asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if he is satisfied that German compensation law is dealing with all categories of victims of Nazi aggression; and, in particular, that the claims of stateless persons are receiving the same priority.

No, Sir. As the House has been informed, this matter has been the subject of representations to the Federal Government by the Allied High Commission. These representations will be the subject of official talks with the Federal Government which open next week. I shall keep my hon. and gallant Friend informed.

Will my hon. Friend also investigate the position of those members of the various underground movements, because information reaching me is that recent interpretation of the 1953 law appears to exclude them from any benefit?

Perhaps my hon. and gallant Friend will communicate with me on that subject.

Will the hon. Gentleman impress on the Federal Government the anxiety of a number of people now residing in this country who have put in claims at the delay in dealing with their claims?

I think that if the hon. Gentleman refers to replies given by the Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, my right hon. Friend the Member for Melton (Mr. Nutting), on 21st July, he will see that the Government are fully alive to this problem and the difficulties and delays that have taken place. Talks are now proceeding.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether his attention has been drawn to the increasing Nazi and anti-Semitic propaganda in Western Germany and particularly to its use at a political meeting held in Berlin last week; and what action the occupying Powers are taking, in conjunction with the West German Government.

I am not aware of any increase in Nazi and anti-Semitic propaganda in the Federal Republic. Any such propaganda would be an offence under laws in force in the Federal Republic. As regards West Berlin, I would refer the hon. Member to the answer given to the hon. Member for South Ayrshire (Mr. Emrys Hughes) on 6th December.

Is not the hon. Gentleman aware that there was a very menacing mass rally in West Berlin recently, at which there were extreme exhibitions of all the bestiality of Nazism, and that a Minister of the Federal Republic spoke there? Will the hon. Gentleman try to do something to assist those who wish to crush neo-Nazism in West Germany, by sending a recommendation to the West German Government?

A better method of crushing it was the action taken by the House of Representatives in condemning the rally. Also, the votes of the electorate in the West Berlin elections meant that the party concerned got no seats in the Assembly.

Does not my hon. Friend agree that there are Germans who deplore this loathsome trait on the part of a certain section of the German nation, and, if that is so, will he urge Chancellor Adenaeur to take such action as will reassure public opinion in this country?

My hon. Friend's supplementary question was answered by the West Berlin election results. Lt was shown that a very small minority of Germans believe in such methods, which are, in fact, contrary to the law and are prohibited.

Is it not time that the Government faced up to the issue? Will not the Foreign Secretary get in touch with his friend, Dr. Adenaeur, and tell him that we regret the recrudescence of anti-Jewish propaganda?

As I said in the House last Monday, it is primarily a matter for the German Federal Government.

It is a matter for the Foreign Secretary, too.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he will make a statement about the new system of relations between the European Coal and Steel Community and the British coal and steel industries.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he will make a statement about the negotiations that have been proceeding with the European Coal and Steel Community.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he will make a further statement on the closer association of the United Kingdom with the European Coal and Steel Community.

There have been discussions this week between my right hon. Friend the Minister of Housing and Local Government and Mr. D. P. Spierenburg, a member of the High Authority of the European Coal and Steel Community. A meeting of the Council of Ministers and the High Authority of the Community has been held concurrently in Luxembourg.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that on the Advisory Committee which we have had connecting ourselves hitherto with the Coal and Steel Community, the workers—blastfurnacemen and steelworkers—of this country have been represented, and will he bear in mind the necessity of ensuring worker representation on any organisation that is set up?

I am much obliged to the hon. Gentleman for making that point.

As the agreement will presumably bind the iron and steel industry and the coal industry of this country in many ways, which may be desirable or not, and is now a matter of great importance, will the House have an opportunity of considering it at an early stage, before we are finally committed?

Yes, Sir. That is why I pointed out particularly that I will not only make a statement but also publish immediately a White Paper to enable the House to pronounce on these arrangements. I think that the right hon. Gentleman can be assured that the position is not perhaps quite so definite as he stated.

In view of the firm promise that this might appear to hold, can the right hon. Gentleman say what preparatory or exploratory steps, if any, have been taken by the Government to inaugurate similar schemes dealing with transport and power?

This is a particular problem, as the hon. Gentleman knows, which has to be resolved in respect of this Authority, and if he wants to raise another issue perhaps he would be kind enough to put down a Question.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that some of the trade unions mostly affected by this are very concerned about it?

I think that "this" has to be explained before anyone need be either concerned or unconcerned. I undertake to give the House the fullest information as soon as the agreement is signed.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether the Government of Guatemala have now settled the claim for compensation in respect of the bombing of the British steamer, ss. "Springfjord," on 27th June last.

