asked the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations and the Colonies what reply he has now sent to the formal request from the Government of India that Her Majesty's Government should intervene to secure the release of Mr. Joshua Nkomo in Southern Rhodesia.

Since the British Government are not responsible for the internal affairs of Southern Rhodesia, we have suggested to the Government of India that they might consider approaching the Southern Rhodesia Government direct through the Indian Commissioner in Salisbury.

Does not the Secretary of State agree that this country still has ultimate responsibility for the position in this Territory and that the influence that we can wield is greater, therefore, than that which can be exercised by India? Cannot he say what he is going to do to secure the release of Mr. Nkomo? Does not the right hon. Gentleman agree that there can be no real peace in this Territory until Mr. Nkomo and other political leaders now in gaol are allowed to return to political life?

That raises a much wider question. The Question on the Order Paper, to which I have given a reply, related to a communication from the Indian Government.

As we are not responsible for the internal affairs of Southern Rhodesia, may we have an explicit promise that none of the affairs of Southern Rhodesia will be discussed by the Prime Ministers at the Commonwealth Prime Ministers' Conference unless in front of the Prime Minister of Southern Rhodesia?

I think that that supplementary question is as far removed from the Question on the Order Paper as the last supplementary question.

Bearing in mind that it is reported that 1,000 settlers are leaving Southern Rhodesia a week—there are now 200,000—and that there are 4 million Africans for whom we have responsibility, could not the Government join with the Government of India in making representations?

As I have explained, we have no responsibility for the internal affair of Southern Rhodesia. I think that the House understands the position quite well.

Will my right hon. Friend remind the Indian Government that the trouble here is that Mr. Nkomo has refused to take the opportunities open to him to fight constitutionally and that that is why he is under detention?

If the Minister agrees that he is giving good advice to the Indian Government in asking them to make direct representations to Southern Rhodesia, would he act on that good advice, and can he assure us that he will make direct representations to the Government of Southern Rhodesia? Can he also assure us that the British Government will take up the same enlightened attitude as the Indian Government?

I think the House knows well that we are very anxious to see a peaceful and honourable settlement of the political problem in Southern Rhodesia, and we have made it quite clear that we are prepared to do anything we can to achieve that.

On a point of order, Mr. Speaker. Since we have no responsibility for the internal affairs of Southern Rhodesia, how is it that Questions such as this are allowed on the Order Paper?

The Question relates to a formal communication from the Government of India, and for that reason the Question became in order.

asked the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations and the Colonies what arrangements have been made for 154 Hereros who have crossed into Bechuanaland from Southwest Africa; and if the status of refugees will be accorded to them.

They have been issued with temporary residence permits for 6 months. Their residence is restricted to a radius of 12 miles from Makunda. They have not claimed refugee status.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that three of these individuals are prohibited immigrants and, as such, come within the terms of political refugees; and that another 147 of them, if not political refugees, have been driven from South-West Africa because the land has been appropriated, under the Bantustan system, to Europeans? That being so, will something be done for them? They cannot gain a livelihood within 12 miles of Makunda and, if driven back to South-West Africa, they are liable to a sentence of three years' imprisonment, with six strokes of the cane each. Will the Government do something to save them from that?

The maximum penalty for leaving the Republic or South-West Africa is, in fact, two years' imprisonment. Nine of the immigrants have returned of their own accord, and no report has been received of any punitive action taken against them at all. I therefore do not think that these people are in danger, but if they establish that they are political refugees, naturally, they will not be returned to South Africa.

asked the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations and the Colonies whether he authorised the speech made by Sir Brian Marwick at the end of April on the situation in Swaziland.

No, Sir.

Would my hon. Friend agree that it is wrong for the Queen's Commissioner publicly to criticise the Swazi Ruler? Is he aware that the new Constitution, which was overwhelmingly rejected in the referendum, is the sole reason why the Ngwenyama has had to descend into the political arena?

This did not purport to be a statement of British policy. Sir Brian Marwick made it quite clear that it contained only his personal reflections at the end of a lifetime of Government service, most of which had been spent in Swaziland.

