asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies how many British information officers there are in the British Cameroons; what staffs and offices they have; what journeys they have to take in the course of their work; and if he will consider an increase in the number of British information officers there adequate to the increasing volume of trade and industry there.

There are no United Kingdom information officers stationed in the Cameroons.

Does not the Minister consider that there should be such officers in the Cameroons? Various foreign nations are competing successfully with British trade and industry in that area and, therefore, steps should be taken to maintain and protect British trade and industry there.

I take the point that the hon. and learned Member makes. There is, however, a United Kingdom Information Office in Lagos, through which United Kingdom information material is available for distribution in the Cameroons.

Why not have an office in the Cameroons?

We have thought it necessary to concentrate on certain priorities, particularly in the emerging territories.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies if he is aware that the provision of more and better roads is a condition precedent to the development and transport of industry in Nigeria, and that the delay in taking immediate steps to effect this is putting undue burdens on the Governments of Nigeria; and what action he proposes to take.

The need for more and better roads is fully recognised here as well as in Nigeria. The Nigerian Governments have all undertaken large schemes of road development involving a total planned expenditure of more than £35 million during the period 1955–60. Colonial Development and Welfare grants of over £9 million have been made towards this.

Does not the Minister realise that the road development there is not sufficient and that it is very unfair to leave over those tasks until independence is granted in Nigeria and thereby to put large financial and other burdens on the new Government?

I am advised that development work generally in Nigeria at the present time is limited less by financial considerations than by the physical capacity to undertake the necessary work.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies if he will take steps to encourage university geology students to find holiday employment in African Colonies, so as to increase the possibility of searching for uranium deposits.

I would refer my hon. Friend to the reply given last Thursday, 23rd January, to the hon. Member for Dartford (Mr. Sydney Irving).

In that reply, my hon. Friend did not say very much about the use of the students in the holidays. Could he say a word about them?

If my hon. Friend reads that reply again, he will see that I have covered the general problem as well as I could. We are taking this matter seriously into consideration.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies which universities or university colleges in Colonial Territories have a department of geology.

I understand that there is a separate department of geology in the University of Malaya, a joint department of geography and geology in the University of Hong Kong and a lectureship in geology within the department of geography in the University College of East Africa.

In view of the importance of encouraging the search for uranium ores as much as possible, will my hon. Friend do everything he can to encourage more universities to set up geological departments?

My hon. Friend will realise that university colleges are autonomous bodies and that the responsibility for deciding what departments or courses are needed rests with their councils.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies on what grounds representatives of national movements in Colonial Territories were refused permission to attend the Afro-Asian Conference in Cairo; and what persons were subjected to this restriction.

The decisions referred to were taken by the Governments concerned in the exercise of their discretion. No doubt they felt that attendance at this Communist-inspired meeting would not be in the best interest of their territories, a view which I would regard as entirely justified. Persons from several African territories were refused facilities for travel.

Does the right hon. Gentleman think it proper that we should assume these God-like obligations of deciding where a person shall and shall not go, what he shall or shall not hear or see? Is the Secretary of State aware that the effect of these prohibitions has been to bring support to the Cairo Conference and a meeting of 7,000 in Zanzibar to a much greater degree than permission to these delegations would have aroused?

I do not agree at all. These God-like responsibilities, as the hon. Member calls them, are spread over a number of very responsible Governments.

Does not the right hon. Gentleman agree that what is forbidden becomes much more attractive?

Not always.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies what progress has been made in the last two years in making British Honduras less dependent on imported foodstuffs.

A pilot scheme for the mechanical cultivation of rice has been most successful, and has now reached the stage where it is ready for expansion. Sufficient land and irrigation are now available to produce all the rice required in the Territory. The Government have also assisted the livestock industry, both by providing finance for improvement of pasture and by subsidising the import of animals of approved stock.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies what advice has been given by Her Majesty's Government to the Governments of Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland on the execution of the provisions of the Constitution Amendment Act and the proposals contained in the Federal Electoral Bill.

None, Sir.

In view of what has happened in the Central African Federation since the original Bill amending the constitution was introduced, the deep antagonism of the African population towards these Measures, and the renewed appeal of the African Affairs Board, will not the right hon. Gentleman reconsider this attitude before it is too late?