The preparation of the claim by the various interested parties is not yet complete, but as soon as it is ready Her Majesty's Government will raise the matter with the Guatemalan authorities.

Bearing in mind that compensation has already been paid in respect of the airliner which was shot down in the China Sea a month later than the date on which this ship was bombed, will the hon. Gentleman explain why, in South America, this Government appears to be so flabby in protecting British interests? Is he further aware that the Government have become very unpopular with Lloyds?

The answer is that we are not responsible for the preparation of the claim in this case. The parties who are responsible have to take some time on the preparation of a claim, and legal gentlemen do take a long time over these matters.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he is aware that, in spite of the protests made by Her Majesty's Government to the Greek Government, the Athens radio continues to make subversive broadcasts to Cyprus and what further action he proposes to take.

Yes, Sir. I am arranging for a translated extract of these broadcasts to be circulated in the OFFICIAL REPORT. Her Majesty's Ambassador at Athens has again protested to the Greek Government against this hostile propaganda, and has received an assurance that offensive matter will not in future be included in the broadcasts. The position is being carefully watched.

While welcoming my right hon. Friend's reply, may I ask whether he does not think that the time has now come when the contents of these broadcasts, branding, as they do, Cypriots who co-operate with us in the working of the new Constitution, and denouncing them as traitors, should be made known to a wider public even than this House? What are the Government doing to counter the effects of these broadcasts in Cyprus and to give the Cypriots the classical warning against reliance on Greeks bearing gifts?

I am bound to say that some of this propaganda, certainly the language accusing those who, after all, are working with a fellow N.A.T.O. Power, of being traitors, is something which should not be followed by any so-called friendly Government. As to the second part of my hon. Friend's supplementary question, I understand that the radio station in Cyprus is putting out its own messages. Perhaps my right hon. Friend the Colonial Secretary can give my hon. Friend more information about that.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he is satisfied that the tanker fleet available for operating between the Middle East and European ports is of sufficient tonnage to maintain a supply of oil to North Atlantic Treaty Organisation forces adequate to maintain, in emergency, the defence measures planned by that organisation.

On the information at present available to me, I have no reason to suppose that the supply of oil for the essential needs of North Atlantic Treaty Organisation forces in Europe will be restricted by shortage of tankers.

Has my hon. Friend some figures to show the number of tankers that are available under the flags of the N.A.T.O. countries? Has he any evidence to show that there is any serious transfer of tankers from N.A.T.O. countries to non-N.A.T.O. countries which might cause a depletion of available tanker tonnage in the event of an emergency?

I cannot go in detail into N.A.T.O. plans. My hon. Friend's Question is directed to what would be the position in war, and that seems to me highly speculative. I have done my best to reply to it.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs with what countries the United Kingdom has concluded agreements limiting their territorial waters to three miles; and what steps he is taking to obtain the concurrence of all maritime States to the establishment of the three-mile limit universally.

The limitation of territorial waters has not been the subject of formal agreement between Her Majesty's Government and any other State. Her Majesty's Government regard the three-mile limit as sanctioned in international law by long usage and custom. Her Majesty's Government have accordingly always refused to accept in principle claims to territorial waters of more than three miles, and have reserved the right to uphold any British interests prejudiced by such claims.

In view of the great importance of getting this business of territorial limits settled at an early date, how soon does the right hon. Gentleman think the report will go to the United Nations? Will he then propose that the United Nations should try collectively to agree to a definite territorial limit as being one recognised throughout the world?

I agree with the hon. Member's supplementary question. So far as we are concerned, the sooner the panel of distinguished jurists report the better we shall be pleased. Our endeavour will be to get the matter before the United Nations on the basis of that report as soon as possible.

How soon will that be? Will it be a matter of a year?

It is difficult for me to say how long a panel of international jurists will take. I am neither international nor a jurist, but I shall do my best to convey to them the wish of this House that the sooner they act the better this House will be pleased.

As the freedom of the seas is of paramount interest to this country, and as it is possible for oil and other minerals to be discovered more than three miles away from any national shore, would my right hon. Friend agree that it might be a reasonable solution to put ocean beds more than three miles from any nation's shore under the jurisdiction of the United Nations?

I should like to see that Question on the Order Paper.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if he is aware that the precautionary measures taken to protect inhabitants of the Marshall Islands against the effect of nuclear weapon experiments were not in accordance with the recommendation of the United Nations Trusteeship Council; and whether he will instruct our representative at the United Nations to propose that it should call for a report on the measures which were taken.

The last nuclear weapon experiments in the Marshall Islands took place in March, 1954. The recomendations of the Trusteeship Council to which the hon. Member refers were made in the following June. The United States Government have accepted these recommendations. No further action is necessary.