Is the Minister aware that there will be widespread support, as I think, on both sides of the House for the views expressed by Sir Brian Marwick on the possibility of constitutional development in Swaziland?

asked the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations and the Colonies how many officers and men there are in the Swaziland police force; and how many of them were born, educated, or formerly resided, respectively, in South Africa.

The answer to the first part of the question is 438, and to the second, 62.

Is it made crystal clear to all members of the Swaziland police force that they owe allegiance to a Government who oppose apartheid, and that it is no part of their task to collaborate in applying the laws of apartheid which, unfortunately, temporarily prevails in the surrounding country?

I do not know whether the hon. Member is suggesting that the loyalty of these officers and men is in question but, if so, I must say that I am entirely satisfied that there is no foundation for that statement at all.

asked the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations and the Colonies if he will now make a statement on constitutional developments in Malta.

asked the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations and the Colonies (1) if he has considered the request of the Leader of the Opposition in Malta for further consultations with the representatives of the political parties in the Island on the question of independence, in view of the inconclusive electoral decision;

asked the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations and the Colonies in view of the fact that the defence factor in the future of Malta is necessarily unpredictable over a period of years, to what extent the British Government is prepared to help Malta to change her economic structure to one based on competitiveness in world markets and to implement the recommendations of the Report of the United Nations Economic Team under Professor Stolper which they have had in their possession since April, 1963, and which is the basis of Malta's second five year plan begun in April, 1964.

I have promised to make a general statement about Malta as soon as the present talks are concluded.

Can my right hon. Friend say whether it is possible to reach a conclusion on Malta's Constitution until we know what long-term financial help Malta will receive from this country? Is it really fair to ask the Prime Minister of Malta ever here and keep him here for several weeks when, apparently, the Treasury has not made up its mind on this matter?

I do not think that is a correct representation of the position. I suggested to the Prime Minister that he should return to Malta about a fortnight ago while further discussions were proceeding between officials, but he thought it desirable that he should stay here. The question of finance is being discussed, but it is only one of the matters that are under discussion.

As the constitutional conference arises from the recent visit of observers of the referendum to Malta, can the Secretary of State say when the observers' reports will be published?

I shall inform the House of the views expressed by the observers when I make my general statement.

asked the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations and the Colonies what steps he is now taking to associate the political leaders in Aden Colony with the constitutional discussions on the South Arabian Federation.

asked the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations and the Colonies if he will make a statement on the constitutional conference on the Federation of Southern Arabia.

asked the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations and the Colonies if he will make a statement on the conference on constitutional advance in the South Arabian Federation.

The talks started on 9th June, and are still proceeding. With regard to representation at the conference, I have already explained the position fully to the House.

Will the Secretary of State reconsider the question of consulting the representatives of the political parties from Aden? Further, as those representatives are not being consulted in any way, can an assurance be given that no elections will be held in Aden by the Federation except with the consent of this Government?

The Federation does not hold elections in Aden. With regard to the position of the other parties, the P.S.P. has stated recently that the British Government are well aware of its views already. That is perfectly correct. I had a long meeting with members of the P.S.P. when I was in Aden. I think that I can say to the House that most of the views held by the different political parties in Aden are represented in one way or the other at the conference—I do not say fully, but to a large extent. In so far as their views are not being advocated there, we are fully aware of them, and will, of course, take them into account.

Can the Secretary of State say that the Federation itself will not be given power to hold up elections, but that if the people of Aden want elections, elections can be held?

It is not a matter for the Federation to decide when elections are to be held in Aden.

Is it not utterly unrealistic to go ahead with a conference of this sort without any really representative element from the Aden Colony? Whilst the views of the P.S.P. may be known to the right hon. Gentleman, is it not quite unreal to hold a conference without these people being represented? Will he give an assurance that at the conference he will try to promote democratic advance in the Protectorate States?

That is, of course, the purpose of the conference, and is in accord with the wishes of the people about whom the hon. Member speaks.

Prior to the conference were there consultations with the leaders of the several parties in Aden? Further, can the right hon. Gentleman indicate the likely termination of the conference?