That is quite another matter. I have answered the Question on the Order Paper.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies (1) how many Sudanese living in Uganda have been arrested between 1st November, 1957, and 31st December, 1957; how many have been convicted and how many released; how many were still under arrest awaiting trial on 1st January, 1958; and what charges have been brought against them;

No Sudanese living in Uganda were arrested in November or December, 1957, none was convicted and none released. On 1st January, 1958, three Sudanese were under arrest, all charged with murder and attempted murder. One, John Lobur Lopiti—possibly the same man as John Itilai, who is not known—was released on 6th January. Two Sudanese, one being Lachaka Lomiang, remain in custody pending the decisions of the courts on applications for their extradition to the Sudan. An application on behalf of Lachaka for a writ of habeas corpus is sub judice.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that there is a certain degree of disquiet at the fact that Sudanese are held under arrest in Uganda for political crimes which they may have committed in southern Sudan during the unrest there a year ago? Can he assure me that, as his Answer seems to indicate, this is not the case?

I am also concerned about the delay in settling this matter, due to the difficulty of obtaining the necessary documents and evidence from the Sudan, but we are anxious to behave as good neighbours to the Sudan.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies the declared political objects of Kiama Kia Muingi in Kenya; to what extent its members have committed acts of violence; on what grounds it has been made illegal; and the maximum penalties for membership and leadership of the organisation.

Kiama Kia Muingi is a secret society and has no publicly declared objects. Its aims are, however, known to be similar to those of Mau Mau, and are directed to undermining the position of Africans who have helped to keep the peace. Since these Africans form the backbone of administration in the Central Province, the society is a danger to good government, and for this reason it was declared unlawful. It has not been allowed to develop to the stage where its members, as such, have committed violence. The maximum penalties for membership and leadership of an unlawful society are 7 and 14 years' imprisonment respectively.

Does the right hon. Gentleman really think that the imposition of 7 years' imprisonment for membership of an organisation and 14 years' imprisonment on leaders of an organisation whose members have taken a vow of non-violence is the best method to create good relations between the races in Kenya?

The hon. Member, perhaps not for the first time, has got his facts wrong. The Committee of K.K.M. has been compiling a list of Africans and their families who helped in the fight against Mau Mau, with a view to revenge later. Eighty-five were originally arrested, of whom 42 were released. Of the remainder, 13 were restricted to living in certain districts and others were restricted to villages within their district. No one has been prosecuted for membership or leadership. The Government of Kenya and I do not intend that this organisation should become an extensive threat.

Is it not a fact that all this has developed because of unemployment? Will the right hon. Gentleman turn his attention to the 10,000 or 20,000 detainees, now coming back to Kiambu and other parts of the territory, who are unemployed? Will he do something about that source of discontent?

My attention is constantly directed to that, and so is that of the Government of Kenya. I hope that the hon. Member will direct his attention to the 51,000 Kikuyu who have been found work in Kiambu.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies the numbers of people, Europeans, Asians and Africans, respectively, who have been declared prohibited immigrants in Kenya during the five year period 1953–57.

I am circulating in the OFFICIAL REPORT the figures for Europeans and Asians from 1953 to 1956. Figures for 1957 are not yet available. Separate figures for Africans are not available.

I look forward to seeing those figures. Can the Minister confirm that the Government's actual powers in this field are just like those of a headmaster expelling boys from school? Is it not the fact that the Minister himself automatically confirms any decision made by the Governor? Can the Minister tell us in this House why it sometimes happens that people like Mr. George Hauser or Mr. Basil Davidson are not allowed to enter these territories?

It would be grossly improper for me to disclose confidential information that passes between the Governor and myself. The most I can say is that the Governor arrived at a decision after consultation with the Executive Council, on which there are many unofficial representatives.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he is aware of the discontent felt by the majority of civil servants in Mauritius respecting the recommendations of the Working Party which have prejudiced acquired rights of serving officers regarding conditions of service and leave privileges; and whether, before taking any irrevocable step, he will have this matter fully discussed with the trade unions concerned.

I am aware that certain differences of opinion which normally arise from a salaries revision have resulted in political controversy. Ministers in Mauritius have, however, shown courage in dealing with these in a non-party spirit. Such problems as arise out of the detailed implementation of the Working Party's recommendations are now being discussed in a friendly atmosphere in the Central Whitley Council in Mauritius.

