House Of Commons
Wednesday, 30th April, 1969
The House met at half-past Two o'clock
Prayers
[Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair]
New Writ
For Chichester, in the room of Walter Harris Loveys, esquire (deceased).—[ Mr. Whitelaw.]
Petition
Granite Quarrying (Sapcote)
I rise to present a Petition on behalf of my constituents in the village of Sapcote, in Leicestershire, which has been signed by more than 800 of the approximately 1,000 adult residents. These petitioners are distressed because an old quarry at Calver Hill adjacent to the village has recently, after a number of years in which many houses have been built, been reopened. A public footpath has been blocked and the village threatened by noise, dirt and danger and general destruction of the peaceful community life.
And, as in duty bound, your Petitioners will ever pray.
The CLERK OF THE HOUSE (Sir BARNETT COCKS) read the Petition to the House as follows:
To the Honourable the Commons of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland in Parliament assembled.
The Humble Petition of residents of Sapcote in the County of Leicester,
SHEWETH
That the opening of the granite quarry on Calver Hill has imposed on the said village a danger from blasting and heavy vehicles, as well as the nuisance of noise, dust and vibration. That, in consequence, there has been a general lowering of the village status.
Wherefore your Petitioners pray that planning permission for the said quarry be rescinded forthwith.
And your Petitioners, as in duty bound, will ever pray, &c.
Oral Answers To Questions
Board Of Trade
Cocoa And Waste Paper Recovery Industries
1.
asked the President of the Board of Trade what is his estimate of the contributions to exports and to import saving made in the manufacturing process of producing cocoa from cocoa beans and the waste paper recovery industry, respectively.
United Kingdom exports of cocoa, chocolate and other preparations containing cocoa last year amounted to £14·9 million. It is not possible to estimate the import saving made in the manufacturing process of producing cocoa from cocoa beans which is but one part of a complex food manufacturing process. In 1968, waste paper to the value of about £1·9 million was exported. As far as the contribution to import saving by the waste paper industry is concerned, I would refer the hon. Member to the Answer which my hon. Friend gave to the hon. Member for Dagenham (Mr. Parker) on 12th March this year.—[Vol. 779, c. 298.]
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the purpose of my Question has been largely overtaken in that investment grants and S.E.T. repayments are now to be made in respect of wastepaper processes? On what basis do the decisions about making an investment grant differ from the bases on which decisions are made about the repayment of S.E.T?
I thought that the hon. Gentleman's purpose had been overtaken by the decision announced a few days ago. The essential characteristic of investment grants is that they are given in respect of manufacturing processes and manufacturing industries which produce a substantial change in the article concerned. The legislation governing S.E.T. is different.
International Exhibitions (Restrictive Practices)
2.
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he will seek powers to control restrictive practices by the organisers of international exhibitions in this country.
I understand that the Question arises out of applications for space at commercially organised exhibitions. We are not satisfied that there is any case for legislation in this field.
Does the hon. Gentleman recall the Labex International Exhibition at Earls Court in March when a constituent of mine making scientific equipment, Silver and Sons Ltd., of Hampton, owing to some dispute was not able to exhibit, although the firm had an excellent export trade? Was not that a restraint on trade?
I am aware of this case, about which the hon. Gentleman has had correspondence with my Department. I have examined it fully and I am satisfied that there is no cause for me to intervene; nor are there any grounds on which I could reasonably do so. These are matters for the commercial decision of the commercial undertakers of these exhibitions.
Company Law
3.
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he will give an undertaking to introduce legislation to reform company law during Session 1970–71.
No, Sir. It is too early to say what legislation will or will not be possible during the 1970–71 Session.
Does not the right hon. Gentleman recollect that a promise was solemnly given in the House and on several occasions upstairs in Standing Committee that during the lifetime of this Parliament another Companies Bill would be brought before the House, and that it was on that basis that we discussed the whole of the 1967 Bill? Is this another promise which is now about to be broken?
I have no doubts that a Labour Government will be responsible for legislation in the 1970–71 Session—[Interruption.]—refreshed, no doubt, in the latter part of the year by a strong new mandate from the electors. Although it is true, as the hon. Member says, that hopes were expressed—I have not checked the language, but I accept the hon. Member's interpretation of what was said during what we call the part one Jenkins Bill—part two of Jenkins, as we have come to refer to it, is immensely long and complicated. Our system of passing legislation in this House is not, perhaps, as up-to-date and modern as it ought to be in all respects, and I cannot yet say what other claims may be made upon legislative time in the 1970–71 Session.
Investment Grant System (Study)
4.
asked the President of the Board of Trade what is the scope of the study of the effectiveness of the investment grants system which he is undertaking; when the examination will be completed; and if he will publish the results.
I hope that it will be possible to examine the more significant questions relating to the effectiveness of the investment grant system. I would not expect to get quick answers to such complex questions and I have, therefore, placed no time limit on its completion. I will consider the desirability of publication when I have had an opportunity to see how far it has proved possible to overcome the difficulties which this sort of study must encounter and to arrive at informative answers to the questions posed.
As these grants now cost over £400 million a year, and as there is widespread and growing doubt about their effectiveness, could not the Minister at least undertake to ensure that this study is pursued with maximum urgency, even if he cannot put a time limit to it today?
I will certainly ensure that the study is conducted as quickly as is possible in the circumstances. There is, I think, increasing evidence that the investment grant system is an effective way of creating new investment.
Before the Government come to any conclusion about how to finance the assistance to the intermediate areas which was announced last week, will the results of this study be available to them?
No. The study will obviously take some time and the other decisions will have to be made before these results are available.
Investment (Manufacturing Industry)
5.
asked the President of the Board of Trade why investment in manufacturing industry is less buoyant than investment in the service and distributive trades in periods of cyclical downturn.
One of the main reasons is that demand for the output of manufacturing industry is more variable.
While it is gratifying that investment in manufacturing held up better in the last cycle in 1967–68 than in the previous cycle, would not the Minister agree that it does not follow that it is worth spending £473 million a year to achieve that objective when other important objectives have to be given up and it involves the crushing burden of discrimination against the service industries?
I do not understand that question. Before 1964, the previous Government were prepared to spend large sums of money by way of investment allowances and free depreciation on creating incentives to investment. We are doing the same thing in the more limited sector of manufacturing industry. This makes a valuable contribution to the economy.
Investment (Manufacturing Industry)
14.
asked the President of the Board of Trade what is his latest estimate of the level of investment by manufacturing industry in 1969 and 1970 compared with 1968.
Manufacturers' forecasts provided to the Board of Trade at the end of last year indicated a rise in investment of between 10 and 15 per cent. in real terms between 1968 and 1969 with a further increase between 1969 and 1970.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that there have recently been reports and assessments by independent economists that the upward trend at the end of last year was already slowing down markedly? Does the information available to him indicate the same trend?
No, Sir. We have no evidence to support what the hon. Member is saying. I should say that our last investment intention survey is supported by the most recent surveys carried out by the C.B.I. and the National Institute for Economic and Social Research, and is also strongly supported by the figures for i.d.c. approvals and the current figures of orders in the engineering industry as a whole, and in machine tools.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that we very much hope that he is right. Is he also aware that year after year his Department's manufacturing trend forecasts have proved very optimistic indeed?
It is obvious that any attempt to make a forecast based on replies given to us by manufacturers contains a considerable possibility of error. All I can say is that the other indications available to us in this case support the view that 1969 and 1970 will be years of strongly rising investment.
In view of the disturbing remarks of Mr. Catherwood about the level of investment in this country, can my right hon. Friend say what the figures will be, in real terms, in 1969 compared with 1961—a comparison which Mr. Catherwood has made recently, to the disadvantage of more recent years?
I would have hoped for notice of that question. I shall gladly give the figures if I am given notice. I agree with my hon. Friend and with Mr. Catherwood that for 20 years the level of investment in this country has been much too low. That is one reason why we have persistently run into balance of payments crises every time we have had a period of economic expansion.
India
6.
asked the President of the Board of Trade why Great Britain's share of Indian imports dropped from 19 per cent. in 1960–61 to 8 per cent. in 1967–68 while the European Economic Community increased its exports to India; and, whether, in view of the fact that about half the total overseas investment in India is British, he will institute an inquiry into this country's diminishing share of India's imports.
Contributory causes of this decline include the increase in other countries' aid and India's need for food and other goods that we cannot supply. Factors such as these are outside our control, but we are examining what scope there may be for action to improve the situation.
Is not the Minister aware that during the fiscal year 1968–69 our share of Indian imports fell to 6 per cent.? What practical steps is the hon. Lady taking to ensure that we regain a better share of this market? Is she satisfied that in our High Commission there has sufficient business and industrial experience to take advantage of this expanding market?
In reply to the latter part of that question, my experience in dealing with particularly our commercial sections abroad is that many of the posts have a high degree of efficiency and a workmanlike approach to the problems of commerce. What they are doing is of immense importance and we should not underestimate their abilities.
We are worried about the decline in trade with India. We have said that we are carrying out studies in connection with the Indian Government, but business men also have a great deal to do with this.Finance Companies (Promissory Agreements)
7.
asked the President of the Board of Trade what proposals he has for ensuring that promissory agreements issued by finance companies are not connected with unrelated trade agreements.
The extent to which finance companies should be responsible for the performance and quality of goods purchased with the money they lend is one of the matters being considered by the Crowther Committee. I see no justification for taking action in advance of its report.
May I assure my hon. Friend that I am delighted that he was able to give such a clear answer, because when I handed in the Question, although it may have been ungrammatical, it was understandable but the way in which it has been formulated is confusing? I agree with what my hon. Friend has said. In the interim period, however, is it not possible to give maximum publicity to the fact that this sort of agreement is still being made, that goods are being sold on the doorstep and that people are being given the impression that finance companies are financing the goods when it is done by private loan?
I congratulate my hon. Friend on what she has done to give publicity in this matter. I am also glad to know that a number of finance houses and oil companies have reviewed lists of approved dealers in connection with central heating applications, with which my hon. Friend has been particularly concerned.
European Economic Community (Membership)
8.
asked the President of the Board of Trade his latest estimate of the effect on the United Kingdom balance of trade of joining the Common Market on terms acceptable to Her Majesty's Government both immediately on joining and at the end of the transitional period.
Any estimate under present circumstances would be highly speculative.
If it is impossible to make an estimate of our balance of trade on entering the Common Market, why is it thought to be a good thing to join? Might not the estimate be extremely bad, as the right hon. Gentleman's predecessor has pointed out?
My predecessor, like the hon. Member, holds strong and well-known views on this topic, which do not command universal assent on either side of the House. I do not think that there is substance in the hon. Member's contention, partly because he ignores the political arguments—they may be held to be for or against, but there are clearly strong political arguments in this connection—and partly because it is possible to make a judgment that entry is in the long-term economic interests of the country without being able to quantify all the possible gains and losses in terms of an exact figure.
Bunk!
The Minister must have, or can surely get, at least some evidence on which to make an estimate. It would be helpful if he could give us an idea. Surely, he is not telling us that we are going into the Common Market without any idea of what is involved.
No, Sir. This matter was discussed at great length during our debates a year and a half ago, when one figure—and only one figure—was given for the likely effect on us of the common agricultural policy. It is impossible to give even an analogous figure to that at present because the financial regulations governing the common agricultural policy have to be renegotiated by the Six before the end of 1969.
Waste Paper Recovery Industry (Investment Grants)
12.
asked the President of the Board of Trade on what criteria it was decided that machinery used in the preparation of seed for sale in the factory which performs all the processes of cleaning, drying, etc., should qualify for investment grants, and that the wastepaper recovery industry should not.
To receive investment grant a manufacturer must carry on a process which results in a product significantly different from the raw material. As I stated on 23rd April in answer to my right hon. Friend the Member for Sheffield, Hillsborough (Mr. Darling), policy on investment grants for the wastepaper industry has been reconsidered and certain processes carried on by that industry will, subject to the normal conditions, be admissible for grant.—[Vol. 782, c. 85–6.]
While I welcome the Government's belated decision relating to the waste paper recovery industry may I ask whether the hon. Gentleman will say what is now the position in relation to other parts of the reclamation industry such as rubber waste and textile wastes?
I could not answer that question without notice.
Would the hon. Gentleman agree that while he has told us what the rules are, he has not told us what the reasons for them are? Is there not a strong case for having consistent rules with regard to S.E.T. and investment grants? Could we have an explanation in each case for the differences between one service and another?