I cannot say. It would be very rash to try to say when these conferences will be likely to come to an end. We are making progress. It is difficult enough, I can assure the House, to get the agreement of representatives of 14 separate States, many of whom have quite different views from one another. As to prior consultation with the political parties in Aden, I myself went to Aden the other day. I received delegations from all the political groups in Aden but, in order to ensure that they had an additional opportunity to express their views, I arranged for my hon. Friend the Under-Secretary of State to go out to Aden before the conference and make himself available to receive the views of any political parties that wished to add anything to what they had already told me.

Would the right hon. Gentleman agree that in the development of Southern Arabia it is most important that Her Majesty's Government should avoid the errors which were committed at the time of the setting up of the Central African Federation when a large and important body of opinion was ignored? It is true that there are many different points of view, but is the right hon. Gentleman satisfied that all important political points of view are being considered and taken into account in this development?

Yes, I am. All important political views are being taken into account.

asked the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations and the Colonies which of the Rulers of the States of the South Arabian Federation at present attending the London Conference were appointed to their position by Her Majesty's Government.

None, Sir.

Is it not a fact that, over the last few years, four of the Rulers of States have been deposed by the British Government? Can the right hon. Gentleman say how, in the absence of any kind of democratic structure in these States, new Rulers have been appointed?

It varies from State to State, but the normal method of appointing a Ruler is for the tribes to appoint the Ruler in accordance with tribal custom. After that, the British Government recognise the new Ruler. That is the procedure.

If the normal practice of the British Government is to recognise a Ruler whom the tribe appoints, how is it that the British Government take the right to depose a Ruler? Does not this totally disclose the nature of the London conference now going on?

That has nothing to do with it.

asked the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations and the Colonies whether he will make a statement on the present situation on the South Arabian-Yemen border.

In recent weeks there have been no open violations of Federal territory by Yemeni forces, though arms and other supplies continue to be sent from the Yemen to the rebels in the Radfan mountains.

Have any overtures been made by the rebels in the Radfan area? If so, should not the policy of Her Majesty's Government be flexible in response to such overtures?

The right hon. Gentleman's Question dealt with the border. This is a different matter. Certain approaches have been made, but I do not wish to encourage too high hopes that these will lead to an immediate cessation of the hostilities. Naturally, not only we but the Federal Government, who are primarily concerned in this matter, are anxious to encourage any steps which would lead to the ending of this trouble.

Does the right hon. Gentleman think that the policy of inducing the rebels in the Radfan area to submit to their feudal authorities by deliberately starving out their women and children—[HON. MEMBERS: "Oh!"]

That is admitted.

—and that has been admitted by the Minister of Defence—is a policy conducive to a successful political settlement of the problems of the area? Will the right hon. Gentleman assist a political settlement by announcing that the person responsible for this crime against humanity will be dismissed and punished?

The hon. Member's supplementary question is not related to the one on the Order Paper. All I would say is that he has presented a wholly distorted picture of the position and one which I can only imagine is calculated to cause mischief and do damage.

On a point of order. I understood the Minister to say that my question was calculated to do mischief and damage. May I suggest to you, Mr. Speaker, that that is an imputation of a dishonourable and malicious motive which the right hon. Gentleman has no right to make?

The right hon. Gentleman is at liberty to say that. I do not say that it is right or wrong, but I think that it is permissible.

On a point of order. Is it in order for hon. Members to impute dishonourable motives?

I think that the words were "calculated to" which means prima facie "that is the result of". [HON. MEMBERS: "No."] It is quite capable of meaning that, and if that is so I must not construe it in a worse form.

With respect, may I suggest that it is the intention that counts? If the intention has the result which my hon. Friend the Member for Ashfield (Mr. Warbey) suggested, I submit that it should be ruled out of order.

I do not think that the words used were out of order, for the reason which I have given.

asked the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations and the Colonies, in agreeing to make further financial contributions to the University College of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, what guarantees he secured that the College will in future be multiracial in character; and what evidence he obtained regarding the extent to which the college is at present open to students of all races.

I would refer the hon. Member to the reply given by my right hon. Friend to my hon. Friend the Member for Wembley, South (Sir R. Russell) on 4th June.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that that Answer did not state how many places at the college would be kept open to Africans from other Territories? In view of the fact that the Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland authorities have dissociated themselves from this college, and in view of the substantial contribution made by the United Kingdom towards the build-up of the college, have guarantees been given that proportional places will be kept at the college for Africans from other African Territories?