Would the hon. Gentleman not agree that quite obviously sufficient precautions were not taken, in view of the fact that many Marshall Islanders suffered from this explosion and that others much further away also suffered? Can we be assured that sufficient precautions will be taken in future to see that no one suffers in the way that these people have been suffering recently?

I have explained that this Resolution was passed after the explosion because of the unfortunate incidents which happened in that explosion. The United States Government have accepted the Resolution.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, in view of the United Kingdom having voted at the General Assembly for the resolution authorising the High Commissioner for Refugees to undertake a programme designed to achieve permanent solutions to refugee problems within the period of his mandate, what constructive proposals the United Kingdom representative on the High Commissioner's Advisory Committee will be instructed to make in order to develop such a programme.

The Advisory Committee is at present in session at Geneva. As my right hon. Friend the Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, the right hon. Member for Melton (Mr. Nutting) explained to the hon. Member on 2nd June, it is not the practice of Her Majesty's Government to divulge instructions given to representatives on international organisations in advance of their being acted upon.

Is the hon. Gentleman prepared to suggest that the policy of the Advisory Committee shall include longterm loans, and will he press for the long-term policy suggested in the Question?

While the Committee is in session, it would be unwise for me to go into details on matters which it is at present discussing. I dealt with the financial side in my reply to the hon. Member for Gravesend (Sir R. Acland), on 8th November.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs what representations he has made to the United States Government concerning the implications of the Treaty recently concluded between the United States of America and Nationalist China.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs on what date, and in what manner, he was informed of the general lines of the Treaty concluded between the Nationalist Government in Formosa and the United States of America; and what information he has received as to the contents of the Treaty.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs (1) whether, in the cause of peace, Her Majesty's Government will co-operate with the United States Government with a view to securing an undertaking from the Chinese Nationalist authorities in Formosa not to engage in provocative action against the Chinese mainland;

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs what communication has recently been received from the United States Government on the Treaty between the United States of America and Nationalist China; and what representations have been made in reply.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs what information he has received from the Government of the United States of America about the recently completed agreement for the defence of Formosa.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he will make a statement on the information he has received from the United States Government regarding the security pact between the United States of America and the Formosa administration.

Her Majesty's Government have been kept generally informed in recent weeks of the United States Government's intentions in this matter. Her Majesty's Government are satisfied that the Treaty is in fact purely defensive, and that its object is to place relations between the United States Government and the Nationalist Chinese on such a basis as will result in a closer degree of consultation. They hope that in this way it will help towards the end which the right hon. and learned Member for Rowley Regis and Tipton (Mr. A. Henderson) has in mind.

May I ask whether the right hon. Gentleman has seen Mr. Dulles's statement at his Press Conference on 1st December, in which he allies this Treaty with other Treaties negotiated between the United States and her Allies for the control of the Pacific; that is to say, Mr. Dulles has associated this with S.E.A.T.O.? In view of that statement, will the right hon. Gentleman make it quite clear that we are not associated with bilateral treaties negotiated and signed by the United States?

The hon. Member is perfectly right in the last part of his Question. We are in no sense parties to this Treaty.

In view of the incidents which have taken place off the China mainland, may I ask whether it is the view of Her Majesty's Government that both the United States Government and the Chinese Government in Peking should avoid taking any action which might disturb the present situation in the Straits of Formosa?

Our policy towards the islands off the Chinese coast has been to urge upon all concerned the dangers of fighting and the importance of lowering tension and the avoidance of precipitate action.

In view of the fact that the right hon. Gentleman has said it is his wish that the Treaty should lower tension in the area, can he tell us if there is in the Treaty any provision which gives the United States Government any right of consultation before any action is taken by the Formosa Government, or is there no provision that the Formosa Government shall not attack China or any other territory?

That is an important issue. I tried to deal with it in my speech on Monday. The position can be simply summarised by saying that there will be, as a result of the agreement, an increase in the degree of consultation between the two parties concerned. I should have thought that to us, who are anxious for greater security in that part of the world, that is something which, on balance, we ought to welcome.

Will the Foreign Secretary consider suggesting to the United States that it should now, in the light of President Eisenhower's most recent declaration, return to the policy of neutralising Formosa?

I would rather not go beyond what I have said today. As the right hon. Gentleman knows, we must deal with the situation as it now exists. I think that the greatest contribution in that part of the world could now be made if those who have influence with the Chinese Government, wherever they may sit in this House, would persuade it to release the American airmen without any more delay.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs to what extent Her Majesty's Government is committed to support of a global organisation of the non-Communist world to direct political and military strategy.

