United Nations in 1947, and adopted by the Assembly of the United Nations in 1948; to consider whether, in the light of subsequent developments, this plan is still adequate and practicable or what modifications and additions may be required; to make detailed proposals for an all-round reduction of national armaments of all kinds under international supervision and control; and whether he will publish the proposals which the experts prepare.

To ask the Prime Minister, in view of the recent disclosures on the effect of the hydrogen bomb in the Pacific, whether he will renew his attempts to hold a meeting between President Eisenhower, M. Malenkov and himself in the near future.

To ask the Prime Minister, whether, in view of the unknown and uncontrollable effects of hydrogen bomb explosions, he will immediately consult personally with President Eisenhower and Premier Malenkov, with a view to securing the postponement of any further such explosions, pending international discussions on the control and abolition, under proper conditions of supervision, of all weapons of mass destruction.

To ask the Prime Minister, whether he will make a public statement when Her Majesty's Government has resolved its policy with regard to the production of the hydrogen bomb in this country.

To ask the Prime Minister, whether, in view of the revelation of the destructive power of the hydrogen bomb, Her Majesty's Government will make new efforts to arrange a meeting of the leaders of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, China, the United States of America and this country with a view to agreeing upon a disarmament policy.

To ask the Prime Minister, whether Her Majesty's Government will ask the United States Government for a report on the effects produced by the recent explosion of the hydrogen bomb; and whether he will make a further statement.

To ask the Prime Minister, whether he will ask the United States Government to make available to the United Kingdom Government a report on the known effects of the latest hydrogen bomb test conducted by the United States of America, and then inform hon. Members and the public on the facts.

To ask the Prime Minister, in view of the results of the explosion at the Marshall Islands on 1st March and of the apprehension felt in this country at what is likely to be the world-wide effect of a further explosion, if he will consult with President Eisenhower, with a view to the cancellation or postponement of the next explosion which has been planned to take place.

To ask the Prime Minister, whether he will invite President Eisenhower to join him in proposing an international code for atomic and thermo-nuclear experimental explosions in order to secure the safety and freedom from radio-active contamination of living creatures and areas not directly participant.

To ask the Prime Minister, whether, in view of the dangers to humanity revealed by the latest hydrogen bomb explosion, he will now press for the implementation of his policy declared to this House on 11th May, 1953, and unanimously supported by the House, for a conference on the highest level between the Great Powers, without delay.

To ask the Prime Minister, if he is prepared to take the initiative in an endeavour to call a conference of the great Powers, including the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, to discuss the future policy on experimental explosions of the hydrogen bomb.

To ask the Prime Minister, what consultations have taken place with the Government of the United States of America on the subject of the hydrogen bomb; what British observers were present at the recent experiments in the Pacific; and if he will now ask for a postponement of further experiments and initiate discussions through the United Nations Organisation for the abolition of the hydrogen bomb.

To ask the Prime Minister, whether he would propose that the private conversations between principally-interested Governments on atomic disarmament, suggested by President Eisenhower in his speech at the United Nations General Assembly, should now be held between heads of Governments of the United States of America, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Canada and the United Kingdom.

To ask the Prime Minister whether his attention has been directed to the presence of radio-active fishes and fishing vessels in Japanese waters, following atomic explosions in the Pacific; what British observers are present in this area and examining the effects of the radio-activity; what steps he is taking to obtain reports and to request permission for scientific investigations to be conducted by British representatives on the spot, in view of the relevance of these matters to the disposal of radio-active and similar substances from atomic plant established, and further plants being established, in Cumberland, the north of Scotland and elsewhere in the United Kingdom; and whether he will make a statement.

To ask the Prime Minister, whether he will personally request President Eisenhower, as President and Commander-in-Chief of the United States of America, in view of the dangers to sailors and ships' passengers of all nations, to order a cessation of hydrogen bomb detonations in the Pacific until such time as there is a certainty of confining the effects of such explosions to a specified area of which full information can be given beforehand.

To ask the Prime Minister whether, in view of Britain's and the Commonwealth's vital interests, he will propose to the United States of America that there should be international control over hydrogen bomb experiments in the Pacific.

I will, with permission, make a short statement at the end of Questions in reply to Questions 47 to 64.

At the end of Questions

I will now, with permission, answer Questions Nos. 47 to 64.

The development of the hydrogen bomb raises strategic and political issues which are so momentous and far-reaching that they cannot be adequately discussed within the limits of a statement at the end of Questions. I do not propose to make any general statement on these issues. I will, however, deal briefly with some of the specific suggestions made in the particular Questions which have been placed on the Order Paper, although the bulk of them would not have been reached in ordinary circumstances.

In the first place, I must make it clear that our knowledge of these American experiments is necessarily limited. The United States Government are prevented by their own legislation from divulging secret information about them. I can say, however, from our own scientific knowledge that there is no foundation for the suggestion that these explosions are "incalculable," in the sense that those making the tests are unable to set limits to the explosive power of the bomb or to calculate in advance what the main effects will be. I greatly regret, as do our American friends, that any injury or damage should have been suffered by third parties as a result of the recent experiment; but I understand that the injuries suffered by persons outside the area which had been cleared for the purposes of the test—that is the 1st March test—are neither serious nor lasting.

It is being suggested that further tests should be the subject of international consultation or control. The restrictions imposed by the United States law, to which I have already referred, would make this impracticable. But, even if this were not so, I should not myself be ready to propose it, for reasons which I will now mention.

International rules have, of course, been prescribed to regulate the testing of conventional weapons; and these, appropriately amended to meet the greatly increased risks of experiment with atomic or hydrogen weapons, have, we believe, been carefully applied in all the experiments carried out by the United States authorities. I am sure that those responsible for conducting these tests will continue to take the most rigorous precautions to minimise the risks involved. The House will have noticed that, since the explosion of 1st March, they have taken the additional precaution of enlarging considerably the area which shipping and aircraft are warned to avoid on the occasion of further experiments of this nature.

It has now been announced in Washington by the Chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission that another experiment was carried out in the Pacific on 26th March, since that one which we had already heard on 1st March. Both the experiment and the extra precautions taken to warn shipping in the vicinity are stated to have been successful. The experiment is described as being one of a "test series," and I understand from statements made by various American authorities that these two experiments that have taken place in March are part of a "test series" which will continue during April. I hope it may be found possible within the limits of existing United States legislation to give us information about what occurs. Our own instruments, which are highly developed, of course recorded the explosion of Friday last as soon as sound waves or pressure waves reached us.

As is well known, the President is appealing to Congress for a greater latitude of communication on certain nuclear matters with us. In view of what we have learned by our own scientific researches, and also in view of the progress of the Soviets in this sphere, I am sure that consultation is to the advantage both of Great Britain and the United States. I trust nothing will be said here which will set back the many favourable tendencies in this direction which are now evident in the United States.

It is being suggested that I should endeavour to persuade the United States Government to abandon their series of experimental explosions of hydrogen bombs. We have no power to stop this. And I am sure that it would not be right or wise for us to ask that it should be stopped. When similar ex- periments were conducted by the Russians, I cannot remember that anyone suggested that such representations should be made to the Soviet Government. The experiments which the Americans are now conducting in the Pacific are an essential part of the defence policy of a friendly Power without whose massive strength and generous help Europe would be in mortal peril. We should indeed be doing a great disservice to the free world if we sought in any way to impede the progress of our American allies in building up their overwhelming strength in the weapon which provides the greatest possible deterrent against the outbreak of a Third World War.

Together with our friends in the Commonwealth and our Allies, we have laboured long to secure international agreement on disarmament and to limit the competition in armaments which is denying to the peoples of the world so many of the benefits which modern science could provide. But no satisfactory arrangements could be made to limit the use of atomic weapons except as part of an international agreement on disarmament as a whole. There could be no security in such an agreement unless it included provision for effective inspection and enforcement. We ourselves have repeatedly offered to accept such provision. But it would be idle to suppose that such an agreement could be concluded with any reasonable expectation of its observance until conditions of confidence between the nations have first been established. We, Sir, speaking for Her Majesty's Government, shall lose no opportunity of securing an easement of world tension, but at the same time we must persevere, with the other nations of the free world, in our policy of upholding, at the necessary level, our united military strength.

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman two questions arising out of that statement? In the first place, he has pointed out that this is a matter which cannot be discussed adequately in answer to a Parliamentary Question, and in view of the public disturbance of mind on this matter, would he consider whether a full debate could be arranged in the House before we rise for the Easter Recess? Secondly, in view of the fact that in all countries the widespread effect of the explosion of a hydrogen bomb has caused grave anxiety, quite possibly in the Soviet Union as well as in the United States and this country, may I ask him whether an effort should not be made for an approach at the highest level, not to discuss the question of experiments, but to discuss the whole grave problem which faces the world with the incalculable results of the development of the hydrogen bomb and whatever further explosions may follow? We do not know where it will stop.

In regard to the right hon. Gentleman's second question, my views on the subject are known and have not changed in any way, but it would be a great pity to choose a wrong opportunity and so bring this possibility to an untimely end. There would be great disappointment in the world, I am sure, if it were felt that this personal intercourse was excluded from the processes of dealing with international matters, but, on the other hand, it would be a disaster if it were so handled as to produce some complete and definite refusal which would apparently cover a good many years.

I beg pardon. If, after careful consideration, the responsible leaders of the Opposition—I mean the right hon. Gentleman and his right hon. Friends—wish to have a debate upon this subject, arrangements can be discussed through the usual channels. According to information which I have received from one part of the usual channels, it does not seem very likely that this end can be achieved before Easter. I just give the information which I have up to date. But the series of experiments will still be going on when we return after our Recess.

The right hon. Gentleman will realise that, although his statement tells us what is no doubt true—that the Americans are taking every kind of precaution—there have been these very widespread results, and, as I understand it, people really do not know what these developments may be over a period of time on human beings, and possibly fish and possibly animals. We do not know, and I think it is desirable to have an authoritative statement made on this point as soon as possible, because there are a great many rumours going round, and there are very serious letters from eminent scientists on the subject.

I am sure that the American people are equally anxious to be informed, and the American Government alone have the information which can completely meet the right hon. Gentleman's wishes. It must not be thought that they do not follow with great attention what takes place over here. That is why I am so very anxious that nothing should be said to make things more difficult. Of course, we should all like to know more, and all like to have the facts to lay precisely before Parliament. We have not got them, and we may easily do great harm in pressing unduly for them. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh."] Yes, certainly. Blunt refusals are very serious things. We do not in diplomacy, and even in relations with the most friendly and kindred allies, lead up to anything that may finish in a blunt refusal.

Therefore, I do hope that the Government may be trusted—our views, feelings, interests, fortunes and existence are concerned not only as a Government but equally with those of the Opposition—to go along in this matter. [HON. MEMBERS: "No."] Of course, if it were decided to make a party matter of this, the ordinary processes of putting down a vote of censure are open to responsible people, but not happily open to those who do not qualify in that category.

While appreciating that the right hon. Gentleman is naturally anxious to extract as much information as possible from the United States Government on the recent tests and the known effects of these tests, and is also naturally anxious to do whatever is possible to prohibit further experiments which might have very disastrous effects, does he not agree that if the United States, in response to his request for further information either on the experiments or on the general matter of the use of the hydrogen and atom bomb, display any reluctance to respond, that would create anti-American feeling in this country and in the N.A.T.O. countries which might seriously disturb the present alliance, and would that not be much more harmful than asking the United States to respond?

The right hon. Gentleman said that if a question were asked of the United States and they refused to answer it, that would lead to all these very grave issues. We ought, therefore, to be very careful about asking the question. I doubt if the Americans have the full facts yet of the explosion on 1st March, to say nothing of later ones.

While, of course, agreeing with the Prime Minister that hydrogen bombs cannot be dealt with separately from the general problem of armaments, are we to understand from what he has said that the Government are now prepared to do nothing to promote practical discussions on disarmament as the United States Government have always wanted to do, and as Mr. Dulles said at the Assembly of the United Nations last September? Is it not, therefore, urgently important that these discussions should be begun as a preliminary to reducing international tension and in order that an agreement may be made before immense stockpiles of hydrogen bombs have been built up.

I have been asked to answer this because of the negotiations that we have been conducting. As the right hon. Member knows, agreement was reached in Berlin about this, and Her Majesty's Government have been urging as early as possible discussions between the four Powers concerned. It certainly cannot be said that we are trying to delay matters. The House will also know that it was the initiative of the President which has resulted in the diplomatic discussions now taking place between the United States Government and Soviet Russia, on which we are fully informed, to see whether further progress could be made. I do not think that a charge can be laid at the Western Governments that these matters have not moved more quickly.

Arising out of what the Foreign Secretary has said, will he not agree that the Disarmament Commission has been in existence for more than two years and has failed to secure any agreement whatever with regard to these very serious problems? Is the Prime Minister not aware that we do share his concern and that what worries a good many of us is the fact that we feel some special effort should be made in order to secure agreement on general principles which can be put into effect by the officials who attend the sittings of the Disarmament Commission?

I entirely agree. I do not dispute anything that the right hon. and learned Gentleman has said or about the earlier delays on the Disarmament Commission. That is why we were glad at length at Berlin to get a measure of agreement about this. Now we are trying to get the sub-committee of the Four Powers to work. The right hon. and learned Gentleman knows from his long experience that it does not lie with Her Majesty's Government to get three other Powers to get things moving.

Does not the right hon. Gentleman agree that this country has the right to the very fullest consultations over the hydrogen bomb with the United States Government, in view of the fact that it is from British airfields that American hydrogen bombers may take off, thus possibly endangering the life of every man, woman and child in this country?

That aspect of the general situation is one which is never absent from my mind. But the main practical consideration is how best to influence the Government of the United States who are at the present moment forbidden by their own laws from imparting information, which they may not be unwilling to do.

Would the Prime Minister not agree that they are not forbidden to consult? The McMahon Act may forbid specific information, but they are not forbidden to consult on the use of the hydrogen bomb?

I think that two people meeting together with full knowledge on both sides and not allowed to impart or receive any information not already disclosed in the newspapers would find it very difficult to have a fruitful consultation.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that the vast majority of the people in this country have the greatest possible confidence in him and in Her Majesty's Government in the handling of these very vital affairs?

There are many other hon. Members who have Questions down and who are anxious to ask supplementary questions on this subject. It would be unfair to some of them or to most of them if we were to continue the matter further.

On a point of order. I put down Question No. 51, which is only three or four Questions beyond those asked by my right hon. Friend the Member for Derby, South (Mr. Noel-Baker), and I feel that other hon. Members on this side and myself are entitled to ask supplementary questions.

There is no entitlement about it. A lot of supplementary questions were asked by Privy Councillors on the hon. Member's side. We can only spend a certain time on Questions.

Does this mean that back bench Members of the House have no rights whatsoever?

It does not mean anything of the kind—of course not. But there is a long established custom in the House to give Privy Councillors the preference. [HON. MEMBERS: "Why?"] It is a very old established custom. If hon. Members care to change it, they must put down a Motion or something to that effect. Nor does it follow that because an hon. Member puts down a Question which is answered with a lot of others a supplementary question from him is necessarily allowed; otherwise we would have a great number of Questions one day on the same subject and the whole of our time would be occupied with that one matter and supplementary questions. I must try to exercise my discretion as fairly as I can.

Further to that point of order. Today, Mr. Speaker, you have not allowed one single supplementary question from back bench Members, but only supplementary questions from Privy Councillors. Surely, that is not right.

May I respectfully point out that at least a dozen of these 18 Questions would never have been reached had I taken the ordinary course and answered them seriatim.

Further to that point of order. Would it not have been within the rights of the House to insist that the Prime Minister should answer each Question separately? Had he done so, would not the hon. Members concerned have had a right to ask supplementary questions?

Two hon. Members, including myself, had Questions down on this matter yesterday. We were asked to postpone them until today. If we are not to be allowed to ask supplementary questions on it, what is the point of postponing a Question?

I did not realise that. But the House will see my difficulty. If there are a great number of supplementary questions, it means that we consume a great deal of time on one matter. I have to consider the interests of the House as a whole. Hon. Members have other interests which they are anxious to discuss besides this matter.

Order. I have ruled on the matter. If hon. Members dispute my Ruling, they have only one remedy. There cannot be any argument.

I beg to move the Adjournment of the House under Standing Order No. 9 on a definite matter of urgent public importance, namely,

"The refusal of the Prime Minister to enter into immediate consultations with the Government of the United States with a view to securing the suspension of the present series of hydrogen bomb tests."

This matter is clearly not within the terms of the Standing Order. The "definite matter" in this case is the explosion which took place on 1st March. [HON. MEMBERS: "And last Friday."] Kindly allow me to finish. It has been quite clear from the statement we have had that this is an action undertaken by the American Government. It is not a matter for which Ministers here are responsible. Therefore, it does not come within any of the rules which govern Motions on the Adjournment, whether on Standing Order No. 9 or anything else. If a debate is desired on it, it must be arranged. The matter clearly is not within the terms of the Standing Order.

I may say that I am in almost hourly correspondence with the Government of the United States.

The Prime Minister announced today that he had been informed that the second explosion which has taken place is to be one of a series. This is new information to the House. We have no information whatever as to the steps that the United States have taken to circumscribe the results of the explosion. Let it be remembered that these tests are taking place outside the territory of the United States, in the Pacific Ocean. Other nations are affected. Are we to understand that if in one of these subsequent explosions British subjects or the subjects of other nations are involved and people are killed or injured, the answer is that we cannot discuss the matter because it is out of order in the House of Commons?

The right hon. Gentleman mistakes me. It has been a longstanding rule of the House that if the actions of a foreign Government involves British lives and property, it is a matter for hon. Members to discuss. But there is no question of that at the moment.

The right hon. Gentleman asks how I know. I do not know, and neither does he. The facts are not known. We could not have an Adjournment Motion on that.

Further to that point of order. It is stated that a series of hydrogen bombs is to be tested out in the Pacific. One of the bombs was tested out quite recently, and Japanese nationals were affected by it. There is no guarantee that British subjects would not be affected by it. We have no guarantee that they would be, but we do not know what steps have been taken by the United States to circumscribe the limits of the explosions. We are entitled in the House to ask the Prime Minister to seek safety precautions for British subjects.

This is too serious a matter, and I suggest to hon. Members opposite that we do not want the House of Commons to be considered a place where serious matters of this sort cannot be discussed as a question of the utmost urgency. In view of the fact that the Prime Minister has said that the explosion was one of a series, we are entitled to ask what precautions have been taken by the United States of America.

I did not say that on my own authority. It is published in the statement by Admiral Strauss in "The Times" this morning. It is not in my sphere at all.

Has it not always been a principle of the British Government to uphold the freedom of the seas? Must it not be the case that British rights and the rights of other nations are affected when the seas are closed or contaminated and when radioactive ash falls on the territories of other countries, as happens to Japan when Russia explodes a bomb? Is it not the duty of the Government to protect British rights in this matter? Have the Government not failed in that duty?

We are also concerned in protecting the freedom of the land. The position on the seas is not comparable to that which existed in Nelson's days.

Order. I am myself rising to a point of order. This discussion arose from a request by the hon. Member for Broxtowe (Mr. Warbey) to move the Adjournment of the House on a definite matter of urgent public importance under Standing Order No. 9. I have ruled that it does not fall within that Standing Order. Various suggestions have been made to me as to why I should change my mind, including one from the right hon. Member for Ebbw Vale (Mr. Bevan), who says that some consequences may follow from the series of explosions in the future. So far, that is entirely hypothetical; and a hypothetical matter cannot be made the subject of the Standing Order. Therefore, I have heard nothing to induce me to change my mind, and I am adhering to my Ruling. If any hon. Member has a new point of order I will listen to it, but I must ask hon. Members to remember that other hon. Members have rights in the House and there are other matters they want to discuss.

Further to what you have just said, Mr. Speaker, may I ask your guidance? You rule that a proposed debate would be out of order because there is no Ministerial responsibility. Does that not apply equally to all the Questions which were on the Order Paper? They are on the same subject and so would be the debate which is proposed by my right hon. Friend the Leader of the Opposition and was not rejected on those grounds either by you or by the Prime Minister? Would you be good enough for our guidance to indicate why all the Questions on the Order Paper were in order whereas the debate proposed by my hon. Friend the Member for Broxtowe (Mr. Warbey) would be out of order?

Hon. Members put down Questions in the usual way asking for information about the Government's intention. That was the gist of all the Questions put on the Order Paper, and therefore they were in order, but we are not dealing with what is in order in Questions but what is in order in moving the Adjournment of the House under Standing Order No. 9. There different considerations exist. There must be definite Ministerial responsibility for the matter which is being discussed. It is quite clear that the desire of some hon. Members for an immediate discussion on this topic is not a definite matter within the meaning of the Standing Order. In so far as there is a definite matter, it is that certain explosions have taken place. Those explosions are not the responsibility of Ministers, and that is the reason for my Ruling.

With great respect, did not my hon. Friend the Member for Broxtowe, in framing his Motion, indicate that the point to which he desired to draw attention was precisely Ministerial failure to consult or the failure of the Prime Minister to consult, which is the same point as was made in many of the Questions on the Order Paper? Is it not also the case in this House that it has always been held and always ruled that debates on the Adjournment, although there must be Ministerial responsibility, can range somewhat more widely, not less widely, than Questions?

The hon. Member is confusing two things. I am quite sure in my own mind that the answer I have given is the right one under the Standing Order. Hon. Members are entitled to ask the Foreign Office Questions as to the intentions of the Government, and that has frequently been done. It is quite a different matter to interrupt the Orders of the Day by claiming as a definite matter of urgent public importance some criticism of a general policy as to consultation or its lack which may be alleged. I do not think that comes within the Standing Order.

I wish to move the Adjournment of the House under Standing Order No. 9 for quite a different reason to that given by my hon. Friend the Member for Broxtowe (Mr. Warbey). I beg to move the Adjournment of the House under Standing Order No. 9 to draw attention to a definite matter of urgent public importance, namely: that Her Majesty's Government were responsible for that, but it would certainly be proper to press Her Majesty's Government as to what steps they were taking in view of a danger of that kind.

I respectfully submit to you that that is the situation in which we are placed. These explosions are recent; they are certainly definite; and they create an urgent situation. From what the Prime Minister has told us, we have good reason to believe that they will be repeated. It is, therefore, a reasonable apprehension that, unless steps are taken—we do not know, but the Government would know what steps would be the most suitable—the lives of British subjects would be endangered and possibly even graver and more widespread consequences might follow. I respectfully submit that this is a matter within the responsibility of the Government, and is a definite matter of urgent public importance.

I do not know whether I have the knowledge to put this question to you, Mr. Speaker—

I understood that the hon. Member for Liverpool, Scotland (Mr. Logan) was rising to a point of order. If so, he ought to be allowed to make it.

I cannot have two Members on their feet at the same time. I have called the hon. Member for Liverpool, Scotland, and I was endeavouring to listen to him.

I am rising to a point of order. The question I wish to put to you is this. The Adjournment of the House has been called for, and I want to know if I should be in order to oppose that Motion and to give the reasons why I think that such a Motion should not be put before the House.

The hon. Member would not be in order in that, but if I were to find the Motion was within the terms of the Standing Order he might be entitled, during the debate, to express his opinion.

My point of order is a new one. A number of hon. Members who have put down Questions on this subject have not been heard. My hon. Friend the Member for the Liverpool, Scotland (Mr. Logan) has not put down a Question but he has put a point of order. May I ask now why he should be allowed without notice to put a question to you or to the House when so many other hon. Members who have put down Questions on this subject are being deprived of that right?

Hon. Members must have some sympathy with the Chair, which is frequently ignorant of what an hon. Member is going to say until he has concluded his remarks. All I was doing was: giving the hon. Member an opportunity to raise his point of order if he so desired. I think I had better get back to the Question before the House.

The hon. Member for Fulham, East (Mr. M. Stewart) has asked leave to move the Adjournment of the House under Standing Order No. 9 to draw attention to a definite matter of urgent public importance, namely, might follow. The first point I would put to him is that an apprehension, whether reasonable or not, is not a definite matter of urgent public importance. I feel it my duty to the House to proceed now with the Orders of the day.

Business of the House

Proceedings on the Atomic Energy Authority Bill exempted, at this day's Sitting, from the provisions of Standing Order No. 1 (Sittings of the House).—[ The Prime Minister. ]

Housing Repairs and Rents Bill (Business Committee)

Report [ 25th March ] of the Business Committee to be considered forthwith.—[ Mr. Crookshank. ]

Considered accordingly.

Question, "That this House doth agree with the Committee in the said Report," put forthwith, pursuant to the Standing Order No. 41 (Business Committees), and agreed to.

Orders of the Day

Telegraph Bill

Order for Second Reading read.

4.10 p.m.

I beg to move, "That the Bill be now read a Second time."

The House may wonder why it is necessary to have a Bill at all in order to raise telegraph charges. There is an interesting piece of history behind all this because, when the telegraphs were taken over by the State in 1870, it was done by a special Act of Parliament which laid down the maximum charges which the Postmaster-General could make for inland telegrams. That Act has continued ever since. It has been amended from time to time by other Acts, and that explains the reason it is necessary to have this Bill today. Rather curiously, an increase in telephone charges could be made by a Statutory Instrument, and for an increase in postage all that would be required would be to lay a warrant on the Table of the House.

It is never a pleasant duty for any Government to have to increase charges and certainly not, as I am asking the House to do today, to double them. But we are faced with a situation which, in my opinion, makes that course inevitable. I am quite aware that this is not a popular Bill, but what matters is not popularity but whether we are doing the right thing. The fact is that the inland telegram is now losing £4½ million a year.

Perhaps I should anticipate a possible source of confusion by mentioning that the estimated deficit in 1953–54 on the telegraph account as a whole, which has just been published, is only £3·1 million, but this figure includes several other services, such as the overseas telegraphs, and especially the very profitable inland private wires. Now, the loss of £4½ million on inland telegrams is an appreciable one by any criterion, and, viewed in relation to the cost of each telegram sent, it is clearly excessive. As the House knows, the Post Office receives an average of 2s. for each telegram sent and it costs 5s. to send it, so we are losing 3s. on every telegram.

Even so, we might have taken a more lenient view of these losses if we had been making large Post Office surpluses in other directions from which these losses might have been absorbed but, as I will try to show in a minute, we are now working on the smallest Post Office surpluses the country has ever known.

Last year the Select Committee on Estimates examined the accounts of the inland telegraph service. They obviously thought, although they were very polite about it, that we ought to have done something about this long ago. In fact, they made two recommendations. The first recommendation was that the Post Office and the Treasury should examine various alternative schemes to try to bring the inland telegraph account into some sort of balance. Their second recommendation—this was made as a matter of urgency—was that we should pursue our investigations "into the advisability of increasing the rates for inland Press telegrams."

The Select Committee cross-examined the Post Office witnesses as to how the inland telegraph service was organised. They found, as we had found before, that the rise in telegraph costs presented a problem that simply could not be solved by a flash of inspiration or even by some dramatic change in organisation. We have not been watching the deficit grow and doing nothing about it. All sorts of ideas have been studied, not only by this administration but by that of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Caerphilly (Mr. Ness Edwards). Some have proved workable and some have not.

The most spectacular reform we have been able to make is that of teleprinter automatic switching, to which I have referred before in this House. That saved us half a million pounds a year over pre-war methods. There has also been a constant effort to save money in other directions as well—by reorganisations, by reductions in staff as the traffic falls, and so on. This work is going on and, without it, the deficit would have been even higher than it is today. But there is very little scope—I want to be frank with the House—for further technical operational economies. All telegraph lines are provided as a by-product of the telephone network, and it is now possible to send 24 telegrams at once over a single wire. Teleprinters working through automatic switching, as I have said, have proved extremely useful for long-distance telegrams.

However, the cost of lines and equipment—and this is the whole point—now comes to less than 6d. a telegram, and therefore it is extremely difficult to reduce that figure any further. The plain truth is that our efforts to keep the deficit down have always been counteracted by the general rise in costs.

My hon. Friend has referred to the growing deficit. Could he, in the course of his speech or later, in the debate, give us the progress of this deficit since 1945 in relation to the falling off of telegraphic traffic?

Yes, I will give that later on but, roughly, the deficit was about £1 million between the wars and it stayed pretty steady there until 1945, since when it has been growing.

When I made the statement in the House on 3rd March that this Bill was to be introduced, the right hon. Gentleman the Leader of the Opposition asked if it were not a Post Office principle that the strong should carry the weak, and that we ought not to pay any special attention to whether some particular service was profitable or not. The answer is that no one has said, and I am certainly not saying now, that every service rendered by the Post Office has to show a profit. The best answer that I can give to that sort of suggestion is to inform the House that we lose money, for example, on every rural telephone kiosk—an average of £40. That is made up by the enormous number of people who use the telephone kiosks on Waterloo Station.

There has never been any suggestion that each service of the Post Office must actually balance. We are under an obligation to provide a universal service throughout the country, and that is one of the prices of doing it. On the other hand, no sensible person would say that a particular service must be provided regardless of loss. The responsible Minister must obviously satisfy himself from time to time that the extent to which one service is being subsidised by another is reasonable, and that an economic use of national resources is not being wrongly encouraged by charges which are far too low.

That is common ground between both sides of the House, and is evidenced by the fact that when the right hon. Member for Caerphilly was Postmaster-General in 1951, he made five tariff increases, including, incidentally, an increase in the charge for inland telegrams.

Did I? Well, the right hon. Gentleman will vote against this, so we shall be all square.

The right hon. Gentleman was at pains to point out that all the services the prices of which he was increasing were running at a loss. I am sorry that the Leader of the Opposition is not here. I should have liked to try to convince him that the point which he raised when I made my announcement early in March had no particular validity.

Will the Assistant Postmaster-General clear up this point? If it is agreed that some aspects of the service must be subsidised, to what extent do the Government subscribe to that view? Must the deficit not exceed £1 million, £2 million or £3 million? I see from the Report of the Select Committee on Estimates that there is a scale of deficits given. Can the hon. Gentleman indicate the figure which the Government have in mind?

Other factors have to be taken into account as well as the actual deficit on any particular service, as I shall try to show. We have to take into account the size of the Post Office surplus as a whole. For example, we can run a higher deficit on a particular service if we are catering for a large Post Office surplus, but when we are catering for a small one the criterion becomes different.