If the hon. Member will refer to the agreed statement which was made by both the British Government and the Southern Rhodesia Government, he will find that the multi-racial character of the university was written into that and also into the college charter. I therefore think that a further guarantee will be unnecessary.

Has final agreement now been reached on who is responsible for the control of the university? Is it one of the Federal assets which has passed over completely into the control of the Southern Rhodesia Government, which would be highly unsatisfactory to many of us? What arrangements have been finally arrived at?

Control of the university is now the responsibility of the Southern Rhodesia Government.

asked the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations and the Colonies if he will make a statement on the situation in British Guiana.

Since my statement yesterday I have received reports of some further acts of inter-racial violence. But the situation is generally quiet.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that those of us who are receiving communications from British Guiana have no doubt at all that it is the desire of the overwhelming mass of the people that racial conflict shall end? Is not it the case that if a bitter political controversy recurs, that conflict will also recur? Will the right hon. Gentleman, therefore, again consider the proposal of some Commonwealth intervention in this matter? Will he consider, for example, a proposal for a Commonwealth committee of conciliation, representative of both India and an African country, which would appeal to the races in this territory and, with the backing of the people who want a settlement of this problem, would provide a constructive way of reaching a solution?

I answered several Questions on that point at Question Time yesterday. I have nothing to add to what I said then.

Is not it the case that the result of the action of the Governor in making some of these arrests is to alter the balance of the parties in the Legislative Assembly? What is the right hon. Gentleman's comment on that situation? How does he think that the Government can carry on? Secondly, will the right hon. Gentleman say again, when he has considered the matter afresh, whether any charges are to be brought against those who have been arrested? Is he aware that if he continues to back actions of this nature whilst rejecting any proposals from any quarter for trying to seek a different constitutional settlement, we can only draw the conclusion that his actions are calculated to cause mischief and damage?

I thought that the last point was a fair retort.

And not a slimy one.

On the question of a majority in the Legislature, the Governor, naturally, did not choose those people to be detained in the interests of public safety with any regard to what their functions or positions were. He had to deal with a difficult security situation and I do not think that it would have been right for him to treat differently people whom, in the interest of public safety, he considered should be detained, just because they were members of the Legislative Assembly.

asked the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations and the Colonies what agreement has now been reached between the major parties for a Coalition Government in British Guiana.

None, Sir.

For a start, should not a word of public thanks be given to Dr. Eric Williams for trying at least to bring the two parties in British Guiana together? Second, was it absolutely clear, before the present state of emergency was declared, that Dr. Williams's attempts had entirely failed to bring the two parties together? Third, what attempts are still going on, despite the emergency, to bring the two parties together for this, the only possible long-term solution for British Guiana?

I have already said in the House how warmly I welcomed Dr. Williams's efforts in trying to bring the parties together. I welcome also the efforts made by Sir Alexander Bustamante and by Mr. Barrow from Barbados. Since Dr. Williams's last effort, Mr. Burnham, in the Legislative Assembly, put forward a proposal for a Coalition Government. This was not accepted by Dr. Jagan, who put forward a counter-proposal, which has not been accepted by Mr. Burnham. That is the position.

Is it not a fact that, after quite long negotiations, first the mission from Ghana, then the continued efforts of Dr. Eric Williams and others, the margin of difference on a proposal for a coalition is now very small indeed and "that, if the right hon. Gentleman and the Government had been exerting their pressure to get an agreement about a coalition, it would not have been necessary to impose the emergency powers?

That is not right—

Yes, it is.

—and it is very unfair.

No, it is not.

I have been doing everything I could for two years now to try to get these people to work together, both at two conferences in London and at meetings which I had myself in Georgetown. Dr. Williams has tried. The West Indian leaders have tried. The Ghanaian good will mission has tried. Every effort has been made. It is no good saying that the differences are very slight. They may be slight. But they are the difference between each one's calculation as to what is in the best interests of his party.

asked the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations and the Colonies what representations he has received from the United Kingdom Citizens' Association about the financial problems of the retired officers and officers' widows and other ranks who are British citizens and who remained in India after independence; and if he will give assistance to the Association to enable it to help these persons.