The only global organisation which Her Majesty's Government is committed to support is the United Nations organisation.

Is the Foreign Secretary aware that at a meeting in New York of the English-Speaking Union and the Foreign Policy Association, reported in the "Scotsman" on 2nd December, Field Marshal Montgomery called for a global organisation of the non-Communist world to direct political and military strategy? Does the Foreign Secretary repudiate Field Marshal Montgomery, and will he tell us how far Field Marshal Montgomery is authorised to explain British foreign policy in the United States of America?

Field Marshal Montgomery is, of course, not a servant of Her Majesty's Government. He is a servant of N.A.T.O. He is perfectly entitled to express his opinion, as are other people in a world which is still free, despite the hon. Gentleman.

In view of the Foreign Secretary's last reference, and the unsatisfactory and evasive nature of his answer, I give notice that I shall call the attention of the House to the subject on the Adjournment on the first possible occasion.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies how many Africans have been executed in Kenya during the months September, October, and November, 1954, respectively; and how many of these were sentenced to death on the charge of killing another person or persons.

In the four-week periods ended 1st October, 29th October and 26th November, 52, 35 and 56 respectively, of whom seven, three and 10 respectively were sentenced for murder.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that many people will be shocked by the reply which he has just given? Does it not indicate that about a quarter of those who have been executed have been charged with murder? Will the right hon. Gentleman speed up the modification of the penalties which he has indicated to the House so that we may have some moral authority to denounce the more excessive atrocities by Mau Mau?

In reply to the last part of the hon. Gentleman's supplementary question, I have nothing to add to what I said to him on 1st November. In reply to the second part, I have said that murder represents a certain proportion of the figures, but the unlawful possession of arms, and particularly of ammunition, which the murderers cannot themselves manufacture, is rightly a capital offence.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that with the animosities which there now are in Kenya it is very easy for ammunition to be placed, not by security forces but by others, in the huts of those to whom they are antagonistic? Have there not been cases of that character?

That danger is always possible, and because of that extreme care is taken, and no one is brought to trial unless there is evidence that he is an active terrorist or a helper of terrorists. I wish that the hon. Gentleman, when rightly quoting and deploring these inevitable figures, would also quote the fact that since the beginning of the emergency 1,319 civilians, of whom 1,272 were Africans, have been brutally murdered.

On a point of order. In view of that last remark, might I be permitted to say—[HON. MEMBERS: "No."]—I am making the point to Mr. Speaker—that I never speak on this subject without denouncing the atrocities of Mau Mau?

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies (1) what steps he proposes to take, in view of the readiness last April of 1,000 Mau Mau adherents to lay down their arms, to renew negotiations to end the fighting in Kenya;

The terms offered after the so-called "General China's" capture were withdrawn on 10th April, when all efforts to re-establish contact with the gangs had failed. The original surrender offer of August, 1953, remains open to individuals, and the Kenya Government are ready to consider any approach for a mass surrender from gang leaders and to discuss with their intermediaries how this can be effected.

The right hon. Gentleman says that efforts to contact the Mau Mau leaders have failed, but is it not the case that 1,000 adherents of Mau Mau gathered together to lay down their arms, and in view of that evidence of intention among Mau Mau adherents to lay down arms, is it not time that negotiations were renewed in order to prevent loss of life among both Africans and Europeans in Kenya?

As the hon. Gentleman knows, there is no central terrorist headquarters to which Her Majesty's Government in Kenya can make an approach, but it is clearly known to the leaders of these brutal gangs that they can themselves come forward. If individual leaders came forward, it would then be possible to explain to them details of time and place for bringing others to surrender.

Are the terms of surrender offered last year final? Is there any possibility of their being revised to make them more, shall I say, attractive to those who may be induced to surrender?

The terms of surrender of August, 1953, provided that any terrorists who surrendered voluntarily would not be executed for being in unlawful possession of arms and ammunition, or consorting with terrorists. It is essential that some latitude should be left to the Government of Kenya in the granting of clemency to criminals, but I am perfectly certain that they desire—a desire common to all of us in this House—to bring this terrible business to an end at the earliest possible date. I am sure that, consistent with their duty and the public interest, they will look constantly afresh at any possibility.

In view of the new situation which exists in Kenya, have any special efforts been made to draw the attention, not only of the Mau Mau leaders, but of the rank and file of the movement, to the existence of these surrender terms, to encourage, as far as possible in the present circumstances, a return to the situation which appeared to be so promising during the "China" episode?