The commercial forecast of general Post Office finances, which appears in Appendix A of the Post Office Estimates for 1954–55, gives an overall surplus of less than £3 million, and even since that Report has been printed a recent pay award has reduced that figure to nearer £2 million. I should not like to be too optimistic and suppose that no further wage claims will come along in the next year that might destroy that very meagre surplus altogether. Therefore, some increase in our revenues is essential. This, and the fact that, even after this increase in telegraph revenue, about a quarter of the cost of inland telegrams will still not be covered by the charge, show conclusively, I hope, that what we are proposing to do is no more than the situation demands.

It is true that inland telegrams have for many years been a declining service. The reasons for this are well known. The first is that more and more people are going on the telephone; and by and large, as a rough generalisation, when someone goes on the telephone he no longer uses the telegraph service. The second is that we are in the position of being a small country and of having a good postal service. We can post letters up to 6 p.m. in London and they are delivered anywhere in England and Wales by the first post next morning. I wish that to be quite clear. That is the main difference between this country and the United States, to which reference has been made, and with which we have been adversely contrasted.

This decline in traffic is in some ways fortunate because of the rise in costs, especially wage costs. The best example I can give is the difference between the cost of a man delivering a telegram in 1939 and now. In 1939, he got 19s. per week; today he gets 65s.

Yes, the young postman. Taking the Post Office as a whole, our wage bill, including pension liability, has risen by £50 million in the past five years. That total is bad enough, but it is not merely that; it represents an increase of about 50 per cent.

It is no use our shirking the fact that every increase in wages in a service like the Post Office must inevitably mean some increase in costs to the consumer. When we are dealing with an increase in wages, we ought to say to ourselves, "That is going to put up the cost of something." To say anything else would be completely dishonest.

If the number of telegrams were not going down steadily, the deficit would be bigger. From a hard-boiled business point of view, we should like to close down the inland telegram service altogether, but we cannot do that, and we do not propose to try. But although telegraphs are still an essential part of our service, they cannot be run without any regard to cost. Unpleasant though the fact is, an increase in telegram charges is inevitable. I think that the right hon. Gentleman will agree with me on that, but what he will disagree on is by how much they should be increased.

The House is already aware of what we propose—the 1s. 6d. rate is to be doubled, to 3s.; the 1½d. per word is to be increased to 3d. In other words, charges are to be doubled. We estimate that this increase will produce a reduction of 30 per cent. in the number of telegrams sent. This reduction in traffic will mean a reduction in costs, and this, together with the increase in income, will reduce the deficit from about £4,500,000 to about £2 million. Even with those increased charges, the sender of every telegram will be getting a subsidy of 1s. 6d. from other users of Post Office services.

Will the hon. Gentleman say on what his Department has based this estimated reduction of 30 per cent., seeing that there has never before been the position in which telegram charges have been doubled?

An intelligent guess, if one likes to put it that way. It may be right or wrong, but what always amazes me is how intelligent are the guesses made by the various Departments, not only in this direction but in others. But it must be a guess; it cannot be anything else.

Some hon. Gentlemen may agree that something had to be done but feel that we should not have raised the charge to 3s. but to 2s. 6d. That is attractive, but I would point out that that small difference of 6d. would have cost another £1 million. I can appreciate the feelings of hon. Gentlemen who feel and believe that these increased charges may cause hardship. But however tender-hearted we may be, we have to be realistic. The fact is that if the user of one Post Office service is allowed to get a 3s. subsidy, some other person has to pay that subsidy. That other person might be far worse off than the one who gets the subsidy. It may well be that he is far less able to pay.

Would not the hon. Gentleman agree that the service is common to anyone who cares to use it, even if they have telephones?

Yes, but we must keep the service in a little bit better balance than it is when a telegram costs 5s. and we get only 2s. back. From an ordinary business point of view, I would say that that is no good. If it were a ratio of 2s. to 3s. or 2s. to 4s., that would be different, but to have one of 2s. to 5s. is out of the question. I think that the hon. Gentleman really agrees.

I have looked up what the right hon. Gentleman the Minister for Caerphilly said in 1951. He was making the same point. I am not using the speech against him. He made this speech when he was increasing the telephone charge in call boxes from 2d. to 3d. He said:

We have made an analysis of the telegram traffic. The investigations have been going on for some time. About half the telegrams are business telegrams and the largest business user is the fish trade. A strong plea was made in this House two weeks ago that I should give special consideration to the fish trade. I cannot see the slightest justification for that if it means that I have to put up postage costs for someone far less able to pay.

I do not think that the hon. Member for Louth (Mr. Osborne) would suggest that his fish friends should have a 3s. subsidy on every telegram if that meant that we had to put up the price of postage for old-age pensioners. The fish trade has been lucky to have had a subsidised service for so long. Even the new charges will, on an average, put only one-fiftieth of 1d. a pound on the price of fish. Does anyone in this House recommend that fishmongers in Grimsby should have their telegrams subsidised at the expense of old-age pensioners somewhere else?

Of the balance, two-fifths are greetings telegrams which have been popular, and the development of these owes very much to the inspiration and energy of my predecessors. We normally send greetings telegrams on the more joyous occasions of life, and may we long continue to do so; but there is no earthly reason why we should expect a subsidy of 2s. when we do it.

Then we come to the ordinary run of domestic telegrams, including the type of telegram which is at the back of all our minds—what I call the life and death telegram—a telegram which bears bad news, and which I suppose affects all of us at some period of our lives. The percentage is extremely small; in fact, it is only about 3 per cent. I know that averages are dangerous things, and we must be careful how we use them, but, as I told the House the other day, this works out at one such telegram every 12 years. Even if we do the sum again, leaving out the people who are on the telephone, it comes to one every 10 years.

Does the hon. Gentleman think that that is a fair way of presenting this matter to the House? When something of this nature occurs in a family, the normal reaction is that not one but three, four or five telegrams are sent.

I said that we must be careful how we use averages. I used the figure because I was surprised that the percentage was so small. I should have thought that it was far greater than 3 per cent. I think that my surprise might equally be shared by the House. I do not suppose that the average Member realised how small was the percentage of telegrams of this kind. Certainly we should not be justified in running into a large deficit merely to accommodate this type of traffic, especially as we have tried to devise a means—and I think that we have done it—which I am convinced will go a long way to help, and that is the overnight telegram.

This means that anybody can send a telegram at the rate of 1s. 6d. for 12 words up to 10 p.m. and it will be delivered by first post the next morning. Hon. Members may ask what is the good of talking about an overnight telegram to someone who lives in the heart of the country miles away from a Post Office. The answer is that one can send an overnight telegram from any telephone call box. If one asks the girl how much the telegram will cost, she will give the answer. A person will be asked to put the money in the slot and if he has not the exact money and has to put in too much, he will be able to get a refund afterwards. In this overnight telegram we have something which will enable the ordinary person to send a telegram which will be delivered by first post the next morning.

I wish to say a few words about the lower tariff rate for Press telegrams. This was a special concession given to the Press in 1870. Under it the Press could send a message of 75 words by day and 100 words by night for 1s. Even now, 80 years later, the rate is 60 words by day or 80 words by night for 1s. 3d. In spite of this great concession, the traffic has gone down and down. The main reason is that the big newspapers run their own private teleprinter lines which are outside the Bill and which I am glad to say make a very nice profit.

The revenue received from Press telegrams is now under £30,000 a year and they cost us over £90,000 a year. What we have suggested, therefore, is that the charge for Press telegrams should be increased to 3s. for 60 words by day or 80 words by night. This will increase the revenue to £75,000.

Before I conclude, there are too other comments I wish to make. The first is that the steady decline of telegraph business has had an effect on the Post Office staff. It is extremely difficult for them to maintain their enthusiasm, especially as the prospects of promotion have suffered, as they must suffer. I am glad to say that, in spite of this, they have kept up their spirit of service which has always characterised those who work for the Post Office. They have maintained what I might call their pride of craft. I am therefore very keen and particularly concerned to make sure that everything possible is done to avoid hardship to the staff as a result of any drop in traffic. Negotiations with the staff associations are already in progress. I do not propose to say anything more about them while the negotiations are proceeding.

The second comment is that the loss of any particular service must be viewed against the Post Office surplus as a whole. When I became Assistant Postmaster-General, an hon. Gentleman opposite—I have forgotten who—called me a tax collector for the Chancellor of the Exchequer. I hope that, whatever I have been in the past, no one will accuse me this year of being that. The Post Office surplus for which we budget is £2,900,000 and this is the lowest for 33 years. It is not so much a surplus as a working balance, and an extremely low one for an organisation with a turnover of £270 million a year. I must confess that when I read what happened in the Post Office before the war, I envy my predecessors who used to get a surplus of £10 million a year. Even with these increased telegraph charges, the surplus would only be increased to about £5 million, and that would only arise if the Bill came into operation next week. I am only doing what my predecessor did in 1951 when he put up the charge of a telephone box call from 2d. to 3d., not because the telephones were losing money, but because call boxes were running at a loss. At that time the telephone surplus was expected to be over £4 million. He did that because the Post Office surplus at that time appeared to be less than £1 million, and was extremely precarious. In other words, we were then faced with a situation identical to that with which we are faced now. Even with the increased telegram charges, we cannot expect more than about half the surplus for which the right hon. Gentleman was budgeting in 1951.

Will the hon. Gentleman clear up a doubt in my mind about the surplus? Is this the amount left over after the transfer to the Exchequer? Is there a transfer to the Exchequer now?

No, it is the commercial surplus—the surplus on the commercial accounts of the Post Office in which credit is taken for all sorts of services which are performed by the Post Office for various Government Departments. I find it rather difficult to understand how the Opposition can apparently condemn me today for doing exactly what they did in 1951 in identical circumstances.

Those are the main provisions of this Bill. Perhaps, with your permission, Mr. Speaker, and that of the House, at the end of the debate I may answer any points which hon. Members may raise. I know it is with very great reluctance that they face this question of increased telegram charges, but I can assure them that I face it with equal reluctance myself.

4.42 p.m.

We have had an interesting and unbelligerent speech from the Assistant Postmaster-General. I suspect that in delivering it he was embarrassed by his past, when he voted against a similar charge. Equally he was embarrassed by the fact that he does not himself believe in this Bill. It is not a Post Office Bill; it is a Treasury Bill. This is not an increased charge brought forward in accordance with the best Post Office opinion. This is something that he has been incited or compelled to do by the Treasury.

The hon. Gentleman referred to the Select Committee on Estimates and said that it had recommended the Treasury and the Post Office jointly to examine the position to see how far they could improve it. It all follows the very familiar pattern. I am quite satisfied that if the Post Office were told that their commercial surplus was not large enough and that it was desirable to increase their revenue and their surplus, the Post Office would have decided not to have made this increased charge but would have found other places where the burden could be borne much more easily and more satisfactorily in order to obtain the surplus desired.

I must say that I agree with the hon. Gentleman in his general approach to the problem. I agree that the Post Office must, by and large, stand on its own feet. It should have this surplus. It should not be running at a loss. When the hon. Gentleman made his announcement on 4th March, I was shocked. Never in the history of the Post Office has any single charge been increased by 100 per cent., which is what he has done. Here is a charge which has had no precedent, and apparently all this is done on the assumption that we must put the inland telegraph service on a better footing.

The fact is that it can never be made solvent. The House must face that fact. The telegraph service has been ground between two millstones—the increased telephone service on the one hand, and the postal service on the other. The more the telephone service expands, the more the telegraph service will decline. That was accepted by the Select Committee on Estimates and by the Bridgeman Committee. Every Committee which has examined this matter has come to this conclusion. The hon. Gentleman, who is new to the House, may find that piece of news rather disconcerting to his preconceived ideas.

It seems to me that the Assistant Postmaster-General has got this matter wrong. His approach was wrong. He seemed to regard the telegraph service as just an ordinary commercial undertaking. He forgot that it is a vital part of the communications system of this country, and that it is a part of our communications that we have got to keep anyhow. From the point of view of strategy, national safety and national defence, it has got to be kept in being. It cannot be kept in being on a care and maintenance basis, because we have to keep it turning over all the time and we have to keep the skilled personnel in order to run it. That is one of the factors which the hon. Gentleman did not take into account.

The next factor that the hon. Gentleman did not take into account is that this service is of vital importance in the social life of the country. We must maintain it if we are to maintain adequate communications within the country. We must not kill the telegraph service; we must maintain it, first for defence reasons, and secondly for social reasons. There are roughly 15 million households in this country. Only 2·4 million households are on the telephone, and even when the waiting list of applicants for telephones is cleared, we shall still have about 12 million households not on the telephone.

That means that in times of emergency their only quick means of communication is the telegraph. There are some 18 million telegrams of this sort every year. That is, roughly, the size of the traffic about which I am particularly concerned. Frankly, if it were possible to put up the rate for business telegrams, I should raise no objection; but we must consider very realistically the domestic telegram as the only means of communication in times of crisis in many households.

As my hon. Friend the Member for Walthamstow, East (Mr. Wallace) said, when a death occurs in a family it is not one telegram that is sent. I know of this problem in South Wales from where so many people emigrated before the last war to Slough, Hayes and places like that. If a death occurs in the family, four or five telegrams have to be sent and the cost of sending those telegrams will be a very heavy burden as a result of this Bill.

It is no use saying that this type of telegram comprises only 3 per cent. of the total number of telegrams and that, on an average, only one is sent in 10 years. It is like telling a fellow whose wife has died that it only happens once. We cannot dismiss it in that way, and I impress upon the hon. Gentleman that the charge that is now made can be a very great hardship at a time when one has enough hardships already. We are under an obligation to maintain the telegraph service as an adequate means of communication, and we are not doing that if the charge puts the service out of the reach of those who want to use it.

Then there is the question of treating the inland telegraph service as something in isolation. I am glad that the Assistant Postmaster-General referred to the interpolation of my right hon. Friend the Leader of the Opposition the other day, because within the Post Office the strong have to carry the weak. That is true of each service and it is true within each service. The hon. Member for Kidderminster (Mr. Nabarro), who knows so much and who appears to be shaking his head, had better listen a little longer. The rural postal service is carried by the urban post, and the rural telephones are carried by the urban telephones.

If one isolated the lines which serve farmers, one would find that the loss on farmers' telephones is not very far short of the loss on telegrams. It has been traditionally the case that postal profits for many years carried the telephone losses. After the development of telephones during the Kingsley Wood period, when there was a great expansion of the service, telephones have made a profit, and since those days profits on the telephones and profits on the postal service have carried the telegram service.

That has been the position for many years, but I must go back to the point about the weak being carried by the strong. If we had regard only for the telegraph service in London, it is quite probable that there might be a profit on telegrams within the London region, but when one goes to Scotland and rural Wales one gets tremendous losses. The Assistant Postmaster-General spoke of an average loss of 5s. The loss is very high indeed where telegrams have to be conveyed to some distant farmhouse at the head of a valley miles from the receiving centre. That is the type of loss that has to be carried by the profitable services.

Most of this loss is merged in the Post Office accounts. The hon. Gentleman has said that the question is what, by and large is the result of the overall activities of the Post Office and not what are the results in one region and another region or with telegrams here and telegrams there. The question is the overall picture. Whilst that is true, I equally agree that it does not mean that we must ignore a recuring loss in any particular section of the service. It would be bad business if we did so, and this loss on the telegraph service has been a headache to the last five or six Postmasters-General.

I had to consider this problem towards the end of 1950. I saw then that the loss on the telegraph service was going up very substantially. It was over £4 million. I took certain action. I raised the telegram charge from 1s. for 12 words to 1s. 6d. I felt that that was something in proportion to what the service ought to carry and that it was a reasonable increase which would not cause undue hardship to the domestic and private user. In addition, I tried to inject some new life into the system by introducing the greetings telegram.

That had an effect. The first year during which that system operated was 1952, and the deficiency dropped. In 1950–51 it was approximately £4 million. In 1951–52 it was £3 million odd. In 1952–53 it started to climb back again, and it was about £200,000 more than it was the previous year.

I agree that the Assistant Postmaster-General is rightly concerned about the present deficiency, but when we increased the charges in 1950 we had regard to the general heading of telegrams. The hon. Gentleman has not had regard to that, but has taken an element out of the general heading and placed it on its own. In other words, he has isolated one section of activities in the telegraph service and he has taken that as the criterion on which to base the increased charge.

If we take the figures as we took them in my time and as the hon. Gentleman takes then in his own public accounts, we have the position that the deficit in 1950–51 was roughly £4,193,000, in 1951–52 it was £3,377,000 and in 1952–53 it was £3,336,000. The estimate made last month for this year is £3,800,000. I am leaving out the £4,500,000 loss about which the hon. Gentleman has been speaking and I am keeping to the headings that are presented in the commercial accounts. Altogether under the heading "Telegraphs," the position is that the loss this year as compared with last year is up merely by £200,000 or so. That is to be made the basis for getting back from the telegram users £2,500,000. My charge against the hon. Gentleman is that he has not sought to keep the deficit where it was, but that he is imposing such a charge as to reduce the deficit to a level lower than it has been for the last 10 years. He does that by doubling the charge and imposing a burden on the domestic user which should never have been imposed.

I say that there is no case for a 100 per cent. increase and, in order to try to build up a case, the hon. Gentleman took the inland telegram system only. He took the part losing the most. There was no more reason for him to do that than to take the farmers' telephones as a basis for increasing telephone charges—

I am surprised at the hon. Member for Louth (Mr. Osborne). I usually try to tell the truth about this matter—

I was not challenging the right hon. Gentleman's veracity. I want the whole of the facts; that is all. I was not casting any aspersions upon the right hon. Gentleman.

I am putting the facts as I see them. I am not trying to make a party point. It is in the interests of both sides of the House that the Post Office shall reflect credit in the country and give the maximum service with the greatest advantage to the greatest number. That is my view about the Post Office, and I am sure that it is the view which the Assistant Postmaster-General would take if only the Treasury would let him.

The hon. Gentleman has admitted that this increase will cut the traffic by one-third. Here is a system in which millions of pounds have been invested. It was reported to the Estimates Committee that the present use of the plant was within 5 per cent. of the maximum. All this expensive plant has to be used at only two-thirds of its capacity. In order to keep the plant working, it is necessary to retain the personnel. We cannot reduce the personnel in proportion to the reduction in traffic. If only one telegram is sent, we have to keep the personnel employed to send it.

These people are established civil servants and so we have roughly one-third—perhaps I ought not to say that—of the established civil servants in the telegraph service who will be supernumerary. They will all be employed for only two-thirds of their time. The hon. Gentleman has allowed the Treasury to take the first step towards killing the telegraph service and spreading dismay among the Post Office staff. As a result of this Bill, there will be the utmost confusion. The position will be much worse than the hon. Gentleman has stated. Depreciation and the payment of annuities and interest are now to be borne on traffic which will be two-thirds less than before. Really, this is a very ill-conceived Bill.

We need only take into account some of the figures put to us by the hon. Gentleman. He said that the deficiency is to be reduced by £2½ million, in other words £2½ million additional money will be pulled into the Post Office.

So the fact will be that expenditure will go down, but in relation to the expenditure the hon. Gentleman will have £2½ million more to play with. At the end of the day, he will have actually £2½ million more in his pocket. The estimated loss on telegrams this year is £3,800,000 and we should pay attention to this point. Before this change in the telegraph service, the estimated loss is £3,800,000. But £2½ million extra is to be obtained as the result of this Bill, and so that the loss will be reduced to £1,300,000, the lowest it has been—with the exception of war-time—since before 1921. In order to do this, the hon. Gentleman proposes to charge 100 per cent. more for telegrams. I repeat that I am at a loss to know why the Post Office is putting up such a poor fight against the Treasury in this matter.

By how much lower will this £1,300,000 loss be than the previous lowest to which the right hon. Gentleman referred?

The figures are in the commercial accounts. Immediately after the end of the last war, the loss was £1,900,000. Ignoring the period of the war and going back to 1930, we find that it was £1 million odd, if we go back to 1921, it was £3 million; so what we are doing is lowering the deficit to a point where we shall create great hardship and put it completely out of balance with traditional Post Office finance.

I would say, upon my own responsibility, that if the hon. Gentleman had said, "It is time we increased the charge for telegrams. We should increase it in order to keep the deficit where it has been on the average over the last six or seven years"—

The right hon. Gentleman spoke of the last few years. I have taken an average of the last four years, and the average loss over the last four years was £3,500,000. What I am inquiring is whether the right hon. Gentleman's proposal is that the loss should be stabilised at £3,500,000 for the future?

I would not use the phrase "stabilising a loss"; I would say that any deficit above that figure is something which should be dealt with by an increase, and if the hon. Gentleman brought forward a proposal of that sort, because of my knowledge of the Post Office and of general circumstances, I would support it, and I think that hon. Members on this side of the House would support it; but to make an increase of the sort he has made is utterly unjustifiable.

If the hon. Gentleman wishes to do justice, why does he not abolish the Press preference altogether? I know it is a small amount, but it is no more of a hardship for Lord Beaverbrook to pay the right amount for his telegram than for the poor pensioner—

I used his name figuratively. I meant Press people generally. Why should we have to sub- sidise the Press in this way? They are very capable of taking care of themselves. The hon. Gentleman will reply that the Press people will be driven on to private wires. I should be delighted if they all went on to private wires, because that is a profitable service, and therefore there is every reason for making them pay the ordinary rate paid by a private user. My view is that there should not be preferential treatment for Press telegrams. I see that, according to the Public Accounts Committee, this has meant a subsidy of £150,000. It is a subsidy which cannot be justified and which should be stopped.

The extent of the increased charge cannot be justified on the grounds which the hon. Gentleman put forward. It will cast upon people who have no other means of communication a burden which they ought not to be asked to bear. From any point of view, the Bill represents a piece of bad business for the Post Office, and I hope that my hon. Friends will vote against its Second Reading and thus save the Post Office from the machinations of the Treasury.

5.11 p.m.

We have listened with very great interest to the speech of the right hon. Member for Caerphilly (Mr. Ness Edwards), and many of us have learned a good deal from the experience which he undeniably obtained during a period of several years when he was Postmaster-General.

There is room for legitimate difference of opinion as to the extent to which the strong should be obliged, within the framework of a postal and telegraphic service, to carry the weak. I entirely agree with the right hon. Gentleman that, within the strictly circumscribed sphere of the telegraphic service, the bulk of the revenue comes from urban and densely-populated areas and must therefore act as a subsidy, in effect, to the rural and less densely-populated areas where, if that were not the case, the cost of the telegraph service would be exorbitant.

However, I at once part company with the right hon. Gentleman and thoroughly disagree with him on the issue whether profitable individual services, within the ambit of the whole sphere of postal services, duties and responsibilities, should subsidise the services which are making a loss. My principle in such matters is simply that every major individual service within the Post Office's responsibilities should, as far as is practicable and possible, be required to stand on its own legs and become solvent if that is possible.

I deprecate the seeming identity of view between the right hon. Gentleman and my hon. Friend. There was a certain resemblance between their words. While I shall not be too censorious about what they said, there is room for a legitimate difference of opinion. My hon. Friend used the word "inevitable" about the losses of the telegraph service. In response to an interjection, for which I apologise—it was meant to be sotto voce, but the right hon. Gentleman heard it—the right hon. Gentleman responded by saying that the telegraph service would never be solvent. There is a good deal of identity of view there.

I understood the hon. Gentleman to say that each major service should stand on its own feet. Then he began to qualify what he had said. He spoke about the service being solvent as far as possible. What is the difference between the hon. Member for Kidderminster (Mr. Nabarro), the Assistant Postmaster-General and my right hon. Friend the Member for Caerphilly (Mr. Ness Edwards)?

There is a great deal of difference. If the hon. Member will allow me to continue with my theme, he will see that there is a great deal of difference between my approach to the problem and the approaches of the right hon. Gentleman and my hon. Friend. Certainly, though, it is a question of degree.

The right hon. Gentleman quoted the losses of the telegraph service during the period from the financial year 1950–51 to the current year, 1953–54. Averaging those out, the loss amounts to about £3,500,000 per annum. We have no yardstick in this country to measure whether the telegraphic service losses are too large and whether it is possible to make the service pay its way or earn a profit, or whether the losses will be reduced by the Bill. Nevertheless, I want to make it clear that I support the Bill because I believe that it is a step in the right direction.

We have a yardstick overseas, and I shall go into some detail on this direct comparison. The yardstick is the way that the telegraphic services are operated by private enterprise in the United States of America and in Canada. The stock answer when this matter is raised is that the distances in the U.S.A. are much greater. That is true. There are also disparities in population. I suggest that the profitability of a telegraphic service depends on two factors—the density of population per square mile and the distances to be covered. Those are the two arbiters as to whether a telegraphic service can pay its way.

It is instructive to compare the services in the U.S.A. and Canada with the service in this country. I am not making a party political point; I am impartially making a comparison between the methods of operating a telegraphic service in the countries which I have mentioned. In the U.S.A. and Canada the telegraphic services are privately-owned and operated by public companies; in this country they are operated by the State. I suggest that, as we have no yardstick of the profitability or otherwise of the telegraphic services in this country, it is objective and useful to compare what happens in the U.S.A. and Canada where the telegraph services at the moment are making a profit, as they have done throughout the last 20 years.

The hon. Member is wrong. The United States service is running at a loss when one takes account of the heavy subsidy which is paid. The common denominator existing between the British and the United States telegraph services is that neither makes a profit.

That is not so. I do not wish to go too far into United States domestic telegraphic affairs. A subsidy is paid by the United States Government in return for certain strategic and defence provisions.

In this country there is the contribution made by the Defence Services to the G.P.O. for telegraphic services, and yet we have the operational loss which has averaged £3,500,000 per annum over the last few years.

I have given way six times. Might I pursue this point a little further? I said that the profitability of a telegraphic service must depend ultimately on density of population and upon distance.

Of course I will, so long as the hon. Gentleman is not too provocative and controversial. He is overlooking a third point. If he is to make a fair comparison, he must also make the comparison between overall liability. In this country the liability is a national one. If I send a telegram to North Wales or just next door, the same charge is paid. Is not liability also an important factor?

I agree with the hon. Member. There is also a responsibility which is carried with conspicuous success by American telegraph corporations, and that is to deliver a telegram anywhere and within a reasonable space of time.

However, I want to quote figures in support of what I have said about the comparison between the United States and this country. The population in England and Wales, according to the last census, is 43¾ million—

The hon. Member for Kilmarnock (Mr. Ross) is so impatient that I often fear that he will burst his boilers.

The population of England and Wales is 43¾ million for 58,020 square miles, and the density of population in England and Wales is 753 per square mile. In Scotland, the corresponding figures are: population, 5·095 million for 29,795 square miles, and the density of population is 171. The density of population in England and Wales is 753, and in Scotland 171, but in the United States the population is 154·178 million for 3,022,000 square miles, and the density of population per square mile is only 50.

Really, I have quoted these statistics as being the latest published figures, and now the hon. Member for Loughborough (Mr. Follick) says they are all wrong. Perhaps the hon. Gentleman is confused becauses these statistics—[ Interruption. ] Will the hon. Gentleman please let me finish my sentence? Perhaps he is confused because these figures exclude the territory of Alaska and concern only the United States of America itself.

What I am saying is that the density of population per square mile in the United States is 50 and that the density of population in the United Kingdom is 753. In the case of Canada, with a population of 14·430 million and 3,846,000 square miles, the density of population is only six per square mile, compared with 753 per square mile in England and Wales, with 171 per square mile in Scotland and with 50 per square mile in the United States.

Manifestly, the density of population in this country and the distances involved compare very favourably, from the point of view of the profitability of the telegraph service, with the density of population in the United States and in Canada. In fact, the density of population in the United Kingdom is about 15 times as great as it is in the United States, and yet the United States is succeeding in making its telegraph service pay, whereas we in this country are earning a heavy loss.

For that reason, I support any measures which may be taken by my hon. Friend the Assistant Postmaster-General for contributing to the solvency of the telegraph service, and I see no possible objection to raising telegraph rates to an economic level, and to relating those rates to current costs and conditions. It is true that, even after these increases in charges, there will be a residual loss, and it is because of that loss that I used the expression "contributing to" the losses which are being earned.

The right hon. Gentleman opposite made very great play with the fact that, during his period of Ministerial office as Postmaster-General, he was cognisant of the fact that a considerable loss was being earned.

The hon. Gentleman probably is incapable of reading any statement of accounts that is set in front of him, but, if he knew anything whatever about accountancy, he would realise that these terms are generally used by accountants, and they include the term "earn a loss"—I repeat "earn a loss."

I regard the hon. Member for Loughborough as an interloper in this Chamber. He has only just arrived, and is making himself a squalid nuisance.

In fact, the right hon. Gentleman opposite, during his period of office—in 1950–51—earned a loss on the telegraphic services of the Post Office of £4,193,000. Why did he not do something about it and raise telegraphic rates? Why did he not consider making a major effort to help those services to reach solvency?

The hon. Gentleman asks me a question, and the answer is very simple. I did, and the hon. Gentleman voted against it.

Really, if hon. Gentlemen opposite will stop squealing, I will answer it. As was customary with the right hon. Gentleman and his hon. Friends, he took insufficient and tardy action in the matter of these heavy losses on the telegraphic services. He nibbled at the problem, walked all the way round but took no dynamic action, such as that which my hon. Friend is taking today.

I want to turn from these matters to a number of suggestions in regard to the future of the telegraphic services. First, I have drawn comparisons, I think very adequately, with the telegraphic services operated on the North American Continent. We can see that they are operating there at a profit, in the hands of private companies. My hon. Friend and his predecessors have been earning continuous losses on the telegraphic services here. I am a keen student of those admirable documents published in this country by an organisation called the Anglo-American Productivity Council, responsibility for which has now been vested in the British Productivity Council, which publishes reports of all the United Kingdom teams of investigation which have been to the United States. We had, for instance, an admirable Anglo-American Productivity Council report on electricity generation and distribution, another on the growing of hops, on fruit production and marketing and other horticultural matters, and on a very wide variety of subjects and industries, but one Anglo-American Productivity Council report which we have not had is on the subject of postal and telegraph services in the United States.

I hope the hon. Gentleman will allow me to proceed with my speech.

I suggest that it might be a fruitful field for investigation if my hon. Friend would consider, in conjunction with the British Productivity Council, arranging for a team of British experts, from the General Post Office executive staff itself concerned with telegraphs and representatives of the Postal Workers' Union, to visit the United States and investigate the latest methods used there for conducting telegraphic arrangements, with a view to at least limiting, if not eliminating, future losses on the telegraphic services in this country.