Does the hon. Gentleman understand that that blah-blah reply is very far removed from the truth, in so far as the trade unions themselves have made representations? [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh."] I am making it clear that the hon. Gentleman is making an honest statement as far as he is concerned. I am speaking of the sort of things given to him. Does the hon. Gentleman appreciate that our complaint here is on a matter of high principle in trade unionism—that trade unions should be allowed to negotiate collectively? Does the hon. Gentleman appreciate that there has been interrogation and victimisation of individual people to get them to sign on the dotted line? Have not the Government enough trouble with trade unions at home without seeking it abroad?

I am afraid that I must reply at some length. I understand the hon. Member's problem, but he is suffering under some misconception. There has not been negotiation in the normal terms which he has in mind. A salaries Commission was set up under a Commissioner. The Commission made a Report and a Working Party was set up to go into the whole structure of the Civil Service in Mauritius. These two bodies reported to the Executive Council and the Legislative Council, and the Reports were eventually accepted. The result of these Reports, as is always done in these conditions in Colonial Territories, were presented to those concerned and they were given a six weeks' period to decide whether they liked to stay on the old terms or come under the new terms. Therefore, there was no negotiation in the way in which the hon. Member thinks there has been.

Is not that the whole weakness and the cause of the trouble? Is it not the case that a Federation civil servant was not included as a member of the Working Party, that the civil servants had no opportunity of making representations, and that an attempt was made to implement this so-called settlement without negotiation with them? Does the hon. Gentleman not think that this points to a great weakness which needs to be removed?

I do not think so. There is a basic misconception here. There has been no departure from normal practice in these matters in Colonial Territories. The procedure was adopted in exactly the same way last year in Fiji and only recently in Somaliland, where a six weeks' period was also given. This procedure is similar to that of the Chorley and Priestley Commissions in this country.

With great respect, how can it be similar to the Priestley Commission in this country, whose Report was discussed with the trade union movement? Is not the complaint here that after the Report was made it was implemented without discussion with the Civil Service trade union?

It would be dangerous to draw too close an analogy, because the Civil Service trade union there represents only 15 per cent. of the Civil Service. It is very immature indeed. There have been negotiations but at one stage the staff side walked out of the negotiations. It is because there are still detailed problems to be settled that the Government of Mauritius, including all the new Ministers, have decided to leave the Working Party set up so that there can be negotiations on small outstanding matters. I believe that this matter has been blown up by political agitation in Mauritius and I am sure that the hon. Member would not wish to lend his hand to that.

rose—

Order, if the hon. Member for Leeds, West (Mr. C. Pannell) wishes to follow up this matter, he should give notice to raise it on the Adjournment.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he will explain the differentiation of treatment meted out to higher technical officers in Mauritius with an increase of 28 per cent. against the grant of only 9 per cent. to junior civil servants.

Before the recent revision, the salaries and conditions of service of higher administrative, professional and technical officers in Mauritius did not bear comparison with those offered in other similar territories or in comparable employment outside Government service in Mauritius itself. Apart from any consideration of equity it was rapidly becoming impossible to attract into the Mauritius Government Service an adequate number of officers of the required ability and experience to fill these posts.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that it needed the threat of a general strike on the island to get the Working Party set up at all, and that it needed the intervention of the Trades Union Congress here and of the I.C.F.T.U. to get that threat of a general strike withdrawn? Is he also aware that they are dealing with the higher grades purely on a matter of professional competence, but that they appear to be dealing with the lower grades on the basis of the law of supply and demand?

I am sorry, but I simply cannot agree with what the hon. Gentleman says.

I should like to deal with the conduct of the Postmaster-General in connection with these revisions. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh."] I am asking the Minister a question, not hon. Gentlemen opposite. May I ask the Minister why he has reduced by three weeks the time-limit fixed by the Government themselves for some of these employees to opt for the new revised standards and scales of wages? Why has he taken it upon himself to reduce that limit?

The Postmaster-General invited officers of his Department who elected to opt for the new conditions to do so by 10th January, in order that their pay sheets might be prepared in good time. The question whether they signed the option form or not was resolved by the staff side advising its members to sign.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he is aware that the increase for the lower income groups of civil servants in Mauritius is more than offset by a reduction of local and overseas leave privileges; and why the Government have fixed a time limit for acceptance of option forms by 31st January, 1958.