None, Sir. The second part of the Question does not, therefore, arise.

As my right hon. Friend has ducked this Question, will my hon. Friend ask my right hon. Friend to fight the battle for these people with the Treasury? I have a great respect for my right hon. Friend's courage, but I wish that he would exercise it on the Treasury instead of in other aspects of our Commonwealth life? Many of these people have been extremely badly treated by the Treasury, which I am sure is not my right hon. Friend's wish, so why does not he get on with putting a bit of real stimulus under the Treasury to do what ought to be done?

If my hon. Friend is referring—

To everything.

—to the inability of those resident in India to receive pensions increases under British legislation, I can only reply that this is a problem which has been very carefully considered on many occasions. A great many factors are involved, and it has not been found feasible.

So much the worse.

asked the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations and the Colonies how many places under the official scheme for providing hostels for overseas students have been provided for students at local authority technical colleges.

The allocation of places under the Overseas Students Welfare Expansion Programme is based on the individual needs of students, not on the type of course which they are studying. The figures for which the hon. Gentleman asks are not, therefore, available. But I can assure him that students at local authority technical colleges are treated in the same way as all other students.

Is it not essential, if we are to play our part in the development and expansion of the economies of the under-developed countries, that we should give places in our technical colleges and hostel accommodation so that we can help to produce technicians of the grade necessary for the development of these territories?

I entirely agree about the importance which we attach to this. Hence, the expansion of the hostel programme to which I have referred. I assure the hon. Gentleman also that technical college students are regarded as a very important group in this connection.

Does not the hon. Gentleman know that provision of this kind is time and time again being cut out of local authority building programmes because it is considered not very important, although it is almost impossible to find accommodation for these people, particularly in many of our large towns? Will he have further consultations with the Ministry of Education to see how provision of this kind could be speeded up?

I am always ready to consider any suggestions such as the one the hon. Lady makes, and I shall certainly look at any possible improvements which might be made, in conjunction with my hon. Friend at the Ministry of Education.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that local authorities which have wished to take advantage of the scheme in order to provide hostel accommodation for overseas students at their technical colleges have had their plans turned down by the Government?

The point about the rules for the hostel programme, the O.S.W.E.P. scheme as it was explained to Parliament, was that one condition should be the provision of a certain proportion of the funds from voluntary organisations. If that condition were to be fulfilled through the local authorities, then, perhaps, one might be able to give help under this scheme to students at technical colleges.

asked the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations and the Colonies what progress has been made as a result of the conferences of July, 1963, and February, 1964, in London of member Governments of the South Pacific Commission.

Discussions have been in progress for some time about modifications of the Agreement establishing the South Pacific Commission, to provide in particular for the admission of Western Samoa to membership.

As the discussion has been going on for some time, has any thought been given to the possibility of a regional council acting on behalf of the bigger council so that it could meet more frequently than once every three months?

This really is a regional council, constituted as it is. I acknowledge the delay, but I hope that it will be possible to make an announcement before long.

asked the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations and the Colonies when the geenral election in Aden will take place.

Not later than 25th October, 1964.

Does the right hon. Gentleman recall that the last elections took place as far back as 1958, on a 25 per cent. poll, and twice since then they have been postponed by Her Majesty's Government? Will he now give a firm assurance that there will be no further postponement and that they will, in fact, take place on 25th October?

I have no thought of taking any action to postpone them further.

asked the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations and the Colonies what restrictions are imposed on the grant of licences to publish a newspaper in Aden; and why such a licensing system is required.

The grant of licences is at the discretion of the Chief Minister of Aden State. He has explained that among the factors he takes into account when considering applications are the financial, technical and literary capabilities of applicants, the supply and demand for publications in Aden and considerations of security.

After all that rigmarole, will the hon. Gentleman tell us why the People's Socialist Party in Aden is not allowed to publish a newspaper?

I understand that the application of that party to do so is at present under consideration by the Aden Government.

Will the hon. Gentleman tell us what qualification the Government have for judging the literary capabilities of the editors of a Socialist paper?