I am very sorry for the ignorance of the hon. Member for Kidderminster (Mr. Nabarro), because what he does not know is that long before the war, there was a Commission that went to the United States to deal with that very subject. That Commission came back and said that, if they thought the system in the United States would improve the efficiency of the telegraph system in this country, they would certainly recommend its adoption, but the main conclusion to which they came was that conditions were so different from those here—

On a point of order, Sir Charles. I gave way for a short interjection, not a speech, from the hon. Gentleman.

I am on a point of order, Mr. Deputy-Speaker. You heard my point of order, which was that I gave way to the hon. Member for Droylsden (Mr. W. R. Williams) for a short interjection and I am now having to suffer a lengthy speech from him.

If the hon. Gentleman gave way for an interjection, and if we then have a speech, of course the hon. Gentleman responsible will lose the right to speak later if he wants to.

Is it not usual, when an hon. Member gives way to another hon. Member, who is reasonable in the point he is making, that the hon. Member who gives way allows the other hon. Member to continue the argument which he wishes to put to him? So far as I can see, as soon as my argument became formidable to the hon. Member for Kidderminster, he regretted that he had given way. Is not that the position?

I do not know what the position is. "Reasonable" is difficult to define.

I am grateful to you, Mr. Deputy-Speaker. I was talking of the activities of the Anglo-American Productivity Council, established by the late Sir Stafford Cripps in 1947, and I tried to explain that very carefully. The hon. Gentleman was referring to a prewar organisation which—

The hon. Member for Kidderminster brought trouble on himself, because that has nothing to do with the Bill.

I am much obliged to you, Sir. In order to attempt to prevent further rises in the cost of the telegraph service—that is what we are discussing in the Bill—I suggested that it might be a very good proposal if my hon. Friend the Assistant Postmaster-General used the good offices of the British Productivity Council for sending a team to the United States of America, with a view to avoiding further increases in telegraphic charges.

The hon. Gentleman is reading more into the Bill than is in it. The Bill is only to increase charges.

That is not in order under the Bill. We are simply increasing the telegraph charges.

Order. I hope the hon. Gentleman will not say things like that to me. I am doing my best.

I willingly withdraw my comment. I am sorry that I was led into it by hon. Members opposite.

There are two further proposals to which I would refer. There is a special type of telegram to which we have grown accustomed in the last few years. The right hon. Member for Caerphilly sought to take credit for introducing the greetings telegram, but in fact it was very widely used in this country in prewar days. It was suspended in 1953 because of the exigencies of war and was reintroduced by the right hon. Gentleman only in 1952.

The charge for a greetings telegram today is an addition of 6d. to the standard rate. If my hon. Friend is looking for revenue, as clearly he must be in his desire to abate the losses of the telegraph service, he might have another look at the surcharge applicable to a greetings telegram. The surcharge of 6d. is totally inadequate. The greetings telegram is normally used by hundreds of thousands of people in this country on the occasion of a wedding or the arrival of a new baby, and other similar occasions. [ Interruption. ] My hon. Friend the Member for Bristol, North-West (Sir G. Braithwaite) reminds me that he sent me a greetings telegram when I was re-elected to this House in 1951—a very legitimate and useful purpose for a greetings telegram. I suggest that a surcharge of 2s. instead of the present surcharge of 6d. might be a more appropriate addition for the greetings telegram, in view of current costs and conditions.

I pass from that proposal to a second special type of telegram, the priority telegram, for which the surcharge is only 9d. In view of the exceptionally good and rapid service which the General Post Office provides for priority telegrams, and the fact that the great majority of them are used only in cases of exceptional urgency, I suggest that the surcharge on the priority telegram be raised also to 2s., as a means of providing additional revenue for the telegraph service.

I have made three suggestions to my hon. Friend: a 2s. surcharge for the greetings telegram instead of 6d.; a 2s. surcharge for the priority telegram instead of 9d., and an early arrangement for sending an Anglo-American Productivity team to the United States to investigate and report upon their telegraph services.

The Press telegraph service is very little used today. I endorse what my hon. Friend has done in trying to make a substantial contribution towards the solvency of that service. He should not worry himself too much about—I see the right hon. Member for Caerphilly is laughing. I will therefore quote the actual figures of loss on the Press telegraph service. The loss was £90,000 last year. [An HON. MEMBER: "It was not."] Out of that sum, £75,000 might be contributed by the arrangements that we are seeking to make by the Bill.

My hon. Friend has within the ambit of his Post Office responsibility a highly profitable service of teleprinters which are leased by the General Post Office to private business firms. It ought to be my hon. Friend's policy to increase the application of teleprinters still further throughout the business and commerce of this country. A few years ago teleprinters were very little known but today they are becoming increasingly popular; but the admirable services that they provide are not yet sufficiently appreciated. The Press telegram ought to be totally eliminated in the passage of time, and the loss with it, by the encouragement that my hon. Friend should give, as widely as he is able, for the employment of teleprinters.

I warmly support the Bill in pursuit of the principle that every service within the responsibilities of the General Post Office should be made solvent and made to pay its way as far as is reasonable and practicable. The difference between the right hon. Member for Caerphilly and myself is that he believes in perpetual and continuous telegraphic losses met by subsidies, while I believe in profits earned by the application of sound business methods.

5.39 p.m.

I meant to follow the hon. Member for Kidderminster (Mr. Nabarro) in his speech, but I got bogged down on the road to Alaska and I could not follow him in his references when he was trying to prove that there were hardly any people in a square mile in the United States. I persevered as well as I could, until the hon. Gentleman came to a subject about which I happened to know something, and I knew that he was wrong. The loss on Press telegrams, to which the hon. Member referred, was not £90,000 but £65,000, for the year ended on 31st March, 1953. If the hon. Member for Kidderminster, who seems to take nobody's words but his own, does not believe me let me refer him to an answer given to me by the Assistant Postmaster-General, on Wednesday, 24th March, 1954.

I turn to the speech of the Assistant Postmaster-General. It was a different hon. Member we saw at that Box tonight from the one we saw last night. The Assistant Postmaster-General is by way of being an old friend of mine, and he is much better at defending his Department from its critics, and in trying to do his part in seeing that the Post Office continues its splendid work, than he is at peddling the cause of some advertisers who can well look after themselves and do not need this Government to interfere on their behalf.

He said, quite rightly, that there had been some discussion about the strong carrying the weak. I submit that while this proposal for the charge for Press telegrams continues it will be a case of the weak carrying the strong, and I ask the hon. Gentleman to consider, before the Bill goes to Committee, what he can do to alter it so far as Press telegrams are concerned.

The position at present is that a newspaper that receives a Press telegram either by day or by night pays 1s. 3d. for it either for 60 words or 80 words. A member of the public similarly sending 60 words or 80 words spends 7s. 6d. or 10s. So the Press of this country is being subsidised through Press telegrams to the tune of 6s. 3d. per telegram sent in the day time or 8s. 9d. per telegram sent at night. Newspapers, like so much of history, are made at night, and a great many telegrams are sent to newspaper offices between 9 p.m. and 9 a.m. I think that is the night time period. So it can be assumed that greater subsidy takes place during the night.

Now consider what happens when a "black" is put in. Here I must interpret for the House. Putting in a black is putting in a carbon copy. Let us say there is a reporter in one of the courts in South Wales, where men's passions seem to run a little higher than they do in other more civilised parts of the country, and at the court a case of a particularly sensational nature is on the list. The reporter is paid not only by his own newspaper but also by lineage payments from other newspapers, particularly those Sunday papers that specialise in reporting each week our human frailties. If he decides that the case is sufficiently attractive, he puts in a "black"; that is, he puts in a carbon copy for the sort of Sunday newspaper I have mentioned.

The newspaper gets the "black" and pays 3d. for it. If that "black" had been put in by an ordinary member of the public and paid for at the public rates it would have cost either 7s. 6d. or 10s. So, when a "black" is put in for one of these wealthy Sunday newspapers it is subsidised to the extent of 7s. 3d. or 9s. 9d. If that is not a case of the weak carrying the strong I do not know what is.

What is the result? As the Assistant Postmaster-General said, the total revenue from Press telegrams is £28,000, but it should have been £175,000, and it would have been £175,000 if those telegrams had been sent at the public rate. The loss on them, I am sorry to have to remind the hon. Member for Kidderminster, is £65,000.

The hon. Gentleman keeps referring to me seemingly dis- paragingly. I have not looked up this particular matter.

The loss the hon. Gentleman refers to on Press telegrams is quite nugatory compared with the vast loss on the general telegraphic service. Why does he not address himself to the major problems?

I shall come to that. The hon. Member's sense of comparative values may not be the same as that of the rest of us. On a traffic of £28,000, which should indeed have been £175,000, there was a shortfall in the revenue to the Post Office of £147,000. I hope the hon. Member for Kidderminster sees that the amount is rising. It will rise still further.

It cannot be argued that the conditions of 1870 or 1880, when Press telegrams were instituted, can be compared with the position today, nor can it be argued that the newspapers themselves cannot afford to pay a proper rate for Press telegrams. I have gone to some trouble to look up the profits made by some of the leading groups of provincial newspapers. I agree with the hon. Member that, in the main, it is not the London daily papers that use the Press telegram service to a marked degree.

One of these groups, Associated Newspapers, who own newspapers in Cheltenham, Gloucester, in Staffordshire, Swansea Derby, made between 1943 and 1950, 20 per cent.; in 1950 to 1951, 20 per cent. and a 5 per cent bonus; in 1951 to 1952, 25 per cent. George Outram and Sons, who own the "Glasgow Herald," and the "Evening Times" and the "Bulletin" of Glasgow, and have a capital of £900,000, made, between 1942 and 1945, 30 per cent.; in 1946, 30 per cent. and a 10 per cent tax free bonus: from 1947 to 1951, 30 per cent., and in 1952, 30 per cent. The Westminster Press, which owns papers in Barrow. Birmingham, Bradford and 17 other towns, makes a profit of anything between 20 per cent. and 10 per cent.

A "black" can be put in for a Sunday paper, whose name I do not propose to advertise, for 3d. and that made 15 per cent. profit last year.

This shortfall of £147,000 in revenue has been taking place for many years, and it would not be unreasonable to say that the newspapers using this service during the last 10 years owe the Post Office about £1,500,000—quite a sum. I am going to make a suggestion to the newspaper proprietors who have benefited to this extent at the taxpayers' expense. Let the newspaper proprietors, through their organisations, the Newspaper Proprietors' Association, the Newspaper Society, the Scottish Daily Newspaper Society, and through their other groups, collectively send a cheque for £1,500,000 to the Assistant Postmaster-General.

The hon. Member for Kidderminster mentioned Lord Beaverbrook a moment or two ago. That gentleman, who really knows how to run his newspaper business—

as I know from personal experience better even than the hon. Member for Kidderminster, once saw to it that a cheque was sent to the War Office to pay for the messing expenses of one of the correspondents of his newspapers who had been on a long and arduous campaign. It was for a sum of many hundreds of pounds. I think as much as £1,000. Lord Beaverbrook took the view, "I am not going to ask the taxpayers of this country to finance my newspapers. I am not going to ask the Government to subsidise the living expenses of my reporter. Therefore, I shall estimate what it has cost the War Office to carry this man, and send the money back." Which he did. That is an example that, I suggest, could well be followed.

There are newspaper proprietors and newspapers in this country who say over and over again that it is a scandal that hon. and right hon. Members of this House should have their meals subsidised for them by the Treasury. They say that it is outrageous that the taxpayers should be meeting the losses of the Kitchen Committee. It is quite true that some of the gentlemen who write this sort of stuff are themselves subsidised by the Kitchen Committee—and I am not complaining about that at all, because we on this side of the House understand clearly that these men do not get very much money and are torn from their homes to live in the rather arid atmosphere of the House of Commons for hour after hour and day after day, so that if their employers will not do better for them we must take the responsibility for it.

But it is hardly fitting that newspapers which are saying that hon. Members are receiving gratuities from the taxpayer, and that they are making outrageous demands that because the cost of living is more than they can bear they should be accommodated in some manner—it is hardly fitting that those newspapers should be receiving this sort of subsidy from the taxpayers and it is time that they looked at the matter with a proper sense of the dignity of the free Press and said, "We do not wish to continue receiving anything out of the public purse and we now intend to make restitution to the Treasury."

Under the Bill they will not be doing that at all. What the Assistant Postmaster-General now proposes is that a 60-word day message to the Press shall cost 3s. and that the same message from the public shall cost 15s. There is, therefore, to be a subsidy of 12s., a bigger subsidy than ever. An 80-word night message will cost the Press 3s.—

I wish my hon. Friend would allow me to make my speech and then I will help him to make his.

I hope the hon. Member for Warrington (Dr. Morgan) will allow his hon. Friend the Member for Deptford (Sir L. Plummer) to make his speech in peace.

Surely it is not out of order to ask the Minister either to confirm or to deny the statement made?

It is quite out of order for the hon. Gentleman to make any speech when he is not on his feet.

I do my best to do so and I hope that I shall have some support in that effort from the hon. Member.

As I was saying, if an 80-word message is sent to a newspaper during the hours of nightfall, it will cost 3s., but a telegram sent by a member of the public and containing the same number of words will cost £1, so that the subsidy for the newspaper will be 17s. If an assiduous correspondent in, say, Treorchy puts in a "black" it will now cost 1s., so that there is a subsidy of 14s. or 19s. according to the length of the message.

This increased charge to newspapers will produce a revenue of between £65,000 and £70,000, but we know that £93,000 is needed to meet the present cost of the Press telegrams. If we were to take the new rate of 3s. for 12 words and 3d. per word thereafter and ask the newspapers to pay that rate, we should ask them to make a contribution of £350,000. That would be a windfall for the Post Office.

We do not give preferential rates for newspapers in respect of telephones; they have to pay the same rates as everybody else. I should like to see an extension of the teleprinter service and of the direct wire service, and I believe it is worth while putting up the telegram rate even more than the traffic can bear so that the newspapers will give up the business of living on the taxpayer and will begin to pay what they ought to pay. I am sure that the Assistant Postmaster-General agrees with the suggestions which I have made and I beg him not to be frightened of taking strong action in this matter. If he does take strong action he will have the support of hon. Members on this side of the House. We will be his buckler and his shield, and with us at his right arm he need fear no criticism from any of the newspapers.

5.56 p.m.

The hon. Member for Deptford (Sir L. Plummer) spoke as an expert. May I say that I am not an expert in this matter? I want to raise a constituency matter which is affected by the Bill.

First, may I make one or two comments to the hon. Member for Deptford? He said, I think with some reason, that groups of newspapers like Associated Newspapers and the owners of the "Glasgow Herald" and similar newspaper proprietors, who have been getting their telegrams much too cheaply for a long time, should combine to help to meet this deficit by sending £1,500,000 to the Post Office, thus helping to obviate the increase which we are now debating.

I would merely point out to the hon. Gentleman that if that £1,500,000 is to come out of the profits of the companies concerned, roughly 65 per cent. of it will be paid by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, for, as the hon. Member knows, the Chancellor is the great sleeping partner in all industrial undertakings; he does nothing except wait until the dividends are declared and then take his rake-off, which is 65 per cent. We must, therefore, face this situation: if we make the Press pay the ordinary rates, which the hon. Member says they can well afford to pay, then more than half of the extra charge will be paid by the Chancellor of the Exchequer.

I see the point about the repayment of £1,500,000 and I recognise that 65 per cent. of it would be paid from taxation. I therefore recommend that the Postmaster-General should settle for £500,000.

I am obliged to the hon. Gentleman, but whatever amount were paid out of the profits of the Press—and I am not defending the Press—the bulk of the money would be paid by the Chancellor of the Exchequer.

The greatest industrial group of telegram users, I believe, consists of the Grimsby fish merchants, who send about two million telegrams a year. A large proportion of them live in my constituency. When this increased rate was announced, they were shocked. My hon. Friend the Assistant Postmaster-General said to me, I think rather light-heartedly, if I may say so, that I would not expect my old-age pensioners to subsidise the Grimsby fish merchants. That is hardly a fair argument. I do not think the increase in the cost of telegrams will fall proportionately so heavily on any other group as upon the group of men for whom I am speaking.

When I asked a Question on the subject a few days ago, I did so at the instance of my constituents, and surely it is my duty to bring their grievances before the House. I also remind my hon. Friend that while this increase will not make them bankrupt—I do not pretend that it will—among the Grimsby fish merchants are many men who went to war and, as a consequence, lost their little family businesses.

These are not all big business men; many have quite small businesses, and they had to rebuild them after the war. This will be a disproportionately heavy burden for them to bear. While they are quite agreed that they must pay their share, like anyone else—owing to the rise in the cost of running the service—they ask my hon. Friend, "If possible, do not repeat this."

This is about as much as some of the small men can bear. They are not working at very big margins of profit and are having a difficult task. Each extra few pounds per week will make a great deal of difference to the small men who are engaged in doing a direct trade from the dockside to the thousands of merchants throughout the country. It touches these people especially. I ask my hon. Friend not to brush the matter aside so lightly, and say merely, that the old-age pensioners cannot be asked to pay for this service. Of course they cannot. We do not want them to pay for it. I assure him that this increase is more serious for this one group of men than he appears to realise.

There is one other general point which I wish to make. I am directing my remarks more particularly to hon. Members opposite. Hon. Gentlemen said that the real cause for the proposed increase which we have to face was that the wage of a telegram boy or youth before the war in 1939, was 19s. a week and is now about 65s. We all agree that if we pay a decent wage for doing any job the service or the product that wage produces will cost us more.

The hon. Gentleman is merely emphasising the point which I am trying to make. If 19s. before the war was not a decent wage, should we say to these boys today that 65s. is a decent wage? We are paying 65s. for the same work for which we previously paid 19s. All I am saying is that we have to face the fact that we have to pay more for the service which is rendered to us.

By way of example, I would point out that hon. Members opposite who represent mining constituencies have always made the valid point that before the war coal was sold so cheaply that we could not afford to pay the miners a decent wage. Only by putting up the cost of coal could the miners' wages be raised. In the same way, if we are to pay to the Post Office workers a decent wage we have to charge more for what they do for us. There is no dodging that. If hon. Members say that all these things shall be subsidised, then I ask them this: who is to subsidise them? We want our food subsidised and some want their travel subsidised. Who is to subsidise the nation?

There is a limit to what we can do by way of subsidising each other. If we are to pay the Post Office workers a decent wage, then we have to be prepared to pay a higher price for what they produce for us.

I have never required anyone to subsidise me, and unlike many hon. Members opposite, I have always been able to earn a decent living in competition outside this House. I did not have to wait until I came into this House before I got a decent income. I do not want anyone to subsidise me. I am asking the Assistant Postmaster-General to look at this extra charge from the point of view of the men I represent. If this increase cannot be avoided, will he do his utmost to see that we do not have a repetition of it in a few years' time?

6.5 p.m.

So far as I could gather from the speech of the hon. Member for Louth (Mr. Osborne) he did not like subsidies, but he thought that a subsidy would be all right this time for his own fishery people, and was willing to accept this increase provided there were no more increases. That is not a very courageous stand against Government oppression. The hon. Member is going through all the motions, but is not ready to do anything for the fishermen in his part of the country.

We have had a grim picture today from the Assistant Postmaster-General. Whatever else may be said, whatever epithets may be used to describe his speech, it certainly was not as described by the hon. Member for Kidderminster (Mr. Nabarro). He was in favour of the Government's action because he thought it was, to some extent, dynamic. I should never describe as dynamic an action which, I believe, is the first step towards killing the service.

I cannot give way now, but if the hon. Member cares to interrupt me in 25 minutes time, if I am still on my feet, I will do so.

The hon. Member's reliability so far as his figures were concerned was in just proportion to his fallibility. He gave us one story about America and described the geographical density of the population and everything else, but he never told us the vital thing: what does it cost to send a telegram in America? He said that one could go into any post office in America and send a telegram. In America telegrams are not sent from post offices, so why is he apparently nodding in agreement. We could make our telegram service here pay if we charged what they do in America and Canada—1s. per word.

We are concerned about the effect of the charges upon the service. The hon. Member for Kidderminster should get behind the increase and begin to understand the whole tradition of the Post Office service before he tries to speak with an air of authority. He certainly put forward no new problems. There is nothing new in this. I think that it is quite a mistake to refer to the scrutiny of the Estimates Committee, as though this was something new and something great.

The Estimates Committee had its first meeting on 10th June last year and published its Report on 27th July. They had four sittings with the Postmaster-General's officials. I know that because I have counted them. As we know from the evidence in that Report, the Post Office officials said that they had been battling with this problem for more than two years—"living with it," they said.

If the Government were as dynamic as the hon. Member for Kidderminster would have us believe, this action could have been taken two years ago. In fact, there was probably more reason for taking it two years ago, or even a year ago, than there is today.

When this action, which the hon. Member applauds so much, has been taken, we shall be no further forward than we were in 1912, because in all the recorded statistics going back to that year I gather that the deficit in the Inland Revenue service will have been about £1·3 million. In 1912, the deficit on the telegraphic service was £1·175 million. That is the general telegraphic position. Once again, the hon. Member for Kidderminster was wrong. He talked about this being related to the general telegraphic position. It is not. It is related only to the inland telegraphic section, which is only part of the full telegraphic section of the Post Office.

I should like the Assistant Postmaster-General to correct me if I am wrong. Is it the case that, taking the last two years and the estimates for next year, without the Bill, the deficit on the general telegraphic section of the Post Office accounts shows a diminishing deficit? While the deficit is going the right way and is diminishing, the Post Office surplus is going down. This means that taking the postal section, the telegraphic section and the telephone service, it is in the postal and telephone sections that the trend is most undesirable.

The Post Office has a fairly tough problem and is tackling it by singling out, not the telegraphic section, but one part of it—the inland telegraph service—to bear the full brunt of uplifting the general Post Office surplus. The Postmaster-General could have applied his attention to the postal section. Are not parts of the postal service subsidised by the rest? It would be interesting to have the figures of the loss on, for instance, the inland printed paper rate or the overseas printed paper rate, which, I think, has a greater subsidy than is given to the inland telegram service. The hon. Member for Kidderminster, who delights in figures and subsidies, might have given a little attention to this. I wish that the Select Committee had gone into this question also. I was not on the sub-Committee.

The Report is not that of a sub-Committee, but of the Estimates Committee. The hon. Member is just as responsible for every word in the Report as I was.

I agree; but attention was focused on certain things. From reading the sub-Committee's Report I got the impression from the evidence given before it that the Treasury had the right to scrutinise the whole accounts of the Post Office. If it saw that one section was losing heavily, the Treasury could come in and order something to be done about it. My opinion is as good as that of the hon. Member for Farnham—I have read the evidence.

The hon. Member has misread the evidence. It was circulated to him at the time and he had the chance of reading it. He agreed to the Report, and it is a little unfortunate that he should criticise the Report of a Committee of which he was a member and with which he agreed.

I am not disagreeing with the Report. I am trying to find what the Chairman of the sub-Committee felt should be the rôle of the Treasury in regard to the commercial conduct of a Revenue Department. I do not think I am being unreasonable. If my recollection is right, one officer of the Treasury gave evidence and at the next meeting another officer was called in to answer the point which the first one made.

Within other sections of the Post Office, there may be an even worse situation than this. Why does the Postmaster-General concentrate all his destructive artillery on the telegraph service? He is facing the natural consequences of his Government's economic policy, which has driven up wages in the Post Office just as much as wages elsewhere have been driven up. The Assistant Postmaster-General tells us today that the optimistic hopes of getting the deficit further down depend upon wage claims not coming forward, of which he said there is no guarantee.

The hon. Gentleman knows his Government and their future policy. He knows what will happen when rents go up all over Scotland, as they will, by 8s. in the £. That will have its effect upon wages and upon these deficits. If the hon. Gentleman remains in office for another 18 months, I should be surprised if we still have the 2½d. postage. If his Government remain in power, we are more likely to have a postal rate of 3d. It is because the Government are running away from the consequences of their own actions that they are battening down on the telegraph service.

No one disagrees that if costs go up in the telegraph service, there must be an increase in charges. My right hon. Friend the Member for Caerphilly (Mr. Ness Edwards) faced that in 1951 when he increased the cost of telegrams to 1s. 6d. The working costs have increased, I reckon, by about 35 per cent., but when the Bill becomes law the cost of the telegrams will have gone up by 200 per cent. There is no logical relation between the two figures. That is why I say that by such a crippling increase the Postmaster-General and the Assistant Postmaster-General have decided to kill the telegraphic service.

Often we have been told that they do not want more telegrams. They are afraid to do what their business friend the hon. Member for Kidderminster would do and cut off the Western Isles and the Highlands of Scotland because it does not pay to have a telegraph service there—that is the private enterprise outlook. In contrast to the other side of the House, we on this side say that we must maintain the service for social and strategic reasons, particularly for people in the outlying areas, who cannot today get telephones.

We must consider the whole question of the Post Office as one: we have done so all along, and there is no reason why we should not continue to do so. We should try to limit the deficit on the telegraph section as well as on other important sections for which deficits will have to be carried by the more financially successful parts of the Post Office. No one knows better than the Assistant Postmaster-General that this question has vexed not only the present Government, but their predecessors and the Advisory Council for the Post Office.

The hon. Gentleman was most misleading when he made his announcement about this to the House, when what we know as a stooge question was put up to him. He was asked whether the Advisory Council had been consulted and was in agreement. He replied that the answer to both questions was "yes." The fact is that the Advisory Council has discussed this matter over a number of years without coming to a decision and at its last meeting this decision was put before it as a fait accompli, the Government having made up their minds. No comments from the Advisory Council would have done any good, because the Government had already decided their policy. To imply that the Advisory Council was consulted was rather unfair.

The hon. Member, I think, is referring to what happened at a meeting at which he was not present. I assure him that the question was in no sense a stooge question.

I am referring to a meeting at which I have not been present. I have the agenda here, and if the hon. Gentleman wishes to read it he can. It plainly states that the Government have decided. What is the point of discussion thereafter if the Government have decided? What is the point of asking them whether they agree or disagree? What does it mean? Not a thing. For the hon. Gentleman to try to shelter behind consultations possibly where there was no consultations on the actual details that were announced to the House savours, to my mind, of injustice to that Council.

The hon. Member knows quite well that the Council has wrestled with the insoluble problem of this deficit, and not only has it discussed it, but so have the trade union men in the Post Office. I have had many discussions with them on this subject. There is no body of men who have tried more than they have to put forward a solution, because unpopular decisions affecting themselves and the question of redundancy may well arise.

The workers in the Post Office have gone out of their way to try to do something because they are proud of the Post Office. They have every reason to be proud of it, and, taking the financial position of the Post Office as a whole, I think that little or nothing can be said for the exaggerated proposals of the Government. They are exaggerated in the sense that they are an attempt to meet the difficulty that has vexed a number of people for a long time. Let us remember that there was a deficit of £1¼ million in 1913. So it is no recent development. To talk as the hon. Member for Kidderminster did and to act as the Government have done is not facing the facts of the situation.

The Report of the Estimates Committee makes very interesting reading, and its approach to this matter in its recommendation is very true. Here is what it says:

6.23 p.m.

I hope the hon. Member for Kilmarnock (Mr. Ross) will excuse me if I do not follow him in the arguments which he has put, as I wish to go on my own line on this matter, although I agree with some of the things which he said.

It is deplorable that the Assistant Postmaster-General should have to insist on increasing the cost of telegrams by doubling the charge. I myself use telegrams a great deal and I know other people who do, too. As a good Tory I want to save money, and none of us wants to see a large deficit in this particular account, but would it not have been better, instead of following the usual Socialist line of doubling the cost of a thing when it is nationalised, if we had sought other means to meet this deficit? Coal does not pay and the price goes up. Transport does not pay and the cost is increased to the passengers. Telegrams do not pay and the cost is doubled.

Are there not other ways in which to try to reduce the cost of the telegram service? Could not the telegram service be mechanised a little more, and could we not economise on people sitting around the Post Office waiting to jump on to their motor bicycles and rush off into the country with one telegram every two or three days? Could we not have different forms of telegrams, say an express telegram which is charged at 4s. and gets there quickly, and an ordinary one at a cheaper rate which is slower in reaching its destination? Are there not other ways in which the Postmaster-General could tackle this matter?

My hon. Friend says that an increase is inevitable. That is a very strong word to use. I should have liked to see the Postmaster-General reduce the price and make the service a little more efficient. We should try to save money that way instead of putting up the price of these things. That is the policy that has been followed during the last six years.

Telegrams cannot be replaced by the telephone. They are two different services. One can send a telegram stating that one does not intend to catch the 2.50, but if the telephone were used for that purpose it might be awkward for the person would have to explain why he did not intend to go on the 2.50, something that is unnecessary with a telegram. If one rings up one's wife one might be persuaded to catch the 1.50 which, originally, it was not intended to catch. Also, in sending a telegram the message is sent and one does not have to wait for telephone operators to connect up with another centre and then wait for someone at the other end. It is a great deal quicker to send a telegram.

The other day I met an acquaintance who said to me, "I will not send any more telegrams. When I want to tell my wife I am catching the 2.50 I will ring her up and ask the operator to reverse the charge. When my wife receives this message she will not accept the call and that means I am catching the 2.50." No doubt that would not appeal to hon. Members who have never used private enterprise.

Could the hon. and gallant Member tell us whether that is also a Conservative way?

I did not say whether my friend was a Conservative or a Socialist. I have one or two Socialist friends, but I did not mention whether this was one of them.

I suggest to my hon. Friend that he should examine putting up the price of Press telegrams. The Press mostly uses the teleprinter for its messages, and if it wants to send one by telegram the price should be put up. I do not want to see the price increased for the private individual who sends a telegram as a message of good wishes on a wedding and for any other such private reasons. I do not think he should be mulcted for 2s. or 3s. when the present 1s. 6d. is an adequate charge even for these days.

My hon. Friend the Assistant Postmaster-General will find his loss greater than before because half as many telegrams will be sent at double the rate. This is the burden he has put on the back of the private individual who merely wants to say, "Happy birthday," or "Best wishes on your wedding."

I am very interested in the point put by my hon. and gallant Friend about a differential in rates for telegrams. Would he say that it would be in order to double the charge for betting telegrams?