Over the great majority of the field the treatment of investment grants and S.E.T. is the same. There are a few exceptions. These exceptions arise from the nature of the legislation governing them. In the case of investment grants, it depends on whether or not it is a manufacturing process or a manufacturing industry, but the coverage is very largely the same.
Locomotive Works, Inverurie (Closure)
13.
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he will take further action to alleviate the effects of the decision now made to close, before the end of the year, the locomotive works at Inverurie.
I would refer the hon. Member to the reply to his similar Question given by my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Scotland on 21st April, 1969.—[Vol. 782, c. 35.]
Does the hon. Lady realise that the announcement of the complete closure in so short a time, resulting in the loss of a great many jobs, is contrary to what many of those concerned in the area had been led by the Government to expect? Why have the Government not decided to designate this area as a special development area?
We are very sympathetic to the problem of everyone in Inverurie. That is why there has been a very special publicity campaign carried out in order to find suitable firms which could possibly take up the skilled workers. This is, I think, the important thing, and we are very encouraged by the sort of replies we have got. I think that this is the practical way of dealing with the situation at the moment, and far better than talking about designating the area as a special development area.
Is the hon. Lady aware that in a case like this men are treated as economic ciphers and units of production, and that they are getting very tired of it? Will she instruct the authorities concerned to treat these people, who have given a lifetime to industry, with more sympathy, and human dignity?
I can assure my hon. Friend that we have the interests of the people of Inverurie very much at heart. We recognise that this is a very specific and difficult problem. We are undertaking unusual methods to try to deal with it, and we hope very soon to see a complete change in the situation.
Baby Seal Skins
17.
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he will initiate discussions with the major fur importing and producing countries with a view to making trade in baby seal fur illegal.
I assume that the hon. Member has in mind allegations in the Press about cruelty in the methods of killing used in the Canadian seal hunt. I would refer him to the answer that I gave on 12th February to the hon. and gallant Member for Winchester (Rear-Admiral Morgan-Giles). It remains our view, after careful consideration of the evidence, that direct controls of the sort operated by the Canadian Government provide the most effective means of preventing cruelty.—[Vol. 777, c. 312.]
As the Minister appears to take the view that there is little cruelty, may I ask him whether he has had an opportunity of studying the evidence of Dr. Elizabeth Simpson, of Cambridge University, reporting that one out of three baby seals was still alive when skinned? Is he further aware that there is a widespread feeling of revulsion in the country at this annual massacre of baby seals off the coasts of Labrador and Newfoundland? Why will not the Government give a lead in putting an end to this barbarism and brutality?
I am well aware of the concern that exists. I share the concern expressed at the possibility of cruelty. I have not studied the evidence to which the hon. Member referred but if he will send it to me, or give me an exact reference, I shall certainly study it. I have, however, studied the other evidence, which appears to contradict the evidence that he has mentioned. Indeed, there is a dispute whether it is possible to skin a seal that is still alive. I am well aware of the concern expressed, but we have made a serious study of the evidence.
Textile Industry (Productivity Study)
20.
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he will make a statement on the Textile Council's Productivity Study.
I would refer my hon. Friend to the Answer given to my hon. Friend the Member for Bolton, West (Mr. Oakes) on 16th April.—[Vol. 781, c. 253.]
I thank my right hon. Friend for that reply. Is he aware of the real concern in the industry about the position after 1970? Manufacturers are eager to know what protection they can look forward to in the 1970s.
I am well aware of the concern in the industry, and have been so for some time. I heard it again expressed at the Textile Council's annual spring conference only a fortnight ago, at Nottingham. The conclusions in the report of the productivity and efficiency study are not directly solely at the Government; they are equally directed at the industry itself.
Does not the right hon. Gentleman agree that reports have been in front of him for over a year dealing with major problems of the textile industry—for instance, the Monopolies Commission's Report? We have been asked to wait until the Textile Council productivity report was made. This places him under an obligation not unduly to delay.
I entirely accept that. I accept complete responsibility for announcing Government decisions without undue delay, but having had the report—I forget the exact time—only recently, I must have discussions with the industry through the Textile Council. I propose to do that over the next two months, and as soon as possible after that I shall announce our conclusions to the House.
Advertising Material (Door-To-Door Delivery)
21.
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he will seek powers to control the door-to-door delivery of advertising material.
No, Sir. We are not aware of any grounds which would justify our doing so.
Will the Minister consult the police in this matter? Is she aware that many householders who go on holiday comply with police requests to cancel milk and newspapers and make arrangements with the Post Office, and so on, but come back to find their letter boxes stuffed with unwanted advertising material, revealing to everyone that the house is empty and thereby creating a potential danger of house-breaking?
I am sympathetic to the difficulties that people encounter in making their homes safe, but the difficulty is that to bring this sort of restriction in would also affect charitable organisations which traditionally put notices of jumble sales through letter boxes.
Does the hon. Lady agree that the door-to-door salesman situation is beginning to get out of control, and that too many people can do this, with consequent danger? Will she not institute an inquiry to see what can be done and bring about some sort of order by defining who can stand on a doorstep with impunity and talk to a householder?
I am aware of the hon. Member's interest in this matter. The question of door-to-door salesmen, as opposed to the distribution of material, is a highly complex one. It would be wrong to rush into making any direction without any evidence.
Industry (United States Interests)
22.
asked the President of the Board of Trade what percentage of industry in the United Kingdom economy is owned and controlled by United States interests; and in what way he estimates that this trend will develop within the next few years.
It is estimated that 6 to 7 per cent. of the net assets of non-financial companies are both owned and controlled in the United States. Present expectations are that this proportion will continue gradually to increase.
American industrialists are good employers and we want factories in development areas, but can my hon. Friend say whether any initiative will be launched to encourage our own domestic industry to expand to a greater extent?
Many initiatives have been taken to encourage British industry to expand in precisely that way. I note my hon. Friend's welcome for the contribution made by American investment in manufacturing in this country.
Will the Minister point out to his hon. Friend the Member for Coatbridge and Airdrie (Mr. Dempsey) that he cheerfully supported the Corporation Tax system, which makes British industry a sitting duck for American intervention? Will he make representations to the Chancellor of the Exchequer to change the tax system?
I do not know that the rate of American take-over of British firms is any higher now than it was under the Government of hon. Members opposite. Certainly the Government have powers of control in cases where they feel that it would be contrary to the national interest for there to be a take-over.
Sea Rescue Facilities (Kent Area)
23.
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he will make a statement about his review of alternative safety measures following the withdrawal of helicopters from Manston, Kent.
There is a wide range of well tried and effective rescue facilities in the area on which H.M. Coastguard can call in an emergency. They include 11 life-boats and 11 fast inshore rescue boats operated by the Royal National Lifeboat Institution, and the Institution has now announced that it is adding two more inshore rescue boats and a new 40 ft. lifeboat. Helicopters from Coltishall and Thorney Island will be available.
Will my hon. Friend accept that the additional facilities that he has mentioned will be welcomed? Is he satisfied that these will be adequate to cope with an area where there is increasing traffic? Does not he feel that there is a case for basing our rescue services as a whole on more than mainly voluntary organisations and part-time military help? Will he not consider having an inquiry into the whole matter?
I do not think that we can ever say that we are satisfied with the facilities available, because it is our job to improve them as far as possible. The Royal National Lifeboat Institution has a noble record as a voluntary organisation and would, I think, prefer to keep it that way. We are certainly reviewing the facilities at present and discussing them with, for example, the Chamber of Shipping and the R.N.L.I., and we shall make such changes as may be required in the light of what we learn.
Industrial Development Grants
24.
asked the President of the Board of Trade to what extent the entitlement of companies to receipt of industrial development grant is related to the expected number of jobs to be created by the investment to which the grant relates.
In considering assistance under the Local Employment Acts the Board of Trade are required to have regard to the relationship between the expenditure involved and the employment likely to be provided.
It is not a condition of investment grants under the Industrial Development Act that the investment must create additional employment, though of course it often does.Has the hon. Gentleman noted reports that taxpayers' subsidies to the projected American petrochemical complex at Invergordon may work out at £176,000 for every job created? Is this what he described earlier as an example of the effectiveness of the investment grant system in encouraging industrial development?
I have noted such reports. I cannot, of course, give information about individual firms, but I do not believe that report, and I am surprised that the hon. Gentleman does.
Will my hon. Friend note that the suggestion being made by the Opposition, that this development would not be welcomed, will be rebutted strenuously and energetically throughout the Highlands?
It is, of course, true that the investment grant system has helped greatly to create employment in Scotland and elsewhere.
Advance Factories, Scotland (Employees)
25.
asked the President of the Board of Trade what is the total number of male and female workers, respectively, currently employed in factories in Scotland built under advance factory programmes announced since 15th October, 1964.
Of the 54 Board of Trade advance factories authorised in Scotland since 15th October, 1964, 41 have been completed. Of these, 31 have been allocated and 24 of them are in production. These 24 factories so far provide employment for 800 men and 1,030 women.
How much, in toto, has it so far cost to provide these 800 male jobs in Scotland?
The hon. Gentleman seems not to understand that this advance factory programme is producing more jobs in Scotland than have been produced for many years. His constant campaign against them will not be welcomed by Scots, even if it is welcomed by some of his hon. Friends.
Is my hon. Friend aware that the Opposition for many years were entirely opposed to the principle of providing advance factories at all and that this is part of the problem from which we are suffering in Scotland today? Will she assure us that she will use every endeavour to ensure that we get tenants for these factories as early as possible?
I will certainly give that undertaking. I know that hon. Members who wax very eloquent against advance factories in the House do not do so in development areas when dealing with their constituents.
Does the hon. Lady agree that there is little point in building an advance factory in Scotland if it then remains empty for long periods? How can she explain her previous remarks when there has been a loss of 35,000 net jobs over the last four years compared with an increase of 30,000 in the previous four years?
The advance factory programme was started and is being carried on specifically to provide factories so that when tenants want space quickly it can be provided. The hon. Gentleman himself must know that in the past it has been painfully obvious that factories were not available when people wanted them quickly. This factory programme is changing the job picture in Scotland, and he cannot deny it.
In considering this factory programme, does the hon. Lady seek the advice of the Scottish Economic Planning Board and the economic planning councils? If so, does she follow the advice that she gets?
The Government are in close contact with the economic planning councils and obviously we consider their advice very carefully.
On a point of order, Mr. Speaker. In view of the hon. Lady's failure to answer my question, I shall seek to raise the matter on the Adjournment as early as possible.
Apple Imports (Licences)
26.
asked the President of the Board of Trade when the apple import quota licence allocation was last reviewed; and when he intends further to review the allocation.
Apple licences were last reallocated before the quota period beginning 1st July, 1967. I have decided to reallocate licences in time for the quota period beginning 1st July this year. Notices to importers giving the details of reallocation and inviting applications were issued yesterday. I have arranged for copies to be placed in the Library.
Would my hon. Friend not agree that the reallocation in 1967 was looked on as a radical reallocation? What new factors have arisen, or new representations been made to him, to make him look at this so soon after that reallocation?
The 1967 reallocation may have been radical in terms of practical stability on the basis of the issue of licences since 1951, with some changes but very few; it certainly was not radical in any other sense. Since we have to have this quota system, it is necessary to try to bring the quota allocation into some sort of line with the way in which the trade could have developed in the absence of the quota system.
Can the hon. Gentleman assure us that the quotas are being given to bona fide traders and not to "mushroom" operators who have no substantial existing trade in apples and pears?
The qualifications for the issue of licences are explained in the notice to importers to which I have referred, and I suggest that the hon. Gentleman examines it.
Industrial Development Certificates
27.
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he will make a statement about his policy concerning industrial development certificates arising from the publication of the Government's review of the South-East Economic Planning Council's report, A Strategy for the South-East.
The Government's reply to the Council's report answers very fully the various points raised about industrial development certificate policy in the South-East. We have nothing further to add.
Would my hon. Friend accept that there are parts of the South-East which do not enjoy the prosperity of the region as a whole, and that this needs to be recognised in other parts of the country as well? Would she confirm that her Department will continue to exercise a flexible policy on i.d.cs., and give the maximum encouragement to town development schemes in the region?
We take into account as far as possible the difficulties faced by some small areas of the South-East and will continue to be flexible in the way that we consider every i.d.c. application.
31.
asked the President of the Board of Trade by what percentage the number of industrial development certificates granted in 1968 exceeded the number granted in 1965 in Scotland, England and Wales, respectively; and what were the comparable percentage increases in the factory floor covered by the industrial development certificates.