That is not a question for me. It is a question for the Chief Minister of Aden State.

asked the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations and the Colonies whether he will make a statement on the present situation in Cyprus.

My right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary will be speaking about the Cyprus problem in the debate this afternoon. On the general situation, I have nothing to add to my statement to the House on 2nd June.

asked the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations and the Colonies whether he is aware that mass meetings of citizens in St. Vincent have passed resolutions of no confidence in the island's Administrator for his refusal to dissolve the Legislature and order new elections; and what action he is taking to investigate the further corruption and fraud which the resolutions allege against the island's government.

The answer to the first part is "Yes, Sir" and to the second "None".

Does this mean that the Government are going to leave things exactly as they are in St. Vincent? Is it not the case that all possible evidence shows that there ought to be some form of public inquiry to see whether such charges as the wrongful sale of public land to private friends of the Government which are being bandied about have any grounds in fact? Would it not be much better to clear the air in St. Vincent by having some inquiry?

I know about these allegations of mal-administration. I have been in touch with the Administrator about them and have been into them carefully, but he does not consider—and I agree with him—that there is sufficient foundation for them to warrant any special action.

Is not my hon. Friend aware that for some time past it has seemed that the Government in St. Vincent have been unable to assimilate the principles on which it is desired to translate Western democracy to former Colonies? Is it not time to make a decision to have a fresh start?

The Government command a majority in the Legislative Council in St. Vincent. Frankly, I do not wish to defend every aspect of Mr. Joshua's Government—we have had to criticise it on several occasions—but no particular incident has in itself justified a dissolution or a suspension.

asked the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations and the Colonies who will represent Her Majesty's Government at the Malawi Independence celebrations.

asked the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations and the Colonies what criteria were used in selecting the members of the United Kingdom Government delegation to the Malawi independence celebrations.

The Government are represented at such celebrations by a member of the Cabinet. As already announced, the British delegation to the Malawi Independence Celebrations will be led by my noble Friend, the Lord Chancellor.

Is this the Government's idea of a square peg in a square hole? Is it intended that the Lord Chancellor will take with him a copy of the Devlin Report bound in vellum, or would it not be more gracious if the Government decided to send Lord Devlin himself to the celebrations instead of one who has been so bitterly opposed to the Nyasaland freedom movement?

Dr. Banda sent me a message to say that my noble Friend the Lord Chancellor would be very welcome.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether there will be a tropical kit of a white sheet issued to the Lord Chancellor? Does not the right hon. Gentleman think that this is a calculated insult to Nyasaland in view of the really shocking speeches which the noble Lord made when he was discussing the Devlin Committee's Report in this House in 1959?

All I can say is that if Commonwealth leaders who have said rough things about one another were not able to meet, we should have a very depleted table at Marlborough House next month.

asked the Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations and the Colonies what was the 1963 balance of trade in Fiji.

There was a trade surplus of about £1·3 million sterling in 1963 compared with a deficit of about £1·5 million in 1962. This was due mainly to increased exports of sugar, and to the higher prices for sugar sold on the world market.

As this is only the third occasion in the last 12 years when there has been a similar result, could not my hon. Friend offer some word of congratulation to the negotiators involved in it?

They were very good, and I am very pleased about it, but it is really due to the higher production of sugar, on which we can congratulate Fiji, and the higher price of world sugar, which is quite an extraneous factor.

asked the Prime Minister whether he will appoint a Minister of Overseas Development.

I am not satisfied on the information before me that it would be advantageous to separate overseas development from our general Commonwealth, Colonial and Foreign policies of which it is an essential part.

Has not the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development revealed once again the extent to which these problems overlap and heightened the confusion about Ministerial responsibility in this field? Is it not absurd that the President of the Board of Trade should be making important proposals on development at Geneva when it is other Ministers who are responsible to this House for the British end of those policies? Should we not make much more effective use of our development aid if we rationalised its administration under one Minister?

I do not think that we should necessarily achieve this result by putting one Minister over, for example, the Foreign Secretary and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, because these matters go very much into the sphere of both of them. What happens is that Ministers meet and arrange policy, and whenever it is necessary for a Minister to speak at Geneva or at meetings of the International Fund, that policy is put forward by the Minister most appropriate.