It might be a very good idea if the charge on betting telegrams were doubled. I think my bookmaker credits me with that any way. The charge on betting telegrams can be trebled for all I care.

Before my hon. Friend finally commits himself to this increased charge I think a greater effort should be made to consider the possibility of reducing charges and making the service more efficient.

6.30 p.m.

There are hon. Members who wish to catch your eye, Mr. Speaker, and I shall be as brief as possible. I was glad to hear the Assistant Postmaster-General refer to the co-operation which the Post Office has received from the staff. It is clear that this suggestion offers no prospects for recruits, and it is equally clear that the prospects for those in the service are rather poor from the standpoint of conditions and promotion. I hope, therefore, that the consultations with the union will be real, comprehensive and thoroughly co-operative.

I say that because the hon. Gentleman the Member for Kidderminster (Mr. Nabarro) seemed to think that the United States should be highly praised because they have a joint productivity committee. The Post Office has one and the men and women who staff this service have made great contributions to the consideration of this problem of the deficit. I hope that that committee will continue its work because, when we have come to our decision this evening on this problem it will not be a final one. It is a continuing problem, and, therefore, the staff should be continuously consulted. I was glad, too, that the Postmaster-General, in another place, paid his tribute to the staff, and I express the hope that we shall see developments in joint consultation and in the range of subjects which can be considered by the staff in connection with this problem.

Hon. Gentlemen opposite do not seem to criticise subsidies in principle. They do not like subsidies to the consumer, yet they seem to be fond of subsidies for producers. One hon. Gentleman urged that each main service should stand on its own feet but, as I pointed out previously, he then began to qualify that by phrases like "as far as reasonable" and "as far as possible."

I take the view expressed by the Assistant Postmaster-General that the Post Office service should not be a means of providing revenue for the Chancellor of the Exchequer. If there is any surplus—and I think there should be—it should go to develop the service for the benefit of the public and for improving the conditions of those who work in it. It is not for me to say whether fishermen should get a subsidy from the Post Office. I do not know whether the hon. Member for Louth (Mr. Osborne) disagrees with the Press receiving a substantial subsidy and favourable treatment, but perhaps the Assistant Postmaster-General will consider charging the Press a little more and perhaps pass it on to the fishermen.

I do not agree with subsidising the Press but, if we charge the Press more, there will be less for taxes. Secondly, I did not ask for a subsidy for fishermen. All I said was, "This will be hitting them hard, so please do not do it again."

The hon. Gentleman cannot have it both ways. If the Post Office is to pay its way he cannot ask for a subsidy—

I am sure the Assistant Postmaster-General will draw the right conclusion from what the hon. Gentleman has just said.

There has been a reference to labour costs. It is all very well to compare 19s. with 65s., but the former was not a decent wage. Nor is it true to say that the work secured today for the 65s. is the equivalent of the work secured for the 19s.

The hon. and gallant Member for Portsmouth, West (Brigadier Clarke) referred to the boy messenger who makes use of a motor-cycle. That is a kind of mechanisation, but, believe me, the Post Office does not provide a motorcycle to stand outside a post office door for two days so that a boy messenger may have a ride upon it every other day. If a motor-cycle is employed, it is because its use will be justified. If it is any consolation to the hon. and gallant Gentleman, the motor-cycle must be justified before the Treasury and on commercial grounds. Indeed, there is a high degree of competition in regard to motor mechanisation inside the Post Office by comparison with outside standards.

In my opinion, this proposed increase goes too far. It is true there is a deficit of £4·6 million but the doubling of the charge from 1s. 6d. to 3s. and from 1½d. to 3d. for added words is asking too much. In fact, the stiffest proposition put forward by the Estimates Committee in its Report was the suggestion of a charge of 3s. for 12 words. Even now I want to urge that the proposal made by the union of 1s. 6d. for nine words, with 2d. for each additional word is well worth consideration. I am in agreement with the hon. and gallant Member for Portsmouth, West when he urged that there should be a cheap telegram, and I think that the union proposal is a good one.

I say that because there is need for a cheap telegram of nine words for 1s. 6d. for what we call the life and death service. There are many other domestic circumstances which call for a cheap and reliable message and, of course, the telegram is the most reliable. It is easy to repudiate something said over the telephone, but it is not easy to repudiate what is said in a telegram, so it still remains a reliable unit of the service. I promised not to take too long, so I will not go into details about the proposal of the union except to say that I hope it will be considered.

I take the view that we have to see this Post Office service as a whole and it must pay its way as a whole. There is no reason why an excess on one side should not be used to wipe out a loss on another. I agree that there may be a point, as in the case of the telegraphs, where we must look to see whether something should be done. So, while I agree that there should be some increase in the charge, I appeal to the Assistant Postmaster-General to recognise that the deferred telegram does not meet the need for the urgent, quick telegram. It is unfair to suggest to the House that the average family sends one telegram a year because in an emergency the poor home without a telephone has to send three, four, five or six telegrams. Look at the charge we shall ask these people to pay. It is too much to ask them to find £1 for telegrams in an emergency.

My hon. Friend the Member for Deptford (Sir L. Plummer) referred to the Press so it is only necessary to ask the House to look at the handsome subsidy which is going out to the Press. I think there is a case for reviewing the proposition of the union and of the treatment of the Press.

Taking the service as a whole, we shall not be able to do without the telegraph service. It is wrong to assume that the deficit will continue to increase or that the traffic will fall. If there were time to go into both those points I could show that the pessimism of the Assistant Postmaster-General is not justified. Therefore, I think that he should still keep his mind open, in consultation with the staff, as to what other developments can take place to increase the traffic and the revenue.

I wish to emphasise a point which I have made in the House over several years. These are difficulties which ought to receive careful consideration, and I repeat that it is time that the Post Office presented its annual reports and accounts, and that there should be sufficient time for these accounts and reports to be discussed, considered and debated so we should not be dealing with these problems in this way.

I know that the House does not perhaps agree with me, but it was done up to 1917, and I fancy that the House feels that it would not be faced with emergency proposals in this way if every year it had the opportunity for full discussion of the activities of the Post Office, not only making them known to the House and to the public but giving a nationalised industry a chance to show what it is doing and how well it has done. I am glad to hear the tributes paid to the carefulness and foresight of the Civil Service.

6.42 p.m.

I am sure that if the Post Office were the only advertisement for nationalised industry there would be much more support in the country for nationalisation.

I join in the tribute which the hon. Member for Walthamstow, East (Mr. Wallace) has paid. I cannot, however, in any way share his optimism. The evidence we had before the Select Committee was to the effect that there were no prospects of the number of telegrams increasing, and that if the number were increased by a reduction of the charge the loss would inevitably be increased. It was impossible to envisage a situation in which the service could be made to pay or the loss be reduced by any other method than by reducing the number of telegrams sent and increasing the charge for them. That is the opinion of the officials of the Post Office, and we must accept it.

I would remind the hon. Member for Kilmarnock that he was on the Select Committee on Estimates which recommended that

If the hon. Gentleman will read my speech, he will see that I only stated the figure at which I thought the deficit should be stabilised.

That is what I gathered. I am very glad that the Post Office is taking this step, and that it follows so soon on the Report of the Select Committee on Estimates. It is a very serious thing when a Committee composed of Members of all parties in the House recommends definite and urgent steps towards a reduction of a serious deficit, and it is very significant and important that the Government Department in question should act quickly. I congratulate my hon. Friend and his noble Friend on the speedy action taken in this respect.

It is all very well to say that losses on the telegraph service should be borne by the other postal services, but I should like to read the words used by the Select Committee in its Report, which puts this matter very briefly and clearly:

The Government would have failed in their duty if they had not taken this step. It is an unpalatable one, it will hit very hard some people who cannot afford it, but one has to recollect that only a very small proportion of telegrams are of a life-or-death nature. More than half are business telegrams and the vast majority of the remainder are not of a life-or-death nature. I congratulate my hon. Friend on the action he has taken.

6.45 p.m.

I have been told that I must not take too long. I do not know why everybody else should have been as lengthy as they have been. I have as much right to be as lengthy as anybody else in the House, possibly more on this subject, and I do not intend to be put down by the Patronage Secretary looking like that at me. He may look like that at his hon. Friends, but it is no use him doing so as far as I am concerned. I know that possibly I may be allowed an opportunity at some other stage of the Bill to say some of the things that I might have said at this stage had there been time.

Most hon. and right hon. Members who have been speaking on this matter this afternoon have been dealing with a serious problem in a serious and commendable way. So far as I am concerned, however, after 42 years' direct association with the telegraph service, I feel that I am dealing with the passing of one of the greatest services in the history not only of the Post Office but of the Civil Service. My mind goes back to the days when we used to regard ourselves as the brotherhood of the old Morse-coders. Never in the history of the Post Office, or indeed of the Civil Service, has there been a greater class of people who have known esprit de corps and a pride of craft and efficiency to do their work than the old telegraphists—the Morse telegraphists of my early days.

I should have liked to do a little reminiscing. It might have done hon. Members a little bit of good, and also the Select Committee, I have paid that Committee the tribute of reading its Report very carefully. Members of it have been desperate to try to find questions to ask in order to show their complete ignorance of the subject. On the other hand, the Committee has done a good service in giving a good deal of publicity to this matter. The Chairman of the Sub-Committee has revealed one secret to me tonight. I was not too sure that I knew the answer before, but I thought it was the Treasury who had been pushing. Now I am almost satis- fied that it has been the Chairman of the Select Committee and the Select Committee who have been saying "irrespective of all the consequences that may accrue from these two recommendations of ours, carry them out quickly because we want you to do so."

The Assistant Postmaster-General began his speech by posing a question. He said, "Are we doing the right thing?" I have never heard a Minister open a speech in that way before. It suggested to me that if he were a free agent in the matter his answer would be, "We are not. I know that we are not doing the right thing, but someone is pressing me to do something so that we can save a little money from the overall Post Office point of view."

I wish to suggest to the House, in the few minutes at my disposal, that this is the curfew which is tolling the knell of parting day so far as the telegraph service is concerned. No one can tell me that people will pay 4s. for 16 words, and that is what this proposal means to the telegraph service; the average number of words per telegram is 16. That means that one will not be able to send a telegram of average length for less than 4s.

I should like to congratulate the hon. Member for Kidderminster (Mr. Nabarro) for taking so much interest, some of it intelligent, some otherwise, in this matter. There is one thing he said which, on reflection, he might like to reconsider. He said that he would be prepared to pay 2s. more on greetings telegrams and priority telegrams. That would mean a charge of about 7s. for a single greetings telegram or a single priority telegram. Is any hon. Member prepared to say that people will send greetings telegrams ad lib. at 7s. a time? Even the hon. Friends of the hon. Member for Kidderminster would not be silly enough to send greetings telegrams at 7s. a time to congratulate him on his return to this House.

The Minister said that he had had an estimate made. It could only be an estimate. There is a difference between an estimate and a guess. When I used to do estimates in the Post Office we estimated on the basis that certain factors were well known. We calculated on that basis, but with a guess one does nothing of the kind. The hon. Gentleman has taken a drastic step in the dark. He has no idea what the result will be. He does not know what effect his decision will have.

Therefore, I suggest that I am in as good a position as he is to estimate the result, and my guess is that this is the beginning of the end of the telegraph service. Nothing can be done on these lines to save the telegram. I ask hon. Members, especially those who were interested in the proceedings of the Select Committee, to say whether it was their intention that the telegraph service should disappear.

It was our intention to face the facts, and in the opinion of the whole Committee it was agreed that neither the Treasury nor the Post Office could justify continuing a deficit of this nature, in the interests of both the taxpayer and the users of the other postal services. It was an attempt to face the facts and not an attempt to sentence a service to death. It has been sentenced to death by the inevitable march of progress, such as the extension of the telephone system.

It is clear that the Chairman of the Select Committee does not mind whether the telegraph service goes out of existence or not. There is no mention of trying to strike a balance, or of the integrated nature of the Post Office service as a whole.

The terms of reference of the Select Committee were to suggest economies, and it confined itself to that.

I know. I can read the recommendations of the Select Committee. They speak about a significant reduction in the deficit. They do not say that they want a double charge. They have not said that they want a 100 per cent. increase in the charges. What they have asked the Government to consider is a significant reduction. Further, not only has the Select Committee asked the Government to consider a significant reduction but it has suggested that they should also consider the Post Office schemes and any other schemes which might be available, including that to which my hon. Friend the Member for Walthamstow, East (Mr. Wallace) has already referred, which would have saved at least £1 million possibly without reducing the number of telegrams dealt with in the Post Office. That is something which we ought to be trying to do.

Even the hon. Member for Kidderminster was surprised that anybody should suggest that the less work we had to do the better it would be. I suggest that, even now, the Assistant Postmaster-General should go back and consider not only the union scheme, which I have no time to deal with in great detail tonight, but also the alternative suggested by the Select Committee in the question which was put to Sir Ben Barnett, of the Post Office. If it is right for me to do so, I should like to congratulate the Post Office witnesses on the way they faced the barrage of questions and cross-examination to which they were subjected and through which they came with flying colours. I do not know whether anyone will convey that message to the right quarter.

Here is one suggestion. The Chairman asked:

I apologise for taking so much time, but I feel deeply on this subject. The Assistant Postmaster-General says, "I will give them a sop. I will give them a deferred service which will be cheaper and the poor people—the people without telephones, the people who cannot even dictate from a kiosk—can send their telegrams at a deferred rate. "What does that mean? It is no use sending at the deferred rate before 6 o'clock at night, because the postal services are so good that a letter posted by 6 o'clock at night can be delivered the next morning in almost every part of the country. Those who study the postal arrangements in this House know that if they post up to 6 p.m. their letters will be delivered next morning almost everywhere except in the far north of Scotland.

Why should one pay 3s., 4s. or 7s. to do something which one can do for 2½d.? This is nothing but a sop, and I am surprised that the Post Office have come forward with such a suggestion.

I cannot understand why we should sell out this great service, which saved the country in the First World War. I wonder whether the Prime Minister was consulted. He knows that but for the resources made available by the Post Office we might have lost the First World War because of inadequate inefficient communications. Emergencies such as the floods may arise when the telephone service breaks down and the most simple method of telegraph communication must be resorted to again. It has saved the country time and again and we might want it again in the future.

The Government are risking this great service for the sake of £2 million. This action is unworthy of the Government. It is unworthy of an Administration which has done so much in the past to make the British telegraph service the best in the world. I say that advisedly and with a good knowledge of the system. The Government are risking that service without having carefully and fully analysed the other alternative methods available. Once again I apologise for the length of my speech, Mr. Speaker, but I hope that despite my transgression you will see your way on another occasion to allow me to expound one or two of the more detailed aspects of the case.

7.0 p.m.

There is only one matter on which I can congratulate the Assistant Postmaster-General and that is on the fact that he has resisted Ministerial and administrative pressure to amalgamate the accounts of the telephone and the telegraph services. As there has been a deficit for many years there has been pressure that the accounts should be joined. I have always held the view that where it is possible, in large undertakings, to segregate the services, it is far better that that should be done and that we should know whether there is a profit or a loss. Of course, because the accounts have not been amalgamated the deficit in the telegraph service has been high-lighted. There has always been a deficit. The lowest deficit there has ever been was in 1945–46, when it was £40,000 due to the war accounting and the settlement of outstanding accounts by various Departments to the Post Office for war services.

The causes of the problem have been referred to by many hon. Members. There is the increase in telephones, the growth of the private wire and the cost of delivery. There has been a tendency, particularly on the other side of the House—I do not think it is right—to assume that the Post Office have viewed with equanimity the continual losses on the telegraph service. Every Postmaster-General has had to face this problem of a deficit and there have been numerous Departmental inquiries into how the deficit can be reduced.

The archives of the General Post Office are full of these reports. Quite a lot has been accomplished. There has been a saving of over £500,000 as a result of the switchover from the manual to the automatic switching. That is a considerable saving, but there is very little else that can be done. The fact is that we have got to have this service.

I agree with my hon. Friend the Member for Droylsden (Mr. W. R. Williams) that this Bill, in increasing the cost 100 per cent., is a complete leap in the dark. I do not think the Assistant Postmaster-General has produced any evidence that, as the result of increasing the charges 100 per cent., there will be a reduction in the deficit, and I hope that when he replies he will be in a position to produce such evidence. I cannot see how he can tell the extent to which the traffic is bound to fall.

The hon. Member for Louth (Mr. Osborne) has pointed out the difficulty of his constituents in the fish trade, and has said that the use of telegraphs will fall and that people will use the telephone more. I should be grateful if the Minister would tell us how he has arrived at his figure.

There is another problem which I do not think the hon. Gentleman has appreciated. There have been a number of anomalies caused by the increase in the cost of telephones. It is now cheaper to send a European letter telegram to Calais, Lille or Paris than it is to send a telegram from Westminster to Lambeth. I am informed—and I checked it up this morning at the General Post Office—that the rate for an E.L.T. is 3s. 8d. for 22 words plus 2d. for each word thereafter. That is considerably cheaper than the contemplated rate laid down in this Bill. I do not think that sufficient consideration has been given to that point.

I know that the hon. Gentleman will probably say "Oh, yes, but if you send an ordinary telegram to the Continent it will be 4d. a word." But, in fact, there are very few people who use that service. They use the E.L.T. service which, I am informed, is just as expeditious. The G.L.T.—which is the social telegram which can be sent to the Commonwealth, including Australia, New Zealand, and Fiji—costs 5s. for 11 words. That is only 2s. dearer and one word less than sending a telegram from Westminster to Lambeth. I feel that this matter was not considered sufficiently when the Bill was being prepared.

We on these benches consider that the time has arrived when the telegraph rate should be increased, because I think that we should safeguard the 2½d. post as far as possible. The telephone service is already showing a considerable reduction in profit. I am informed—I do not know if it is true—that all the new telephone plant is installed at a loss and that any profit is made on the existing telephone network. As far as the telephone system is concerned, the amber light is showing.

The postal traffic profit, which has provided the bulk of the surplus, is also declining. As a matter of fact, the buoyancy of the whole service is a matter for congratulation on the part of the Post Office and all connected with it. We have heard from the Assistant Postmaster-General this afternoon that costs in wages alone in the last five years have gone up £50 million. Then there have been increases in railway charges and the cost of raw materials, yet today we have the 2½d. postal service, which is the cheapest postal service in the world. That is a considerable achievement.

We on these benches are realists, and we would have been prepared to propose an increase, but we should not be prepared to have an increase of 100 per cent. I am in agreement with my hon. Friend the Member for Deptford (Sir L. Plummer) on the question of the Press telegram service. There is no longer a case for subsidising Press telegrams. Certainly, the Press magnates do not like the subsidy. Such people as Lord Beaver-brook have said that they do not want to be subsidised. In any case, most of the newspapers have their own teleprinter network. It has always been said, however, that the small provincial newspapers need this subsidised Press telegram service, but as a result of the groupings within the newspaper industry that case no longer holds good. We on this side of the House think that there is no longer a prima facie case for maintaining the Press subsidy at is present level.

The Select Committee on Estimates was very unfair to the Post Office. I am sorry that the hon. Member for Farnham (Mr. Nicholson) is not in his place at the moment. In my submission, the Select Committee went outside its terms of reference. It is certainly not the duty of the Estimates Committee—and I speak as a member of that Committee—to make any recommendations which are the prerogative of the Postmaster-General and affect policy.

The Committee made three recommendations. One was to increase the cost of the telegram to 2s. 6d. and another to increase it to 3s. The Assistant Postmaster-General and his noble Friend are asking us to accept the third recommendation of the Select Committee, to increase the cost of the telegram to 3s. with 3d. for each additional word.

If I may interrupt my hon. Friend, the Committee did not make any specific recommendation. It said that it did not find itself in possession of sufficient knowledge to enable it to advise on a particular course that should be pursued, even if it was empowered to do so. It suggested that there should be investigations.

I am obliged to my hon. Friend for that intervention. The fact is that it did suggest three methods by which the deficit could be reduced.

Then the Committee went on to say, what I think was quite wrong, that the Post Office and the Treasury in conjunction should make a thorough examination of the four alternative schemes submitted by the Post Office, and any other schemes. I say that that is the prerogative of the Government, and, frankly, I think the Select Committee went too far.

I am convinced that this increase will not produce the results which the hon. Gentleman anticipates. As has been said by my hon. Friend the Member for Droylsden, the telegraph service now exists largely for special telegrams in case of family distress, and certain business telegrams, but it is a dying service. It is essential that we should continue to have it, but to increase the charge 100 per cent. cannot be defended. There is a further point. We do not know the extent to which the radio will supplant it, particularly for strategic purposes. These are all matters which have to be seriously considered.

There will have to be a curtailment of the service as a result of these increased charges. I am sure that there will not be redundancy, but there certainly will be a hampering of promotion. We on this side of the House want something to be done to reduce the deficit in the light of the existing financial position of the Post Office, but we are not satisfied that in fairness, justice and equity those who will use the telegraph service should be called upon to carry a 100 per cent. increase in charges. Therefore, we shall vote against the Second Reading of this Bill and we shall have to consider putting forward rather drastic Amendments in Committee.

7.11 p.m.

I hope that I may have permission to speak twice on this Bill. When I moved the Second Reading I had to warn the House that the steps that we were proposing to take were not likely to be popular. I said that it would be unpopular to increase the charges and certainly unpopular to have to double them. All the speakers in this debate have reflected that fact, but I was rather hopeful that from some of the speeches we might have had more help and more suggestions as to what ought to be done.

We have tried to face reality and the fact that, as my hon. Friend the Member for Farnham (Mr. Nicholson) said, this is a dying service. We are not killing it, it is dying on its own and, however much we regret it. it is dying for reasons out of our control. Everyone has said that the charge ought not to be 3s., but no hon. Member has said what it ought to be or what the traffic will stand. I do not think that many of the speeches faced up either to the rising cost which the Post Office in all its branches has to face, or to the fact that we are now budgeting in the coming year for the smallest Post Office surplus for 33 years.

The right hon. Member for Caerphilly (Mr. Ness Edwards) said that economies should be made elsewhere. He did not say where they should be made, whether on the telephone side or the postal side, or elsewhere. He also hinted that because there is a defence aspect in this service some of the charges might be carried on the defence Vote. That is a suggestion which we have considered, but I must warn him that that is a very slippery slope on which to start. If we carry the telegraph charges on the defence budget, there is nothing that one cannot carry on it. One can carry agriculture, roads, and railways and all connected with them will say that because there is a defence aspect in those activities we should run them at a loss and the defence service should bear the difference. The right hon. Gentleman also asked the simple question whether a telegram delivered in London, where houses are close together, lost money. I am afraid that it does. If we delivered telegrams at no cost whatsoever, they still would lose money.

I mean at no staff cost at all.

The right hon. Gentleman raised the question of reduction of staff, and also the possible redundancy of machinery. He thought that we had set up quite expensive machinery and that if there was to be a reduction of traffic that machinery would be lost, or at least some part of it. Most of the long-distance cables are telephone cables, and to the extent to which cables are not used by the telegraph service they can go over to the telephone side with the minimum of inconvenience. As to the staff, there is natural wastage each year in the telegraph service of between 15 per cent. and 20 per cent. In the last two years we have run down the staff in the telegraph service by approximately 2,000.

My hon. Friend the Member for Kidderminster (Mr. Nabarro) hoped that we might learn something from going over to the United States and he suggested a joint productivity team. Conditions in the United States are so entirely different from the conditions in this country that, although we might be prepared to learn from the Americans in many other directions, I do not think that we should learn much from them in this direction. The United States is so large that one cannot post a letter there and be certain of its being delivered anywhere in the country next morning by first post.

In some ways the Americans have a much better situation for the development of the telegraphic service, because a large part of the United States is in a telegraphic belt in which one either sends a quick message by telegram or one does not send one at all. In any case, the Americans charge according to distance and, although we have much to learn from them, I hope that I shall not have to suggest charges by distance in this country. The minimum cost of sending a telegram in that country is 3s. 11d., and it goes up to 12s. Incidentally, Western Union made a loss in three post-war years and a profit in five.

My hon. Friend also suggested that we should put up the greetings surcharge from 6d. to 2s., but I am sure that if we did that people would not send greetings telegrams at all. We reckon that 6d. is about the limit that the traffic would stand. If the surcharge were increased very much people would still send kind messages, but not on the nice forms which are bought for 6d. extra. The same applies to priority telegrams. If the surcharge is increased too much people will not use them.

The hon. Member for Deptford (Sir L. Plummer) referred to Press telegrams and pointed out that they were still being subsidised. That is perfectly true. The Press telegram can be justified only on the ground of history. There has been this subsidy for 80 years. All we can say is that, by increasing the charges, we are reducing the deficit from £60,000 to £15,000.

The hon. Member may well be right, but the service is dying anyway and, although this is not much of an excuse to make, no Government in the past have thought it worth while to eliminate the Press telegram. The overwhelming percentage of Press work is done on private wires.

My hon. Friend the Member for Louth (Mr. Osborne) made a very gallant plea for his fishmongers. He is quite right to do so, for he represents a good many of them. But we simply cannot afford to subsidise the fishmongers at the expense of somebody else.

Is it not possible to impose a limit to allow for telegrams between 4 a.m. and 9 a.m. for fishmongers? Is the hon. Gentleman aware that some of the wholesale fish merchants in Birmingham will be losing money at the rate of £300, £400 and even up to £500 a year on the telegraph service under the new arrangement?

Of course it is. At the present moment we lose £300,000 a year on the fish trade and, under the new arrangement, we shall lose £150,000. I cannot see any justification for subsidising this trade and leaving others to pay the ordinary prices.

The hon. Member for Kilmarnock (Mr. Ross) raised the only party point in this debate. I would not answer it except for the fact that he was quite wrong. He said that it was owing to the financial policy of this Government that wages had gone up. I must correct him because, of the £50 million by which wages have gone up in the Post Office, £33 million represent the years 1948–51 and only £17 million represent 1951–53.

My hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Portsmouth, West (Brigadier Clarke) regretted, as we all regret, the necessity for raising the price, and asked for something to be done about mechanisation. I would explain to him that the mechanisation content of a telegram today is only worth 6d. and that we have reached the limit, as was pointed out by the hon. Member for Keighley (Mr. Hobson). My hon. and gallant Friend also suggested that we might try cutting the price. We cannot get more revenue if we cut the price when the traffic itself is dying. The Post Office cut the price in 1935, and what happened was that there was one-third more traffic and 50 per cent. more loss. Price cutting now would have the same effect. He also suggested different types of telegrams, but we have that now with the overnight telegram. Little has been said about the overnight telegram, except by the hon. Member for Keighley.

The hon. Member for Walthamstow, East (Mr. Wallace) agreed that we should increase the charge, but he did not say by how much it should be increased. He put forward the Union idea that we should reduce the number of words and charge the same.

The hon. Gentleman says that he is in agreement with the Union. The difficulty about that suggestion is that the cost of sending a telegram is largely independent of the number of words in it, and therefore, although it is an attractive suggestion, I cannot accept it.

The hon. Member for Droylsden (Mr. W. R. Williams) spoke with emotion about a service in which he has spent a large part of his life. To him this is not merely a question of raising the price, it is a personal tragedy, and I can understand his feelings in the matter. I only wish it were not so. The hon. Member said that this is the beginning of the end, but I am afraid that it started long ago.

Lastly, we come to the hon. Member for Keighley, who asked what would be the effect of a smaller reduction in the deficit. Judging from past experience, it would simply not produce the results. He wished to know also how we arrived at our figure of 30 per cent. It is an estimate, and as I said in my opening speech, if hon. Members wish to call it an intelligent guess, I shall be quite happy. We estimate on past figures and all the other factors that the result of this will be a re- duction of 30 per cent. I promise to look into the other point about E.L.T. which the hon. Member raised.

I am grateful for the suggestions which have been put forward, and I am only

sorry that it has fallen to my lot to give the House such unpleasant news.

Question put.

The House divided: Ayes, 246; Noes, 230.

Division No. 61.]

AYES

[7.23 p.m.

Allan, R. A. (Paddington, S.)

Fraser, Hon. Hugh (Stone)

Macleod, Rt. Hon. Iain (Enfield, W.)

Alport, C. J. M.

Fraser, Sir Ian (Morecambe & Lonsdale)

MacLeod, John (Ross and Cromarty)

Amory, Rt. Hon. Heathcoat (Tiverton)

Fyfe, Rt. Hon. Sir David Maxwell

Macmillan, Rt. Hon. Harold (Bromley)

Anstruther-Gray, Major W. J.

Galbraith, Rt. Hon. T. D. (Pollok)

Macpherson, Niall (Dumfries)

Arbuthnot, John

Galbraith, T. G. D. (Hillhead)

Maitland, Comdr. J. F. W. (Horncastle)

Assheton, Rt. Hon. R. (Blackburn, W.)

Gammans, L. D.

Maitland, Patrick (Lanark)

Astor, Hon. J. J.

Garner-Evans, E. H.

Manningham-Buller, Sir R. E

Baker, P. A. D.

George, Rt. Hon. Maj. G. Lloyd

Markham, Major Sir Frank

Baldock, Lt.-Cmdr. J. M.

Glover, D.

Marlowe, A. A. H.

Baldwin, A. E.

Godber, J. B.

Maudling, R.

Banks, Col. C.

Gomme-Duncan, Col. A

Maydon, Lt.-Comdr. S. L. C

Barber, Anthony

Gough, C. F. H.

Medlicott, Brig. F.

Barlow, Sir John

Gower, H. R.

Mellor, Sir John

Baxter, A. B.

Grimond, J.

Moore, Sir Thomas

Beach, Maj. Hicks

Grimston, Hon. John (St. Albans)

Mott-Radciyffe, C. E

Bell, Philip (Bolton, E.)

Grimston, Sir Robert (Westbury)

Nabarro, G. D. N.

Bell, Ronald (Bucks, S.)

Hall, John (Wycombe)

Neave, Airey

Bennett, F. M. (Reading, N.)

Harden, J. R. E.

Nicholls, Harmar

Bennett, William (Woodside)

Hare, Hon. J. H.

Nicholson, Godfrey (Farnham)

Bevins, J. R. (Toxteth)

Harris, Frederic (Croydon, N.)

Nicolson, Nigel (Bournemouth, E.)

Birch, Nigel

Harris, Reader (Heston)

Nield, Basil (Chester)

Bishop, F. P

Harrison, Col. J. H. (Eye)

Noble, Cmdr. A. H. P.