The increases by number of approvals were 7·9 per cent., 68 per cent. and 105·2 per cent., and by area 7·1 per cent., 25·2 per cent., and 96·6 per cent., respectively. The figures fluctuate from year to year and comparisons based on individual years can be misleading.
Are not those astonishing and depressing figures for Scotland? How can the Minister justify a situation in which the percentage of i.d.cs for Scotland granted in 1967 and 1968 was lower in both years than at any time since 1961? Is the hon. Lady aware that this is a scandalous state of affairs in view of the rapid decline in some of our traditional industries in Scotland?
The hon. Gentleman should try not to let his imagination run away with him. [Interruption.] In the four years 1965 to 1968 the number of i.d.cs approved for Scotland increased by 112 per cent. over the period 1961 to 1964. More than 42,000 jobs, 23,000 of them for men, are in prospect over the next four years in authorised new building and buildings taken over by manufacturers in Scotland.
Will the hon. Lady withdraw what she said about my hon. Friend's imagination—[HON. MEMBERS: "No."]—remembering that she had to make a correction in the OFFICIAL REPORT after giving an incorrect Answer the other day to one of my other hon. Friends?
I will certainly not withdraw my remark in view of the facts. The occasion to which the hon. Gentleman is referring was one about which I sent a letter of apology to the hon. Member concerned. The position arose because, off the cuff, I gave a figure quickly. If the hon. Gentleman is so worried about this issue and is interested in the figures, he should congratulate the Government on what they have been doing and not keep harping about the past.
Shipbuilding And Aircraft Industry (South Africa)
29.
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he will facilitate efforts by British companies to participate in South African shipbuilding and aircraft industries.
Companies investing in South Africa are expected to operate in accordance with the Voluntary Programme of investment restraint.
Is it not a fact that, because of the United Nations embargo, the Government have deliberately prevented or discouraged participation in these industries, and that the right hon. Gentleman gave an incorrect Answer in the House on 19th March, saying that our exports to South Africa had increased, when, in fact, they have declined by £65 million and our total share of South African exports has decreased by 2 per cent.? What will he do about this?
I shall be answering the latter part of that question in about two minutes. On the first part, I do not have the evidence which the hon. Gentleman has. If he sends it to me, I will examine it.
Would my right hon. Friend agree that it is dangerous and unwise to send valuable and scarce capital resources to an area which is politically highly unstable, which could have serious political repercussions on this country's standing in the United Nations and elsewhere?
No, Sir. If my hon. Friend is proposing that we should impose a unilateral ban on the export of capital to South Africa, I cannot accept that. There is no suggestion of this in the United Nations Resolution. As far as I know, such a ban has never been suggested in the United Nations, and our policy on the export of capital is identical with that of those other countries which are faithfully carrying out the Security Council Resolution.
South Africa
30.
asked the President of the Board Trade what is the percentage change in British exports to South Africa for the year to date compared with the corresponding period in 1968; and what is the estimated British share of total South African imports.
32.
asked the President of the Board of Trade what was the percentage increase in British exports comparing 1968 with 1965; and what was the comparable increase in exports to South Africa.
The value of United Kingdom exports increased by 31 per cent. between 1965 and 1968; there was virtually no change in the value of our exports to South Africa between 1965 and 1968, or between the first quarters of 1968 and 1969. Our share of South African imports in 1968 was 24 per cent. This was less than in 1967, and not greater, as I inadvertently stated on 19th March. The trend is broadly in line with our experience in overseas sterling area markets generally.
Even so, do not these figures reveal that South Africa remains a major market for British goods? Would the right hon. Gentleman take this occasion to underline his own anxieties that our trade with South Africa shall continue to proceed at a buoyant level and, indeed, to increase?
South Africa remains a most important market, and I repeat what I have said many times in public; that our policy, on the one hand, is faithfully to carry out the United Nations Resolution on the arms ban and, on the other, otherwise to encourage civilian trade to the greatest possible extent.
Would not the right hon. Gentleman agree that at a time when trade in this market could have increased by an additional 31 per cent., our record of exports to South Africa has been disappointing? Is he satisfied that his Department is doing everything possible to encourage trade with South Africa? In particular, will he give advice to local authorities to provide every help and encouragement to South African goodwill and trade missions coming to this country?
To answer the first part of the hon. Gentleman's supplementary question, about the decline in our share of this trade, I remind him that our share of South African trade was declining even under the Conservative Administration before the arms ban was introduced. This decline is roughly in line with what is happening in other developed sterling countries as a result of the shift away from traditional markets towards markets in Western Europe and the United States. Our policy in this matter is perfectly plain. It is to maintain the arms ban but, subject to that, to increase trade.
Do the Government consider it advantageous that the South African Government should be buying French submarines and fighters? Is he in a position to give an estimate of the sums that are being lost to us as a result of the policy that we are following?
There is no clear evidence—none has been submitted to me by hon. Gentlemen opposite or others—to show that our trade in non-military goods is suffering as a result of the ban. As to the ban itself, I believe that it is in the general interest of the world that the United Nations should have imposed it and that the United Kingdom should uphold it.
Is my right hon. Friend aware that his last comment is very welcome on this side of the House? Would he agree that rather than our exporting arms to South Africa being a help, such a step would place a tremendous strain on the supply of arms to our own Forces? Is he aware that in the constituency of the hon. Member for Haltemprice (Mr. Wall) it is being found difficult, despite what was said last year and has since been shown in the local Press, to obtain skilled labour to build up the Royal Air Force?
I agree with my hon. Friend. At this stage I will only add a point which is consistently ignored by hon. Gentlemen opposite, that the great majority of advanced industrial countries are pursuing exactly the same policy on arms as we are.
On a point of order, Mr. Speaker. I beg to give notice that in view of the unsatisfactory nature of the right hon. Gentleman's Answer I shall raise the matter on the Adjournment.
Industrial Development Certificates (Hull)
33.
asked the President of the Board of Trade how many industrial development certificates were applied for and how many were given to firms wishing to build a factory in Hull in the years 1966, 1967 and 1968; and what was the square footage in each year, respectively.
In the Hull employment exchange area 21 industrial development certificates were issued in 1966, 33 in 1967 and 32 in 1968, for 450,000 sq. ft., 746,000 sq. ft., and 552,000 sq. ft. respectively. No application was refused during this period.
I thank my hon. Friend for that reply. Is she aware that these figures could be vastly improved, particularly if the Government implemented the recommendations of the Hunt Committee? Will she take special note of the need for special aid in this area? Is she further aware that even better progress could be made if the Government implemented the findings of the Humberside Study, the Report of which I have with me?
I understand that there is to be a statement about the Humberside Report. I suggest that we await the findings.
Even so, is my hon. Friend aware that the underlying trend in Hull is causing tremendous concern, that the people of the area are looking forward to something constructive being done as a result of the Humberside and Hunt Reports, and that we hope that things will be considerably improved?
A certain amount of discussion is already going on with the authorities in the area about, for example, the boundaries and the findings of the Hunt Committee. We must wait to see what is decided.
Textile Imports (Underdeveloped Countries)
35.
asked the President of the Board of Trade what proportion of the home market for textiles is taken up by importers from underdeveloped countries.
The value of imports of textile products in 1968 from the developing countries—that is, countries included in Economic Class II of the United Nations trade statistics—amounted to about 6 per cent. of the total sales of the textile industry to United Kingdom buyers outside the industry. These imports exclude, of course, cotton, wool and other natural fibres, but include those imports which are incorporated in exports.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that reputable people connected with the industry have put the figure very much higher than that and that, depending on what one takes into account, it could, they say, be as high as 40 per cent.? While we must do all we can to help the under-developed countries, would not the hon. Gentleman agree that it is possible that, on this matter, we are going beyond reason?
The first part of the hon. Gentleman's supplementary question may be confusing the original Question, which was concerned with the home market for textiles, with the undoubtedly large imports of cotton cloth from developing countries, which, in 1968, reached about 32 per cent. However, the hon. Gentleman will be aware of the Textile Council's recent report and the fact that my right hon. Friend is currently considering the recommendations made therein.
Does my hon. Friend anticipate the figures which he quoted being altered in any way as a result of the increase in Purchase Tax on textiles in the Budget, about which much concern has been expressed in Lancashire?
I hope that the increase in Purchase Tax on textiles will not affect these figures. I believe that the main factors which affect the figures are the competitiveness of the British industry and the degree to which it responds to market demands.
Yacht Exports (Westerly Marine Ltd, Waterlooville)
37.
asked the President of the Board of Trade what reply he has given to the representations made to him by Messrs. Westerly Marine Limited, of Waterlooville, regarding the export of yachts to the United States of America.
We did what we could to help Westerly Marine Ltd. with its immediate problem of finding shipping space to carry yachts to the Great Lakes ports. I understand that the position has now improved. We are making inquiries to establish whether there is likely to be a general problem, and the company is being kept informed.
Are the Government taking this general problem seriously, since obviously a firm with a splendid record like this should not be placed in a position where simply because of the size of its products it cannot find shipping space to the United States?
I agree with all that the hon. Member has said.
Aviation
Edwards Committee's Report
9.
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he will now make a statement on the report of the Edwards Committee.
15.
asked the President of the Board of Trade when he intends to publish the report of the Edwards Committee.
19.
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he will make a statement on the Government's policy for civil aviation following upon publication of the report of the Edwards Committee.
The report will be published this Friday, 2nd May. I shall urgently consider the Committee's recommendations, and I hope that all interested parties which wish to put their views to me will do so as soon as reasonably possible after publication.
Can the Minister take the unusual step of leaking to the House today what will appear in the Press tomorrow, the day before publication?
Leaks never emerge from the Board of Trade.
Could the President assure the House that in this matter he will not find himself suffering from what might be called the Hunt syndrome—that is, publishing a report and half an hour later refuting all its recommendations before the House of Commons?
My trouble is that I have never been clear exactly what a syndrome is, so that I cannot say whether I am suffering from one. At least, my intention is clear. I do not intend to publish the Government's conclusions on the report at the same time as the report is published. I hope during the summer to publish a White Paper which might form the basis of Parliamentary debate, but I do not want to do even that until there has been plenty of time for public debate on the subject and for all views to be heard.
Would my right hon. Friend confirm that the statement he has made means he will welcome the views not only of the air corporations but also of independent operators in the aviation business and of tour operators who are greatly concerned in this?
Certainly. I shall very much welcome views from all interested parties in all sections of the industry.
While the House will welcome the Minister's attitude in that he is not taking precipitate action in this matter, will he take note that if there are recommendations which would involve legislation it would be to advantage if the legislation could come without delay?
I think that is right, but it is early to say at the moment whether this will be so, for it depends on what the recommendations are and what sort of views we take of them, but certainly if there has to be legislation, while I think it is unlikely that we should get it through this Session, I quite agree that it should be as early as possible in the next.
Boac (Pilots' Strike)
10.
asked the President of the Board of Trade what estimate he has made of the cost to the economy of the British Overseas Airways Corporation pilots' strike.
18.
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he will publish in a White Paper a synopsis of the claim of British Overseas Airways Corporation pilots and their remuneration compared with other international airlines; and what loss of revenue and of foreign exchange resulted from the British Overseas Airways Corporation pilots' strike.
B.O.A.C.'s preliminary estimate is that the strike caused a loss of revenue of about £5 million and a loss of profits of £4 million. The loss of foreign exchange will have been of the same order and magnitude. I do not propose to publish a White Paper on the lines suggested.
Is the Minister aware that many people feel that this trouble was not only very expensive but highly unnecessary, and that it was the product of an unfortunate breakdown in management-pilot relations over a considerable time? What action is he taking to ensure that it does not happen again? Would he, in particular, consider making available to the House some of the findings of Professor Woods?
I do not want this afternoon to try to apportion blame between the two sides in the industry, but I do not agree with the hon. Member that, as we all know, we have had for some time labour relations in B.O.A.C. which have certainly not been satisfactory. I think that the most urgent job now is that an effort should be made by both sides—by both sides—to get these labour relations on a very much more satisfactory footing, and I have made quite clear to B.O.A.C. that this is my view. As to the question of Professor Woods' reports, I shall have to consider that, because they were reports made to my right hon. Friend the First Secretary.
Would the right hon. Gentleman not agree that this air corporation is in an unique position among our nationalised industries, having to compete with very many foreign corporations of a similar character, and what has he now to tell the House about permanent reform of the consultative machinery among the highly paid executives and pilots of B.O.A.C. which would frustrate the possibility of another crisis of this kind, with heavy losses, from which he excluded the consequential losses?