Constant efforts are made, through broadcasting from low-flying aircraft and in other ways, to bring this home to them. But I will certainly, in consultation with the Government of Kenya, see how far further steps can be taken to bring home to the rank and file the possibilities in this field.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that all through the history of guerrilla warfare severities have always proved to be the worst possible weapon? Is it not really time that we should make an energetic effort to bring about a surrender, and offer, to use my right hon. and learned Friend's term, attractive terms? Surely it is time to say that there should be clemency.

I do not know whether the hon. Member knows Kenya well. If he did, he would agree that the realisation that it is necessary, in the present tragic circumstances, to have these penal sentences is shared by a vast number of Africans themselves.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies what action has been taken to provide for the children of persons detained during the "Anvil" Operation in Nairobi.

The number of children in Nairobi separated from their parents and in need of care is estimated at 500. The "Save the Children Fund" has opened a "Place of Safety" where children will be cared for until they can be returned to their parents or relatives. Where that is not possible, the Missions will provide for their care.

The right hon. Gentleman is, of course, aware that the Government were committed to do all they could to look after these children because of Operation "Anvil." Is he certain there are not now numbers of children whose parents have been taken away, because of Operation "Anvil," and who are still left unattended? From my information I am not certain that what could be done is being done by our representatives there.

This is a great human problem, and I can frankly tell the House I looked into it with close personal care when I was in Nairobi. In large part, due to the vigorous action of Mr. Havelock, a member of the Council of Ministers in Kenya, real progress is being made. Last week I had a talk with Brigadier Boyce, Secretary of the "Save the Children Fund," and I can assure the hon. Gentleman that we are fully conscious of this need, and it is now under control. The whole problem of juvenile delinquency in Nairobi is a very real one still.

Is the Secretary of State aware that the "Save the Children Fund" has very heavy commitments in many parts of the world, including Korea; and will the Government give a subsidy to the Fund for doing this job, which the Government should have done?

Her Majesty's Government have rightly given £11¼ million in gifts or loans to Kenya. This situation is clearly one of the social consequences of the emergency, and I am quite certain that no shortage of funds will stand in the way of proper work along these lines.

May we take it that that answer means that the care of these children is left completely to voluntary societies?

If the hon. Member had been listening to what I said he would have known that progress has been largely due to the work of a Minister of the Kenya Government.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies how many Mau Mau prisoners are in captivity; and the weekly unit cost of each prisoner.

On 15th November, there were 17,629 Mau Mau convicts in prison and 47,562 persons detained in "Anvil" works and detention camps. The estimated cost per week of each prisoner is 16s., and of each detainee 15s. 4d.

Will the right hon. Gentleman consider putting into operation any form of rehabilitation?

A great deal certainly goes on in the works camps. As soon as an opportunity arises, people who have been certified as safe to be moved are moved off to chances of productive and sensible work.

Has the situation now changed? A short time ago we were told that there were not enough guards to allow of more than two weeks' work being done every eight weeks. Has that situation now altered, and is everybody now working all the time?

No; everybody is not working all the time, because the circumstances are not open to those people who remain the hard core to engage in work far away from the works centre. The shortage of staff, though still a factor, is now more under control.

Can the Minister tell us how many of these prisoners have been screened and given a clean bill of health, and how many have now got back to their old jobs in civil life? If none have done so, when does the Minister hope to begin to send them back?

If the hon. Member will put down a Question upon that matter I shall gladly answer it, but I was asked about those who were now in prison or under detention. Of those in detention, a number at Manyani would have been returned home by now had it not been for typhoid. I shall gladly answer any Question which the hon. Member puts down upon this matter.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies what progress has been made in providing for the direct election of African representatives to the Kenya Legislative Council.

I have nothing to add to the reply which I gave to the hon. Member for Rugby (Mr. J. Johnson) on 20th October.

Does not the Minister agree that it is the very essence of democracy that these indigenous peoples of Kenya should have direct representation on the legislative body?

It is also the very essence of democracy—if I may say so without giving offence—that hon. Members of this House should read a very careful answer which I gave, which said that in a few weeks' time a Mr. Coutts was going out to Kenya, and, in consultation with the Africans, was going to advise upon that very matter.

Is it not the fact that this matter has been under consideration for quite a time and that nothing has yet eventuated? Surely the Minister can speed up the matter?

The Lyttelton Plan—as it is generally called—which is a great step forward towards multi-racial government, is not yet a year old, and the proposed visit of Mr. Coutts is a further factor in that advance. Clearly, circumstances in Kenya must be taken into account in regard to constitutional developments.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies if he will make the grant to the Macmillan Memorial Library in Nairobi conditional upon the use of the library being open to Africans and Asians as well as Europeans.