Black, C. W.

Harvey, Ian (Harrow, E.)

Nugent, G. R. H.

Bossom, Sir A. C.

Harvie-Watt, Sir George

O'Neill, Hon. Phelim (Co. Antrim, N.)

Boyd-Carpenter, Rt. Hon. J. A

Head, Rt. Hon. A. H.

Orr, Capt. L. P. S.

Boyle, Sir Edward

Heald, Rt. Hon. Sir Lionel

Orr-Ewing, Charles Ian (Hendon, N.)

Braine, B. R.

Heath, Edward

Osborne, C.

Braithwaite, Sir Gurney

Higgs, J. M. C.

Page, R. G.

Browne, Jack (Govan)

Hill, Dr. Charles (Luton)

Peake, Rt. Hon. O.

Buchan-Hepburn, Rt. Hon. P. G. T

Hill, Mrs. E. (Wythenshawe)

Perkins, Sir Robert

Bullard, D. G.

Holland-Martin, C. J.

Peto, Brig. C. H. M.

Butcher, Sir Herbert

Hollis, M. C.

Peyton, J. W. W.

Campbell, Sir David

Holt, A. F.

Pickthorn, K. W. M.

Cary, Sir Robert

Hopkinson, Rt. Hon. Henry

Pilkington, Capt. R. A.

Channon, H.

Hornsby-Smith, Miss M. P.

Pitt, Miss E. M.

Clarke, Col. Ralph (East Grinstead)

Horsbrugh, Rt. Hon. Florence

Powell, J. Enoch

Clarke, Brig. Terence (Portsmouth, W.)

Howard, Gerald (Cambridgeshire)

Price, Henry (Lewisham, W.)

Cole, Norman

Hudson, Sir Austin (Lewisham, N.)

Prior-Palmer, Brig. O. L.

Colegate, W. A.

Hudson, W. R. A. (Hull, N.)

Profumo, J. D.

Conant, Maj. R. J. E.

Hulbert, Wing Cdr. N. J.

Raikes, Sir Victor

Cooper, Sqn. Ldr. Albert

Hutchison, Sir Ian Clark (E'b'rgh, W.)

Ramsden, J. E.

Cooper-Key, E. M.

Hyde, Lt.-Col. H. M.

Redmayne, M.

Craddock, Beresford (Spelthorne)

Hylton-Foster, H. B. H.

Rees-Davies, W. R.

Crookshank, Capt. Rt. Hon. H. F. C

Iremonger, T. L.

Remnant, Hon. P.

Crosthwaite-Eyre, Col. O. E

Jenkins, Robert (Dulwich)

Renton, D. L. M.

Crouch, R. F.

Jennings, Sir Roland

Ridsdale, J. E.

Crowder, Sir John (Finchley)

Johnson, Eric (Blackley)

Roberts, Peter (Heeley)

Crowder, Petre (Ruislip—Northwood)

Kaberry, D.

Robertson, Sir David

Darling, Sir William (Edinburgh, S.)

Kerby, Capt. H. B

Robinson, Roland (Blackpol, S.)

Davidson, Viscountess

Kerr, H. W.

Robson-Brown, W.

Deedes, W. F.

Lambert, Hon. G.

Rodgers, John (Sevenoaks)

Digby, S. Wingfield

Lambton, Viscount

Roper, Sir Harold

Dodds-Parker, A. D.

Langford-Holt, J. A

Ropner, Col. Sir Leonard

Donaldson, Cmdr. C. E. McA.

Leather, E. H. C.

Russell, R. S.

Doughty, C. J. A.

Legge-Bourke, Maj. E. A. H.

Ryder, Capt. R. E. D.

Douglas-Hamilton, Lord Malcolm

Lennox-Boyd, Rt. Hon. A. T

Sandys, Rt. Hon. D.

Drewe, Sir C.

Lindsay, Martin

Schofield, Lt.-Col. W.

Dugdale, Rt. Hon. Sir T. (Richmond)

Linstead, Sir H. N

Scott, R. Donald

Duncan, Capt. J. A. L

Llewellyn, D. T.

Scott-Miller, Comdr. R.

Duthie, W. S.

Lloyd, Maj. Sir Guy (Renfrew, E.)

Shepherd, William

Eccles, Rt. Hon. Sir D. M.

Lloyd, Rt. Hon. Selwyn (Wirral)

Simon, J. E. S. (Middlesbrough, W.)

Eden, J. B. (Bournemouth, West)

Lockwood, Lt.-Col J. C.

Snadden, W. McN.

Elliot, Rt. Hon. W. E

Longden, Gilbert

Spearman, A. C. M.

Erroll, F. J.

Low, A. R. W.

Spence, H. R. (Aberdeenshire, W.)

Fell, A.

Lucas, Sir Jocelyn (Portsmouth, S.)

Spens, Rt. Hon Sir P. (Kensington, S.)

Finlay, Graeme

Lucas-Tooth, Sir Hugh

Stevens, G. P.

Fisher, Nigel

Lyttelton, Rt. Hon. O

Steward, W. A. (Woolwich, W.)

Fleetwood-Hesketh, R. F

McAdden, S. J.

Stoddart-Scott, Col. M.

Fletcher-Cooke, C.

Macdonald, Sir Peter

Storey, S.

Ford, Mrs. Patricia

McKibbin, A. J.

Strauss, Henry (Norwich, S.)

Fort, R.

Mackie, J. H. (Galloway)

Stuart, Rt. Hon James (Moray)

Foster, John

Maclean, Fitzroy

Summers, G. S.

Sutcliffe, Sir Harold

Tweedsmuir, Lady

Wellwood, W.

Taylor, Sir Charles (Eastbourne)

Vane, W. M. F.

Williams, Rt. Hon. Charles (Torquay)

Taylor, William (Bradford, N.)

Vosper, D. F.

Williams, Sir Herbert (Croydon, E.)

Thomas, Rt. Hon. J. P. L. (Hereford)

Wade, D. W.

Williams, Paul (Sunderland, S.)

Thomas, Leslie (Canterbury)

Wakefield, Edward (Derbyshire, W.)

Williams, R. Dudley (Exeter)

Thompson, Kenneth (Walton)

Wakefield, Sir Wavell (St. Marylebone)

Wills, G.

Thornton-Kemsley, Col. C. N

Walker-Smith, D. C.

Wilson, Geoffrey (Truro)

Tilney, John

Wall, P. H. B.

Wood, Hon. R.

Touche, Sir Gordon

Ward, Miss I. (Tynemouth)

Turner, H. F. L.

Watkinson, H. A.

TELLERS FOR THE AYES:

Turton, R. H

Webbe, Sir H (London & Westminster)

Mr. Studholme and Mr. Legh

NOES

Acland, Sir Richard

Griffiths, Rt. Hon. James (Llanelly)

Neal, Harold (Bolsover)

Albu, A. H.

Griffiths, William (Exchange)

Noel-Baker, Rt. Hon. P. J

Allen, Arthur (Bosworth)

Hall, Rt. Hon. Glenvil (Colne Valley)

Oliver, G. H.

Allen, Scholefield (Crewe)

Hall, John T. (Gateshead, W.)

Orbach, M.

Anderson, Frank (Whitehaven)

Hamilton, W. W.

Oswald, T.

Attlee, Rt. Hon. C. R.

Hannan, W.

Padley, W. E.

Awbery, S. S.

Hardy, E. A.

Paling, Rt. Hon. W. (Dearne Valley)

Bacon, Miss Alice

Hargreaves, A.

Paling, Will T. (Dewsbury)

Balfour, A.

Harrison, J. (Nottingham, E.)

Palmer, A. M. F.

Bartley, P.

Hastings, S.

Pannell, Charles

Bellenger, Rt. Hon. F. J

Hayman, F. H.

Pargiter, G. A.

Bence, C. R.

Healey, Denis (Leeds, S.E.)

Parker, J.

Benn, Hon. Wedgwood

Henderson, Rt. Hon. A. (Rowley Regis)

Parkin, B. T.

Benson, G.

Hobson, C. R.

Pearson, A.

Beswick, F.

Holman, P.

Plummer, Sir Leslie

Bing, G. H. C.

Houghton, Douglas

Popplewell, E.

Blackburn, F.

Hoy, J. H.

Porter, G.

Blenkinsop, A

Hudson, James (Ealing, N.)

Price, J. T. (Westhoughton)

Blyton, W. R.

Hughes, Cledwyn (Anglesey)

Price, Philips (Gloucestershire, W.)

Boardman, H.

Hughes, Emrys (S. Ayrshire)

Proctor, W. T.

Bowden, H. W

Hughes, Hector (Aberdeen, N.)

Pryde, D. J.

Bowles, F. G.

Hynd, J. B. (Attercliffe)

Pursey, Cmdr. H.

Braddock, Mrs. Elizabeth

Irving, W. J. (Wood Green)

Rankin, John

Brockway, A. F.

Isaacs, Rt. Hon. G. A.

Reeves, J.

Brook, Dryden (Halifax)

Janner, B.

Reid, Thomas (Swindon)

Broughton, Dr. A. D. D.

Jay, Rt. Hon. D. P. T

Reid, William (Camlachie)

Brown, Rt. Hon. George (Belper)

Jeger, George (Goole)

Roberts, Rt. Hon. A.

Brown, Thomas (Ince)

Jeger, Mrs. Lena

Roberts, Albert (Normanton)

Burton, Miss F. E.

Jenkins, R. H. (Stechford)

Roberts, Goronwy (Caernarvon)

Castle, Mrs. B. A.

Johnson, James (Rugby)

Robinson, Kenneth (St. Pancras, N.)

Champion, A. J.

Johnston, Douglas (Paisley)

Rogers, George (Kensington, N.)

Chapman, W. D.

Jones, David (Hartlepool)

Ross, William

Chetwynd, G. R

Jones, Jack (Rotherham)

Shawcross, Rt. Hon. Sir Hartley

Clunie, J.

Jones, T. W. (Merioneth)

Short, E. W.

Coldrick, W.

Keenan, W.

Shurmer, P. L. E.

Collick, P. H.

Kenyon, C.

Silverman, Julius (Erdington)

Cove, W. G.

Key, Rt. Hon. C. W

Silverman, Sydney (Nelson)

Craddock, George (Bradford, S.)

King, Dr. H. M.

Simmons, C. J. (Brierley Hill)

Crosland, C. A. R.

Lee, Frederick (Newton)

Skeffington, A. M.

Crossman, R. H. S.

Lee, Miss Jennie (Cannock)

Slater, J. (Durham, Sedgefield)

Cullen, Mrs. A.

Lever, Harold (Cheetham)

Smith, Ellis (Stoke, S.)

Daines, P.

Lever, Leslie (Ardwick)

Smith, Norman (Nottingham, S.)

Darling, George (Hillsborough)

Lindgren, G. S.

Snow, J. W.

Davies, Harold (Leek)

Lipton, Lt.-Col. M.

Sorensen, R. W

de Freitas, Geoffrey

Logan, D. G.

Soskice, Rt. Hon. Sir Frank

Deer, G.

McGhee, H. G.

Sparks, J. A.

Delargy, H. J.

McGovern, J.

Steele, T.

Dodds, N. N.

McInnes, J.

Stewart, Michael (Fulham, E.)

Donnelly, D. L.

McKay, John (Wallsend)

Strachey, Rt. Hon. J.

Dugdale, Rt. Hon. John (W. Bromwich)

McLeavy, F.

Strauss, Rt. Hon. George (Vauxhall)

Ede, Rt. Hon. J. C

MacPherson, Malcolm (Stirling)

Stross, Dr. Barnett

Edelman, M.

Mainwaring, W. H.

Summerskill, Rt. Hon. E.

Edwards, Rt. Hon. Ness (Caerphilly)

Mallalieu, E. L. (Brigg)

Sylvester, G. O.

Evans, Albert (Islington, S.W.)

Mann, Mrs. Jean

Taylor, Bernard (Mansfield)

Evans, Edward (Lowestoft)

Marquand, Rt. Hon. H. A

Taylor, John (West Lothian)

Evans, Stanley (Wednesbury)

Mason, Roy

Taylor, Rt. Hon. Robert (Morpeth)

Fernyhough, E.

Mellish, R. J.

Thomas, George (Cardiff)

Fienburgh, W.

Mikardo, Ian

Thomas, Iorwerth (Rhondda, W.)

Finch, H. J.

Mitchison, G. R

Thomas, Ivor Owen (Wrekin)

Fletcher, Eric (Islington, E.)

Monslow, W.

Thomson, George (Dundee, E.)

Follick, M.

Moody, A. S.

Thornton, E.

Foot, M. M.

Morgan, Dr. H. B. W.

Tomney, F.

Fraser, Thomas (Hamilton)

Morley, R.

Ungoed-Thomas, Sir Lynn

Freeman, Peter (Newport)

Morris, Percy (Swansea, W.)

Viant, S. P.

Gibson, C. W.

Mort, D. L.

Wallace, H. W

Gooch, E. G.

Moyle, A.

Warbey, W. N.

Greenwood, Anthony (Rossendale)

Mulley, F. W

Watkins, T. E.

Grenfell, Rt. Hon. D. R.

Murray, J. D

Webb, Rt. Hon. M. (Bradford, C.)

Grey, C. F.

Nally, W

Weitzman, D

Wells, Percy (Faversham)

Wilkins, W. A.

Winterbottom, Ian (Nottingham, C.)

Wells, William (Walsall)

Willey, F. T.

Winterbottom, Richard (Brightside)

West, D. G.

Williams, David (Neath)

Woodburn, Rt. Hon. A.

Wheeldon, W. E.

Williams, Rev. Llywelyn (Abertillery)

Wyatt, W. L

White, Mrs. Eirene (E. Flint)

Williams, Ronald (Wigan)

Yates, V. F.

White, Henry (Derbyshire, N.E.)

Williams, Rt. Hon. Thomas (Don V'll'y)

Whiteley, Rt. Hon. W.

Williams, W. R. (Droylsden)

TELLERS FOR THE NOES.

Wigg, George

Williams, W. T. (Hammersmith, S.)

Mr. Royle and Mr. Holmes.

Wilcock, Group Capt. C. A. B.

Wilson, Rt. Hon. Harold (Huyton)

Bill accordingly read a Second time.

Committed to a Committee of the whole House.—[ Mr. Redmayne. ]

Committee Tomorrow.

Atomic Energy Authority Bill

Considered in Committee [ Progress. 23rd March. ]

[Sir RHYS HOPKIN MORRIS in the Chair]

Clause 3.—(POWER AND DUTIES OF THE LORD PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL IN RELATION TO THE AUTHORITY.)

7.35 p.m.

I beg to move, in page 4, line 35, at the end, to insert:

(2) The Lord President of the Council in the performance of his said general duty shall have regard to the interests of national security and Shall secure the like regard in the conduct of the affairs of the Authority:

Provided that no person employed by the Authority shall be dismissed for reasons of national security otherwise than with the approval of the Lord President of the Council and in accordance with the provisions of the Schedule (Security Dismissals) to this Act.

This is an important Amendment. It refers to a Schedule, and I hope that I may do likewise.

It might be for the convenience of the Committee to discuss with the Amendment the proposed new Schedule entitled "Security Dismissals."

The Amendment begins by stating—we think it as well that it should be stated—what the Lord President will no doubt have in his mind any-how, and that is that both he and the Authority should have regard to the interests of national security. There follows a proviso that no person employed by the Authority shall be dismissed for reasons of national security otherwise than with the approval of the Lord President and in accordance with the provisions of the Schedule which I have mentioned. We must remember that those with whom we are now concerned will no longer be civil servants. They will have ceased to be seconded and will, therefore, have become servants of the Authority.

We were told by the Minister on the Second Reading that for security questions procedure of the kind usually called the "Three Wise Men" tribunal procedure will be employed with regard to these people. The right hon. Gentleman said:

As to the statement of it in the Schedule, the first point is that a man whom it is proposed to dismiss on security grounds should have the reasons for the proposed dismissal stated to him with reasonable detail. We say:

The next point is that a person against whom it is proposed to proceed—whom it is, in effect, proposed to dismiss—should be entitled to two hearings. I use the word "hearing" not in the sense of a hearing in a court of law, for we have not that in mind; but there should certainly be an informal hearing in the first place and one only slightly less informal in the second.

In the first place, the person should be entitled, if he so wishes, to be heard by a person appointed for the purpose by the Authority. In fact, he should be entitled to do what in any employment a man would naturally feel entitled to do, and that is to go to the person who is about to dismiss him and say in an informal way what he thinks about it and what he has to put on his own behalf.

Secondly, whether or not he has that first hearing, he should be entitled to be heard by three persons appointed by the Lord President of the Council. I understand the "Three Wise Men" in the case of the Civil Service to be three senior—usually, I believe, retired—civil servants, but we have not gone into detail about that. We simply say that some such course should be followed, and that the same type of person should be appointed for that purpose, and to that there can be little objection.

The next paragraph in the Schedule gives an important further right in that it provides, in either of the two cases which I have mentioned, that he should be entitled to be accompanied by what is meant to be a trade union officer,

I can see objections to this sort of thing in a matter of this sort, but it seems to me that what we are asking for is a very ordinary and very necessary right, particularly in regard to the "Three Wise Men." In that case, the man may well have had a previous hearing, but he will be appearing before three respected personages, and he will know that he is a suspected person and that it is proposed to dismiss him. What is involved on his side may be a matter of the gravest consequence, perhaps to his whole professional future, and he will go there to defend himself as best he may.

It does not always follow that a man who is an expert scientist, a professional man of distinction or even a person less distinguished, can make a good job in this capacity of stating his own case and defending himself in circumstances of this kind, and we feel that it is fair and right that something should be stretched—if it is necessary to stretch it—in order to give that man what would appeal to all of us as fair play in what may be for him exceedingly difficult and trying circumstances.

We do not think that decisions of this sort, important as they may be to the man concerned, ought to depend on his own power to defend himself, and we feel that he should be accompanied by a "prisoner's friend," as it were, such as is recognised by such bodies as courts martial and in all legal proceedings; indeed, it is extremely rare, if not unique, to hear of anyone appearing before any sort of body without the right to be so accompanied when he is charged with any offence and may, as a result of the decision, incur some grave disadvantage.

Would my hon. and learned Friend tell the Committee whether the Schedule, unamended, would provide that a man in this position could be represented by a solicitor or by counsel?

It would merely permit him to be accompanied by a person, and we have not got that point in mind, for reasons which I will give in a moment. I would not support the suggestion, because what we are now considering is not a court of law or a matter which would concern either the Bar Council or, indeed, the Law Society. I should have thought that what we were considering was something of a very different character, but I will return to that point.

Here, therefore, we have three points. First, a statement of the charge against the person; secondly a right to be heard; and, thirdly, a right to be accompanied by someone who is not himself personally concerned in the matter. Before I leave the last point, may I add that we have provided in the proposed Schedule for regulations to be made to cover secrecy, and, if necessary, to cover penalties, and we cannot see that, in that way and with that sanction, there ought to be any practical difficulty in getting the kind of procedure that the Authority may think it requires in a matter of this sort.

I turn to the fifth paragraph in the Schedule, which deals with a matter which also appears in this proposed subsection. It lays the responsibility for dismissal, if there is to be one, fairly and squarely on the Lord President himself, and, in that respect, I believe it follows the usual practice in the Civil Service that cases of this kind should be decided by the responsible Minister. It provides, further, that there may be compensation, and that that compensation may be paid either in a lump sum or gradually, but it leaves at large the amount of the compensation to be such—

If I may sum up, in addition to what we are suggesting in the new Schedule, we propose a right on the part of the man concerned to know the case against him, within limits; secondly, a right to be heard; and, thirdly, a right to be accompanied by his friend, to use a quite general phrase, and here I might perhaps remind my hon. Friend the Member for Nelson and Colne (Mr. S. Silverman) of the famous misprint in the report of a certain case in which, instead of speaking of his solicitor friend, a man talked about his solicitor fiend. Lastly, there is the right, which does not amount to a certainty or anything like it, to be considered for compensation, and all that seems to me to be highly reasonable.

Now, I should like to deal with the interjection made by my hon. Friend the Member for Nelson and Colne (Mr. S. Silverman), whether a solicitor or counsel should represent the man concerned. That would mean a formal legal hearing, and, quite apart from what the Minister said on Second Reading, when he clearly had nothing of the sort in mind, I should have thought that that was not only quite inappropriate but that it would make matters a great deal worse for the person concerned. I cannot believe that, in a case of this sort, he would get any more from a formal legal hearing—he might very well get a great deal less—than he would get by a procedure of this kind.

I suggest to the Committee that what we are dealing with here is not really a legal right at all, but a right which we all recognise as belonging to a man who is engaged as a distinguished scientist or in some other capacity, and whose legal rights may even be confined to some question of proper notice—perhaps a week, perhaps a month, perhaps longer.

We all recognise a moral obligation in dealing with those who have worked for us for a long time. In some of these instances, there will be people who have devoted many years to a particular kind of work. Their rights should not be the mere formal, legal right to notice, but something which recognises their contribution in the past and the length of their service. It is for that reason that the provision as to compensation which we had in mind was something quite distinct from legal damages or anything of that sort. It was quite deliberately left at large so that the Lord President of the Council could, in a proper case, go far beyond what a man could recover, even with the assistance of learned men of law, in a court of law.

I have tried to put, as shortly as I could, the main, simple rights that we are asking for these people. I believe them to be little or no more—except perhaps in regard to being accompanied—than they would have got had they remained civil servants and been subject to Civil Service procedure in a case of this kind. It has to be remembered that these men will be in an entirely different position from civil servants in one important respect. A civil servant who is suspected of being a security risk, and is finally found to be one, is not necessarily or usually dismissed from the Civil Service.

He may have been occupying a position of trust and confidence, dealing with matters that became secret, and it might be felt that it is dangerous to continue him in that particular place or occupation. The normal practice, and we would all say "the right practice," in cases of this kind, if circumstances permit—and they usually do—is to transfer him to some employment where he will not be dealing with anything particularly secret, and there is no question of the particular kind of trust and confidence that was required in his earlier employment.

One does not want to make distinctions, but it is obvious that employment with the Forestry Commission and in many branches of the Post Office is unlikely to involve dealing with matters connected with security. A civil servant has, generally speaking, the right to be transferred instead of being dismissed. How far that right is likely to exist within the scope of the Authority's functions is a matter that might very well change as those functions are enlarged and developed.

Clearly, it is going to be much more restricted at present, and it may for some time be considerably more restricted, than the rights of civil servants. We can fairly say, in considering the Amendment, that in many cases the right will not exist, and if trouble occurs will not apply in order to protect people who are likely to suffer a much greater measure of injustice than would occur if a similar mistake had been made within the Civil Service.

In the circumstances, I suggest that it is our business, as it has always been the function of Parliament, to stand up with particular care and attention for the elementary rights of accused or suspected individuals against the Executive. It is our business to say, "We are not prepared to accept the need for security"—which, of course, we recognise, and recognise in the Amendment—"as limiting in any way the right of an individual to a fair hearing, to be fairly dealt with, and to compensation in a proper case, except in so far as it may be clearly and conclusively shown that the limitation is necessary for the purposes of the State."

To put into an Act what we propose here involves no breach of the principle I have just stated. By putting this into the Bill we should be doing no more than stating, in a case where some statement is required, what is in most cases the present practice. The rights that we are seeking to confer would stabilise rights which appeal to everyone.

I can see one other objection, and I will deal with it quite shortly. It may be said, "You are now proposing, quite sensibly, the right and fair thing to do, but are you wise to try to put it into a Bill which in due time will go on to the Statute Book? Is it not possible that you may crystallise rights which, in course of time, it might be possible to enlarge?" That is to say, that by crystallising them we should be limiting the future prospects of those rights.

Speaking for myself and for many of my hon. and right hon. Friends, I say that we see the force of that argument, and that if we received from the Minister full assurances on all the points I have mentioned, a very clear and definite statement—a great deal more than it was possible for the Minister to do on Second Reading—we would be very glad indeed to consider, in the light of that statement, the wisdom of the course we are now adopting. Unless and until some such statement can be made, and that effectively, we are right to move the Amendment.

We stand here today as representatives of the subject, and for the rights of the subject against the Executive. The fact that we are dealing with something novel and dangerous and which is of the highest importance to the fortunes of this country can only limit us so far as it is clearly necessary that there should be such a limitation.

My hon. and learned Friend the Member for Kettering (Mr. Mitchison) has just said that this is an important Amendment, not only because it affects a number of people directly employed by the Authority, but because it is concerned with the issue of national security and personal liberty. The object of the Amendment is to secure the highest interest of national security. Our purpose is to reconcile national security with individual liberty.

8.0 p.m.

We are concerned primarily lest at this stage we permit any suggestion that the word "atomic" can be used as some kind of magical inhibition to prevent discussion, or to impose restrictions on the freedom of the individual. If we did, then indeed we should be at a dangerous turning point in the affairs of our country. Yet the possibility has to be considered, because atomic energy will reach out farther and farther into all the activities of industrial life.

What is serious about the present situation is that there seems to be implicit in it some kind of constitutional change. If atomic energy is to be expanded and applied to the variety of the activities of our daily life, and if the consideration of security is not confined merely to matters affecting the interests of the Services, then we may find that at some future date an employer will be able to say to an employee, "You are a security risk, and, therefore, I am going to dismiss you without giving you any further reason."

If under this new Authority, which is a semi-civilian Authority, an individual is hauled before some anonymous or semi-anonymous or even identified body of men, however wise they may be, and told that for reasons that are not stated he is to be deprived of his livelihood with the Authority, a permanent stigma will be attached to that person, and it will remain with him wherever he may subsequently seek to earn his livelihood in industrial life. It is possible to conceive of a man dismissed in this way from the Atomic Energy Authority without knowing the charge against him, and like some character in Kafka, going from employer to employer seeking to obtain employment and always being told that no employment is available to him because of some unspecified charge that cannot be stated to him.

It is to avoid that sort of thing that we move the Amendment. There has grown up around atomic energy a dreadful kind of mumbo jumbo which has been used not to further the progress of atomic energy but rather to restrict it. The result is that if anybody asks a Question about a matter of public policy related to atomic energy the Government—and this may be true also of a Government comprised in the future of my right hon. Friends—have only to say, "This matter is concerned with atomic energy which, by its nature, is secret, and, therefore, nothing can be told about it." Only today during the discussion on the hydrogen bomb we had an example of that. The Prime Minister, when asked about hydrogen bomb experiments, said that our information on the subject was limited and we in the House could not consider the matter beyond a certain point.

So far as this Amendment is concerned, we reject that attitude entirely. We reject that attitude because a great deal is known about atomic energy. Only today the American Secretary of Defence stated that the United States is the best informed country in the world on matters of atomic energy and the hydrogen bomb. Why should that be? We have allowed a veil of secrecy to fall over whole areas of atomic energy that could, without danger to security, be allowed to be seen. We want to be done with the unessential secrecy that has attached itself to atomic development while at the same time preserving the secrecy necessary to national security.

We are concerned with ensuring that an individual who works for the Atomic Energy Authority, even if he is suspected of some offence, if he is suspected of being a potential offender, should have the right to defend himself, and have the right to know the charge levelled against him, and, if he is dismissed, some kind of compensation.

We also want to make sure that, if an employee of the Authority is brought before the tribunal that may be appointed by the Lord President, he has someone with him who, even if he does not defend his interests, can at least act as a representative of the public. Very often articulate persons, when confronted with a court of law, become wholly inarticulate. It is for that reason that we urge that a person who is working for the Atomic Energy Authority and who is invited to appear before the tribunal should have the opportunity to be accompanied by someone who will be able to supplement what he says and be a witness of the questions put to him.

The Official Secrets Act is adequate to deal with offences against the State. If a person is accused of a crime against security, he can be prosecuted under that Act. No additional safeguard is necessary in the interests of national security against those who may wish to betray the interests of national security. Consequently, we are concerned not with the traitor, or a person suspected of traitorous dealings, but with the person who, because of his previous or current associations, because of his political affiliations or potential political affiliations, may be thought a person who is what my hon. and learned Friend called a security risk.

It is often the peculiarity of a person who is regarded as a security risk that, for all that, he has not committed any crime against the State. We want to see, therefore, that one who may be considered a security risk has as many of the safeguards of the law, and is treated as fairly as possible. If such a person who has not committed any crime is deprived of his employment, we want to make sure he is given some employment within the scope of the Lord President of the Council.

The Lord President of the Council is closely associated with the D.S.I.R. and other scientific establishments, and I suggest to the Minister of Works that a man who is regarded as a security risk and who is deprived of his employment with the Authority should have the opportunity of being transferred to some one of the other scientific establishments that come within the competence of the Lord President. I ask the right hon. Gentleman to bear that suggestion in mind.

We are concerned with the rights of the individual. We are concerned that nothing should be done in the guise of the protection of the national interest to offend against the principle that no person shall be presumed guilty until his guilt has been established. It is in the spirit of that fundamental principle of English law that I support the Amendment.

I think the Committee will probably agree with me when I say that in the two speeches we have heard so far every possible argument for consideration that could be advanced in support of this Amendment and the related Schedule has been very lucidly advanced to us. Therefore, I do not rise to add to those arguments, but because I am not persuaded by any of them. I think the Committee would be making a very great mistake if it adopted this Amendment. I understand perfectly well, and sympathise completely with, the background motivation which has led to the Amendment being proposed, with the Schedule which goes with it, and I hope the Committee will bear with me if I state it in two sentences to show that if I oppose the Amendment it is not because I have misunderstood its purpose or am out of sympathy with its purpose.

What my right hon. and hon. Friends are saying is this: for some years now, we in this country have reluctantly found it incumbent upon us to do an unpleasant thing. To take the words of my hon. Friend the Member for Coventry, North (Mr. Edelman), we have found it necessary—and most people will agree that it was necessary—to say to a man, "We know nothing against you. We do not say that you have committed any crime. In fact, we say the opposite; we say that you have committed no crime. Had you committed a crime we should be dealing with you, not in this way, but in another way."

We begin, therefore, not merely by not alleging that any crime has been committed, but by asserting, as the basis of our procedure, that no crime has been committed. Then we say, "Nevertheless, we think that you are the kind of person who some day or other might commit a crime or, more particularly, might commit a particular kind of crime which, if it were committed, would be an offence against the Official Secrets Act; and the matters with which we are dealing are so important, so secret, so fundamental to our security that we are not prepared to take any kind of risk, however remote, in the case of a person in regard to whom we can establish that the risk might in certain circumstances be a real risk."