I certainly have the same objective in mind as the hon. Gentleman does, but it is not my province as a Minister to get too involved in the detail of industrial relations in a nationalised corporation, although I think the machinery, as well as the attitude, does need improving. But I am bound to leave that to the responsibility of the management of the Corporation.
Would my right hon. Friend agree that usually it takes two to make a quarrel?
Well, I have already said in reply to an earlier question that I thought that there were, clearly, faults on both sides. What there is no point in doing is trying to apportion blame precisely between the two sides; the thing is not now to rake over the past but to try to make sure that it does not happen again.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that most international airlines have a senior captain on their board or on the management? This has not happened in B.O.A.C., with a consequential rift between management and the 1,200 aircrew. Would it not be logical to find a suitable man out of those 1,200 to fill this senior appointment, bridge the gap, and bring about better relations?
I take note of the point the hon. Gentleman raises but I do not propose to interfere to that degree of detail in the management of B.O.A.C.
Aircraft Noise
11.
asked the President of the Board or Trade if he will make a statement on the progress of his talks with the United States and French aviation authorities on the establishment of aircraft noise control procedures.
Good progress was made last year in drawing up an outline tripartite noise certification plan covering future generations of subsonic jet aircraft.
Discussions are to be resumed shortly with the American and French Governments, in which we shall seek the early adoption of a practical and internationally recognised scheme that will ensure that progressive introduction of the much quieter aircraft which recent technological innovations make possible.
The House recognises that the Minister has good intentions, but could he tell us what noise levels he is talking about in these terms and when he anticipates agreement will be reached? Can he assure us that he is taking steps to keep the Roskill Commission informed of the progress which is being made, as the results must be relevant to its inquiry?
I cannot say when agreement will be reached because it depends, quite clearly, not only on ourselves but also on the French and American Governments, in particular. We are moving as fast as we possibly can. The point about noise levels is not easy because, as the hon. Gentleman and the House know, they vary in different circumstances, and particularly in relation to weight of aircraft. I think the standards which we are aiming at are ones in which the House will find some satisfaction. Certainly we shall ensure that the Roskill Commission is kept in touch with the progress which is made.
Will my hon. Friend give attention in particular to the recommendations of the Ministers of the Council of Europe regarding the limitation of noise levels when licensing aircraft?
I think we share a common problem with many other countries. Noise is a very real social problem, and there is a general anxiety to reduce the current levels. Certainly we will consult with everybody who can help towards this end.
Directors, British European Airways (Charter Firms)
16.
asked the President of the Board of Trade which directors of British European Airways have notified him that they have a financial interest in firms engaged in chartering aircraft.
No member of B.E.A. Board has notified us of a financial interest in any company operating aircraft for charter use. One member has an interest in a travel agency which charters aircraft from operators.
In view of the suggestion by B.E.A. that it will go into the charter business on a large scale, and in view especially of the provisions of the Air Corporations Bill, now before the House, does the Minister agree that it would be entirely improper for any member of the B.E.A. board who has an interest in a charter company or in a travel agency to be a permanent member of that board?
Conflicts of interest are bound to occur from time to time in industry. The real safeguard is disclosure. We are proposing to take powers which will provide certain statutory backing for a practice which the Board of Trade has been carrying out informally. I think that this is the best way to do it.
Boac (Pilots' Pay)
34.
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether the settlement of the British Overseas Airways Corporation pilots' salary claim is within the terms of the prices and incomes policy.
I have nothing to add to the reply given by my hon. Friend the Minister of State to the hon. Member for Oswestry (Mr. Biffen) on 25th April—[Vol. 782, c. 147.]
Without commenting either way on the settlement, which is none of my business, can the right hon. Gentleman say how a 15 per cent. average increase, from which the productivity increase strings were cut away, can possibly be regarded as coming within the terms of the Government's prices and incomes policy? Does this now mean that that policy has been jettisoned by the Government?
The hon. Gentleman's opening words, if universally carried out in the House, would very much shorten our debates. On the merit of the matter, the hon. Gentleman is, of course, right in saying that this is a very large increase. On the other hand, it is not a straight pay increase. There is also the introduction of an entirely new system of piece work and a number of other detailed productivity matters, some of which have not yet been wholly agreed between the Corporation and B.A.L.P.A. Until we have examined the productivity aspect, it is not possible to make a more positive statement.
Would my right hon. Friend agree that if we are to take the comparability criteria seriously, it might be a good idea to deal with the glamour boys of transport in the same way as we deal with the busmen?
To imitate the hon. Member for Cirencester and Tewkesbury (Mr. Ridley), the busmen are not my responsibility; nor is the incomes policy generally. However, I have noted my hon. Friend's remarks. As I said in my original Answer, we are looking at this settlement in the light of the Government's policy.
Shipping
Bulwark Ladders And Stanchion Combinations (Safety)
36.
asked the President of the Board of Trade why he has not issued a notice incorporating I.S.O. Recommendation R.799/68 on the safety of bulwark ladders and stanchion combinations.
Because the I.S.O. Recommendation does not provide the degree of latitude contained in the Pilot Ladder Rules, 1965 which is essential having regard to the many different designs and shapes of vessels on which pilot ladders are used.
Does the Minister appreciate that I asked his right hon. Friend about the matter following the death of a pilot and we were led to believe that these regulations would be implemented? Since then eight months have passed and there have been other serious accidents. What is the hon. Gentleman to say to pilots, who are perfectly entitled not to board ships under these conditions? Does he want them to go on strike?
These are very difficult problems involving technical considerations. I know of the hon. Member's deep concern, which we share. There are still differences of opinion among the interested parties. We are having discussions, and I hope, like the hon. Member, that these differences will be resolved very shortly.
Humberside Feasibility Study (Report)
With permission, I wish to make a Statement on the Humberside Feasibility Study which was published by the Stationery Office today. Copies are available in the Vote Office.
This is the first Report of the Central Unit for Environmental Planning—a planning team drawn from five Government Departments under the chairmanship of one of my senior officials. It is an important document, dealing with issues of concern to people in all parts of the country. By the end of the century the population of Great Britain is expected to increase by nearly 15 million, a scale of increase without precedent. Regional and sub-regional strategies for population growth are being developed in all regions with the advice of the regional economic planning councils. In order, however, to consider well in advance the possibility of placing some part of this great increase in population in major new centres, three areas were selected for detailed study—Humberside, Severnside and Tayside. The Humberside Study accordingly makes a detailed factual appraisal of the costs and benefits to the nation of promoting a major influx of population into that area which is well clear of the country's main existing concentrations of industry and population. The Report concludes that Humberside has the physical potential to absorb three quarters of a million people and so become an attractive community of nearly 2 million people by the end of the century. It estimates, however, that existing plans, including new towns and town expansion schemes, should be adequate to cope with the increase in the country's population until about 1980, so that an immediate decision whether or not to go ahead on Humberside is not required. Moreover, further study is needed of how the costs and benefits of Humberside would compare with those of other possible ways of locating the same population. Nevertheless, Humberside should be regarded as an area which may well be needed as a site of major population growth after 1980. Accordingly, the Report recommends that measures should be taken in the interim to sustain the area's momentum of economic growth and preserve its potential as a major growth centre. A key factor here is the unification of the two sides of the Humber into a single economic area. To this end the Report recommends early completion of a Humber Bridge. The Government are consulting the Yorkshire and Humberside Council and the local planning authorities about the Report and its recommendations. The Government accept the Report's conclusion that the Humber Bridge and associated linking roads should be constructed in time for service in 1976. To meet this timetable, the necessary preparatory work will be continued so that construction can start in 1972. Like other major estuarial crossings, the bridge will be financed by loan, and tolled. The greater part of the cost will count against the road programme in the usual way, while the remainder will form part of the roads element in the programme for additional expenditure in intermediate areas which I announced in the House last Thursday. When completed, the Humber Bridge will be the longest suspension bridge in the country, and one of the longest in the world.Is the Minister aware that we welcome the commitment to the Hull bridge, the longest suspension bridge in the country, even if its start is to be deferred until 1972, when the next Government will be in office? Does the Minister agree that there has been a very long period of suspense since the right hon. Lady the Secretary of State for Employment and Productivity dangled the bridge before the electorate of Hull at a by-election four years ago?
The suspense has been nothing like so long as the time which passed between the passage of the Humber Bridge Act, 1959 and the announcement that I have made.
Will my right hon. Friend bear in mind the necessity to go ahead as soon as he can with the construction of roads necessary to serve this bridge, particularly from the South?
The building of the bridge will necessitate certain link roads and these are covered by the statement I have made.
Is this decision absolutely final and will work start this year and be completed in 1976 in accordance with the Humberside Feasibility Study?
Will the right hon. Gentleman confirm that the completion of the M62 and M18 roads will be through to Hull by that date to link with the bridge? Will the right hon. Gentleman congratulate those who have compiled this voluminous and excellent Report?I thank the hon. Member for his closing remarks.
Preparatory work on the bridge will take a considerable time to complete, but I have in mind a programme which will allow the bridge to be completed and in use by 1976. The other roads in the road programme will go ahead according to the time-tables already announced.Is my right hon. Friend aware that the whole of Hull and Humberside will warmly welcome the findings of the Humberside Feasibility Study, and particularly his statement that he will implement the pledges made in Hull some years ago? Without this bridge linking the economic units on the north and south banks, Hull itself would never gain its full stature nor would the people of Humberside enjoy the full life which they deserve.
I have no doubt at all that the completion of the Humber Bridge will be of great benefit on both sides of the estuary. Even apart from the projected expansion of the whole Humberside area as a major centre for population location, it will be of great help to the communities and the economic viability of both sides of the Humber.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the most dangerous immediate problem is the road east and west of Hull and the lack of a crossing to Selby, where traffic is building up to a dangerous degree? Will he give a date for the building of that road and a bridge in the Selby area?
That is a different question. If the hon. Member puts it to my right hon. Friend the Minister of Transport I am certain he will be glad to answer.
Is my right hon. Friend aware that this Report takes a very narrow view of Humberside and almost ignores completely the hinterland, particularly Goole and Thorne, where there are large areas of unemployment and much potential growth? Is he aware that road access to the Humber Bridge across Lincolnshire will cost almost as much as the bridge itself and will make the North Hull by-election the most expensive by-election that we have ever had?
I think that my hon. Friend has taken, for him, a surprisingly parochial view of the benefits of the Humber Bridge to the whole Humberside area.
While the incorporation of a Humber bridge into the exciting scheme for Humberside north and south is greatly to be welcomed, has full consideration been given in the Report to the very high quality of much of the agricultural land on the south bank of the Humber? Is the right hon. Gentleman certain that the most economic use will be made of that?
When he studies the Report I think that the hon. Member will find, on page 50 a very admirable balance of advantages and disadvantages, including, of course, the price to be paid in terms of loss of agricultural land. This is clearly one of the factors which must be weighed in coming to a conclusion about the case for such an expansion on Humberside.
Is my right hon. Friend aware that I welcome his announcement, and, in particular, the general underlying tone of confidence which appears in the Report? Further, I congratulate him and his Department on the work that has been done, which follows the pattern outlined by my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Employment and Productivity when she spoke in Hull on that occasion.
My hon. Friend has more direct experience of these events than most hon. Members in the House. I am grateful to him for his commendation and his remarks.
Will my right hon. Friend resist the temptation, if so dazzled by the Humber Bridge, important as it is, to overlook the consequences for other parts of the Yorkshire and Humberside region of the development, or lack of it, in the Scunthorpe and Immingham area, which could have repercussions on the steel producing centres in other parts of the region?
Does he also agree that Yorkshire and Humberside is the only area which has no new town growth centre and that the deferment of such growth to 1980, as suggested in the Report, might be adverse to the development of the region as a whole?I do not think that this would have the adverse effect on the towns on the south bank that my hon. Friend has mentioned. On the contrary, I think that it will give them considerable indirect benefit as it will help the whole of the Humberside area.
Bill Presented
Iron And Steel
Bill to make new provision in relation to the finances of the British Steel Corporation and certain of their subsidiaries; to empower the Minister of Power to vest property, rights, liabilities or obligations of certain of that Corporation's subsidiaries in them and dissolve certain of their subsidiaries and, in that connection, to amend section 41 of the Iron and Steel Act, 1949; to amend the enactments relating to corporation tax in their application, in certain circumstances, to that Corporation; to empower the Board of Trade to make to that Corporation grants comparable to certain of those that may be made under the Industrial Development Act, 1966, and the Ministry of Commerce for Northern Ireland to make to them grants comparable to certain of those that may be made under the Industrial Investment (General Assistance) Act (Northern Ireland), 1966; to alter that Corporation's financial year; and to make new provision with respect to the authentication of the fixing of their seal, presented by Mr. Roy Mason; supported by Mr. John Diamond and Mr. Reginald Freeson; read the First time; to be read a Second time Tomorrow and to be printed. [Bill 148.]