No, Sir. This library was established under a trust deed which specified that it should be for the use of Europeans.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that, although the Nairobi City Council supports this library, there is also a fairly substantial grant from the Carnegie Trust? Does he consider that he carries the Trust members with him in providing in Nairobi a memorial library which is not open to Asians and Africans?

That is for the trustees to consider. As far as the Government are concerned, they also make grants to the Desai Memorial Library in Nairobi and the Saif bin Salim Library in Mombasa, both of which are run on a communal basis. There could be no question of a Government library being reserved for the use of Europeans.

Will the Minister explain how he justifies giving the taxpayers' money to subsidise an institution which practises the colour bar?

I think it must be borne in mind that in Kenya there are quite a number of European taxpayers.

asked the Secretary of State far the Colonies how many male Kikuyu have been killed by security forces, executed judicially, and died in prison or detention camps during the past 12 months.

4,406 terrorists have been killed, of whom between 60 per cent. and 70 per cent. were Kikuyu; 528 have been executed, and 342 have died in prison and detention camps.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies the estimated male Kikuyu population between the ages of 15 and 59 years in 1951.

Approximately 280,000.

Is the Minister aware that there are about 10½ million males between the ages of 19 and 49 in this country, and that, if there were an equivalent death rate amongst them, there would be widespread anger? Does he not think that it is time that the Government were taking stronger measures to prevent this death rate?

I also think that if there were some of these dangers and horrors closer at home some of the people who talk so glibly about them might speak in a different way.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies what maximum signing on rate has been recommended for African workers by the Kenya Coffee Board and whether he will state the real value of such rate today as compared with the pre-war rate of 9s. per month.

The Governor has informed me that it will take a few days to collect the information. I will write to the hon. Member as soon as it is received.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he will explain what are the persons known as coffee officers who are now invited to attend conferences of the Kenya Coffee Board, in company with African planters; and how and by whom the latter are selected to accompany such coffee officers.

They are Government officers of the Agricultural Department. I have consulted the Governor about the second half of the Question, and will write to the hon. Member when I receive his reply.

Will the Minister add to his inquiries of the Governor to ascertain whether amongst these African people there are representatives of the African co-operatives?

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies if the Kikuyu tribesman recently sentenced to death for receiving six pieces of cloth intended for Mau Mau has been hanged.

No, Sir.

Has it occurred to the right hon. Gentleman that, in circumstances in which 20 per cent. of the native population is, in one form or another, under continuous detention, and where the death penalty is inflicted for almost trivial offences, it is not likely that the British way of life would commend itself to the native population; and, in these circumstances, does he not agree that his whole policy may perhaps be mistaken?

That seems to me to be clearly outside the scope of this particular Question, and I should hesitate to comment on this Question because, as I think the hon. Gentleman knows, the reasoned judgments have not yet been delivered on these particular sentences, and I think it is better to wait until the reasoned judgments have been received.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he will now withdraw the Emergency Regulation under which it is a capital offence to receive stolen property in Kenya.

Receiving stolen property is not a capital offence but under Emergency Regulation 8 F (1) demanding, collecting or receiving supplies by or for terrorists is a capital offence.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that, in the case to which reference has already been made—the receiving of six pieces of cloth—it has so far been held to be the commission of a capital offence under this Regulation, and, in these circumstances and in the circumstances to which I drew his attention in a supplementary question a moment ago, will he consider whether the whole basis of this tyrannical Emergency Regulation should be reconsidered?

Any comment from me which would have been improper on Question 50 is equally improper on Question 51.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies what practical proposals for the development of Gibraltar were discussed with the recent delegation.

These discussions covered the plan which the Governor of Gibraltar recently put forward for development during the next five years, including improvement of the port and an extended programme of housing.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies the cost to Her Majesty's Government of the recent military operations in Malaya up to date; and what further demands on Her Majesty's Government are likely to be made annually until law and order have been established.

Exact figures are not available but since 1949 excess in the cost of supplying and maintaining the external Forces in Malaya over the cost of their maintenance in their normal stations has been in the region of £35 million to £40 million. In addition, Her Majesty's Government have made special grants to the Government of the Federation of f14 million. The cost of the emergency in future years cannot be exactly forecast.

Is not this Malayan business part of the general hot or cold war against Communist forces? Surely other countries besides Great Britain should take some part in this campaign by supplying men and money, even if the neutralists leave the rough work to others.

This is, of course, part of the major Communist campaign. We must recognise the fact that both the United States and France have paid out very large sums in their own particular fields, both in Korea and Indo-China.

I was thinking more of the countries in South-East Asia, such as Australia and New Zealand. Could they not contribute some resources?

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies in which Colonies and Protectorates it is the practice to attach chains to the ankles of prisoners, and to what categories of prisoners this treatment is applied.