We have been doing that since 1947 or 1948. We are now proposing to take away from Ministerial control—for that is what the Bill is about—the whole of investigation, research and all that goes with it in atomic energy and perhaps atomic weapons. When we have set up a public authority, some Minister in another place will be only remotely responsible to Parliament for what it does, and the employees of the public authority will not be civil servants. Therefore, the procedure, with such safeguards as have been evolved over the five or six years and which we are quite content to have in the Civil Service, will no longer be applicable.

In other words, if this Bill had never been introduced, or if it had not set up a non-Ministerial, non-responsible outside public authority, this Amendment would never have been proposed. My right hon. Friend is not proposing—and he would be out of order if he did propose it; nor is it part of his argument to propose it—that there should be written into the statute law of this country any provision of this nature for the Civil Service or that the safeguards which have been introduced shall be statutory. Now, however, it is said, statutory safeguards are required, and it is said that we cannot have statutory safeguards unless there is a statutory procedure and unless it is somebody's statutory duty to do the things against which we want statutory safeguards. As I understand it, that is the basis for the Amendment.

But what is the Bill? We have been told repeatedly that it is not a munitions Bill, it is not a war weapons Bill, for the public Authority will be able to have nothing to do with the research into or the construction of atomic weapons or any part of atomic weapons, except with the authority of, and I suppose at the request of, the Minister of Supply. Nobody who has taken part in any of these discussions has failed to say at some stage in his argument, "Most of what the public Authority will be concerned with are the peaceful constructive uses of atomic energy." In other words, the weapon-making side or the weapon-investigating side is subsidiary to—I will not say incidental to—its main purpose.

8.15 p.m.

That being so, it seems a strange context in which, for the first time, to give statutory authority to a procedure which penalises a man who has committed no offence. I will not enlarge upon it; my hon. Friend the Member for Coventry, North most eloquently described what the effect of a successful application by the public Authority against one of its employees, under the Amendment and under the procedure, would be. It is difficult to conceive what greater harm could be done to a man in this narrow, restricted, highly-specialised field than to have it decided under a statutory authority by a statutory procedure that he was a security risk. What we should be doing in those circumstances would be to make work in the scientific field virtually inaccessible to him from that moment onwards. I do not think that is any overstatement of the effect at all. If there are people who think that it may be an over-statement, I ask them to think about it again and most seriously.

It is quite otherwise in the case of the civil servant. There, it is a purely administrative procedure and, as my right hon. Friend pointed out, the man does not lose his job. He has statutory rights in the Civil Service which are not interfered with in any way.

The civil servant has contractual rights. He has a right to be retained in his employment, barring any misconduct, and in the normal course of things he will retain his post in the Civil Service and will not be interfered with.

I am quite willing to express my gratitude to my hon. Friend for correcting me on the technical point. I do not want to be long in presenting the argument to the Committee, and I do not think there is any dispute in substance between us.

Normally, civil servants follow their careers from the moment of entry into the Civil Service until the moment when they reach the contemplated retiring age, unless they commit some act which justifies their dismissal. Whether that is statutory or whether it is contractual can be argued, but it is not relevant to the substance of the matter, because what happens in the case which we contemplate is not that a man loses any seniority or any right or any pay or anything of that kind; all that happens is that he is transferred to some other kind of work consistent with his general status in the Civil Service. That is all kept on an administrative level. My hon. Friends would have been perfectly content to let that go on in this case but for the Government's action in handing over this function to a public authority outside.

I warn my hon. and right hon. Friends against the danger of writing into our statute law penalties of this kind for this kind of situation. It is one thing to do this as a matter of administrative prudence, to change our practice as the circumstances dictate, to apply it, if we must apply it, not rigidly but with sufficient elasticity to different ranges of workers of different kinds of ability and to change the practice from year to year as world conditions change and as circumstances require; it is quite another thing to make this part, for the first time, of the statute law of the land with a rigid procedure laid down by the statute and no room for elasticity of application for suiting the conditions to particular cases.

I want to correct one small misapprehension. I do not think that this Amendment does anything to restrict the right of dismissal except on one minor point. It certainly does not give any right of dismissal where there was not one before.

The Amendment says:

The principal Clause would be a duty in any case. We do not need an Act of Parliament to say that it is the duty of a Minister of the Crown to look after matters of national security. The Amendment was put down not to the principal Clause at all, but for the proviso, which states:

It does not necessarily happen. In the Civil Service the Minister has a discretion whether he will act or not in a particular case. I may be wrong about it, but it seems to me that on the face of it, subject to further agreement, if we lay down conditions by statute in the Schedule, then those conditions must be applied by the responsible Minister in every case to which they apply. That is what I mean by saying that it is rigid and takes away from the Minister the discretion which he otherwise would have had.

I am trying to follow my hon. Friend's argument. Is it his view that if there is no such Clause as this in the Act and nothing about it in the Schedule, the Minister would have the discretion on grounds of national security?

I appreciate my hon. Friend's point, and I appreciate that there is a difficulty here. I would have hoped—it may happen yet, for anything I know—that when the Minister comes to deal with the point he will himself be prepared to write into the Act the responsibility of Parliament for any security dismissals that may happen when the public Authority is set up and is in operation. What I am saying is that rather than have these dismissals written into the statute in this way, I would prefer a different kind of Amendment, whereby the Minister assumes responsibility for them and undertakes to the House to apply them in exactly the same way as they are applied in the Civil Service generally, with such safeguards as are thought right and proper.

I do not like the procedure. I wish that we could do without it altogether, but on the assumption I make for the purpose of my argument that some kind of security precautions must be taken of this nature, then I infinitely prefer the method now used in the Civil Service to the method laid down by my hon. and learned Friend's Amendment. That is my point. I am not saying that the matter should be left uncovered altogether. I am saying that the Government ought to amend the Bill, but on the same basis as they have already in the case of the Civil Service. The Amendment ought to be taken with the Schedule.

I would say to my hon. and learned Friend that if we are to have these things in the statute at all, and if we are to lay down, as it were, once-for-all statutory safeguards, then we ought to be quite sure we include all the statutory safeguards that are necessary. I am perfectly certain that the Schedule which has been proposed does not do that or anything like it. I have put down particular Amendments to it. I do not know at what stage they will be moved or, indeed, whether they will be called at all, but I should like to explain to the Committee for two or three minutes what additional safeguards I should like to see.

I should like to deal first with the question of representation. My hon. and learned Friend and hon. Friends who followed him have said how wrong it would be to have any kind of tribunal obliged to administer the provisions of this new Clause and Schedule and to have people appearing before it untrained, unaccustomed to any kind of investigation, unaccustomed to protecting themselves, a little frightened, very anxious and largely inarticulate. And so my hon. Friends provide in their Schedule that he should be accompanied by somebody else, equally anxious, equally nervous, equally inexperienced and, presumably, equally inarticulate. Is it really suggested that one inarticulate person cannot express himself, but that if he is accompanied by another inarticulate person they can between them express themselves?

Is my hon. Friend aware that such a person as we have in mind was, for example, a trade union official? Is my hon. Friend's description of a person who is inarticulate and tongue-tied that of a trade union official?

I have known of trade union officials to whom the description of a duodecimal Demosthenes could not be applied and of other trade union officials who were extremely inarticulate.

It is not restricted to trade union officials.

That is the point. There is nothing in the Amendment and in the Schedule to say that they refer only to a trade union official.

8.30 p.m.

Was my hon. and learned Friend saying that this included the right to be represented by solicitor and counsel? With all the authority of a learned member of the Inner Bar, he said how inappropriate that would be. He went on to say that neither the Bar Council nor the Council of the Law Society were interested in this matter. He is quite wrong. Both the Bar Council and the Council of the Law Society have for many years expressed their discontent with the growing up of tribunal after tribunal, where men's rights are involved, where they are allowed to be represented by somebody but not by a solicitor or counsel of their choice.

I regard it as astonishing that my hon. and learned Friend, who cannot really have so poor an opinion of trained and experienced advocates whose job it is, should pretend to say that that representation would be quite wrong in so important a matter of this kind, which might determine the whole of a man's future. My hon. and learned Friend said that, after all, we were not dealing with a court of law, with rules of procedure, rules of evidence, statute law, case law, or anything of that kind.

It is much simpler and shorter than that. I said we were not dealing with legal rights; nor are we.

If my hon. and learned Friend has his way, we shall be dealing with legal rights. A man's rights will be determined by this law that we are now considering, and his rights will be limited to his rights under the statute. If that is not a legal right, what in the world is a legal right? I should have thought a legal right was a right laid down by law.

If my hon. and learned Friend has his way, the only rights a man will have are his rights under the new Schedule. Of course they are legal rights. Even if they were not legal rights in either a narrow or a broad description, what difference would that make? My hon. and learned Friend said, and I agree with him—it is in his new Schedule—that a man should be furnished with a document giving him sufficient particulars of what was alleged against him. Who is to judge what are "sufficient particulars" once that is laid down in the statute? Who is to judge whether the evidence called in support of the sufficient particulars establishes them as sufficient particulars?

All these are matters which a tribunal will have to determine. If it determines them wrongly, an enormous injustice is done. If we are to have it at all, we ought to have it in such a way that both the man—the suspect—and the tribunal have all the assistance they can get from skilled professional representation, clearing up the issues, examining the evidence and assisting the tribunal to come to a right decision. [An HON. MEMBER: "Who would pay the fees?"]

I am not saying that it should be compulsory. If a man prefers to be represented by a trade union official, he ought to have that right. In many cases he would be wise to rely on that right rather than on the right of professional representation. I am not saying that it should be a matter of compulsion that a man should be represented by solicitor or counsel, or both. I am only saying that if a man is threatened with the dire consequences of an investigation of this kind, if that man at his own expense prefers to be represented, we ought not by statute to prevent him from being so represented. I should be surprised to hear anyone differ from that.

I have been so long already that I shall not deal with the other safeguards that are covered by my Amendments. If the Amendment is not carried and the Schedule, therefore, is not added to the Bill, the Amendments will not matter. If the Schedule is added to the Bill, that will be time enough to move my Amendments. But, in concluding, I again beg my right hon. and hon. Friends to consider very carefully whether they really wish at this time, in these circumstances and for this purpose, to write these unpleasant things into the statute law of the country.

We certainly are debating a strange subject, how to give an Englishman the sack because of his political associations. It has to be admitted that, however these dismissals are arranged, we have to restrict that personal liberty which Parliament has for so long been concerned to enlarge and to protect. There is no one in the Committee who likes doing that, and the Amendment has been moved and supported in the best traditions of the British Parliament caring for the liberty of the individual.

But there is another side to the question. We are dealing here with military secrets of a very high value and we know that the Communists are trying day and night to get hold of this information. They have a few sympathisers in this country who would help them if they could, and I submit that it is not part of the duty of a free society to give men, who aim at the overthrow of its institutions, a sporting chance so to do. Therefore, when one gets a conflict between personal liberty and loyalty to country, as we have here, something has to be done which is thoroughly un-English.

It was the Labour Government which determined, some years ago—and, we think, rightly—to start this procedure in the Civil Service expressly to protect atomic secrets. The question we have now to ask is whether when, an atomic project is transferred from a Government Department to an outside authority, it is desirable to make any changes in the Civil Service procedure. The Government think not, and are satisfied that the security system which is working in the Civil Service should be carried over for the time being, without modification, to the Authority. The essential features of that procedure are, first of all, searching for information about a man's background, then the hearing by an independent tribunal of three of the case against a suspected man, and the final decision to be taken by the responsible Minister.

The Opposition have told us that they believe that we should make changes in the procedure and that they should be put into the Schedule which goes with this Amendment. The first part of the Amendment deals with the Minister's duties. I am entirely at one with the hon. Member for Nelson and Colne (Mr. S. Silverman) and the hon. and learned Member for Kettering (Mr. Mitchison) that it is the duty of all Ministers to have regard to national security. There does not seem to be any adequate reason why we should single out the Minister in charge of atomic energy and lay upon him alone a duty which applies to all his colleagues. After all, the Minister of Supply has in his keeping secrets of great value. He knows where atomic bombs are stored, and he knows about guided missiles.

The Minister of Defence and other Ministers have secrets in their keeping, and I do not feel that it would be of advantage to put a special provision into this Bill, more especially as it contains a reference to the national interest already—in Clause 3 where it is declared that the Lord President should have the duty to intervene in the affairs of the Authority when he considers that a matter of overriding national interest so requires. One can hardly imagine a clearer case of the national interest than guarding the secrets of atomic weapons. As I see it, these security systems are necessary evils in a world which fears war, but we do not need any special provisions in Acts of Parliament to call the attention of Her Majesty's Ministers to that fact.

On the other hand, the hon. and learned Member for Kettering (Mr. Mitchison) was quite right in asking that words should be put into the Bill to make certain that no man shall be dismissed without the approval of the Lord President. However strongly the independent tribunal condemns a suspected man, the Minister himself should have a look at the case and should himself give the final decision. I think that is a valuable protection for the suspected person, and the Government will move an Amendment at a later stage to put that into the Bill.

The second object of the Amendment is to write into the Bill the details of the purge procedure. There again I find myself in agreement with the hon. Member for Nelson and Colne. Indeed, the hon. and learned Gentleman the Member for Kettering also touched on this point, that we should freeze this procedure if we wrote it into the Bill. This purge procedure is the most inquisitive form of investigation in existence today. We hope that a time will come when some of the conditions can be relaxed and, if we put them in the Bill, it would mean that we should need new legislation when we felt it was possible to relax the conditions. Therefore, it would not be in the best interests of the employees concerned.

Will the right hon. Gentleman explain to the Committee what safeguards there are for the individual under existing procedure?

I was just about to speak about the changes that hon. Gentlemen opposite desire to put into the present Civil Service procedure, which are designed to reduce the chance that an innocent man may be dismissed in error. The hon. and learned Member for Kettering argued that the extra safeguard is needed because, if a man is dismissed for being a bad security risk in the Civil Service, he can be transferred to another job, but that as there is not a sufficient amount of non-secret work in the Authority, he would have to go right out and, therefore, dismissal would be a greater hardship to him and so he is entitled to an additional safeguard.

I do not think there is quite so much in that argument as hon. Gentlemen opposite have put forward. In the first place, we think that this hardship is only temporary. We expect that the Authority will develop civilian projects to which before long it will be possible to offer a transfer. I was interested in the suggestion from the hon. Gentleman the Member for Coventry, North (Mr. Edelman) about transfers to D.S.I.R., and I assure him that I will convey that to the notice of the Lord President and see whether something can be done there.

It must also be remembered that when a man joins the Authority he will be told, as one of the conditions of his employment, that if he is found to be a bad security risk he will be liable to dismissal. Of course, the older civil servants never had that condition put before them when they started their careers. It was only later in their Civil Service life, when they were posted to atomic energy work, that they became liable to the purge procedure. Everyone who joins the Authority, however, will have that condition firmly put before him.

8.45 p.m.

I do not say that is a complete argument, but it means that there is no excuse for saying, "I did not know this would happen to me." Indeed, if a man has reason to fear that he might be a bad security risk, it would be better if he did not join. In my view, the argument about dismissal with no chance of transfer to non-secret work does not go to the root of the problem. I am again on the side of the hon. Member for Nelson and Colne. [Interruption.] We are only trying to find out the truth about this business. It seems to me that if it is right to give to a suspected man on the staff of the Authority this extra safeguard of having the right to be accompanied to the hearing, it is also right to give that safeguard to someone in the Civil Service. I cannot see there is sufficient difference between the two.

That, and the other suggested changes in the Civil Service procedure, which are not very large, are designed to make it nearer a legal procedure than it is now, but that is precisely what we cannot do. The suspected man's friend, or the union official, would have to be vetted through the special procedure before he could go to the tribunal, and if he went it would, of course, mean a closer cross-examination. That is bound to touch upon the sources of information. This is the real problem: we do not see how that cross-examination can be allowed without compromising the sources of information. Further, it would make it very difficult to find men of high standing who would serve upon the tribunal.

We all regret this, but we have to face the fact that the betrayal of secrets to the Communists can only be discovered and defeated if we employ something of the Communists' own methods of obtaining information, and if we depart in some degree from the legal procedure which we value so much. I hate these concessions; I hate all concessions to totalitarianism: I think everyone in the Committee does, but our whole security system depends on our protecting our sources of information. That is what security is.

It is very bad for a man to lose his job because of his political associations. It is much worse for hundreds of thousands of people to lose their lives in an atomic war. Those are the two evils which have to be balanced when we consider the Amendment.

Would the right hon. Gentleman clear up this point? He indicated that there was one difference between the present Civil Service procedure and what is contained in the Amendment on the question of a prisoner's friend, legal representative, accompanying person or however he might be described. The right hon. Gentleman did not indicate that there were any other differences between the procedure contemplated in this Amendment and the Civil Service procedure. May we take it that that is so? If not, would the right hon. Gentleman tell us whether there is any substantial difference. I would not wish, on a matter of this sort, to make a minor point.

There may be some small differences. It depends what we really mean by a reasonable statement of the grounds for the proposed dismissal. It may well be that the hon. and learned Gentleman and those who manage these affairs would differ as to what a reasonable statement is. I dare say that the hon. and learned Member would not be satisfied with the kind of statement which the man gets now; I do not know. Except for the ordinary provision for abolition of post, I do not think there is any compensation provided for at present in the procedure.

One can follow without argument what the right hon. Gentleman says about the necessity for these unpleasant things, as they are universally admitted to be, in the days when these matters were in their infancy, and when there might have been a reasonable hope of preserving secrecy. Is the argument quite so strong now when, for good or ill, the level of scientific advance in all countries is roughly equivalent in these matters?

That is very difficult to answer. I was thinking, as the hon. Gentleman spoke, of the first time the world was circumnavigated, in 1521. The Pope and the Emperor Charles V did their best to prevent anybody knowing that someone had sailed round the world, but that got out, and they spent a very long time concealing the navigation charts.

This is, I suppose, the stage where we are now. The fact is that we can make one of these weapons cheaply or expensively, efficiently or inefficiently. It may well be that we have reached a stage where the fundamental knowledge of physics is shared but the "know-how," or whatever expression one should use, is still a matter of very great importance. I think that that is the answer to the hon. Gentleman.

It is true that if we adopted the proposed new Schedule we might slightly reduce the chances that a man could be dismissed in error, but we should be taking a very considerable risk with our security system which is part of the defence of the whole of the Western world. That we must not do. Therefore, I hope that the Committee will be satisfied, first, that it would be a bad thing to write the Schedule in and to freeze it as part of our law, and, secondly, that we shall bring forward an Amendment to make it perfectly clear that the case of every suspected person will be looked at carefully by the Lord President and that his decision, and his decision alone, will result in a dismissal.

If we do that I hope that the hon. and learned Member will withdraw the Amendment. It is of importance that we should be united on what really touches on a very delicate and vital point in our defence system.

The problem of security and the safeguarding of the individual against unfair or improper dismissal is exceedingly difficult. As I know probably better than anyone else in the Committee at the moment, because I had to administer the business for several years, it is extraordinarily tricky. There is no simple and completely satisfactory solution.

The fact is that the Labour Government established a procedure for dealing with these difficult cases which, I think, met with the general approval of all parties. I think it can be said that the procedure worked fairly. There were very few complaints—I believe that only one was ventilated in the House of Commons—that a man was unfairly treated. The Committee may like to know that most of the people who were accused—if that is the right word—or were told that they were suspect, refused to go before the tribunal. They gave some excuse. They said that they did not approve of the tribunal, and, of course, if they did not avail themselves of the opportunity, then one had to assume that they were not fit people to work in atomic energy establishments where secret work was done.

I do not want to tire the Committee. I could speak at length about some of the problems which arose and had to be dealt with by the Ministry. Sometimes it was most difficult to decide whether or not a person should continue to work in one of these establishments, but we were satisfied that the procedure worked reasonably well. No one would have sought to alter it in any way or to write into the Bill or to put in statutory form any further safeguards had it not been for the fact that the Authority is being established to take over full responsibility for all atomic energy.

My hon. Friend the Member for Nelson and Colne (Mr. S. Silverman) is wrong to suggest that the work of the Authority will be primarily civilian and only to a small extent military. For a long time I fear that will not be true. But because this other Authority is being set up and will have the responsibility, as we thought until this evening, at any rate, of dismissing any person who is suspect, we felt that it was right to write into this Bill safeguards protecting persons who might become suspect at any time.

When we drafted this Amendment my hon. and learned Friend the Member for Kettering (Mr. Mitchison) and my other hon. Friends were perfectly well aware that there was a great deal to be said against having any inflexible procedure written into the Bill which one might desire to alter on some future occasion and be unable to do so. Nevertheless, we thought that it was so essential for the protection of the individual employees working in these establishments that they should be fully and satisfactorily safeguarded that we decided the risk was worth while and that we should attempt to safeguard them by some such proposed Schedule as we are now discussing.

The right hon. Gentleman has shown his own willingness and that of his colleagues in the Government to meet us a little of the way, and I believe the right hon. Gentleman when he says that he is as anxious as we are to preserve the liberty of the individual and to prevent him from being dismissed wrongfully by the Executive. We do not know that either the right hon. Gentleman or the present Lord President will always be responsible for atomic energy matters, but I think it is a fact, and a satisfactory fact, that among all parties nowadays there is a pretty general appreciation and concern that no person should be wrongfully dismissed when there is some security suspicion about him.

The right hon. Gentleman told us—and I myself think that this is extremely important—that he was prepared to meet us so far as to insert in the Bill, either on Report or when the Bill goes to another place, some statutory provision by which no one can be dismissed without the approval of the Minister concerned. I think everyone will agree that that is of first-class importance, because it means that any Member of either House can question the Minister if he thinks that somebody has been wrongfully dismissed. We can use all the facilities avilable to us in this House for raising a row and telling the Minister that he has done something wrong. We can have an Adjournment debate on this subject or anything of that kind. Therefore, I think my hon. Friends will agree that the concession which the right hon. Gentleman has made in promising to insert such a provision in the Bill is very important indeed.

There are one or two questions that I should like to ask. I personally am very disappointed that the right hon. Gentleman is not prepared to agree that a man may bring a friend in the shape of a trade union organiser with him when he appears before the "three wise men." I think it is a mistake, and I hope the right hon. Gentleman will give that point further consideration.

The right hon. Gentleman has told us that the Lord President will probably see whether it is possible in certain circumstances for a person who has been dismissed because he is considered not a good security risk, to be taken into the D.S.I.R. There are quite a few people who have been considered not to be good security risks and who have been taken into that body already, and I can see no reason why that should not happen in the future.

I am not quite sure why it would be impossible for some of these people to be offered jobs in some parts of the Civil Service, and why, if they are sacked from one of the atomic energy establishments on security grounds, they should not on some occasions be offered suitable positions in the Civil Service.

9.0 p.m.

In this Amendment we ask that someone who is dismissed might be given, under certain conditions thought appropriate by the Government, compensation for his dismissal. We think that reasonable. It may well be that a man who is a very good servant indeed and a first-class person may have had associations with the Communist Party without having in mind on any occasion any idea whatsoever of giving away information which might come before him. On the other hand, the Government quite properly may say, "That may be so, but nevertheless we think that from the point of view of the safety of the State you ought not to work there."

If he gets the sack from Harwell or some other establishment, it may be a considerable time before he gets another job. I suggest that at least the old procedure should be carried on whereby a man who is suspended because he is a suspect is not only given full pay while investigations take place but for a very long time afterwards, until another job is found for him or until he himself finds another job.

It would be reasonable that the Government should tell us—and it would satisfy many of my hon. Friends—that where a man is dismissed on grounds of security which we are envisaging here, he should continue on full pay for a reasonable period while he finds another job. If he is not allowed to continue on full pay, he will be penalised very severely for his political convictions, and we all agree that that would be wrong Therefore, I ask the right hon. Gentleman if he will consider that point and also the offering of posts in the D.S.I.R. or, possibly, on occasion in the Civil Service to people who are dismissed.

My own opinion is that, in view of the undertaking given to alter the Bill so as to ensure Ministerial approval of any dismissal, my hon. and learned Friend the Member for Kidderminster—[HON. MEMBERS: "Kettering."]—I apologise to both of them—my hon. and learned Friend the Member fox Kettering (Mr. Mitchison) might consider it desirable to withdraw his Amendment. He will have another opportunity of considering this matter when the Minister brings forward an Amendment on Report stage.

In view of what has been said by the Minister and by my right hon. Friend the Member for Vauxhall (Mr. G. R. Strauss), I beg to ask leave to withdraw the Amendment.

Yes, Sir Rhys. I feel, as I am sure do some of my hon. Friends, that there is a point of view which we should like to put to the Committee. It would be wrong and a denial of rights to some of us if, at this stage, my hon. and learned Friend the Member for Kettering (Mr. Mitchison) were to be allowed to withdraw his Amendment.

As the Minister was speaking, and we listened to his very reasonable observa- tions, expressed with every appearance of moderation and sincerity, I could not help recalling some recent events which came to light

On a point of order. I thought that I heard you say, Sir Rhys, "Amendment, by leave, withdrawn."

I was putting it tentatively, because I realised that the hon. Member for Manchester, Exchange (Mr. W. Griffiths) was objecting. He had every right to do so and I did not definitely say that the Amendment was withdrawn.

I said that the Minister was apparently quite reasonable about this matter, but I could not help thinking of what I regard as instances of the most disgraceful discrimination against individuals, because of their political affiliations, which have occurred as a result of this procedure.

The other day in the House of Commons my hon. Friend the Member for Southampton, Test (Dr. King) asked a Question about a young lady employed as a cashier in a Foreign Office canteen. She was dismissed on the ground that she was married to a young Communist. On being questioned, the Minister said he thought that that was perfectly legitimate and that people who were associated at any time with Communists should be excluded from positions of this kind. I raise this matter by way of illustration of what is going on, which is in contradiction to the suggestion of the right hon. Gentleman that all is reasonable and that no unfair discrimination is practised. There are other examples which I could give, but I wish to say a word about the general position.

I agree with my hon. Friend the Member for Nelson and Colne (Mr. S. Silverman) about the dangers arising from saying in a statute that if people hold certain political views they will be prohibited from employment in work of this kind. But we must all be apprehensive about the unfortunate consequences which have flown from the procedure adopted in the past. Today, I was told by the Treasury that, to date, 96 civil servants have either been dismissed or transferred since this procedure was commenced in March, 1948.

Some of them are certainly in the Ministry of Supply, but not all of them, and some very extraordinary decisions have been made. May I illustrate it in this way? A short while ago a constituent drew my attention to his experience. He was employed by the Post Office as a maintenance engineer on teleprinters. He was suspended from duty in February, 1953. He was served with a notice stating that the reason for his suspension was the statement made by my right hon. Friend the Leader of the Opposition in March, 1948. In other words, action was taken against him for the first time five years after the event, although he had continued working in the same kind of job.

He elected to appear before the so-called "three wise men," and I think the House might be interested to hear a first hand account of what happens to civil servants and employees of the Ministry of Supply who appear before these tribunals. My constituent was not allowed to be accompanied by a trade union official or by a friend, as is suggested in the Amendment. He was not entitled to call any worker or colleague to speak as to his personal integrity or technical ability. He was simply told by the chairman of the tribunal—

I do not think that the hon. Member can go at length into a specific case.

On a point of order. The Minister has said, as I understand, that if this Amendment is withdrawn he will apply the same kind of procedure to comparable cases under this Bill. It is therefore, relevant, is it not, to know what is the procedure?

It is relevant to mention it by way of illustration, but not to go at length into a particular case.

In determining how I shall vote on this matter, because I may wish to divide the Committee on it, I should like to be certain that this procedure is reasonable, and I should be grateful for an opportunity to hear details in order to enable me to make up my mind.

Reference to the procedure may be made by way of illustration, but the hon. Member must not go into details.

When my constituent arrived before the tribunal he was told that he could not bring any witnesses. He was asked straight away by the chairman, "Are you a Communist?" He replied that he was not prepared to say. He has told me that he is not a Communist—I do not know, but, he takes the view of other people in this country who say that their political views are a matter for themselves and nothing to do with anybody else and so they are not prepared to reveal them.

However, from then onwards the tribunal said that it had nothing further to say to him and did not want to hear anything from him because it was concerned only with determining whether or not he was a Communist or associated with Communists in such a way as to raise reasonable doubts about his reliability.

The point of the story is this. Suppose a man appearing before such a tribunal is not a Communist, and I may say that I have the very gravest doubts about prohibiting from the public service people who are members of any political body. However, if the Committee accepts, as it has done in the past, that it is right to exclude men of this kind, it is a fact that there are men in that situation who would seek to prove that they are not Communists, but would be incapable of doing so.

While I have said that I realise the dangers inherent in the proposed Schedule which have been referred to by my hon. Friend the Member for Nelson and Colne, I should not like the Government to think that any of us—I am sure it is true of my hon. Friend the Member for Nelson and Colne—are satisfied with the situation which exists at present, because we are not. I have the very gravest apprehensions about the consequences that flow to people of that kind because they are not properly represented on those occasions.

Perhaps I might be permitted to give just one more illustration. My hon. Friend the Member for Nelson and Colne asked my hon. and learned Friend the Member for Kettering (Mr. Mitchison) whether it would be possible for a man to be represented by a solicitor or barrister on such occasions. My hon. and learned Friend said that that was not his intention. A little while ago a consultant pathologist in Lancashire, a man in a most important position, was suspended by the regional hospital board. He took his appeal to the machinery existing under the National Health Service, a disciplinary sub-committee. Although he was a brilliant pathologist, he was somewhat inarticulate and could well have done with someone to represent him when presenting his appeal.

He was not allowed to be represented by counsel or a solicitor, but, after having listened to his case, I was prevailed upon to appear for him. When I saw the procedure and the way the case against him was presented, and when I realised the enormous consequences which would flow to him if the committee took an adverse decision, I was overwhelmed by the sense of the enormous task which I had undertaken.

This illustration is relevant to our discussion. I am referring to a distinguished man in medicine. We are tonight talking about engineers as well as scientists; all kinds of people are involved. If the Government and the Committee think it necessary to continue with security procedure at all, we must have far better safeguards than exist now.