Private Investigators
I beg to move,
During recent years there has been a great increase in the amount of spying and prying into our personal secrets. Government Departments require a great deal of information to carry out the economic and social legislation which this House has enacted. But so do private agencies—credit agencies, prospective employers, and many other people. The range of these inquiries is increasing all the time. I have in my hand a brochure issued by one of the larger firms of private investigators in London. Among the areas which are inquired into are the following: divorce, status inquiries, tracings, repossessions, fraud, internal thefts, embezzlement, industrial espionage, blackmail cases, insurance claims, contested wills, patent infringements and lost relatives. The point which disturbs me and those who support the Bill is that new methods are now being used. The revolution which has taken place in the electronics industry following the introduction of the transistor has made it possible for the investigator into our private lives no longer to have to hide under the bed, in the wardrobe, or in a very damp shrubbery. By using modern electronic devices, he can investigate and record what we are doing, often from some distance away. During recent weeks I have seen electronic devices for this purpose that would make hon. Members' hair stand on end. The Englishman's home used to be his castle, but increasingly his home is now open to both public and private gaze. It may be that some of the public and private collecting of information is really necessary—we do not live in a perfect world—but, clearly, a comprehensive new law about the right to individual privacy is now needed. Hon. Members of both Houses of Parliament have been trying for some time to get such legislation. In 1961, Lord Mancroft, introduced a Right to Privacy Bill in the other place. Unfortunately, that Bill got no further than Second Reading. In February, 1967, my hon. Friend the Member for York (Mr. Alexander W. Lyon) was given leave to introduce a similar Bill in this House. Later that same year the hon. Member for Tynemouth (Dame Irene Ward) initiated a debate on the subject of the rights and liberties of the individual—again with no effect. Those of us who are associated with the campaign being conducted by the National Council for Civil Liberties for the right to privacy hope very much that the Government will take the initiative and will introduce in the near future comprehensive legislation in what is admittedly a very difficult sphere. In the meantime, the Bill which I seek leave to introduce today seeks to deal with the particular problem of the private investigator. When a policeman or any public servant investigating a personal matter breaks the rules or behaves in a manner which this House would find objectionable, we can ultimately question his conduct here or perhaps in some other place. But there is no one available to keep an eye on the "private eye". Therefore, the Bill will require, first, that anyone acting as an inquiry agent on any matter passing through the courts must be authorised to do so by a written certificate issued by a county court judge who will have to satisfy himself that the applicant is a fit and proper person to hold such a certificate. The applicant, furthermore, will be required to take out a bond in the sum of £1,000. The device which I have adopted puts the private investigator in a similar position to the well-recognised position of the bailiff who is regarded, in effect, as an officer of the court in matters with which the court is concerned. Secondly, the Bill will provide that, in the event of misconduct, the court will be able to withdraw the certificate and require the surrender of all or part of the bond. That will mean not merely that the judge to whom the application is made would have to make inquiries about the person applying, but that the insurance company issuing the bond would have to be certain about his financial responsibility before issuing such a bond. Thirdly, the Bill will require the Lord Chancellor to maintain a central list of all the certificates which have been issued by county courts and also a list of those to whom certificates had been refused for one reason or another. He would be further authorised to make any rules which might be necessary to carry out the objects of registration. No one likes more rules and regulations. The trouble is that, unlike medicine and the law, the sphere of private investigation has no single professional body which can regulate the activities of private detectives. During the last few months I have had many discussions with people operating in this area. It has been very difficult to get firm evidence and views from anyone because there are so many associations and one is never sure who belongs to which. As matters stand, there is nothing to stop a man coming out of prison tomorrow—he may have been convicted of blackmail—putting an advertisement in one of the London evening newspapers, setting up in business as a private detective, and thereby getting hold of information which might not merely be embarrassing to the individual, but could be personally very damaging. Although some activities—forcible entry, telephone tapping and the use of radio transmitters—are illegal, it is well-nigh impossible to control their use because a private detective, by definition, must operate in private. At least we ought to ensure that those who seek this kind of information are honourable men and women. Most people in the profession are honourable. All I seek to do is to ensure that this honour is maintained in a profession doing a difficult job. The House has always regarded the rights of the individual as extremely important, and privacy is an important part of those rights. For this reason, I hope that the House will give me leave to introduce the Bill.That leave be given to bring in a Bill to provide for the registration and control of private detectives, investigators and certain other persons engaged in obtaining information about private citizens; and for purposes connected with the matters aforesaid.
Question put and agreed to.
Bill ordered to be brought in by Mr. Gardner, Mr. Lubbock, Dame Joan Vickers, Mrs. Joyce Butler, Mr. Fisher, Sir G. de Freitas, and Mr. Raymond Fletcher.
Private Investigators
Bill to provide for the registration and control of private detectives, investigators and certain other persons engaged in obtaining information about private citizens; and for purposes connected with the matters aforesaid, presented accordingly, and read the First time; to be read a Second time upon Friday, 13th June and to be printed. [Bill 146.]
Orders Of The Day
Post Office Bill
As amended ( in the Standing Committee), further considered.
New Clause 6
Questions To The Minister
Question again proposed, That the Clause be read a Second time.
I understand that the hon. Member for Howden (Mr. Bryan) has the floor.
3.50 p.m.
Mr. Speaker, when we broke off for the luncheon interval, I had been arguing the value of the Parliamentary Question to hon. Members, the value to the consumer of his accessibility to his Member of Parliament, and of the hon. Member's accessibility to the Minister. I argued, further, that this was often the consumer's or the constituent's only access to authority.
I also argued that if we took away the Parliamentary Question, nothing had been conceived to take its place. Neither the Ombudsman nor the Consumer Council nor any other device would take its place. I summed up by saying, that as a result of the passing of this Bill, the consumer would be in a markedly weaker position. He would have lost his access to authority through his Member of Parliament, and nothing credible was being put in its place. Unless it is a practical impossibility for the Parliamentary Question to remain in its present position, this Clause should be passed. What are the possible snags? What is the impracticability of this? Is the new Minister in a position to deal with this sort of problem and has he the necessary staff? I do not think that it can be said that he is short of staff. When we examined the matter in Committee, we found that no fewer than 400 civil servants would be allotted to the Minister of Posts and Telecommunications. Whenever we asked how he would pass his time and use his staff, the Postmaster-General came back to his wireless and television problems. However, there are at the moment 105 civil servants occupied in this Department. What will the remaining 295 do? If the Postmaster-General seeks leave to speak again, we would like to know from him exactly how his staff will be employed. One thing is certain. He has enough staff to deal with Questions. Again, in Committee we discussed his Ministerial assistance, and we could not think what the Parliamentary Secretary to this Minister would do. It was only because of our affection for the present Assistant Postmaster-General that we thought that this would be a nice way for him to pass, if not the autumn, the late summer of his life. However, if it is proved that another junior Minister is required to deal with the number of Questions likely to come, assuming they continue, we shall not quibble about it. In the Report of the Select Committee on Nationalised Industries of its investigation into Ministerial Control of the Nationalised Industries, it was pointed out that the duties of the sponsoring Minister were, first, to exercise overall control of policy and, second, to safeguard the responsibility of the industry to the consumer. That is really what we are trying to make sure that he does now. The second practical snag which is sometimes brought up is that Questions in Parliament are an obstacle to the smooth functioning of the Corporation. Let us consider for a moment the effect of Parliamentary Questions on the Post Office. To get a fair and authoritative view on it, one can do no better than refer to the evidence of Sir Ronald German, who for many years was in a very senior position in the Post Office. In his evidence to the Select Committee on Nationalised Industries, the Chairman asked him, at Question 26:Sir Ronald replied:"Do you find, apart from what you have already told us, that the management of the Post Office is influenced by the parliamentary control as it now exists?"
"I do not think there is any doubt that the existing form of parliamentary control has a market effect on the Post Office. It affects the Post Office at all levels …. The effect of having Ministers in the House responsible for day to day operations of the organisation, liable to be questioned in Parliament by Members on day to day operations of the organisation, has a profound effect right down through the organisation."
Would my hon. Friend tell us whether there is any reference in that evidence to the effect that Parliamentary Questions are dangerous? That was one of the points made to hon. Members.
Perhaps my hon. Friend will allow me to continue on this line of argument, because I think that his point will be answered in a moment.
A little later in his evidence, Sir Ronald said:I think that that is the answer to my hon. Friend."It is not the problem created by the occasional Parliamentary Question, the amount of time involved in answering a Question or indeed the amount of time involved in answering letters from Members of Parliament."
Apparently it is not the Question itself, but Parliamentary control in a general way which inhibits the Corporation. A colleague of Sir Ronald's went on to say:"It is the inhibiting effect in the organisation of parliamentary control."
We cannot blind ourselves to the fact that probably it has some inhibiting factors about it. Later still in his evidence, Sir Ronald said:"It is rather difficult to disentangle the effects of parliamentary control as such from the effects of being a Civil Service Department and having Civil Service procedures, not all of which are laid down because of the needs of parliamentary control …. Whereas there is nothing wrong with that, it is bound to lead to a defensive type of attitude of mind, especially in people who are of an impressionable type."
There we have a balanced view. Clearly, it is not altogether welcomed at the Post Office, but those in charge realise that, in a monopoly position of this sort and in a service industry, they must expect this amount of supervision. Another point on the question of how inhibiting this is in a Corporation was raised by my hon. Friend the Member for Walsall, South (Sir H. d'Avigdor-Goldsmid) and my hon. Friend the Member for Yeovil (Mr. Peyton), when they referred to the possibility of this sort of atmosphere adversely affecting the recruitment of first-class talent of high managerial calibre. However, I do not think that a case for that has been made. In the Select Committee's Report on Ministerial Control of the Nationalised Industries, paragraph 294 describes the difficulties of personnel selection at that level. It does not say that it is because of the difficult atmosphere in the nationalised industries, but that personnel selection is not done very well. The present Secretary of State for Employment and Productivity said, when she was Minister of Transport, that she thought that Ministers were too dependent on available knowledge that "may be knocking about" and on general reputations. That is the scientific basis on which they make their selections—"The advantages of parliamentary control surely are rather these, that here is a public service affecting almost every individual person in the community, and with parliamentary control it is the individual member of the community who feels that at least his representatives are able to question the people in charge about something which he feels is of vital concern to him. It is this aspect, I would have thought, which is important from the general community point of view."
Order. I hope that the hon. Gentleman will link what he is saying with the new Clause.
4.0 p.m.
I am cutting down the passage for that reason, Mr. Speaker. I have now finished it. The point I was making was that, if there is any reason why we do not get the best management in the Post Office or in public corporations now, it is not Parliamentary accountability or Parliamentary Questions.
Mention has been made of the Post Office's monopoly position. Superficially, it may appear to be a monopoly like any other monopoly, but in fact it is the monopoly of all monopolies. It is unique. It is a special case. When nationalisation was introduced in the 1940s, we thought of the fuel and power industries in general in terms of monopoly. In fact, to my surprise, they have become highly competitive with each other. All sorts of things have happened which we could not foresee, like the rise of the gas industry and so on. Thus, a great deal of competition is looking after the consumer to a certain extent, whether or not that extent is satisfactory. The nationalised airways compete with other countries' airlines while the railways compete with the motorcar, which is one of the reasons why the railways suffer. But there is no competition for the Post Office in the majority of its dealings. We all know the danger of monopoly to the customer. It fails to react to him. In addition, it fails to react in its business dealings and the best possible illustration of that is the one fresh in our minds—the two-tier postal system in its early days. There was chaos for the first two or three weeks, and, clearly, any competitive industry would have reacted and changed straight away. The original idea was that the situation would be reviewed after three months but within three days one could see what was happening. The Post Office was well off the mark and it was Parliamentary accountability which got us the debate. We were well-informed of what was happening all over the country and were able to tell the Postmaster-General about it. It was because of this accountability that the right hon. Gentleman made the alterations he did. In the light of this tremendous argument, which I think everyone agrees with, I am surprised that the right hon. Gentleman has not taken a more conciliatory line. On Clause 13, earlier, he put up the white flag after nothing more than a shot across his bows. We have had many hours of debate and many broadsides have been fired at him, but he is still unwilling to include the new Clause, which he practically admits to be harmless. We cannot understand why we have been required to debate for so long something which at least would do no harm and which, clearly, is wanted by a majority of hon. Members. No method has been found to protect the consumer superior to parliamentary accountability and Questions. The Minister is equipped to deal with the matter. The embarrassment, if it is embarrassment, is often beneficial to the Post Office. The argument against Questions about day-to-day operations may be tenable in the other nationalised industries, but the Post Office is a special situation where it is not. Therefore, whether the new Clause is passed or not, one of the most important things will be the Minister's interpretation in future of what is day-to-day and what is not. My hon. Friend the Member for Worcestershire, South (Sir G. Nabarro) said that he depended very much on the Clerks at the Table for interpretation of whether a Question is acceptable or not and I dare say that, in turn, they are influenced by what they know the Minister himself will accept. I hope that the pattern is set early in the life of the Corporation whereby the Minister, whatever the Act, as it then will be, says, will accept a very wide range of Questions and will remember that what may be trivia to a Minister is a real grievance to a constituent. I finish on a different subject. I hope, Mr. Speaker, that you will allow my hon. Friends who wish to speak to continue this debate. I do not think that you were present this morning when the hon. Member for West Ham, North (Mr. Arthur Lewis) made a two-hour speech. It was entirely welcome, enjoyable, instructive and useful, but it had the effect that a number of my hon. Friends, who had waited all through last night's debate and all through this morning's debate with speeches prepared, were not able to speak. It is an unusual and unique situation. I ask you to consider this situation when the Closure is put, as no doubt it will be.rose in his place and claimed to move, That the Question be now put.