The lower grades of the Mauritius Civil Service have received an increase of between 18 and 50 per cent. of their existing previous basic pay. The previous cost of living allowance has been consolidated with basic pay giving an average increase of about 6 per cent. in actual cash earned and increasing pension entitlement by an average of some 15 per cent. A five-day week is to be introduced to the extent that this is practicable. In these circumstances I feel sure that the hon. Member will agree with the decision taken by Mauritius Ministers that some curtailment of existing leave privileges—which amount at present to sixty days a year for the lower grades—is not unreasonable and is more than offset by increases in salary and pensionable earnings.

Why was the date of opting apparently fixed deliberately at least seven days before the trade unions were known to be meeting to consider this offer? Why did the Postmaster-General anticipate that by three weeks? Is the hon. Gentleman aware, before he gives me any more replies, that I have been pursuing this matter with his Department for four months, that I have been acting in an official capacity and have all the evidence he has received?

I have given fairly full replies to the hon. Gentleman's Questions, and as this matter is now back, where it should be, with the Whitley Council, I hope that we shall not try to stir up any political agitation here—I know that the hon. Gentleman does not mean to do so—because it is back in its proper channels and we ought to leave it there.

Is not it clear from the answers given that there is a very imperfect understanding in the island of how the Whitley machinery ought to work? [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh."] The Under-Secretary made that clear. Will he consider sending out to the island somebody expert in the administration and running of Whitley machinery, so that both sides may know what is within its ambit?

I cannot accept what the hon. Gentleman says. If I have not been able to explain clearly enough, that is my fault, but there is no misunderstanding of the Whitley machinery. Misunderstanding has arisen from the fact that the hon. Gentleman and his hon. Friend imagine that something has taken place which has not taken place. With regard to the last part of the hon. Gentleman's supplementary question, a member of the Trades Union Congress has recently been to Mauritius, and this happened following the visit which I paid there myself. It has been extremely valuable, as I think the hon. Gentleman will agree.

On a point of order. In view of the nature of the reply, which is completely unsatisfactory, I beg to give notice that I will pursue this matter on the Adjournment.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies what reply has been given by the Government of the Bahamas to the request of the taxi-drivers' union that an independent chairman be appointed for an arbitration on the general strike.

Before the strike, agreement had been reached in the dispute between the Bahamas Taxi-Cab Union—an association of taxi owners and drivers—and the tour companies on 19 of the 20 points under dispute. At the request of the parties, who agreed to accept his choice, the Governor named a three-man Arbitral Tribunal which he was prepared to appoint to settle this one outstanding matter. The Taxi-Cab Union then raised objections to the persons nominated and requested that the Governor-in-Council should appoint a Commission of Inquiry. Before this proposal could be considered by the Governor-in-Council the union called for a strike of hotel employees, which led to the general strike. The Governor is prepared to set up a Tribunal, with of course an independent chairman, if the parties will agree on the points to be arbitrated and to accept the findings.

Does the Minister know whether the strike has ended today, and if so, on what terms? Will the proposed transport authority prohibit the colour bar, and is it not true, although the Minister has denied it on several occasions in this House, that a colour bar does exist in the Bahamas? Also, was not the origin of the strike the fact that the taxi-drivers were being driven out of the one well-paid job which the colour bar had not yet entered?

I will answer general Questions afterwards on the strike itself.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies for what reasons the British frigate "Ulster" was sent to the Bahamas; and if he will make a statement.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he will make a statement on the situation arising from the general strike at Nassau.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies if he will make a statement about the position arising out of the strike in the Bahamas.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies if he is aware of the deteriorating situation in the Bahamas; and whether he will appoint a Commission of Inquiry to investigate conditions upon the islands.

The strike in the Bahamas originated from a dispute between two conflicting commercial interests and not from one between employers and employees. Stoppages of work by employees in public and private services, including the hotels, have since taken place. There has been no violence or disorder but as a precaution a company of troops has been flown in from Jamaica. This has provided much needed relief for the local police. H.M.S. "Ulster" went to Nassau for the purpose of providing technicians to maintain essential services. Utilities such as electricity and water have continued uninterrupted. Meetings have been taking place between representatives of the parties involved under impartial chairmanship. The Governor has been making continuous efforts to get the parties concerned to effect a settlement and, although I have no details as yet, I am glad to say that the strike is ending today.

May I repeat the question I asked a few moments ago and ask, in particular, if the colour bar did not lead to the exclusion of coloured men from this job? Would the right hon. Gentleman himself support the setting up of a Royal Commission, which is recommended not only by the body mentioned but also by the Caribbean representative of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions?