The Government have gone a little further than their predecessors did. This matter has been the subject of some argument between the Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Supply and myself. The Parliamentary Secretary has always said that the present Government have never done anything more than the Labour Government did and that there is nothing new. There is. They have inaugurated a system of security policy inquiry and all workers in the atomic factory have to fall in with it. I should like to know how many more yet remain to be screened. I should think the number is about 14,000 or 15,000.

It is sometimes said by the Government, and the right hon. Gentleman himself fell into the error, that this procedure is agreed to by the trade unions. It is not. They have to put up with it, but they do not accept it, and, if we are to have examples of the flat-footed inquiries made by some officials, to which some of us have drawn attention recently, I do not think we should allow the right hon. Gentleman and his friends to get away with this too easily, because there is ample evidence that more safeguards than are in existence today are needed.

If I have any criticism to make of the new Schedule proposed by my hon. Friends, it is that I worry a little whether it goes far enough and whether it is the best way of meeting this very difficult problem. However, I hope later to be able to persuade them to agree to withdraw it, on the understanding that the Minister will have another look at it between now and the Report stage.

9.15 p.m.

I thought that my right hon. Friend the Minister of Works and the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Vauxhall (Mr. G. R. Strauss) showed a statesmanlike view when they appealed jointly that this question of security should be dealt with, and should be demonstrated to be dealt with, as a nonparty matter. It is very important that, as long as the policy of the country involves any matters where secrecy is concerned, sand that must always be the case under any Government, that question of security should not appear to be a matter that divides the House.

I cannot help thinking that very great and special tenderness, certainly care and perhaps tenderness, is shown to these people, and I rejoice that that should be so, but let us remember that there are many jobs in which, inevitably, a man's views and prejudices and the consequences of those views disable him from continuing in that job, though, thank heaven, that is not so, generally, in our great industries or in the Civil Service.

Here and there, however, there are special jobs which a man's views must disable him from undertaking. A pacifist in this country is not compelled to take part in war or join the police force, and I rejoice in that fact myself. If, having joined the police force, a man became a pacifist, he would be disabled by his views from continuing to undertake that job. Is that not so, and do not we recognise that it is reasonable and sensible?

Let us take the two parties in this House. Within the Whips' rooms of those two parties, at Conservative Party headquarters and at Transport House, there must be clerical workers, statisticians, agents and others who do ordinary jobs, not highly distinguished people, but competent, loyal, ordinary people, who, if they change their views and the fact became known, would have to leave. [HON. MEMBERS: "Why?"] An hon. Gentleman asks me why. Is it conceivable that the private secretary to the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Lewisham, South (Mr. H. Morrison), in his capacity as Treasurer of the Labour Party—

Let me finish my sentence. You should not jump up like a jack-in-the-box before you have heard what I am saying.

I was referring to the hon. Member for Nelson and Colne (Mr. S. Silverman).

The hon. Member is always jumping up in spirit. Is it not reasonable, if a man is employed in a special job where special loyalty is required, that if he changes his loyalty and that becomes known, he should leave his job?

I am not complaining that there is anything wrong about that. I cannot understand the point of view of the hon. Member, who seems to be seeking an ideal which is impossible of attainment.

Should the chief agent of the Labour Party or of the Conservative Party belong to, and be known to belong to, the other party—

I do not want to make controversy, but only to point out that this is reasonable. Take religion. Would any hon. Member say that a person employed by a religious body in which people felt strongly should continue to hold his job in the inner circle of that religion if he became converted to some other religion? Is that to be supposed? I am only giving these examples to show that there are conditions and employments in which the state of a man's mind necessarily conditions his loyalty and therefore his employment. So long as the State has secrets, whether they be diplomatic, chemical or technical, employment by the State in certain kinds of work where secrecy is peculiarly important must condition a man's employment, just as in those other, more humdrum examples which I have given.

I put forward another example. Is it likely that the head of an electrical trade union would employ a person to be intimately connected with discussions in a wages dispute if he happened to find out that that person had become the chairman of the largest employer?

I am asking a plain question. Supposed the person in question was standing as a Tory candidate at the next General Election. It is certain that the head of the trade union, while not blaming the person in any way and even being most jealous of him and praising him for his wisdom, would see that he did not continue to hold the job.

Let me come now to the Bill.

If a man is a civil servant, or the employee of this new corporation, he is subject to the particular warning that his background, conduct or thinking must not lead anyone to suppose, or even to doubt, that he has an affinity with views or countries which might be inimical to the welfare of this State; and if it became known that he had done so he would have to lose his job. Any provision made to help him to find another job is a generous gesture, and the proposals made by the Minister are more than generous. I repeat what I said at the beginning. It is most important to recognise these facts of life as I see them, and I earnestly hope that the plea made by the Minister and of the right hon. Member for Vauxhall, that the matter should be dealt with, and appear to be dealt with, on a non-party basis, will be met.

It seems to me that the argument that the hon. Gentleman the Member for Morecambe and Lonsdale (Sir I. Fraser) has been putting before the Committee, whether it is right or not, is irrelevant to the matter under discussion. I shall try to explain why I say that. He says that if a man has a loyalty different from that of the employment in which he works, then he ought not to work in it in the first place, or, if he has started to work in it, it is right to push him out of it. I am not going to say whether that is right or wrong, although there was some dissent from it in the Committee, but what I do say is that, even if we concede to the hon. Gentleman that it is right, we are not here talking about the clearly proven case of a man whose loyalty is different from that of the Authority. What we are talking about is anonymous accusations made against a man without his knowing what those accusations are.

It is not sufficient to say the chap came into his employment having had the conditions fully explained to him, having had it clearly explained to him that if he ever joined the Communist Party he would be required to leave. It is not sufficient to tell him that, unless one goes on to explain to him that if some informer comes along and says the brother of the wife he has just married was once a member of the Young Communist League that may be considered to invalidate him from the job. If that were put before the man the situation might be very different.

I was greatly impressed, if I may say so, by the Minister of Works, who made a serious attempt to deal with this terribly complex subject, this problem to which, as we all know, there are no easy answers, in the most reasonable and sympathetic way. I diverged from him only towards the end of his speech, on one thing he said, which sent a shudder through me when he said it. He said that to fight Communism we had to use some of the methods of the Communists. I found that a bit hard to swallow, especially when he went on to say that a man suspected of being a security risk could not have a solicitor along with him because that solicitor might ask awkward questions which would require us to disclose sources of information, and the whole of our security services depended on our not disclosing sources of information.

I should be much happier about that if I thought the security services were pretty good at getting accurate information, but I do not think so. One of the reasons why I do not think so is, as was said by my hon. Friend the Member for the Exchange Division of Manchester (Mr. W. Griffiths), that even within the limitations imposed on our raising these matters here we have yet had many cases brought before us in which clearly, to put it at its lowest, there was prima facie evidence for thinking great mistakes had been made.

Almost every one of us who has constituency correspondence is likely to have come across one or more cases—I myself have come across several—in which clearly great mistakes have been made. Of course, any service that operates in conditions of absolute secrecy, any service whose judgments can never be challenged because they are never disclosed, is always likely to make great mistakes because it is a service operated free from that corrective to which almost every other service is subject of having its mistakes brought to the public gaze.

What the right hon. Gentleman was really saying was that we must put up with the situation in which an anonymous informer can lay information without his identity ever being disclosed, and in which action can be taken by the Minister on the basis of that information. I put it to the hon. Member for Morecambe and Lonsdale that that is a proposition very different from the one which he is arguing. It is a proposition which worries me very much. I am bound to say that I do not know the complete answer, but equally I am bound to say that I am the more worried about it because our security services are in some respects so ham-handed and flat-footed. For instance, it is commonly known that once a man is marked down by M.I.5 as a Communist, then as far as M.I.5 is concerned he is a Communist to the end of his days. It can never recognise the existence of such a thing as an ex-Communist.

9.30 p.m.

You and I, Sir Charles, because we are practical politicians, know that it is the renegade ex-Communist who is most likely to be the vicious anti-Communist. M.I.5 does not know, or at any rate refuses to recognise, this fact, and if it pricks a man down he is pricked down in the red book of all time. I am told that M.I.5 still has Arthur Koestler written down as a Communist although, as you and I know, Sir Charles, for many years he has been one of the main inspirations of anti-Communist thought.

I have been told that I am down in M.I.5 as a potential strike leader—[HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear"]—and in that respect I am perfectly satisfied that I am grossly flattered by hon. Members opposite and their friends in M.I.5. I know another chap who is written down as a potential strike leader, and I know how that came about. He is an amateur but enthusiastic and skilled philologist, and one day towards the end of the war he went to attend a small but esoteric meeting which was called to discuss the influence of the Crusades on the development of the Romance languages.

In the same building in which this meeting was held, but on a different floor, there was a meeting to organise an unofficial strike. This poor chap, who would not know what a strike was if you asked him, although he could tell you the derivation of the word back through all its stages, got mixed up somehow in the eyes of the observers with the people who were on their way to attend a meeting to organise an unofficial strike, and I am perfectly sure that nothing he could now say or do would remove it from the record that he is a potential strike leader.

I repeat, as long as we have people able to make judgments which can never be challenged, because they are never disclosed, then those judgments are liable to be grossly inaccurate. What the right hon. Gentleman is saying is that we must permit a situation in which an unchallenged, an unintelligible and potentially inaccurate judgment can ruin a man's career. I hope, therefore, that if the Amendment is withdrawn, as seems likely, the right hon. Gentleman, who has already shown himself most conscious of the intricacy and the difficulty of this problem and willing to do all he can to deal with it, will think about it even further than he has up to now and will see whether it is not possible to apply in practice, even though there may be some grounds for not making it a statutory procedure, some rather better safeguards than we appear to have at present.

These "three wise men" have cleared quite a number of people. It is not at all a case that the information which comes in from M.I.5 is accepted at its face value and that if it looks bad the man is as good as dead.

I will give the assurance for which the right hon. Gentleman asked—to put his suggestion to the Lord President of the Council and to see whether there are any further steps which we can take. We have some important Amendments to come, and I do not know whether the Committee would like to reach a decision on this Amendment. We have a good deal more work to do this evening.

Despite the Committee's desire to get on, I feel that this is a vital issue which should be faced by Parliament in the defence of the people it represents. Irrespective of which party was in power, I should adopt the same position as that which I am adopting now. On 15th March, 1948, when my own party wanted this power in this House—the power of dismissal—without using what I would term the constitutional rights of the individual, I put a Motion before the House, to which there were about 42 signatures, protesting about it.

Since then we have seen the evolution of this kind of thing, the erosion, in a quiet way, of the right of the inarticulate and sometimes so-called lower strata of people to defend themselves against this kind of procedure. [Laughter.] That is by no means a laughing matter. I have had to deal with these problems in which people in very humble positions, in munitions and other factories, have been accused simply of being members of the Communist Party, or because in their enthusiasm in their youth they may have sold the "Daily Worker." They have had no opportunity to go before their peers. These inarticulate and sometimes, I am sorry to say, rather illiterate people, have had their homes shattered and their bread and butter taken away.

Let us face this. If a person is really going to be a spy, do we think that by this network we shall catch the person that it is proposed to catch? The most active performers would be either in our party or the party of hon. Members opposite, the most respected persons—not in this House, naturally, because everyone in this House is most loyal—and it is no use to pretend that this method will catch the person who is really responsible. He will get away, and it is no use of fooling ourselves.

There is an African tribe which has a very beautiful philosophy about religion. They say that God is very good and he wants everybody to be happy but, unfortunately, God has a half-witted brother and every time that God tries to do something good for the world the half-witted brother comes in and interferes. That is what is happening to scientists today. Five thousand scientists protested about this in 1948, on the basis that the scientists wanted to do good for the world, but apparently their half-witted brothers, statesmen and politicians, thought that they could stop the creative evolution of mankind by interfering with the rights of the scientists and technical people to discuss the mysteries and wonderful discoveries.

Yes, I apologise, Sir Rhys. I am coming back to it.

It has always been the defence in history that we have to do these things for the security of the State. In fact, the right hon. Member for Wakefield (Mr. Arthur Greenwood), some years ago in this House, said that in the main it was that defence which had been put through the ages by every tyrant and every dictator, namely, necessity.

The necessity of the State attempts the denial of justice to the individual. That really is the key point in this Clause. How true is that? Russian knowledge of the hydrogen bomb is ahead of that of Britain at present. [HON. MEMBERS: "No."] American knowledge. By algebraic formula and chemistry most of the people throughout the world have the "know-how" and are, as it were, undercutting each of the piers of our democratic constitution by introducing this new type of legislation, when in the Defence of the Realm Act and other Acts of Parliament there are plenty of opportunities for providing for the security of the State and for taking any action against any individual which is necessary without the introduction of this type of legislation in an Act of Parliament.

There is one other point. Decisions secretly arrived at, threatening a man with expulsion, are not the stuff from which democracy is built. As my hon. Friend the Member for Reading, South (Mr. Mikardo) said, I was terrified when the Minister spoke—so clearly, gently and quietly—as though the individual would be safeguarded. I am sure that the right hon. Gentleman, as much as any Member on this side, would try to defend the rights of the individual, but time passes and these things get out of control.

The right hon. Gentleman said that to fight Communism, we have to use the methods of Communism. That is the most dangerous doctrine that could ever be put before a democratic Assembly.

Exactly. The very fear of the hydrogen bomb might drive Japan to be Communist, because of the hysteria that will be set up throughout the island. If every fish has to be tested with a geiger counter, what will people think?

The other danger is that the anonymous informer is being protected. There has been nothing worse in the history of man's struggle for freedom than the protection of the anonymous informer. It works more with those who are poorest and more inarticulate than with others. I beg the Committee to resist the whole trend of the Bill, as I begged the House in March, 1948, to resist the trend of demanding these extra powers for any Minister. I should not trust a Prime Minister, neither would I trust myself, with the powers that, once again, Parliament is being asked to give to the Lord President of the Council.

When the hon. Member for Morecambe and Lonsdale (Sir I. Fraser) was speaking, he used a number of examples in dealing with the Amendment. I want to use one which is at least two degrees more relevant than those quoted by the hon. Member, because, first, it deals with a matter which might well arise under the Bill and, second, it deals with an actual, and not a hypothetical, case.

In my constituency, the Rolls Royce Company have an engineering works, at which was employed a highly skilled draughtsman. This man had worked there for 13 years, giving, I believe, full satisfaction to his employers. During most of that time he was quite avowedly a member of the Communist Party, but no one bothered very much about that. His employers, apparently, did not mind, nor did anyone else, until suddenly, last September, the Minister of Supply sent an instruction to the Rolls Royce Company saying that this man must be removed from employment involving considerations of a security character.

The firm behaved very well. They endeavoured to find alternative employment for the man, but, unfortunately, were unable to do so. The result was that he was dismissed with one month's wages. He was not at any time given an opportunity of appearing before a tribunal. He was not told the reasons for his dismissal; he was merely told that he must go. As a result, he had to try to find work for himself elsewhere. Luckily, as we are still enjoying conditions of relatively full employment, he was able to find employment with another firm, but at considerably lower wages. In the result, he is suffering a loss of income of £100 a year.

9.45 p.m.

I know that the Minister of Works has gone a long way to meet the wishes of Members, not only on this side of the Committee, but on the other side too, in an attempt to resolve this dilemma of considerations of national security and the rights of the individual. But I should like to suggest that he goes a little further still. It is possible under the procedure he has outlined for a man to be dismissed on the basis of false information and to have no protection against that. It is still possible and it will be possible for a man to be penalised financially merely for holding certain political opinions.

We all recognise that there is a conflict of loyalties involved in the political views of certain individuals, and I would be the first to agree that the Government have a duty to protect the national interest in the case of individuals whose political opinions might in certain circumstances place upon them the duty of divulging secrets to other countries. We recognised in the last war duties and loyalties transcending national frontiers, and it may well be that a Communist, a Fascist or a Nazi regard it as a higher duty to pass on some military information to another Power.

There is the problem, and the Minister has a duty to protect the national interest, but in exercising that duty he has also to ensure that the individual concerned shall not, through no fault of his own, other than holding certain political opinions which are not illegal in this country, suffer pecuniary embarrassment.

I have an Amendment on the Order Paper, but I presume it will not now be called. But I would urge that we should give a man in such a position a right to claim compensation for the pecuniary loss which he suffers. We should not penalise a man by making him not only lose his job and have difficulty in finding another, but that he should suffer because of the stigma and the suspicion which will hang over him where-ever he goes, and which will mean that he will suffer serious financial disability as a result.

Amendment negatived.

I beg to move, in page 4, line 41, to leave out from "Authority" to the end of line 44.

In view of the time that has been taken over the last Amendment, I hope it will be possible to deal with this one in a comparatively few words. When he was moving the Bill on Second Reading, the Minister indicated that the drafting of this particular Clause was one of the most difficult problems confronting the draftsmen. He explained that his endeavour was to obtain both effective Ministerial control over policy and at the same time freedom for the Authority to operate according to the best standards. In other words, the Minister was trying to reconcile independent industrial management with the preservation of effective Ministerial control through Parliamentary responsibility. It seems to us that while the Minister has achieved the first of these objectives, it is doubtful whether he has achieved the second.

The object of this Amendment is to make it quite clear that there is the fullest Parliamentary responsibility of the Minister to Parliament which the House would naturally wish to have. It is conceded that this Atomic Energy Authority is a kind of hybrid. It is sui generis. It is of a different order from the nationalised corporations. It is not intended to be removed entirely from Parliamentary responsibility as they are, but it is intended that in these matters of research into atomic energy, and the use to be made of atomic energy and atomic production, the last word should always be with the Minister and, therefore, the Minister should be fully responsible to Parliament.

I want to ask the Minister first what is the object of the last three lines in Clause 3 (3). Have they any purpose other than perhaps to put it beyond the responsibility of the Minister to answer Parliamentary questions? If that is their only object, as it seems to me, those words ought to be excluded. It will be observed that the Clause is in most unusual language. It is an attempt to define the respective powers and duties of the Lord President of the Council and of the Authority. It gives the Lord President the power to give directions which may be either general or particular in character, though no such direction is to be given without consultation with the Authority.

I would have thought that the Clause would stop there. Is it necessary to go on to lay down that the Those words are very strong. There may be a number of cases of national interest, though not necessarily overriding national interest, which make it desirable that the Minister should intervene. Is it not much better that the Minister should reserve complete freedom to give directions and intervene whenever he considers it necessary? Is it not also very desirable that there should not be the slightest doubt of the right of Members of Parliament to put any kind of question to the Minister about the activities of this Authority?

Is it not desirable that there should be the same relationship to the House as there has been hitherto by the Minister of Supply? If one looks back over the last four or five years, when the affairs of atomic energy were controlled by the Ministry of Supply, it will be appreciated that there was a general reticence on the part of hon. Members to probe into the precise activities of the Ministry. I do not recollect any question ever having been put about what might be called the day-to-day activities of the Ministry of Supply, in the same way as questions about the day-to-day activity of the Post Office were occasionally put or, before the nationalised corporations were set up, questions were put about the coal mines, etc.

I should have thought the House would have done well to remember that, in view of the appalling importance in our national affairs of the activities of this Authority, it is pre-eminently necessary that, in the last resort, Parliament should be able to require information on any aspect by Parliamentary Questions from the Ministry, and that the Minister should not be able to evade his responsibility by reference to a Section in the Act, as I venture to think he would be able to protect himself, if these words are retained.

We have to remember that as research into atomic energy develops, it will not be merely the ultimate questions which concern the nation. Obviously we shall be able to inquire, for example, whether research is taking place into the making of a hydrogen bomb and whether, when the hydrogen bomb is perfected, there will be experiments for testing the operation and effect of the hydrogen bomb. The Minister will obviously be responsible for Questions on such matters.

At a much earlier stage than that vital decisions will have to be taken with regard to how much experiment is to take place, for example, in the development of the hydrogen bomb in relation to any other aspect of research; vital decisions will have to be taken about the respective expenditure on the varying kinds of minerals, whether a great deal is to be spent on preparing uranium 235 or plutonium or the other products which are of more use in industrial processes and development.

It is for those reasons, because at all stages in the activities of this Authority vital decisions will have to be taken, that I am anxious to secure that there shall be no provision which prevents the Minister from being fully responsible to Parliament for the decisions of the Authority. I move the Amendment in the belief that if it is accepted it will increase the Parliamentary responsibility of the Minister for the activities of the Authority.

The hon. Member for Islington, East (Mr. E. Fletcher) is quite correct; it is very difficult to put into legal form this compromise between full control over policy by the Minister and the advantages of industrial management on the production side of atomic energy which we believe to be very valuable. We think that at this stage of the development of atomic energy this peculiar hybrid is the best form of organisation that we can have.

The words which the hon. Gentleman would like to see left out are put there to indicate the balance between the completely reserved powers of the Lord President to intervene as and when he likes and the confidence which it is necessary to give the Authority so that it will be able to get on with the daily job without continuous interference in detail.

The hon. Member asked me about Parliamentary Questions. I think he would agree that the number of Parliamentary Questions which it has hitherto been possible to ask has really depended not on the relationship between the Minister of Supply and the project, but on security grounds. If it is, as we hope, possible to relax in some degree in rela- tion to the civilian side of the Authority's work, it would certainly follow, I imagine, that more Questions would get on the Order Paper and be answered.

The Lord President, like everyone else who has to manage a great Department of State, cannot do everything himself. He has to delegate, he has to pick and choose, and these words are really writing into the Bill the principles on which the picking and choosing should be done; namely, it has to be a matter which in his opinion—he may have opinions about many subjects—is of overriding national interest. We wish to have this balance, and it should be indicated in the Bill to explain why we are having the Bill at all. I do not think it will interfere with the number of Questions which the hon. Member or any other Member of the House may wish to put down. I hope that, after that explanation, the hon. Member will not wish to press his Amendment.

In view of what the Minister has said, and in view of the other Amendments on the Order Paper, I do not desire to pursue the matter further. I beg to ask leave to withdraw the Amendment.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

10.0 p.m.

I beg to move, in page 5, line 9, after "functions," to insert:

"(including, in particular, development for civil purposes)."

I suggest that it would be convenient to consider, at the same time, the Amendment in page 5, line 16, at the end, to add:

"and with such statement as he may think fit to make of his performance of his duty under subsection (1) and his exercise of his power under subsection (2) of this section."

I agree that it would be convenient. The two Amendments refer to Clause 3 (5) in which we deal with the Authority reporting each year to the Lord President on the performance and exercise of its functions. The important feature is that the Lord President reports back to Parliament and gives a survey of the activities of the Authority during the year. We believe this to be most important.

The Amendment I have moved deals with development for civil purposes, and the other deals with the degree of importance that the Lord President will give to the civilian needs for atomic energy as against other needs. It involves the directions which the Minister would give to the Authority in order to comply, broadly speaking, with Government policy. That is why we say that the matter is extremely important. We are really concerned with a report to Parliament on the activities of the Authority.

It will be through that report that we shall be able to appreciate what actually is the policy of the Lord President who will really be expressing Cabinet policy in the field of atomic energy. He will be expressing policy on civil development as against the needs of war Departments. I do not wish to stress the point too much, for we have already had a long debate, but it is important to consider the civil aspects.

We have had a most interesting report about our atomic factories and we appreciate that in future atomic energy will play a tremendous part in our fuel industry. It is estimated that 20 years from now we shall save nearly 20 million tons of coal a year through the use of atomic energy. Therefore, it is right that we should stress the civil purpose of the Authority.

In the field of health, for example, already we have a committee which I am informed works under the Ministry of Health—the Radioactive Substances Committee which deals with the application of atomic research to cancer research. There is a tremendous scope for civil activity in that direction. That is why I believe that Parliament would be interested in the report of the Authority. It is right that we should try to encourage more publicity about the work of the Authority. We have become too pathological about security. We should stress, above all, the civil side of this important development.

There is a danger that we might get wrapped up in technical jargon. I see that danger in the House of Commons. We have the technical jargon of the academic economists who sometimes do not enlighten our debates. We have the technical jargon of our legal friends who have already made their contributions to the Committee on a previous Amendment. While their contributions may shed light on our discussions, I hope that we shall be wary of them.

I was a very humble student of science, but I can see great dangers in politicians becoming frightened of discussing atomic energy and its uses and purposes because of the difficult scientific language which surrounds it. For that reason, I hope that we shall not become dogged down by this jargon when we are discussing these matters.

May I point out to my hon. Friend that politicians are hardly ever intimidated into not discussing the law, and never into not making it?

Yes, but there are times in the House when too often in the field of economics we take the advice of the economists.

I am merely saying that we should be wary of these people and that in the field of atomic energy we should have a clean sweep of publicity. That is why I am stressing the importance of a Parliamentary report each year on which we can discuss the atomic energy policy of the Government and the right balance between the civil needs of the country and the needs of the military. That is all that I am seeking to stress.

It is right that we should have this report. We do not want the Authority to be a scientific elite. After all, they are not engaged in some wizardry or devilry, as some people think. They are public servants who are seeking to occupy a very responsible position in a new Authority which will in the end be of benefit to our country. For that reason, we are merely asking, in our Amendments, that there should be an effective Parliamentary report and that we, as Members of the House of Commons, representing the country, should at least know the broad policy of the Government in this respect.

We have argued about security, but do not let us be frightened too much about it. Let us not be frightened too much about the technical aspect of this subject. There are broad principles which we can discuss, and I am certain that in a report we can have useful information of the kind that has already been given in many excellent pamphlets issued by the Government. If we do that, I am certain that we shall have a much more sensible approach to this problem, instead of the nation and the House sometimes becoming too panicky on this matter when they should discuss it sensibly as a scientific invention which, if used properly, can be planned for peaceful purposes as well as for the defence of our country.

I agree with everything that my hon. Friend the Member for Workington (Mr. Peart) has said, and I hope that the Minister will accept this Amendment. It is important that we should emphasise the part which research into atomic energy can play in civil life. It is important, because at the moment the knowledge which is acquired from the research that is going on is being devoted, particularly in Russia and the United States, to military purposes.

So far, there is no evidence on any wide scale that the scientific "know how" that we have and the knowledge which accompanies it are making any useful contribution to the development of civil values in life. All is going towards military equipment. I am not denying that there may be some evidence to the contrary, but that evidence is obscured by the fact that the two great Powers in the world are tonight bending all their energies towards applying their knowledge chiefly to military purposes.

When we are considering the powers and the duties which this Authority is to have, it is important that we should emphasise the fact that we want to have a report on the work which it is doing on the civil side. That is all right as far as the A-bomb is concerned. But there is an important corollary to this Amendment. It has been accepted that the Authority will be concerned with the H-bomb. Already the A-bomb is almost out of date. We are standing at the portals of the hydrogen age and the H-bomb is the weapon on which development will be chiefly concentrated.

While we recognise that the research which is embodied in the production of the A-bomb can be used for industrial purposes, may I ask whether it is the case that the research embodied in the H-bomb has no industrial application whatsoever and that, unlike the A-bomb, the H-bomb is a purely destructive weapon, and that all the knowledge that is acquired in its production can have no application to the betterment of our social and industrial lives? If that is the case, it must be made clear that any report that we may receive may have some relation to the industrial uses that derive from atomic research but will have no relation whatsoever to the main development that will take place under the provisions of this Bill, namely, the product of the H-bomb. I hope that the Minister will be able to satisfy us on that point. If it is the case that the knowledge that we acquire in the production of the H-bomb can have no significance whatsoever in the easement or betterment of the industrial lives of our people, it is as well that we should know that, however welcome this Amendment will be, it will have very little application in relation to the H-bomb.

The hon. Member for Workington (Mr. Peart) is quite right in saying that we ought to have as useful and informative a report as possible. It is one of the advantages of this Bill that we are to have an annual report. Naturally, it will be concerned very largely with the civil side of the problem since one must assume that most of the military side would be ruled out on security grounds. It is our intention to tell the House and the public at large as much as possible.

As I have said before, I am certain that the lead which British scientists and engineers have secured in certain aspects of this business redounds to the reputation of the country, and it is of great importance that this pioneering work in which we have shown such skill should be widely known. Therefore, hon. Gentlemen need not fear that the civilian side will not be well represented in the report. I do not think it would be of any use to add these words to the Bill.

10.15 p.m.

The second Amendment is more difficult because already the Lord President has the right, as is set out in subsection (5) to make

The hon. Member for Tradeston (Mr. Rankin) asked me a question about the H-bomb which I certainly cannot answer. No one knows what will be the application of the fusion of the hydrogen atom. It would be an extremely rash man who would forecast whether or not that kind of process might one day be used to generate heat for civilian purposes.

Surely the Minister has advisers who are competent to give him the answer. Is it not the case that the weapon which may develop from this research is one which may be used only for destructive purposes?

The hon. Gentleman is seeking to bring in the H-bomb on this Amendment. He must know that a bomb goes off with a big bang and makes a great deal of heat in a very short time. The whole idea of applying atomic energy to civilian purposes is to slow up the bang and control the generation of heat over a number of years, instead of having all the heat generated in a short time. I am sure the hon. Gentleman realises that no one can tell him whether or not one day this particular form of fusion will be useful for civilian purposes. We shall have a useful report and I do not think the Committee would be well advised to add these words. I hope, therefore, that the Amendment will not be pressed.

In view of the Minister's reply, although I am not certain that his argument is valid in connection with the question of directions, but as he hopes there will be a full reply, and as we may still raise this again, I beg to ask leave to withdraw the Amendment.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

Clause ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Clause 4.—(FINANCIAL PROVISIONS AS TO THE AUTHORITY.)

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Clause stand part of the Bill."

I wish to ask a question about this Clause. I invite the Minister to look at subsection (2), in which it is stated that the Authority receiving revenue in respect of articles or property sold or services rendered may be required by the Lord President to pay the whole of such revenues back into the Treasury. Perhaps the Minister will be good enough to indicate the extent to which this power is likely to be used. Are we to encourage the Authority to embark on revenue-producing work? If so, would the Minister say that it would be an encouragement if the whole of the revenue so received had to be paid to the Treasury?

There are at least two other institutions under the direction of the Lord President of the Council who have had experiences in this connection. They are the Road Research Laboratory and the Aeronautical College at Cranfield. Both have been asked to undertake certain revenue-producing work. For example, the Road Research Laboratory has been undertaking research and experiments on behalf of industrial firms and has been receiving payment in return. All that money has automatically to be paid into the Treasury.