The House proceeded to a Division—
(seated and covered): On a point of order. Mr. Speaker. In accepting the Motion for the Closure, it may well be that justice is not being done to the argument. I know that some of my hon. Friends want to speak in support of the Postmaster-General's case. All we have heard are speeches opposed to it. We have not had a balanced debate if those who hold views similar to the right hon. Gentleman are not allowed to express them from the back benches.
The question of accepting a Motion for the Closure is a matter for Mr. Speaker.
The House divided: Ayes 222, Noes 183.
Division No. 179.]
| AYES
| [4.7 p.m.
|
| Albu, Austen | Harper, Joseph | Morris, John (Aberavon) |
| Anderson, Donald | Harrison, Walter (Wakefield) | Mulley, Rt. Hn. Frederick |
| Archer, Peter | Hart, Rt. Hn. Judith | Murray, Albert |
| Atkins, Ronald (Preston, N.) | Haseldine, Norman | Neal, Harold |
| Atkinson, Norman (Tottenham) | Hattersley, Roy | Newens, Stan |
| Bacon, Rt. Hn. Alice | Healey, Rt. Hn. Denis | Oakes, Gordon |
| Bagier, Gorgon A. T. | Herbison, Rt. Hn. Margaret | Ogden, Eric |
| Barnes, Michael | Hilton, W. S. | O'Malley, Brian |
| Barnett, Joel | Hooley, Frank | Oram, Albert E. |
| Benn, Rt. Hn. Anthony Wedgwood | Houghton, Rt. Hn. Douglas | Orbach, Maurice |
| Bidwell, Sydney | Howarth, Robert (Bolton, E.) | Orme, Stanley |
| Bishop, E. S. | Howie, W. | Oswald, Thomas |
| Blackburn, F. | Hughes, Emrys (Ayrshire, S.) | Owen, Dr. David (Plymouth, S'tn) |
| Blenkinsop, Arthur | Hughes, Roy (Newport) | Owen, Will (Morpeth) |
| Booth, Albert | Hunter, Adam | Paget, R. T. |
| Boston, Terence | Hynd, John | Pannell, Rt. Hn. Charles |
| Bottomley, Rt. Hn. Arthur | Jackson, Colin (B'h'se & Spenb'gh) | Parker, John (Dagenham) |
| Boyden, James | Janner, Sir Barnett | Parkyn, Brian (Bedford) |
| Bray, Dr. Jeremy | Jay, Rt. Hn. Douglas | Pavitt, Laurence |
| Brooks, Edwin | Jeger, George (Goole) | Pearson, Arthur (Pontypridd) |
| Broughton, Dr. A. D. D. | Jeger, Mrs. Lena (H'b'n & St. P'cras, S.) | Peart, Rt. Hn. Fred |
| Brown, Hugh D. (G'gow, Provan) | Jenkins, Hugh (Putney) | Pentland, Norman |
| Brown, R. W. (Shoreditch & F'bury) | Johnson, Carol (Lewisham, S.) | Perry, George H. (Nottingham, S.) |
| Buchan, Norman | Johnson, James (K'ston-on-Hull, W.) | Price, William (Rugby) |
| Cant, R. B. | Jones, Dan (Burnley) | Probert, Arthur |
| Carmichael, Neil | Jones, Rt. Hn. Sir Elwyn (W. Ham, S.) | Rankin, John |
| Carter-Jones, Lewis | Jones, J. Idwal (Wrexham) | Rees, Merlyn |
| Castle, Rt. Hn. Barbara | Jones, T. Alec (Rhondda, West) | Roberts, Albert (Normanton) |
| Chapman, Donald | Judd, Frank | Roberts, Rt. Hn. Goronwy |
| Coleman, Donald | Kelley, Richard | Robertson, John (Paisley) |
| Conlan, Bernard | Kenyon, Clifford | Rogers, George (Kensington, N.) |
| Corbet, Mrs. Freda | Kerr, Russell (Feltham) | Rose, Paul |
| Crawshaw, Richard | Lawson, George | Ross, Rt. Hn. William |
| Dalyell, Tam | Leadbitter, Ted | Ryan, John |
| Davies, G. Elfed (Rhondda, E.) | Lee, Rt. Hn. Frederick (Newton) | Shaw, Arnold (Ilford, S.) |
| Davies, Dr. Ernest (Stretford) | Lee, John (Reading) | Sheldon, Robert |
| Davies, Rt. Hn. Harold (Leek) | Lewis, Arthur (W. Ham, N.) | Shinwell, Rt. Hn. E. |
| Davies, Ifor (Gower) | Lipton, Marcus | Shore, Rt. Hn. Peter (Stepney) |
| de Freitas, Rt. Hn. Sir Geoffrey | Lomas, Kenneth | Short, Mrs. Renée (W'hampton, N. E.) |
| Delargy, Hugh | Luard, Evan | Silkin, Rt. Hn. John (Deptford) |
| Dell, Edmund | Lyon, Alexander W. (York) | Silkin, Hn. S. C. (Dulwich) |
| Dempsey, James | Lyons, Edward (Bradford, E.) | Silverman, Julius |
| Dickens, James | McBride, Neil | Skeffington, Arthur |
| Dobson, Ray | McCann, John | Slater, Joseph |
| Doig, Peter | MacColl, James | Small, William |
| Driberg, Tom | Macdonald, A. H. | Spriggs, Leslie |
| Dunwoody, Mrs. Gwyneth (Exeter) | McGuire, Michael | Steele, Thomas (Dunbartonshire, W.) |
| Dunwoody, Dr. John (F'th & C'b'e) | McKay, Mrs. Margaret | Stonehouse, Rt. Hn. John |
| Eadie, Alex | Mackenzie, Gregor (Rutherglen) | Strauss, Rt. Hn. G. R. |
| Edelman, Maurice | Mackle, John | Summerskill, Hn. Dr. Shirley |
| Edwards, William (Merioneth) | Mackintosh, John P. | Taverne, Dick |
| Ellis, John | Maclennan, Robert | Thomas, Rt. Hn. George |
| English, Michael | McNamara, J. Kevin | Thomson, Rt. Hn. George |
| Ennals, David | MacPherson, Malcolm | Thornton, Ernest |
| Ensor, David | Mahon, Peter (Preston, S.) | Tinn, James |
| Evans, Ioan L. (Birm'h'm, Yardley) | Mahon, Simon (Bootle) | Tomney, Frank |
| Finch, Harold | Mallalieu, J. P. W. (Huddersfield, E.) | Urwin, T. W. |
| Fletcher Raymond (Ilkeston) | Manuel, Archie | Walker, Harold (Doncaster) |
| Fletcher, Ted (Darlington) | Mapp, Charles | Watkins, David (Consett) |
| Foley, Maurice | Marks, Kenneth | Watkins, Tudor (Brecon & Radnor) |
| Foot, Michael (Ebbw Vale) | Marquand, David | Wellbeloved, James |
| Ford, Ben | Marsh, Rt. Hn. Richard | White, Mrs. Eirene |
| Forrester, John | Mason, Rt. Hn. Roy | Whitlock, William |
| Fowler Gerry | Mayhew, Christopher | Wilkins, W. A. |
| Freeson, Reginald | Mellish, Rt. Hn. Robert | Williams, Alan (Swansea, W.) |
| Galpern, Sir Myer | Mendelson, John | Williams, Mrs. Shirley (Hitchin) |
| Gardner, Tony | Mikardo, Ian | Willis, Rt. Hn. George |
| Garrett, W. E. | Millan, Bruce | Wilson, Rt. Hn. Harold (Huyton) |
| Gray, Dr. Hugh (Yarmouth) | Miller, Dr. M. S. | Wilson, William (Coventry, S.) |
| Greenwood, Rt. Hn. Anthony | Mitchell, R. C. (S'th'pton, Test) | Woodburn, Rt. Hn. A. |
| Gregory, Arnold | Molloy, William | Woof, Robert |
| Grey, Charles (Durham) | Moonman, Eric | |
| Griffiths, David (Rother Valley) | Morgan, Elystan (Cardiganshire) | TELLERS FOR THE AYES: |
| Griffiths, Eddie (Brghtside) | Morris, Alfred (Wythenshawe) | Mr. Ernest G. Perry and |
| Griffiths, Will (Exchange) | Morris, Charles R. (Openshaw) | Mr. Alan Fitch. |
| Hamilton, William (Fife, W.) |
NOES
| ||
| Alison, Michael (Barkston Ash) | Harris, Frederic (Croydon N. W.) | Orr, Capt. L. P. S. |
| Allason, James (Hemel Hempstead) | Harrison, Brian (Maldon) | Page, John (Harrow, W.) |
| Astor, John | Harrison, Col. Sir Harwood (Eye) | Pearson, Sir Frank (Clitheroe) |
| Baker, Kenneth (Acton) | Harvey, Sir Arthur Vere | Peel, John |
| Baker, W. H. K. (Banff) | Harvie Anderson, Miss | Percival, Ian |
| Balniel, Lord | Hawkins, Paul | Peyton, John |
| Barber, Rt. Hn. Anthony | Hay, John | Pink, R. Bonner |
| Batsford, Brian | Heald, Rt. Hn. Sir Lionel | Pounder, Rafton |
| Bell, Ronald | Heath, Rt. Hn. Edward | Powell, Rt. Hn. J. Enoch |
| Bennett, Dr. Reginald (Gos. & Fhm) | Heseltine, Michael | Prior, J. M. L. |
| Berry, Hn. Anthony | Higgins, Terence L. | Pym, Francis |
| Bessell, Peter | Hiley, Joseph | Quennell, Miss J. M. |
| Birch, Rt. Hn. Nigel | Hill, J. E. B. | Renton, Rt. Hn. Sir David |
| Black, Sir Cyril | Hirst, Geoffrey | Ridley, Hn. Nicholas |
| Boardman, Tom (Leicester, S. W.) | Holland, Philip | Ridsdale, Julian |
| Boyd-Carpenter, Rt. Hn. John | Hooson, Emlyn | Rippon, Rt. Hn. Geoffrey |
| Boyle, Rt. Hn. Sir Edward | Hordern, Peter | Rossi, Hugh (Hornsey) |
| Braine, Bernard | Howell, David (Guildford) | Royle, Anthony |
| Bromley-Davenport, Lt.-Col. Sir Walter | Hunt, John | Russell, Sir Ronald |
| Brown, Sir Edward (Bath) | Hutchison, Michael Clark | St. John-Stevas, Norman |
| Bruce-Gardyne, J. | Iremonger, T. L. | Scott, Nicholas |
| Bryan, Paul | Irvine, Bryant Godman (Rye) | Scott-Hopkins, James |
| Buchanan-Smith, Alick (Angus, N & M) | Jenkin, Patrick (Woodford) | Sharples, Richard |
| Buck, Antony (Colchester) | Jennings, J. C. (Burton) | Shaw, Michael (Sc'b'gh & Whitby) |
| Bullus, Sir Eric | Johnston, Russell (Inverness) | Silvester, Frederick |
| Burden, F. A. | Jopling, Michael | Sinclair, Sir George |
| Campbell, B. (Oldham, W.) | Kaberry, Sir Donald | Smith, Dudley (W'wick & L'mington) |
| Campbell, Gordon (Moray & Nairn) | Kerby, Capt. Henry | Smith, John (London & W'minster) |
| Carlisle, Mark | Kershaw, Anthony | Speed, Keith |
| Channon, H. P. G. | King, Evelyn (Dorset, S.) | Stainton, Keith |
| Clark, Henry | Kitson, Timothy | Steel, David (Roxburgh) |
| Clegg, Walter | Lancaster, Col. C. G. | Stodart, Anthony |
| Costain, A. P. | Lane, David | Summers, Sir Spencer |
| Craddock, Sir Beresford (Spelthorne) | Legge-Bourke, Sir Harry | Tapsell, Peter |
| Crouch, David | Lewis, Kenneth (Rutland) | Taylor, Sir Charles (Eastbourne) |
| Cunningham, Sir Knox | Lloyd, Ian (P'tsm'th, Langstone) | Taylor, Edward M. (G'gow, Cathcart) |
| Dance, James | Lloyd, Rt. Hn. Selwyn (Wirral) | Taylor, Frank (Moss Side) |
| Davidson, James, (Aberdeenshire, W.) | Longden, Gilbert | Temple, John M. |
| Dean, Paul | Lubbock, Eric | Thorpe, Rt. Hn. Jeremy |
| Drayson, G. B. | MacArthur, Ian | Turton, Rt. Hn. R. H. |
| Eden, Sir John | Mackenzie, Alasdair (Ross & Crom'ty) | van Straubenzee, W. R. |
| Elliot, Capt. Walter (Carshalton) | McMaster, Stanley | Vaughan-Morgan, Rt. Hn. Sir John |
| Elliott, R. W. (N'c'le-upon-Tyne, N.) | McNair-Wilson, M. (Walthamstow, E.) | Wainwright, Richard (Colne Valley) |
| Emery, Peter | McNair-Wilson, Patrick (New Forest) | Walker, Peter (Worcester) |
| Errington, Sir Eric | Maginnis, John E. | Walker-Smith, Rt. Hn. Sir Derek |
| Evans, Gwynfor (C'marthen) | Marten, Neil | Walters, Dennis |
| Ewing, Mrs. Winifred | Mawby, Ray | Ward, Dame Irene |
| Eyre, Reginald | Maxwell-Hyslop, R. J. | Wells, John (Maidstone) |
| Farr John | Mills, Peter (Torrington) | Whitelaw, Rt. Hn. William |
| Fortescue, Tim | Mills, Stratton (Belfast, N.) | Wiggin, A. W. |
| Fraser, Rt. Hn. Hugh (St'fford & Stone) | Monro, Hector | Williams, Donald (Dudley) |
| Gilmour, Ian (Norfolk, C.) | Montgomery, Fergus | Wilson, Geoffrey (Truro) |