I have already dealt with that in my answer.

Since the Minister himself used the formula that this dispute was originally between two commercial interests and not between workers and employers, does not the fact that the strike was supported by all the organised workers in the Colony indicate that this goes very much deeper? Does he not realise, therefore, that it is high time we looked into the entire question of the legal recognition of trade unions in that territory? Will he give serious consideration to the question of appointing a Royal Commission or some other form of official inquiry into the question of trade union status, race relations and a new constitution giving more equitable representation in the Assembly?

I very much agree that some of the considerations which the hon. Member has advanced are very relevant and make a decision one way or the other all the more important. It is because of some of the issues which he mentioned that I would like time and a calmer atmosphere in which to make up my mind.

Is not the action of the taxi drivers a symptom of deep underlying conditions—bad housing, bad wages, the colour bar, no coloured man on the Executive Council? Does not the constitution need to be considered and ought there not to be a Commission, on the lines of the Elliot Commission to Kenya, with power to ask questions and to take evidence and to prepare a White Paper for the House to examine?

It would be oversimplifying the matter to dismiss it quite like that. The rights and wrongs in this matter are by no means exclusively on any one side In the talks, agreement was reached on 19 of the 20 issues, which would have led to a large increase in work for the Taxi-Cab Union, nut I am anxious not to anticipate any decision which I may reach by giving off-the-cuff answers today.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies what proposal he has in mind for extending the basis of the franchise in the Bahamas.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he will call the attention of the Governor of the Bahamas to the desirability of establishing adult suffrage and equal constituencies in the Bahamas, when questions of constitutional reforms are being considered there.

Electoral legislation is a matter for the Bahamas Legislature. Proposals for changes in the present basis of the franchise have not so far had the support of a majority in that Legislature. I nevertheless took the opportunity to discuss the question of franchise and constituencies when delegations from the Bahamas House of Assembly had talks with me on constitutional matters last November.

Is the right hon. Gentleman saying that he has no power to intervene except by influence, because if that is so, the position is desperate, because the people in power at present will continue to be a self-perpetuating oligarchy unless something can be done to persuade them that it is in their financial interests, possibly, to do something to extend the franchise, abolish pocket boroughs and abolish plural voting?

The constitution in the Bahamas is very ancient and sometimes the most effective voice can be spoken by those whose power is limited to influence.

The right hon. Gentleman cannot ride off quite as easily as that. He knows better than anyone else in the House—[HON. MEMBERS: "Question"]—that the composition of the Bahamas Legislative Council—

Order. The hon. Member must ask a question, not make a speech.

I was about to ask the right hon. Gentleman whether he was aware that the constitution is so archaic that he is not likely to get any consent from the present Legislative Council to make any alterations. Will he agree that it is in such a deplorable state and that constituencies vary so much, from very small to very big, that some action will have to be taken if there is to be peace and quiet in the Bahamas?

Like many old constitutions, it could do with some changes here and there.

Again, do not all these questions and answers reveal that there is far more in the dispute than a difference between two commercial interests? While acknowledging that the Colonial Secretary has kept the way open by not accepting or rejecting the idea of an inquiry, can he tell us how soon it will be before he is ready to give an answer on that matter?

I am sure hat the hon. Member will keep on prodding me and I hope to make up my mind fairly soon.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies what steps have been taken to encourage the formation and recognition of trades unions in the Bahamas; and whether the present staff of the Labour Department there includes anyone in a senior position with experience of trade union organisation.

The Bahamas Trade Unions Act of 1943 provides for the formation and registration of unions. Trade unions are of recent growth and their recognition is primarily a matter for the two sides of industry. There is a Labour Conciliation Board on which trade unions are represented but there is no labour department.

In the circumstances in which the union of the workers in the largest industry, the hotel industry, is not recognised, is it not desirable to consider setting up a Labour Department and should not an official of some experience who might help in these matters be sent there?

Two people who went from my Department last year made it clear that in their view there should be a Labour Department. That is my view and that of the Governor of the Bahamas, but so far it has not been carried by the Legislature. I very much hope that our joint views will have some influence.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies for what reason Africans are not permitted to form cooperative societies in the tobacco industry in Nyasaland.