The effect of that is to discourage the people concerned and to distort the work of the institution. If the institution has gained a useful contract for research from an industrial firm, as things now are it has to divert staff and resources to that work from the rest of its programme. It would like to be able to use some of the revenue so earned perhaps to increase its research staff and enable it to get on with its regular programme in addition to doing the extra research items for industry.

The Authority may find in a comparatively short time—next year, for example—that it can earn money by exporting fissionable material. I understand that Belgium is likely to be in the market for it; Belgium is cutting out some of the manufacturing processes and going out to buy some of the fissionable material. A great deal of money may be earned in that way. Will it be the case that the Authority, because it has to divert a certain amount of its annual allotment to that kind of work, will have to curtail, say, the work being done in Scotland? Because any revenue which it receives is paid into the Treasury and, therefore, its total amount of activity is limited, in so far as the Authority's staff directs itself to one project in connection with, say, the supply of uranium to Belgium, does this mean a reduction in activity elsewhere?

I hope that we can encourage a commercial outlook within the Authority as quickly as possible. That is essential.

Although any revenue which may be earned in the next year or so will be comparatively limited, there is, nevertheless, no reason why a commercial outlook and a revenue-earning capacity should not be stimulated and encouraged. I am sure that it will not be encouraged if such money as the Authority receives has automatically to be paid to the Treasury. I hope that the Minister will be able to give us some assurance on this point.

The hon. Member for Uxbridge (Mr. Beswick) has raised an interesting point. There will be two sources of revenue for the Authority. There will be the small amount which the Authority earns through the sale of isotopes and other products referred to by the hon. Member, and we hope that as time goes on that will increase. In the early years, however, by far the greater proportion of the Authority's revenue will have to come from the House of Commons and be voted annually.

It is the normal Treasury view that in a situation like that it is better for Parliament to keep control over the whole of the expenditure of the department or authority. I suffer from this at the Ministry of Works. I take great trouble over postcards and guide books in respect of ancient monuments. All the profits go to the Stationery Office, which I often think is a shame.

There is no doubt that this arrangement will enable this House to keep a closer grip on expenditure, because, otherwise, if the Authority suddenly made a very fine sale of fissile material and got extra money, they might use it on some additional work, which, in the view of the Treasury or of this House, would not be as important as offsetting the amount of money which this House had voted.

For the time being, it is important that we should stick to the usual system laid down in this Clause. If the day should come when the Authority is more or less self-supporting, then, as I said on Second Reading, this Clause will have to be looked at again, and I imagine that the financial system would then have to be made much more like that of one of the nationalised corporations.

Question put, and agreed to.

Clause ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Clause 5.—(POWERS AS TO PURCHASE OF LAND, CARRYING OUT WORKS, ETC.)

I beg to move, in page 6, line 22, at the end, to insert: a ):

I hope that the wording used in the paragraph which I have quoted does not cut out the local authorities and other bodies from having first consultation before any actual step is taken to develop the project as contemplated in the laying of these pipes, and so on.

I should like to add a word or two about the rivers, because the river boards have responsible duties in this matter. Generally speaking, they have the control of the rivers of this country nowadays, and in regard to damage to fish, whether in the sea or in a river, regard for their views is clearly a serious matter.

The subsection ends in a remarkable fashion, since it states that all waste

I feel sure that the Minister will see the wisdom of consulting the local authority, the river boards and similar bodies in a matter of this kind.

10.30 p.m.

I appreciate the point which has been moved with such brevity and skill. We should like to consider this matter again, but there is a very great difficulty, which I should like to explain. The effluents may be dangerous to humans or animals or fish because they are poisonous; they have chemical properties which do harm to life. If that is so, the ordinary law will operate, and all the local authorities and local bodies who have responsibility to see that waters are not poisoned will have exactly the same responsibility in relation to an atomic establishment.

The trouble arises in that the effluent may have another dangerous property—namely, that it may be radioactive. The local bodies cannot at present do the tests, which require very highly skilled knowledge and expensive equipment. We thought it was in the public interest that the responsibility for testing whether any effluent exceeded the tolerance limits laid down by the Medical Research Council should rest squarely on the Government, because both the Ministers of Agriculture and Housing have experts on their staffs who can do this very difficult work.

The Committee will see that subsection (3) begins with the words:

It is such a vital matter that no radioactivity of any noxious kind should escape from any of the plants that it must be right for the time being to leave this aspect of waste with the two Government Departments.

We are not seeking to take the power away from the Government Departments. All that we are asking is for consultations.

That is what I want to look into. I cannot give any undertaking at the moment because, I regret to say, I have not had time to study the question, but I want to see whether I can find a way to assure the local authorities that we will consult them without putting on to them in any way the responsibility of testing for radioactivity.

Already, the people at Harwell have consulted the Thames Conservancy and the Metropolitan Water Board very fully about the arrangements for the discharge of the Harwell effluents into the Thames, and it is common sense to do so. It is simply a question of whether we ought to put into the Bill that we will consult everybody who might have a territorial connection with the actual discharge of the effluents. If the Committee will leave the matter with me, I will look into it.

Will the right hon. Gentleman consider this seriously? This is not a question of putting any responsibility for testing or for anything else on to the local authorities and the river boards. The right hon. Gentleman has told us already, as I should expect to hear, that he has had consultations in similar cases. Surely, there is no objection to reassuring these bodies, who are rather nervous about this aspect. I, in common with other people connected with the river boards, have had a circular letter from them. Although the Amendment is not what they suggested, it would go some way to meet their point. Surely the Minister can reassure them by saying that he will consult them. It does not put any responsibility on them or make them carry out the tests.

I will look into it. I have to be careful from the point of view of public safety that control of radioactivity is reserved to the Government.

In view of that assurance, I beg to ask leave to withdraw the Amendment.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

I beg to move, in page 7, line 7, at the end, to insert:

It is now getting late, and this is really a point of law which was discussed the other night between the hon. and learned Gentleman the Solicitor-General and myself. I say nothing whatever about his contribution, but I felt at the time that mine was too tedious and too long. I do not propose to repeat it now, but I hope that the substance of it commended itself to the hon. and learned Gentleman when he was able to consider the matter further. I hope he will appreciate the need for some protection of this kind. Provided that the principle of absolute liability were conceded, subject, of course, to contributory negligence on the part of the person concerned, I feel sure that neither my right hon. Friend nor any of my hon. Friends would venture to compete with the hon. and learned Gentleman on the legal wording, or on the scientific advice available to him, as to exactly what is required.

The hon. and learned Gentleman has raised a point which he raised at the last meeting of the Committee. He has raised it this time with a brevity on which I feel sure I can congratulate him. The same point is also raised by the Amendment in the name of my hon. Friend the Member for Abingdon (Mr. Neave), which has not been selected.

I can now say a little more than I could when we discussed the subject before, and as I think I made clear on that occasion the Authority was prepared to accept, and was accepting, absolute liability for damage done by the escape of radioactivity in one form or another from their premises. There was some controversy about the state of the law in that discussion, and on further consideration we feel on a matter such as this that we ought not to leave it to whatever uncertainties may attach to common law. We propose to table an Amendment on Report if possible—and I think it will be, because it is almost ready now—to ensure that there will be absolute liability for damage done by the escape of radioactivity from the premises of the Authority, subject to such defences as a plea of contributory negligence will allow. I hope that that will satisfy the Committee. I am sure the Committee will realise, certainly the hon. and learned Member will, that the actual phraseology of such an Amendment wants careful consideration to make sure that it achieves what is our common purpose.

I wish to thank the hon. and learned Gentleman most sincerely for agreeing with us that there is enough uncertainty about the present state of the law, even after he and I discussed it, to make it better to have a proper statutory provision. The statutory provision he suggests would meet our views and would go well beyond the Amendment which was not called. Therefore, I am sure that it will meet the views of hon. Members opposite as well. For that reason, I welcome what has been said and beg to ask leave to withdraw the Amendment.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

Clause ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Clause 6.—(MISCELLANEOUS PROVISIONS AS TO THE AUTHORITY.)

I beg to move, in page 7, line 31, to leave out "of the Crown occupied," and to insert:

"occupied by or on behalf of the Crown."

This Amendment is to correct a slight defect in the drafting in that, as drafted, the Clause does not carry out what it sets out to do. The purpose is to ensure that the valuation of the property of the Authority will be by the Treasury valuer and his people who are specially cleared on security.

Amendment agreed to.

I beg to move, in page 8, line 21, at the end, to insert:

This Amendment seeks to give power to restrict entry upon the premises of the Authority. As the Committee will see.

Amendment agreed to.

Clause as amended, ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Clause 7.—(MACHINERY FOR SETTLING TERMS AND CONDITIONS OF EMPLOYMENT OF STAFF ETC.)

I beg to move, in page 9. line 7, at the end, to insert:

The simple, common sense of this proposal will, I am sure, appeal to the Government. The Amendment desires to add to a part of the Clause words to bring it into common form with similar provisions in Acts setting up other public corporations which lay down specifically that amongst the matters which it will be proper for the corporation or authority to consult its employees about is efficiency in the carrying out of the duty of the Authority.

Although he probably already knows, the right hon. Gentleman can inform himself, by reference to his right hon. Friends the Ministers of Fuel and Power and of Transport and Civil Aviation, that in the case of the nationalised corporations the inclusion in the clause of efficiency in the operation of the corporations' services has been of considerable value to them. I am sure that those who are to have the running of this Authority will want to take advantage not only of the hands, but of the brains and ideas of their workers.

I was in some difficulty about the wording of this Amendment. In the case of such bodies as the British Overseas Airways Corporation and the like, the standard form is, "including efficiency in the operation of the corporation's services." I was not sure that here it would be appropriate to call the Authority's work the giving of services. I therefore chose what appeared to be the simplest form of words. I hope that the right hon. Gentleman will say not only that the words are appropriate, but that the whole idea recommends itself to him.

In supporting my hon. Friend, I would think that it is really amazing that this Amendment should be necessary at all. As my hon. Friend has pointed out, reference to efficiency is standard form in these similar clauses appearing in the various nationalisation Acts. Under paragraph (b) in those Clauses, it relates to joint consultation. Both sides of the Committee will agree, I think, that, if properly understood, joint consultation is a valuable industrial technique. It is not for the employees or the trade unions alone, but is a very sound management technique as well. As I see it it is the application of the principle of industrial democracy, without losing either managerial responsibility or trade union independence. It is a principle which has been increasingly applied in both publicly-owned and privately-owned industry.

A common criticism of joint consultation amongst workers is that joint consultation is too often concerned with the welfare subjects; with the "lavatory" subjects as it is often put. When it comes to the meat of the business there is no joint consultation. Efficiency is fortunately one of those hard subjects which puts the teeth into joint consultation. I would go so far as to say that if there is no provision for consultation on efficiency there is no genuine joint consultation in the organisation at all. It is quite extraordinary that it has been overlooked here. I think the only reason can be that the commonsense of including it was so overwhelming.

There is great need here to have as many people as possible—including employees—scrutinising the efficiency of the organisation because this Authority is not the normal type of corporation. There will be no commercial check on income against expenditure—no "break even" test is, I think, the term used—to act as a test of its efficiency or effectiveness. That is an added reason why efficiency in the Authority's work should be referred to in the joint consultation clause. I believe that the case put by my hon. Friend is so strong that the Minister will now immediately accept this very reasonable Amendment.

I must apologise to the hon. Member for Reading, South (Mr. Mikardo) for not being in my place when he rose to move this Amendment. I accept the substance of the argument, but I am going to ask the hon. Gentleman if he will withdraw his Amendment and let me put it down again on the Order Paper in a slightly different form.

We did not leave efficiency out of the Bill by negligence. We left out this provision, which is common form in other nationalisation Acts, deliberately for reasons of security. The fact is that in these atomic energy establishments some queer things are done to hide secret processes and to put nosy parkers off the scent. In some cases a good deal of money and time is used to hide what is going on and there is a definite waste of resources from the point of view of efficiency and nothing more. Therefore, if we were to discuss these processes with the staff, it would be necessary to explain to them why a perfectly deliberate piece of inefficiency had been undertaken. After all, it is part of the system of security that we only tell people what they need to know. That is our greatest safeguard in keeping these processes secret.

We do not think, in spite of the fact that there is a real difficulty here, that we can discuss all the false beards which are put on some of these machines and processes. None the less, we think it should not have led us to leave all reference out of the Bill to discussions with the staff side on efficiency and, if the hon. Gentleman will withdraw his Amendment, I undertake to put one down later to the effect that efficiency shall be discussed with the staff to the extent that security in the opinion of the Authority permits. That is simply a safeguard in case an intelligent fellow comes along and asks, "Why are you doing that?" It might be rather awkward to go into an explanation with a large number of people present.

Does not the danger to which the Minister refers apply also to the further words used in the subsection, "other matters of mutual interest"? Surely that is a very wide phrase?

I do not know. It may be so, I had not thought of that one. If I may be allowed to look at that. I will do so, but on the point of this Amendment I think we can put something down which will do the right thing and enable us to get useful suggestions from the staff side, as I am sure we shall.

I am glad that the right hon. Gentleman is prepared to meet us here. I was surprised that some such phrase was not in the original Bill, but I cannot quite understand his fear about security. I should have thought that security would govern everything in connection with joint consultation, health matters, and everything else. If, however, the Minister has some anxiety there and will meet the substance of our objective. I am happy, but I should have thought he was being over-fussy.

It is a pleasure, as well as a duty, to thank the right hon. Gentleman for the endeavours he has made to meet us in this connection. It is only reasonable that there should be the caveat which he has entered in this matter. The Minister ought not, however, to "kid" himself to the extent about which it is possible to fool workers in an establishment with false beards, because everyone may be fooled about what is going on in industrial establishments except the chaps on the shop floor.

I remember experimental work going on during the war in aircraft factories. A great deal of money was spent and material burned up on what the Minister graphically described as false beards, but it did not for a moment "kid" one man working in the place. Having said that, I repeat my expression of gratitude and beg to ask leave to withdraw the Amendment.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

Clause ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Clause 8 ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Clause 9.—(APPLICATION TO NORTHERN IRELAND.)

I beg to move, in page 10, to leave out lines 23 to 34, and to insert:

( c ) for paragraph ( d ) the following paragraph shall be substituted—

"( d ) for the purposes of the Fisheries Acts (Northern Ireland) 1842 to 1949, the Rivers Pollution and Prevention Acts, 1876 and 1893, and the Public Health Acts (Northern Ireland) 1878 to 1949, all waste discharged on or from any premises occupied by the Authority shall be conclusively presumed not to be radioactive to any significant extent."

This Amendment is to make a corresponding provision for Northern Ireland as is made by Clause 5 (3) for Great Britain. It was discovered that a straightforward application for Northern Ireland would not be adequate. I do not think I need go into the statutory reasons for that, but it is dependent on the Acts applying to Northern Ireland. Therefore, it is necessary to make this Amendment in this form.

Amendment agreed to.

Clause, as amended, ordered to stand part of the Bill.

Clause 10 ordered to stand part of the Bill.

New Clause.—(THE ATOMIC ENERGY ADVISORY COUNCIL FOR SCOTLAND.)

(1) There shall be an Advisory Council, to be called the Atomic Energy Advisory Council for Scotland, which shall be consulted by the Authority on all matters specially affecting Scotland.

(2) The Council shall consist of a chairman and not less than six nor more than ten other members to be appointed by the Secretary of State for Scotland.— [Mr. Emrys Hughes.]

Brought up, and read the First time.

I beg to move, "That the Clause be read a Second time."

We in Scotland are very interested in this new development, particularly in the North of Scotland where a new industry, which has been established, is likely to bring about a new industrial revolution in Scotland. I am very surprised to see, when we are discussing this important matter, that the Secretary of State for Scotland is not present, neither are any of the Scottish Ministers. I am sure it will be noted tomorrow from John o' Groats to Dumfriesshire, including Orkney and Shetland and the Western Isles, that the Secretary of State has not deigned to put in an appearance on this important occasion, neither has any of the Under-Secretaries, and there is not even an apology from them. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Kelvingrove (Mr. Elliot) does not seem to be here with us either.

I do my utmost to pay attention to the speeches of the Opposition, and particularly those of the hon. Gentleman, but there are times when the flesh is willing but the spirit is overcome.

I suppose that also applies to the Secretary of State and to the two or three Under-Secretaries who usually pretend to speak for Scotland in these matters.

Now that the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Kelvingrove is with us no doubt he will support this Clause. After all, it must be remembered that Conservative policy with regard to Scotland as laid down at the last Election made a very strong point that there should be decentralisation of Scottish affairs, and there is also a precedent for my Clause in the policy followed in regard to the nationalised industries, such as gas, electricity and transport. The Clause simply carries that policy to its logical conclusion.

I would remind the Minister, who appears to be looking at me rather sympathetically and with an understanding eye, what the Conservative Party policy was at the last Election in regard to Scotland. Its manifesto said:

Therefore, in the absence of the Secretary of State for Scotland, I am vigorously pressing this matter forward. This is a very reasonable new Clause. There are matters geographical, administrative and legal in which Scotland is naturally interested whenever any new industrial development comes along. As this is a very sensible new Clause, as the Minister is in a very conciliatory frame of mind, and as this was in the Conservative Party's programme at the last Election and has recently been embodied in Conservative legislation, I suggest that the Committee should now unanimously accept it.

I am sure that the Conservative Party will be greatly encouraged at this time of night to have the help of the hon. Member for South Ayrshire (Mr. Emrys Hughes). He has rightly drawn attention to that party's policy at the last Election and to the severe criticism which it brought to bear on the centralisation of the nationalised industries.

But, as the hon. Member has pointed out, this is a pretty centralising Bill in its way, and I do not think that it is backed by a single Scottish Minister. However, this industry is of a new sort, and, no doubt, as it develops problems may arise over its control in Scotland which can then be more thoroughly thrashed out than they can at this time of night. But, in all seriousness, I say that there are major problems on which Scotland may wish to express a perfectly legitimate and Scottish point of view.

I hope that the setting up of the station at Dounreay will be merely a beginning. As such, we warmly welcome it. But we have been rather disappointed in the industrial results from the supply of power which was made available by the North of Scotland Hydro-Electric Board, and we are under no illusion that the mere setting up of this station will necessarily give us cheaper power or will necessarily attract industry at the present time. But there is hope that it may be a beginning, and that in the course of time it may bring other industries into the area. As it does, problems may arise as to their siting and distribution, and over the use of such power and of its control.

Scotland is, I must confess, well stocked with advisory bodies. Indeed, it suffers from a surfeit of such bodies, and a great many of them are manned by the same people under different titles. I am not at all sure that the setting up of yet another will solve the problems that may arise, but I think that we should be grateful to the hon. Member for South Ayrshire, not only for supporting the Conservative Party, but for drawing attention to this matter which in future may become important.

I hope that the Minister will say a word or two as to how the Scottish point of view is to be expressed—possibly by an advisory body or possibly more directly through the Minister in charge, or through the Authority itself.

I imagined that practically every Scottish hon. Member of the Committee representing the Government side would have been in his place tonight to support this Clause. I had hoped, particularly, that the hon. Member for Caithness and Sutherland (Sir D. Robertson) would have had a word to say in its support.

I do not want to detain the Committee for too long at this hour, but I think the Minister will recognise that a precedent has been established. The principle of an advisory committee has been recognised, as my hon. Friend the Member for South Ayrshire (Mr. Emrys Hughes) has said, in regard to a great many other nationalised projects. That such a body is of great value is a claim which has been put forward very forcibly by the party opposite, and tonight they have a chance to advance their cause. I hope that the Minister will say that he recognises that an advisory committee, in these days of nationalised undertakings, has a most important part to play.

I think that all hon. Members will agree that the Scottish Advisory Council on Civil Aviation has played an important role in the development of civil aviation in Scotland. An advisory committee of the nature suggested in this proposed Clause would be equally helpful so far as the Minister is concerned in emphasising the difficulties peculiar to Scotland. It would help the right hon. Gentleman and the Lord President in the discharge of their duties, and I do plead that very serious consideration be given to the Clause. It will ease and help the relationships between the two countries if the right hon. Gentleman will just say that he will accept it.

What Scotland wants is not advisory councils but more English investment. We are putting a great deal of money into the North of Scotland, after a long time, and in some ways for the first time, and that, I believe, is bringing hope to that part of the country. It is a credit to my hon. Friend the Member for Caithness and Sutherland (Sir D. Robertson), who is sitting here, that he has done so much to further that, and to help to bring employment to the North of Scotland.

The right hon. Gentleman says that money is being brought to the North of Scotland; but he is only bringing back that which was taken away.

A site for a plant such as this depends on the suitability of the place, and Dounreay provided a site better than any other, and I think that the experiment there will be a success. It should not be thought that the Authority is going into business on a large scale. It is the existing advisory bodies which will benefit from the power which this reactor may help to develop, and providing we keep in close touch with the local people—which it is intended to do in the building stage as well as in the operation of the reactor—I think that we shall get on very well together. If we accepted this Clause we should have to include several other parts of the country as well, and I ask that it be not accepted.

Question put, and negatived.

First and Second Schedules agreed to.

Third Schedule.—(ADAPTATIONS AND MODIFICATIONS OF ENACTMENTS.)

I beg to move, in page 14, line 33, to leave out from "Majesty," to the end of line 37.

This is purely a matter of drafting. My right hon. and learned Friend the Solicitor-General moved an Amendment to Clause 6 which removed from the Schedule this particular provision and put it into the body of the Bill. The words are, therefore, no longer necessary.

Amendment agreed to.

Schedule, as amended, agreed to.

Bill reported, with Amendments; as amended, to be considered Tomorrow, and to be printed. [Bill 89.]

Royal Navy (Tuberculosis Treatment)

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House do now adjourn."—[ Major Conant. ]

11.10 p.m.

I wish to raise a question which concerns a constituent of mine, Peter Ratcliffe, who volunteered to serve a period of 12 years in the Royal Navy. At the outset, it would be as well to give a few of the facts which have been presented to me. Peter Ratcliffe lives in Lofthouse. He started his duties in the Navy on 31st March, 1949, and while service in the frigate "Crane" contracted tuberculosis.

This youth had not been in the Navy for long before he saw actual warfare in Korean waters. I take it that before he joined the Service he was medically examined. The facts are that while serving in Korean waters he thought that he had symptoms of tuberculosis and he asked for a medical examination which, I understand, was refused. He was told that he was a neurotic, and he carried on with his duties.

After a few months, the young man collapsed and it was found necessary to give him a thorough medical examination. Unfortunately, it was diagnosed that he had tuberculosis in both lungs. He was sent back to England and he spent the whole of his 90 day's leave in hospital. He was then transferred to Killingbeck Hospital, Leeds, and I understand that he receives a full pension.

There is a serious problem arising out of all this. We know that tuberculosis is a highly infectious scourge and that, fortunately, in civil life it is on the wane. A pathetic feature is that Mrs. Ratcliffe had not seen her husband for nearly three years, and the Admiralty were not at all helpful when she visited her husband in hospital in the South of England. She was allowed only three free travelling passes, and she had to pay her own expenses for her other journeys. No doubt the Parliamentary Secretary will agree that, when a boy has been away for three years, one ought to try to assist his wife when she has to make frequent visits to hospital, because, among other considerations, such visits assist in the recovery of the patient, where that is possible.

This case gives rise to deep concern about the Navy. I wish to ask a few questions of the Parliamentary Secretary, who will appreciate that I have helped as much as possible by forwarding to him details about this matter. My first point concerns the manning of ships. I realise that in actual warfare there may be an excuse for over-manning, but if small ships like frigates are over-manned tuberculosis is likely to rear its ugly head. These are matters which should reecive particular attention. I know that in wartime all kinds of matters have to be dealt with, but at the same time we must protect the well-being of the boys who are serving.

We all know that one of the best things to prevent or combat tuberculosis is frequent medical examinations. How often are these men examined in the home ports? If they are examined every 12 months, for instance, is that sufficiently frequent? Secondly, what arrangements are made when ships are in foreign waters? Do we have tuberculosis units with X-ray facilities at Hong Kong, Singapore and Malta? If not, we ought to have them.

The incidence of tuberculosis in the Navy and in the barracks is, in my opinion, far too high. I have never visited naval barracks, but I understand that when compared with those of the United States of America ours ought to be condemned. I have heard of quite a few cases of T.B. arising among the boys stationed in our naval barracks. That being so, the Admiralty ought to see that adequate steps are taken to prevent this dread scourge.

The number of cases in 1952, I understand, was 395, and in 1953, 341. I do not know how many boys are serving in the Navy, but I should say that these figures are far too high. I hope that the Parliamentary Secretary will tell the House tonight what action the Admiralty are taking to lessen these numbers far more than has been the case in the last few years. That brings me to the important point of the prevention of tuberculosis. It is possible that the Admiralty are making experiments with the B.C.G. drug. My son is a medical student, and I think it is proving quite successful. If the drug is successful, its general application in the Royal Navy ought to be immediate. I am not a medical man, but as one who has been interested in health matters, I am naturally concerned over tuberculosis.

A case like that of Peter Ratcliffe causes consternation in the country. I have not raised the problem here tonight for the purpose of publicising this individual but because I believe it to be a serious matter. If the boy knew himself that he had tuberculosis and was refused a medical examination, it would be difficult for the Parliamentary Secretary to answer. I trust that, while this case cannot be prevented, the Parliamentary Secretary will see that similar instances do not arise in future.

11.20 p.m.

I should like to thank the hon. Member for Normanton (Mr. A. Roberts) for letting me know the points he would raise tonight and for the helpful way he has raised this matter. I ought to make it clear to the House, and I think the hon. Gentleman would like me to do so, that this particular matter has not been raised before by him and that this debate does not in any way arise from an unsatisfactory answer by the Admiralty. I hope that I shall be able to reassure him, not only about what has happened in this case, but also as to the great importance we attach to the avoidance, detection and control of tuberculosis within the Navy.

Perhaps I might deal with the general position first before coming to this par- ticular case. We do attach the greatest importance to mass radiography, which is compulsory in the Navy. We have been doing it since 1940, and the fact that the incidence rate has steadily fallen probably means that we are reaping the results of what we have been doing in the last 15 years. This compulsory radiography is carried out on all new entries, and we do everything possible to ensure that no man or boy enters the Service already infected. This radiography is also carried out annually on all men and boys. It is also carried out on all men before they are sent abroad, because it must be realised that the danger of infection abroad is greater.

When men are in the Far East, in places like Hong Kong, to which the hon. Gentleman referred, these X-ray examinations are conducted at six-monthly intervals instead of yearly as at home. In the event of a tubercular contact all those concerned are X-rayed, and should they be clear there is a routine follow-up X-ray within six months. I think the hon. Gentleman will agree that our precautions in that direction are very comprehensive.

We are not content to stand still in this matter. With regard to research, we are investigating the value of certain immunity measures, such as B.C.G., to which the hon. Member referred, but that is not immediate now. We take every opportunity of giving the men lectures about medicine and health, and make a point of encouraging men with coughs and colds to seek medical advice.

Perhaps I might now turn to the particular case of Peter Ratcliffe. He was X-rayed on entry in 1948, and annually until the time came for him to go abroad in June, 1951, when he was again X-rayed and found to be all clear. I regret to say that in June, 1952, when in the Far East, he was found to have come into contact with a tuberculous case in the ship and was given an X-ray examination on 27th June. As a result of that examination, his chest was considered normal and he was cleared I ask the hon. Gentleman to remember that date, because it is important.

On 24th August, not quite two months later, this man was subjected to a normal routine Pulheems examination. The doctor had suspicions that all was not well, and a follow-up X-ray confirmed suspicions that there was a change and that he had tuberculosis. In consequence, he was admitted to the Royal Naval Hospital, Hong Kong, forthwith. He had a further X-ray in that hospital in October and was sent home and kept under observation in the Royal Naval Hospital at Haslar for five months before being finally invalided. I am informed that it would have been possible for his family to have visited him almost as many times as they liked, about twice a week, but I will took into that matter further.

In dangerous cases travel is provided free, but, for ordinary routine visits, it is not. He was awarded a 100 per cent. disability pension by the Ministry of Pensions, and I hope very much that he is going on well.

I am afraid I have no information about this man having been refused a medical examination and going on until he collapsed. The hon. Member will remember that on 27th June he had an X-ray and was clear and that on 24th August they found he was a suspect. Therefore, the request for a medical examination must have taken place between those dates. If the hon. Member wants me to go into it—and I would certainly like to do so, because this is the sort of thing which should be gone into—I should be grateful if he would find out exactly when this is supposed to have happened.

It does not seem at all likely that, with all the precautions we take in regard to this disease, the fact that there had been a case in his ship and he was himself a contact, if he had approached the responsible authority his request would not have been agreed to. No doubt the hon. Member will try to find more information. There is nothing in Ratcliffe's papers to suggest that any request for an examination was refused. His medical history refers to him as a most co-operative patient. On his own statement, the basis of his claim for pension was only He made no complaint about his medical treatment.

I wish to say a word about conditions in ships. I can assure the hon. Member and the House that one of the reasons why we take such extensive precautions over tuberculosis is that we fully appreciate that in a Service like the Navy men are bound to live in more crowded conditions on board than on shore—more in some ships than in others, of course. In some ships men still have to eat and sleep in the some compartment. That is why we take the additional precaution of having half-yearly examinations when men are abroad in hot climates. As the First Lord and I both said in the debate on the Navy Estimates, we are doing everything possible to alleviate overcrowding. In some of the conversions from a destroyer to a frigate, which we have been making since the war, it has been possible to improve conditions and in new construction we are giving the matter every possible attention.

This also applies to shore establishments, to which the hon. Member also referred. Some very fine buildings have been constructed in shore establishments since the war in this country.

With regard to the ship in which this man served, it must be remembered that she was brought out of the Reserve very quickly for the Korea emergency. She was inspected before going abroad. It was realised that she would be crowded and special arrangements were made when she got to Singapore, and again when she reached Hong Kong, to improve accommodation, give better locker space and bathrooms, and improve the ventilation. In fact, 12 ratings were removed from the ship because it was realised that she would be overcrowded.

Finally, I am very glad that we have had this debate. We shall certainly go most carefully into all the points that have been raised. If there is anything further which we can do, and which we think will really help to guard against infection or to deal with it when it arises, we shall certainly do it.

Question put, and agreed to.

Adjourned accordingly at Half-past Eleven o'Clock.