| Gilmour, Sir John (Fife, E.) | More, Jasper | Winstanley, Dr. M. P. |
| Glover, Sr Douglas | Morgan, Geraint (Denbigh) | Wolrige-Gordon, Patrick |
| Goodhart, Philip | Morrison, Charles (Devizes) | Wood, Rt. Hn. Richard |
| Goodhew Victor | Munro-Lucas-Tooth, Sir Hugh | Worsley, Marcus |
| Gower, Raymond | Murton, Oscar | Wright, Esmond |
| Grant, Anthony | Nabarro, Sir Gerald | Younger, Hn. George |
| Gresham Cooke, R. | Neave, Airey | |
| Grimond, Rt. Hn. J. | Nicholls, Sir Harmar | TELLERS FOR THE NOES: |
| Gurden Harold | Noble, Rt. Hn. Michael | Mr. Humphrey Atkins and |
| Hall-Davies, A. G. F. | Onslow, Cranley | Mr. Bernard Weatherill. |
| Hamilton, Michael (Salisbury) | ||
Question put accordingly, That the Clause be read a Second time:—
Division No. 180.]
| AYES
| [4.16 p.m.
|
| Alison, Michael (Barkston Ash) | Bell, Ronald | Braine, Bernard |
| Allason, James (Hemel Hempstead) | Bennett, Dr. Reginald (Gos & Fhm) | Bromley-Davenport, Lt.-Col. Sir Walter |
| Amery, Rt. Hn. Julian | Berry, Rt. Hn. Anthony | Brown, Sir Edward (Bath) |
| Astor John | Bessell, Peter | Bruce-Gardyne, J. |
| Atkins, Humphrey (M't'n & M'd'n) | Bidwell, Sydney | Bryan, Paul |
| Atkinson, Norman (Tottenham) | Birch, Rt. Hn. Nigel | Buchanan-Smith, Alick (Angus, N & M) |
| Baker, Kenneth (Acton) | Black, Sir Cyril | Buck, Antony (Colchester) |
| Baker, W. H. K. (Banff) | Boardman, Tom (Leicester, S. W.) | Bullus, Sir Eric |
| Balniel, Lord | Booth, Albert | Burden, F. A. |
| Barber, Rt. Hn. Anthony | Boyd-Carpenter, R. Hn. John | Campbell, B. (Oldham, W.) |
| Batsford, Brian | Boyle, Rt. Hn. Sir Edward | Campbell, Gordon (Moray & Nairn) |
The House divided: Ayes 201, Noes 206.
| Carlisle, Mark | Hutchison, Michael Clark | Powell, Rt. Hn. J. Enoch |
| Channon, H. P. G. | Iremonger, T. L. | Prior, J. M. L. |
| Clark, Henry | Irvine, Bryant Godman (Rye) | Pym, Francis |
| Costain, A. P. | Jeger, Mrs. Lena (H'b'n & St. P'cras, S.) | Quennell, Miss J. M. |
| Craddock, Sir Beresford (Spelthorne) | Jenkin, Patrick (Woodford) | Rawlinson, Rt. Hn. Sir Peter |
| Crouch, David | Jennings, J. C. (Burton) | Renton, Rt. Hn. Sir David |
| Crowder, F. P. | Johnston, Russell (Inverness) | Ridley, Hn. Nicholas |
| Cunningham, Sir Knox | Jopling, Michael | Ridsdale, Julian |
| Dance, James | Kaberry, Sir Donald | Rippon, Rt. Hn. Geoffrey |
| Davidson, James (Aberdeenshire, W.) | Kerby, Capt. Henry | Rossi, Hugh (Hornsey) |
| Dean, Paul | Kerr, Dr. David (W'worth, Central) | Royle, Anthony |
| Dickens, James | Kerr, Russell (Feltham) | Russell, Sir Ronald |
| Drayson, G. B. | Kershaw, Anthony | Ryan, John |
| Driberg, Tom | King, Evelyn (Dorset, S.) | St. John-Stevas, Norman |
| Eden, Sir John | Kitson, Timothy | Scott, Nicholas |
| Elliot, Capt. Walter (Carshalton) | Lancaster, Col. C. G. | Scott-Hopkins, James |
| Elliott, R. W. (N'c'le-upon-Tyne, N.) | Lane, David | Sharples, Richard |
| Emery, Peter | Lee, John (Reading) | Shaw, Michael (Sc'b'gh & Whitby) |
| Errington, Sir Eric | Legge-Bourke, Sir Harry | Silvester, Frederick |
| Evans, Gwynfor (C'marthen) | Lewis, Kenneth (Rutland) | Sinclair, Sir George |
| Ewing, Mrs. Winifred | Lloyd, Ian (P'tsm'th, Langstone) | Smith, Dudley (W'wick & L'mington) |
| Eyre, Reginald | Lloyd, Rt. Hn. Selwyn (Wirral) | Smith, John (London & W'minster) |
| Farr, John | Longden, Gilbert | Speed, Keith |
| Foot, Michael (Ebbw Vale) | Lubbock, Eric | Stainton, Keith |
| Fortescue, Tim | MacArthur, Ian | Steel, David (Roxburgh) |
| Fraser, Rt. Hn. Hugh (St'fford & Stone) | McMaster, Stanley | Stodart, Anthony |
| Gilmour, Ian (Norfolk, C.) | Mackenzie, Alasdair (Ross & Crom'ty) | Summers, Sir Spencer |
| Gilmour, Sir John (Fife, E.) | McNair-Wilson, Michael | Tapsell, Peter |
| Glover, Sir Douglas | McNair-Wilson, Patrick (New Forest) | Taylor, Sir Charles (Eastbourne) |
| Goodhart, Philip | Maginnis, John E. | Taylor, Edward M. (G'gow, Cathcart) |
| Goodhew, Victor | Marten Neil | Taylor, Frank (Moss Side) |
| Gower, Raymond | Maude, Angus | Temple, John M. |
| Grant, Anthony | Mawby, Ray | Thorpe, Rt. Hn. Jeremy |
| Gresham Cooke, R. | Maxwell-Hyslop, R. J. | Turton, Rt. Hn. R. H. |
| Grimond, Rt. Hn. J. | Mills, Peter (Torrington) | van Straubenzee, W. R. |
| Gurden, Harold | Mills, Stratton (Belfast, N.) | Vaughan-Morgan, Rt. Hn. Sir John |
| Hall-Davis, A. G. F. | Monro, Hector | Wainwright, Richard (Colne Valley) |
| Hamilton, Michael (Salisbury) | Montgomery, Fergus | Walker, Peter (Worcester) |
| Harris, Frederic (Croydon, N. W.) | More, Jasper | Walker-Smith, Rt. Hn. Sir Derek |
| Harrison, Brian (Maldon) | Morgan, Geraint (Denbigh) | Walters, Dennis |
| Harrison, Col. Sir Harwood (Eye) | Morrison, Charles (Devizes) | Ward, Dame Irene |
| Harvey, Sir Arthur Vere | Munro-Lucas-Tooth, Sir Hugh | Weatherill, Bernard |
| Harvie Anderson, Miss | Murton, Oscar | Wells, John (Maidstone) |
| Hawkins, Paul | Nabarro, Sir Gerald | Whitelaw, Rt. Hn. William |
| Hay, John | Neave, Airey | Wiggin, A. W. |
| Heald, Rt. Hn. Sir Lionel | Newens, Stan | Williams, Donald (Dudley) |
| Heath, Rt. Hn. Edward | Nicholls, Sir Harmar | Wilson, Geoffrey (Truro) |
| Heseltine, Michael | Noble, Rt. Hn. Michael | Winstanley, Dr. M. P. |
| Higgins, Terence L. | Onslow, Cranley | Wolrige-Gordon, Patrick |
| Hiley, Joseph | Orme, Stanley | Wood, Rt. Hn. Richard |
| Hill, J. E. B. | Orr, Capt. L. P. S. | Worsley, Marcus |
| Hirst, Geoffrey | Page, John (Harrow, W.) | Wright, Esmond |
| Holland, Philip | Pearson, Sir Frank (Clitheroe) | Younger, Hn. George |
| Hooson, Emlyn | Peel, John | |
| Hordern, Peter | Percival, Ian | TELLERS FOR THE AYES: |
| Howell, David (Guildford) | Peyton, John | Mr. Hugh Jenkins and |
| Hughes, Emrys (Ayrshire, S.) | Pink, R. Bonner | Mr. Ian Mikardo. |
| Hunt, John | Pounder, Rafton |
NOES
| ||
| Albu, Austen | Carter-Jones, Lewis | Edelman, Maurice |
| Anderson, Donald | Castle, Rt. Hn. Barbara | Edwards, William (Merioneth) |
| Archer, Peter | Chapman, Donald | Ellis, John |
| Atkins, Ronald (Preston, N.) | Coleman, Donald | English, Michael |
| Bacon, Rt. Hn. Alice | Conlan, Bernard | Ennals, David |
| Bagier, Gordon A. T. | Corbet, Mrs. Freda | Ensor, David |
| Barnes, Michael | Crawshaw, Richard | Evans, Ioan L. (Birm'h'm, Yardley) |
| Barnett, Joel | Crossman Rt. Hn. Richard | Finch, Harold |
| Benn, Rt. Hn. Anthony Wedgwood | Dalyell, Tam | Fletcher, Raymond (Ilkeston) |
| Bishop, E. S. | Davies, G. Elfed (Rhondda, E.) | Fletcher, Ted (Darlington) |
| Blackburn, F. | Davies, Dr. Ernest (Stretford) | Foley, Maurice |
| Blenkinsop, Arthur | Davies, Rt. Hn. Harold (Leek) | Ford, Ben |
| Boston, Terence | Davies, Ifor (Gower) | Forrester, John |
| Bottomley, Rt. Hn. Arthur | de Freitas, Rt. Hn. Sir Geoffrey | Fowler, Gerry |
| Boyden James | Delargy, Hugh | Freeson, Reginald |
| Bray, Dr. Jeremy | Dell, Edmund | Galpern, Sir Myer |
| Brooks, Edwin | Dempsey, James | Gardner, Tony |
| Broughton, Dr. A. D. D. | Dewar, Donald | Garrett, W. E. |
| Brown, Hugh D. (G'gow, Provan) | Dobson, Ray | Gordon Walker, Rt. Hn. P. C. |
| Brown, R. W. (Shoreditch & F'bury) | Doig, Peter | Gray, Dr. Hugh (Yarmouth) |
| Buchan, Norman | Dunwoody, Mrs. Gwyneth (Exeter) | Greenwood, Rt. Hn. Anthony |
| Cant, R. B. | Dunwoody, Dr. John (F'th & C'b'e) | Gregory, Arnold |
| Carmichael, Neil | Eadie, Alex | Grey, Charles (Durham) |
| Griffiths, David (Rother Valley) | Mackie, John | Rees, Merlyn |
| Griffiths, Eddie (Brightside) | Mackintosh, John P. | Roberts, Rt. Hn. Goronwy |
| Hamilton, William (Fife, W.) | Maclennan, Robert | Robertson, John (Paisley) |
| Harper, Joseph | McNamara, J. Kevin | Rodgers, William (Stockton) |
| Harrison, Walter (Wakefield) | MacPherson, Malcolm | Rogers, George (Kensington, N.) |
| Hart, Rt. Hn. Judith | Mahon, Peter (Preston, S.) | Rose, Paul |
| Haseldine, Norman | Mahon, Simon (Bootle) | Ross, Rt. Hn. William |
| Hattersley, Roy | Mallalieu, J. P. W. (Huddersfield, E.) | Shaw, Arnold (Ilford, S.) |
| Healey, Rt. Hn. Denis | Manuel, Archie | Sheldon, Robert |
| Herbison, Rt. Hn. Margaret | Mapp, Charles | Shinwell, Rt. Hn. E. |
| Hilton, W. S. | Marks, Kenneth | Short, Mrs. Renée (W'hampton, N. E.) |
| Hobden, Dennis | Marquand, David | Silkin, Rt. Hn. John (Deptford) |
| Hooley, Frank | Marsh, Rt. Hn. Richard | Silkin, Hn. S. C. (Dulwich) |
| Houghton, Rt. Hn. Douglas | Mason, Rt. Hn. Roy | Skeffington, Arthur |
| Howarth, Robert (Bolton, E.) | Mayhew, Christopher | Slater, Joseph |
| Howie, W. | Mellish, Rt. Hn. Robert | Small, William |
| Hughes, Roy (Newport) | Millan, Bruce | Spriggs, Leslie |
| Hunter, Adam | Miller, Dr. M. S. | Steele, Thomas (Dunbartonshire, W.) |
| Hynd, John | Mitchell, R. C. (S'th'pton, Test) | Stonehouse, Rt. Hn. John |
| Irvine, Sir Arthur (Edge Hill) | Moonman, Eric | Strauss, Rt. Hn. G. R. |
| Jackson, Colin (B'h'se & Spenb'gh) | Morgan, Elystan (Cardiganshire) | Summerskill, Hn. Dr. Shirley |
| Janner, Sir Barnett | Morris, Alfred (Wythenshawe) | Taverne, Dick |
| Jay, Rt. Hn. Douglas | Morris, Charles R. (Openshaw) | Thomas, Rt. Hn. George |
| Jeger, George (Goole) | Morris, John (Aberavon) | Thomson, Rt. Hn. George |
| Johnson, Carol (Lewisham, S.) | Mulley, Rt. Hn. Frederick | Thornton, Ernest |
| Johnson, James (K'ston-on-Hull, W.) | Murray, Albert | Tinn, James |
| Jones, Dan (Burnley) | Neal, Harold | Tomney, Frank |
| Jones, Rt. Hn. Sir Elwyn (W. Ham, S.) | Oakes, Gordon | Urwin, T. W. |
| Jones, T. Alec (Rhondda, West) | Ogden, Eric | |
| Judd, Frank | O'Malley, Brian | Walker, Harold (Doncaster) |
| Kelley, Richard | Oram, Albert E. | Watkins, David (Consett) |
| Kenyon, Clifford | Orbach, Maurice | Watkins, Tudor (Brecon & Radnor) |
| Lawson, George | Oswald, Thomas | Wellbeloved, James |
| Leadbitter, Ted | Owen, Dr. David (Plymouth, S'tn) | White, Mrs. Eirene |