The marketing of the African tobacco crop is the responsibility of the Agricultural Production and Marketing Board. It is empowered to appoint agents but has not as yet so appointed any African co-operative society because tobacco processing and marketing need a particularly high degree of technical administrative and commercial knowledge, which African co-operatives in Nyasaland have not yet acquired.

Is not the Minister aware that Africans can grow tobacco only upon Trust land, that all agricultural products are controlled by the marketing and production boards, and that consequently their produce is directed to specified markets at lower prices? Is not the set-up calculated to maintain vested interests for the Europeans, to the detriment of the economic development of the African people?

No, Sir. I do not think I can add anything to the Answer I have already given the hon. Gentleman.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he has given his approval to the action of the Governments of Kenya, Uganda and Tanganyika refusing entry visas for Mr. Basil Davidson.

I have nothing to add to the reply given to the hon. and learned Member for West Ham, South (Mr. Elwyn Jones) on 23rd January.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that Mr. Davidson, a man who gave very good service to this country during the war and who exposed the full horror of the Soviet aggression in Hungary, is being treated very badly indeed? Does he not see that the action of the Trustee and Colonial Governments in refusing him admission is usurping the functions of the Colonial Office? Will the right hon. Gentleman reconsider this matter?

Certainly my functions have not been usurped. This is a matter for the discretion of the East African Governments and I have told them that I see no reason to interfere in their decisions. Like many of my predecessors on the other side of the House, I am not prepared to give any reasons why I have come to my conclusions.

Is not the right hon. Gentleman aware that there is a very widespread suspicion that it is because Mr. Basil Davidson is a well-known Socialist that he is being excluded from these territories and that as long as the Colonial Secretary maintains his attitude, he is smearing this man by the assumption that he is a Communist, although he has refused to avow it? Will he take it from those of us who know him well that Mr. Davidson is not a Communist, has not been a Communist, and has no sympathies with that party?

While refusing to be drawn into a discussion of the reasons for my decision, I can certainly say that it is not because of any association with the party opposite.

On a point of order. In view of the unsatisfactory nature of the Answer, I will try to raise the matter on the Adjournment.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies the qualifications for admission as an advocate of the Bar in Uganda, Tanganyika, and Kenya, respectively, of a person qualified as a barrister or solicitor in England; what forms of employment are permitted during any period of residential qualification; what financial assistance is granted by the Colonial Governments concerned; and what is the basis for differences in qualifications in the three Territories.

With regard to the first part of the Question, as the conditions governing admission are long and varied, I am placing copies of the relevant Advocates Ordinances in the Library.

I thank the Minister for that statement. Is he aware that the regulations, of which I hope we shall get full details, are creating a very real problem for Africans who come here in order to qualify and, having done so, are in a position where they would be allowed to practise in our courts but, on returning to their own countries, have to wait for a further substantial period—when they are not able to earn their living—before they are able to practise in the courts in their own countries? Can he look carefully into the question whether or not some change should be made in the relevant ordinances?

It would be best to wait until the hon. Gentleman has read the ordinances in the Library, and the letter which, I have told him, my right hon. Friend will send him. If he is then in any doubt I shall be only too glad to try to answer another Question on the subject.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies the proposals of Her Majesty's Government for ending the present deadlock in Cyprus.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies to what extent the partition of Cyprus is still regarded by Her Majesty's Government as a possible solution for the future of the island.

I am not yet in a position to add to my reply of 21st January.

In view of the deteriorating situation in the island, will the right hon. Gentleman say when we may expect a statement?

No, Sir, I cannot say that.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the absence of any statement is giving rise to great strains upon the island? Can he not at least refute the statement in this morning's Daily Herald that Her Majesty's Government have agreed to the stationing of Turkish troops in the island?

It is the presence of certain statements, notably one made at Brighton not long ago, which has added to the tension.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he will take steps to assure the Turkish-speaking people of Cyprus that Her Majesty's Government intends to continue to protect their interests when considering the methods of settling the problems of Cyprus.

Certainly, Sir.

Would not my right hon. Friend agree that the statement at Brighton, to which he has referred, has made a solution of any problem in Cyprus extremely difficult? Does not he agree that recent events show the danger of the Turkish population in Cyprus losing its confidence in Britain? Will he take every opportunity to reaffirm Her Majesty's Government's declaration that they intend to support the rights of all minorities in Cyprus, including the right of self-determination?

I would certainly say that a relevant consideration in Turkish minds is the attitude of possible alternative Governments in Britain.