Is the right hon. Gentleman satisfied that sufficient Ministerial attention has been given to the United Nations Trade Conference in Geneva in view of its outcome?

I should have thought that if the hon. Member read the proceedings he would find that the British delegation, with my right hon. Friend at its head, probably saved the conference from complete confusion.

As the President of the Board of Trade has at Geneva made proposals for extending the powers and resources of the International Development Corporation, for example, will the Prime Minister arrange that in future he should answer to this House for the work of the I.D.A. instead of the Treasury, which knows nothing about it?

I have said that I think we must divide this work sensibly. We should not necessarily get the result which the hon. Lady wants by putting one Minister over the heads of others. I am always open to receive any suggestion for improving the machinery, but I just do not think this would work.

asked the Prime Minister if the official statement of the Secretary of State for Industry, Trade and Regional Development on 28th May to Opera Mundi on the political aspects of Great Britain's relations with the Common Market represents the policy of Her Majesty's Government.

asked the Prime Minister if the official statement of the Secretary of State for Industry, Trade and Regional Development to Opera Mundi on 28th May on Britain's political policy with regard to the Common Market represents the policy of Her Majesty's Government.

Yes, Sir.

Is the Prime Minister aware that the statement made still shows that the Government are hankering after the Common Market? Does he not think it ought to be a General Election issue so that the people can decide whether our economy is to be handed over to Europe to decide for us and whether it will shatter our Commonwealth and our agriculture? The Labour Party has determined its situation. Can we know where the Prime Minister stands?

We have always believed that a wider political and economic unity in Europe was good for our own country, for Europe and for the Atlantic Alliance, but there is no issue before us now, and, therefore, I think that this is not a General Election issue.

Is it not apparent from the Questions and Answers and also from Answers given by the Foreign Secretary in this House on 3rd February that Her Majesty's Government do not intend to take any political initiative in Europe?

At the moment I think that the right hon. Gentleman is perfectly aware what the position is. The Six have formed their own association. We are trying to keep as close to them as we can, because we do not want policies necessarily to diverge. As to the future, I cannot state what circumstances will arise, and, therefore, I am not going to make hypothetical guesses.

Is the Prime Minister aware that the Common Market is the biggest importer in the world and the biggest trading group? Is it not, therefore, madness to stick our heads in the sand and ignore it altogether?

I agree with my hon. Friend. As I have said, we are trying to see that our policies do not diverge. We want to make the most of the opportunities in this great market.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that for this not to be an election issue means an assumption that it is not likely to come up in the next Parliament? In this Parliament terms were put forward by the Secretary of State for Industry and Trade for British entry into the Common Market which were in direct contradiction to pledges given by the Government before the last election. I am quite prepared to send the Prime Minister copies of those pledges if he does not know them. In view of all this, will he give an undertaking that, as long as he is in charge of affairs, there will be no question of entry into the Common Market on the conditions negotiated by the Secretary of State for Industry and Trade in Brussels before the intervention of President de Gaulle?

I cannot say whether this issue will arise in the next Parliament. I have already told the House many times that, if it did, we should seek a new mandate from Parliament. It would be an entirely new situation.

Is the Prime Minister aware that he is being less than frank on this very important issue and that the electorate, as well as Parliament, before the election will want to know where he stands? The Secretary of State for Industry and Trade gave a most important interview with Opera Mundi. Why did he do so and not the Foreign Secretary?

I have just said that we are not prepared to set out conditions under which British entry could he renegotiated, because we do not know what the circumstances will be or, indeed, whether this issue will come up again. I am perfectly content to leave this to the judgment of the electors as between the party opposite and the Government on this matter.

So that the electors can judge by knowing what both parties stand for, and since we have stated quite clearly our five conditions for British entry, and since the Prime Minister two weeks ago said that he did not accept those conditions, will he tell us which of them he is opposed to?

I will have to refresh my memory about what I said on that occasion. However, I have the five conditions here. They are very broad principles and if—I trust that it will never be so—the right hon. Gentleman were ever in a position to pursue negotiations he could not rest on them.

rose—

Order. We simply must make some progress.

asked the Prime Minister what steps he is taking to coordinate the plans of the Secretary of State for Education and Science and the Minister of Labour in providing education and training for young workers.