In 1952, the attention of all Colonial Governments was drawn to the very strict Regulations governing the use of mechanical restraints on prisoners in the United Kingdom. They were invited to bring local practice as far as possible into conformity with United Kingdom practice. The replies so far received show some measure of conformity but my information is still by no means complete. If the hon. Member has any particular case in mind, I shall be glad to look into it.

Surely the right hon. Gentleman is aware of the report in the London "Star" of 5th November, quite clearly indicating that prisoners are being chained—that there have been attempts to escape after these chains had been filed from prisoners' ankles. This smacks of the methods of the Inquisition. Will he not do something really worth-while about it?

I have already said that we have had replies from a certain number of our Territories. In fact, of under 20 from whom we have had replies, ankle chains are being used in only nine. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh."] But let me point out that those are Territories in many cases—both in West Africa, East Africa and the West Indies—with a very high degree of self-government, Territories such as Nigeria, in which we must be very careful how far we interfere.

As the Question on the Order Paper was to ask the Minister in which Colonies and Protectorates this practice of using mechanical restraints is still being employed, should he not have given an answer to the Question, instead of saving the number for a reply to a supplementary question? Should he not now publish the names of the Colonies in which this practice is going on?

We are waiting until we get a complete list of all our Colonies. As soon as we do so, we shall circulate a complete analysis.

Would not the right hon. Gentleman agree to publish the names of the nine where he does know that ankle chains are still being used?

Certainly.

May I ask the Minister why he is holding back? If he knows a certain number of Colonies in which they are being used now, why should he not say so? We could have a complete list later.

I am quite prepared to do that, and I have just said so.

On a point of order. Is it in order for the Minister to deceive the House?

Order. The hon. Member should not accuse another Member of this House of deceiving the House.

I am sorry, Sir. Is it in order for the Minister to mislead the House? He invited my hon. Friend to submit instances to him, but he later said he knew of nine.

I am afraid that that is not a point of order for me.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies what were the circumstances under which Abnep Phiri, a hard labour prisoner, was injured at Petauke, Northern Rhodesia, on or about 30th October, 1954; whether he was attended by a doctor after his injury; what charge has been made in connection with the injury; and if he will institute an inquiry.

Abnep Phiri fainted on 31st October when carrying water; there is no doctor at Petauke, but he was immediately admitted to the station dispensary and treated for a cut lip presumed to have been caused by his fall, and discharged as fit on 1st November; no charge has been made in connection with this incident; no complaint was made to the visiting justice on 5th November, and the Governor does not consider that an inquiry is necessary.

Will the Minister look at some papers I will send him, which indicate that this man was beaten upon the back, chest and face by a policeman with a rifle; was taken unconscious into hospital on 31st October, and was in a grave state of health on 1st November? Will the Minister look at these particulars if I send them to him?

I shall certainly consider any papers which the hon. Member submits, but I should inform the House that the District Commissioner and the European health inspector visited Abnep Phiri immediately after he was admitted to the dispensary. No complaint was received by the District Commissioner at any time, but, in spite of that, he ordered an immediate inquiry as to whether the messenger-warder who was supposed to have beaten him up had been involved in any kind of criminal offence—and he was satisfied that that was not so. I shall, however, certainly be glad to examine the hon. Member's documents.

Was there a suspicion in the mind of that official that the man was beaten up?

I think that there was some suspicion, but he was satisfied that it was not the case.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies to what extent District Commissioners in Northern Rhodesia have authority to issue orders with the force of law in their administrative areas, irrespective of endorsement by the local chiefs.

District Commissioners have wide powers to issue lawful orders, not requiring endorsement by local chiefs, under many ordinances, including powers, as magistrates, to issue court orders. I assume, however, that the hon. Member has in mind orders made under the Native Authority Ordinance. A District Commissioner has no authority to issue orders with force of law under that Ordinance without endorsement by the local chief, except in an emergency in which the Governor has, under the Ordinance, ordered him to assume the powers of the native authority.

May I assume from that answer that the Minister is adhering to the policy of indirect rule?

I think that there is a great deal to be said for that policy, but I am not quite certain of all the implications of the hon. Member's question.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies if, in view of the improved situation in Uganda, he will consult with the Governor with a view to the early liberation of Mr. Kiwanaku, Vice-President of the Uganda National Congress, who has been deported to the northern frontier area.

I have brought the hon. Member's suggestion to the attention of the Governor. He does not feel able to cancel the Order at present, but he is keeping the matter under regular review.

Is it not a fact that Mr. Kiwanaku only repeated the contents of an article published in this country, for which no action was taken against the author, and yet, when it was repeated in Uganda, this man was sent to prison for four months?