Is it possible to ask the Colonial Secretary to treat this subject seriously and to refrain from trying to score party points, as he has tried to do several times, on issues of this kind? Will he answer my hon. Friend's perfectly fair question and give a denial to the statement in this morning's Daily Herald about what is supposed to be the Government's plan?

No responsible Minister would ever confirm or deny statements which appeared in the public Press during the process of highly intricate and inevitably secret negotiations.

On a point of order. In relation to Question No. 26, may I have permission to raise on the Adjournment the question of Turkish troops going to the island of Cyprus, a Crown Colony?

I am afraid that we have passed that Question. I will accept the hon. Member's notice of his intention to raise the matter on the Adjournment.

Further to that point of order. May I have your leave, Mr. Speaker, to raise the question of Turkish troops going to the Crown Colony of Cyprus.

We have passed from that Question. I said that I would accept the statement of the hon. Member.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies what expenditure he has incurred in maintaining law and order in Cyprus from the time of the decision to make Cyprus a military base until the end of 1957.

A sum of £5,550,000 has been provided in the Colonial Service Vote since 1956–57, the first year in which a grant-in-aid of emergency expenditure was made.

Can the hon. Gentleman tell us what we have got for this £5,550,000?

The tragedy of Cyprus cannot be measured wholly in terms of finance.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies what information he has received concerning United Nations proposals to help the Hong Kong Government over the refugee problem.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies what decisions were reached by the United Nations Refugee Emergency Fund Committee on the eligibility of the Chinese refugees in Hong Kong for assistance; and to what extent the Government of Hong Kong has implemented those decisions.

The Executive Committee of the United Nations Relief Emergency Fund referred the question of international aid for Chinese refugees in Hong Kong to the General Assembly of the United Nations without itself reaching a decision. Last November, the General Assembly adopted a resolution recognising that the problem is one of international concern and appealing to Member Governments and non-governmental organisations to give all possible assistance.

Does the right hon. Gentleman remember that the former Governor stated that no less than £19 million was spent by the Hong Kong Government in helping refugees which might otherwise have gone to improve welfare conditions in the Colony? Does he realise how very strongly the people in Hong Kong hope that something will be done to take this burden from them?

I recognise the extraordinary ingenuity and generosity with which the Government and people of Hong Kong have tackled this problem, which is largely international, and I fully understand their feelings.

Is it not the case that action for the relief of refugees is being impeded because of the confusion created by the Hambro Report in which there is a question as to whether a refugee is a de jure or a de facto refugee? Does not the Secretary of State agree that these people are refugees who need help and who need it now? Will he take steps to have this matter raised again in the General Assembly of the United Nations when it comes to deal with the future activities of the High Commissioner for Refugees?

I agree with the hon. Member that one of the complications in this matter is that, in the eyes of those Governments which still recognise the Nationalist authorities as the legal Government of China, these unfortunate people are not refugees. I hope that no one will allow legal points of that kind to hold up help where it is needed.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies what steps he is taking to ensure that Hong Kong will be included in the Common Market; and what consultation the Hong Kong Government have had on this subject with Chinese and British businessmen in Hong Kong.

The Treaty of Rome provides for the association with the Common Market only of overseas territories of the Contracting Parties and the United Kingdom is, of course, not one of these. If my hon. Friend has in mind the inclusion of Hong Kong in the proposed European Free Trade Area the position remains as explained by my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister in reply to a question by the hon. and learned Member for Brigg (Mr. E. L. Mallalieu) on 16th July last. Hong Kong, as an industrial producer, would stand to gain by being included, but it is not practicable to deal with her case in isolation from that of other territories. Representatives of the General and Chinese Chambers of Commerce in Hong Kong, and of local manufacturers, general commercial and financial interests there, have been consulted confidentially through the medium of the Trade and Industry Advisory Committee in Hong Kong.

While fully realising what my right hon. Friend has explained in his Answer, may I ask if it is not true that we are, up to a point, if not trying to join the Common Market, at least trying to come to some arrangement with it? If that is the case, would not we have to insist that our Colonies, just as much as the Colonies of the six countries in it, were included?

I think that raises a greatly different issue, but it is highly important to get clear in the heads of Members of Parliament the difference between the Common Market and the proposed Free Trade Area.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies to what extent it is his policy that the £25 million mentioned in his recent message to the Prime Minister of Malta will be forthcoming over a five-year period plus generous assistance for health and education, irrespective of whether Malta accepts integration and three Members in the British Parliament or not.