My right hon. Friends concerned with this matter are in close consultation as is shown, for example, by the vigorous implementation of the provisions of the Industrial Training Act passed this year.

Is the Prime Minister aware that many new features will develop with the Industrial Training Act and the expansion of day release? Does not he consider that he should strengthen the Ministry of Labour and the Department of Education and Science, ask the local education authorities to strengthen local organisation and set up some new organisation to cope with this new development?

I do not think that, so hard on the heels of the Act, there is need for a new organisation. My right hon. Friends the Minister of Labour and the Secretary of State for Education and Science work together very closely on this matter. If the hon. Gentleman has any specific thing in mind, I will consider it.

Nevertheless, does not my right hon. Friend agree that the Act marks a major advance in the facilities available for young people?

Yes, Sir. It is an extremely valuable Measure.

asked the Prime Minister if he will now instruct the Ministers concerned to withdraw from distribution to the public the recent consignment of 13-year-old Government canned meat which has been identified by the Aberdeen medical officer of health as a possible origin of the typhoid outbreak.

As my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Scotland informed the House on 2nd June, there is no foundation for any suggestion that the infection at Aberdeen originated in canned corned beef from Government stocks.

Is the Prime Minister aware that that is not the view of the man in charge of the exercise in Aberdeen, the Medical Officer of Health? Would it not be prudent, irrespective of whether that gentleman is right or wrong, for this consignment of stock to be withdrawn, along with the others authorised to be withdrawn by the Secretary of State for Scotland? Will the Prime Minister look again at the activities of Ministers in this regard and consider whether the Government inquiry should not have wider terms of reference, including Ministerial responsibility, and be headed by a person other than Sir David Milne, an ex-civil servant?

A great many people know Sir David and feel that this inquiry could not be in better hands. We want to find out how this infection started and the source. I can only repeat that there have been most careful inquiries into whether any tins came from stocks of Government meat into this supermarket. The answer as far as we know is "No".

Is the Prime Minister aware that on Friday I put a Question to the Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food as to whether stocks now held had been cooled in unchlorinated water? I further asked the right hon. Gentleman

"…whether he will require all future consignments of corned beef to be cooled in chlorinated water before acceptance."

"What matters is not whether the water is chlorinated, but whether it is hygienic "?—OFFICIAL REPORT, 12th June, 1964, Vol. 696, c. 111.]

I gather that there are other ways of purifying water than by chlorination. One can distil or boil water. However, I am not standing on this, because the Question is about stocks of meat from Government sources. Questions on detail of how water should be purified should go to my right hon. Friend the Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food.

All of us have great respect for Sir David Milne, but does not the Prime Minister feel that it is wrong to appoint to an inquiry the recent head of a Department the activities of which must be under review and who was himself partially responsible for creating the system to be investigated?

We have been through all that before. [Interruption.] If hon. Members had been in their places, as I have been in mine, they would know that we have had this subject debated by question and answer time and again. I am asked today whether any Government stocks were in the supermarket concerned in Aberdeen. The answer, as far as we know, is "No".

asked the Prime Minister how many official historians are now employed writing histories of military operations.

The number of historians now engaged in writing the military histories of the Second World War is 13.

Is the Prime Minister aware that students of history at Eton and Oxford are greatly handicapped because no official historian has written the story of the war in Suez? Is he satisfied that this history should be written by a Chicago professor who, if his version is correct, has some very serious aspersions to cast upon the Lord Privy Seal? Are there not unemployed historians in this country who are perfectly capable of writing the history, including one eminent Oxford historian, Mr. A. J. P. Taylor?

I have no doubt that we could mobilise plenty of historians to do the job, but I do not think the Question on the Order Paper has anything to do with Suez. It asks how many official historians are employed writing the histories of military operations. I have already answered Questions about Suez. Official historians deal with military matters and I do not think that there is any case for an official history of the Suez operation.

Does the Prime Minister take the view that Suez was not a military operation but a fiasco?

That may be the hon. Member's view of it, but I do not think that this matter would be carried any further by having an official historian confirm or deny it.