It would be quite improper for me to comment upon the action taken by judicial authorities in Colonial Territories. This man has been convicted of sedition on three occasions. I am not prepared now, without warning, to go over the particular circumstances of each case. As I have said, the Governor has this case under constant review.

Is the right hon. Gentleman really telling the British House of Commons, in the middle of the 20th century, that it is no concern of his if, in a British Colony, that is treated as sedition which is harmless at home?

I said no such thing. I said that it would be improper for me to comment upon the judgment of a court—and I think that that is a very good principle.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he will press for the recognition of medical degrees given by the Makerere College, as a qualification to practise medicine in the United Kingdom and the Colonies.

It is the policy of Her Majesty's Government to encourage the raising of the standard of medical qualifications accorded by the university colleges in the Colonies to a level at which they can be recognised by the General Medical Council in the United Kingdom and by Colonial Governments generally.

Mr. Stewart.

rose—

I did not observe the hon. Member rise before, and I have already called Mr. Stewart.

On a point of order. Surely I was on my feet immediately the Minister sat down?

We may differ about a moment of time, but I looked at the hon. Gentleman and I did not know whether he was going to rise or not. If any hon. Gentleman wishes to ask a supplementary question, it is only fair to other hon. Members that he should rise immediately.

Further to that point of order. May I respectfully say, Mr. Speaker, that it was apparent to me that my hon. Friend wished to rise, which was the reason I hesitated in rising.

I did not observe that, but, as I do not want to be unfair to the hon. Member, perhaps he will ask his supplementary question now.

Is the Minister aware that he has not answered the Question which I placed on the Order Paper? My Question asked him whether he will press for the recognition of medical degrees given by the Makerere College as a qualification to practise medicine in the United Kingdom. He has not answered that Question.

I thought I made it quite clear that the General Medical Council is the body which grants recognition of medical qualifications, and that this is entirely a matter for the discretion of the Council itself.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies why the Mwanza Branch of the Tanganyika African Union has been refused registration under the Societies Ordinance.

Registration has been refused because the Registrar of Societies was satisfied that this branch was being used for purposes prejudicial to peace, order, and good government.

Does not the refusal of registration mean that this branch is unlawful and that its property is now vested in the District Commissioner; and should that be done without adequate reason? Can the House be given the reason, because, if there has been any disorder, has it not been completely isolated, and may it not be due to the fact that the people have not been properly informed about some of the problems with which they are concerned?

I think that certainly the people who are sometimes called professional society organisers, some of whom have interests quite apart from the interests of their so-called constituents, are fully informed as to the law. Over 200 applications for registration have been granted, and only four have been refused, and nothing could be worse for these societies than that the wrong society should be recognised.

May I ask the Minister to tell the House the circumstances which caused the banning of this society, because it is most important that the House should know?

The Ordinance under which the registrar acted is Section 9 (a), under which it is open to him to refuse registration where he is satisfied that the society is being used for purposes 'prejudicial to or incompatible with the maintenance of peace, order, and good government. It is not always desirable in public to give all the reasons which lead a responsible official to come to a conclusion of that kind.

I will follow that up later.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies if he will recommend the exercise of the Prerogative of mercy in the case of the Chinese school student in Singapore who was sentenced to three years' rigorous imprisonment on 3rd November last for being in posses- sion of a certain periodical which was found under the mattress of his bed.

No, Sir. The exercise of Her Majesty's Prerogative of mercy has been delegated to the Governor, and it would be contrary to long-established practice for the Secretary of State to intervene.

In view of the vicious nature of this sentence—which cannot promote good relations in Malaya—does not the Minister agree that he should bring his influence to bear upon the Governor to get him to reconsider the sentence?

The facts of this case are that this student was found in possession not of a periodical but of a strongly-worded though uncompleted Communist Party directive, of which he was the author. As the House is aware, the Communists are seeking to exploit to the uttermost the Chinese schools in the Colony, and there is need for very strong measures to combat this very real danger.

Is it not the case that the Minister is trying to bring the British way of life into active practice in Malaya? Does the treatment of this man represent the British way of life?

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he will appoint a committee to inquire into the position of coloured people in Great Britain.

I cannot at present add to the reply my right hon. Friend gave to the hon. Member's Question on the same subject on 3rd November.

Will the Minister recognise that 3rd November is now more than a month ago, that many local authorities are facing problems in this connection which are really beyond their resources, and that it is desirable in the interests of everyone that the Government should give a lead in this matter?

I am aware of the interest and anxiety on this matter, which is being very actively considered. It is not a simple matter, as I explained in a recent Adjournment debate, but I hope it will be possible to make a statement on the subject very soon.