The financial arrangements negotiated with Mr. Mintoff were designed as part of the integration plan. As I told my hon. Friend on 15th February, 1956, and repeated in the debate on 26th March, 1956, the July, 1955 declaration will remain valid whatever the decision on integration may he. But the extent and form of financial aid cannot be entirely dissociated from the prevailing constitutional framework.

Does not my right hon. Friend feel that, if it is too much involved with integration, it looks a little bit like saying "Unless you have integration, you cannot have this money"? Would that be entirely fair if an election comes on in Malta?

I think it would be unfair to say that there would be no help for Malta unless there was integration but, clearly, the settlement which was almost arrived at with the Prime Minister of Malta was a settlement covering a whole number of points, and it is impossible to separate any one from the others.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies if he will invite the Prime Minister of Malta to London for discussions on the next steps to be taken to implement the integration proposals.

I shall be very shortly writing to the Prime Minister of Malta on matters of mutual concern.

Will not the right hon. Gentleman at least agree that it may be a much better way to get out of the deadlock to have personal discussions rather than to continue to try to deal with this matter by correspondence?

Sometimes meetings help more, and sometimes correspondence does.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies by what means the responsible authorities in Dominica made known the fact to all eligible persons on the island that an electoral roll was in course of preparation.

In addition to house-to-house inquiries by enumerators as required by law, registration procedure was given publicity in the Press, by religious denominations and at public meetings held for the purpose.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that, despite that fact, a very high proportion of those eligible were left off the last register, and that protests in regard to this have been sent to the Governor by both political organisations and individuals on the island? If the same register is to be used for the Federal election later this year, will not a large number of Dominicans be unable to take part in that election?

I am satisfied, as is also my right hon. Friend, that the roll is adequate. As I explained to the right hon. Member for Middlesbrough, East (Mr. Marquand) on 19th December, there was ample opportunity for the relatively small number of omissions to be rectified.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies if he is now in a position to state when a new chief justice for the Seychelles will be appointed.

No, Sir. But a selection has been made and my right hon. Friend expects to be in a position to make an announcement very shortly.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies what grant will be paid in the current year to the Government of the Seychelles to enable it to balance its budget.

My right hon. Friend is urgently considering how he can best help the Seychelles Government in its current financial difficulties and he hopes to make a statement in the near future.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that these so-called current financial difficulties have been going on for a very long time? Before pouring any more money down this drain, is it not important that the Seychelles fiscal system should be put in order? Does not that indicate the urgency of the Surridge Report, which we hope we shall be seeing soon?

We shall be seeing that Report in the not-too-distant future, but when I talk about the current financial position, I mean the current financial position.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies when he will be able to make a statement regarding his discussions with the Governor, the European elected members, and the African National Congress of Northern Rhodesia, respectively, about the future constitutional changes in that Protectorate.

The Governor is still holding local consultations preparatory to putting forward proposals to me and I am not yet in a position to make a statement.

Is the Minister in a position at least to give this House an assurance that he will not tolerate a two-tier system of voting for the elected proportion? Further, is he aware that there is no African on the Executive Council of the Colony, and, also, that the Africans would like parity at the next election? Will he bear some of these points in mind?

If I were to answer those three questions, I should be going a long way towards answering the Question itself.

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies under whose auspices the recent inquiry into the allegations of ill-treatment by Tan Juat Seng and Tan Bok Teng was held; against whom the allegations were made; how many members composed the committee of inquiry; and how many of them were members of the police department of Singapore.

The inquiry into the allegations by these detainees that they had been ill-treated by members of the Singapore police was ordered by the Commissioner of Police. It was conducted by the head of the administration section of the special branch of the Singapore Police, and its results were considered by the Commissioner of Police, the Attorney-General, the Chief Minister and the Governor, who all endorsed its conclusion that the allegations were not substantiated.

Is the Minister telling us that the people who are accused were the people who acted as judges in this case? If so, is he aware that not only have we to do justice but to show clearly that justice is being done, and that that cannot be done if the accused are the people who are to act as judges in the case?

My right hon. Friend has accepted the conclusions. If anybody was accused, it was the police. It was certainly not the Attorney-General, the Chief Minister or the Governor.