| Lee, Rt. Hn. Frederick (Newton) | Owen, Will (Morpeth) | Whitlock, William |
| Lipton, Marcus | Paget, R. T. | Wilkins, W. A. |
| Lomas, Kenneth | Pannell, Rt. Hn. Charles | Williams, Alan (Swansea, W.) |
| Luard, Evan | Parker, John (Dagenham) | Williams, Mrs. Shirley (Hitchin) |
| Lyon, Alexander W. (York) | Parkyn, Brian (Bedford) | Willis, Rt. Hn. George |
| Lyons, Edward (Bradford, E.) | Pavitt, Laurence | Wilson, Rt. Hn. Harold (Huyton) |
| McBride, Neil | Pearson, Arthur (Pontypridd) | Wilson, William (Coventry, S.) |
| McCann, John | Peart, Rt. Hn. Fred | Woodburn, Rt. Hn. A. |
| MacColl, James | Pentland, Norman | Woof, Robert |
| Macdonald, A. H. | Perry, George H. (Nottingham, S.) | |
| McGuire, Michael | Price, William (Rugby) | TELLERS FOR THE NOES: |
| McKay, Mrs. Margaret | Probert, Arthur | Mr. Ernest G. Perry and |
| Mackenzie, Gregor (Rutherglen) | Rankin, John | Mr. Alan Fitch. |
New Clause 7
Postal And Telecommunications Board
Brought up, and read the First time.
I beg to move, That the Clause be read a Second time.
With this new Clause, I suggest that we take new Clause 8—(Appeals to the Minister in connection with Licences under section 27):
We can also take the new Schedule:
THE POSTAL AND TELECOMMUNICATIONS BOARD
1. The Board shall consist of not less than five nor more than twelve members appointed by the Minister, who shall also appoint two of those members to be chairman and deputy chairman respectively of the Board.
2. Subject to the provisions of this Schedule, the chairman, the deputy chairman and each of the other members of the Board shall hold and vacate his office in accordance with the terms of the instrument appointing him.
3. The Minister—
and the Minister shall, as soon as possible after the establishment of the Board, lay before each House of Parliament a statement of the remuneration and allowances that are or will be payable under this paragraph to the members of the Board; and if any subsequent determination made by him under this paragraph involves any departure from the terms of that statement or if a determination so made provides for the payment of a pension to or in respect of any member of the Board, the Minister shall, as soon as possible after the determination, lay a statement thereof before each House of Parliament.
4. If the Minister is satisfied that the chairman or deputy chairman of the Board is temporarily unable to discharge the functions of his office owing to illness or any other cause, he may appoint some other member of the Board to act for the time being in the place of the chairman or deputy chairman, as the case may be.
5. If the Minister is satisfied that a member of the Board—
the Minister may, by giving notice in such manner as he thinks fit, declare that person's office as a member of the Board to have become vacant.
6. The Board may act notwithstanding a vacancy in the membership thereof, and no act of the Board shall be invalidated by reason of any irregularity in the appointment of any member thereof or by reason of any person irregularly acting as a member thereof.
I had not expected to move the Second Reading of this new Clause quite so early in our proceedings, Mr. Speaker, and would not now be doing so had it not been for the extraordinary and premature action of the Government Whip in closing the previous debate—
My hon. Friend might like to emphasise the fact that the first official act of the new Government Chief Whip has been to gag Parliament by moving the Closure. It offers terrifying prospects for the rest of the life of this Parliament.
Order. Let us get on with the debate.
My hon. Friend the Member for Peterborough (Sir Harmar Nicholls) would appear to be right.
We have just been discussing the very important issue of Parliamentary accountability, and we now come to the general question, which I believe to be at least of equal importance, it is how this House can preserve its rights and curtail the enormous extension of monopoly in the Bill. It has been rightly said that under the Bill the new Corporation will have the monopoly of all monopolies. The new Clause, together with the new Schedule, would set up a postal and telecommunications board, while Amendment, No. 93 would leave out Clause 27, which deals with the licensing powers of the new Corporation. For the benefit of those who were not members of the Standing Committee, it is necessary, to underline the necessity for the Clause, to stress the enormous extension of the monopoly powers given to the new Corporation by the Bill over those monopoly powers already existing in the Post Office. I do not wish to labour at great length all the arguments which were deployed in Committee, but it is essential to enumerate the extensions of monopoly over which the new Clause seeks to exercise a modest degree of control. 4.30 p.m. I invite my hon. Friends who were not on the Committee to look again at Clause 24 of the Bill. They will find words which are so wide and so little qualified by anything which appears subsequently that what we are dealing with in the Bill is not a simple transfer of the intentions of the present Post Office, but a new nationalised Corporation. Together with those powers are being transferred all the rights of the Crown which the present Post Office carries with it and all the rights of Parliament. We are not in this legislation nationalising one commodity; we are not nationalising coal, or electricity, or gas, We are nationalising every conceivable form of telecommunications in this country, not only existing telecommunications but any which it is possible to conceive will exist in the future. It is not creeping nationalisation. It is the most comprehensive piece of nationalisation of everything which is likely to happen in telecommunications of which man can possibly conceive. It is the most massive piece of nationalisation in advance removing all the rights of Parliament to control it in the future and handing over to the new Corporation powers to license its own competitors. It is as if one amalgamated B.O.A.C. and B.E.A. and at the same time made them the Air Transport Licensing Authority. It is just as bad.And it would perhaps give them rights over space travel in the future.
I do not want to argue all the details of the monopoly which were argued in the Committee. I would remind my hon. Friends of some of the things which now come under the new Post Office monopoly which were not in the existing monopoly. They include the remote control of machinery, interconnected pipelines between chemical plants and oil refineries, burglar and fire alarm systems operated or monitored remotely, and internal services. We discussed in Committee the question of all the common services which might be supplied within blocks of flats. Because of the licensing power in Clause 27, the Corporation has the power to take over all those if it so wishes. None of that is reserved to the Minister or to Parliament.
The common services which are involved include central heating, remote lighting control, watchmen control systems, door-opening systems, common radio and television sets. There is no point in labouring all these matters. But it goes beyond that. The Corporation will have power to control by licence its competitors in all kinds of subjects, such as vehicle control on the public highway. If anybody were to invent a system of automatic headlight dipping this would come within the scope of Clause 24 and would be an infringement of the present monopoly of the new Corporation and would require a licence from it. The new Corporation could in the future, if it wished, take such matters into its own public control. This would involve all kinds of remote signal systems—even model boats and model aeroplanes. The future of certain existing services, which are of great importance and which are run by private enterprise, could be totally jeopardised. In a sense the power is being given for their nationalisation in advance, in particular, the relay services. I am certain that my hon. Friends will wish to develop this matter. We have had certain assurances from the Postmaster-General. He is an honourable man and I accept them. But he will not be the Minister for ever, and the people who now comprise the Post Office will not always be in charge of the new Corporation. Power has been given to the Corporation, if it wishes totally to nationalise all the British relay services without any reference to Parliament, without its being possible even to question the Minister in the House. I have declared my interest in the matter of radio-telephony. There are at present a large number of private radiotelephony schemes run by ambulance authorities, police, fire services and taxis, and many schemes are run by doctors in relation to their surgeries. There are telephone-answering services as well as other kinds of radio-telephony services which are run privately, with a licence from a Minister of the Crown who can be subjected to questioning in the House about it if there is anything unfair in the licensing system. In future, all these schemes will require two licences. They will require a licence from the new Minister, and those concerned will have to go to their competitor, a public corporation, to get a licence. There is in the Bill at present no way in which this arbitrary power which is given to the new Corporation can be controlled. There is no referee, no kind of licensing authority of any kind. Before coming to the question of how one should cope with the situation, I should like to mention one great danger which may result as an extension of this monopoly. I do not know whether hon. Members have ever read a most interesting periodical called the U.K. Press Gazette. In the issue for the week beginning 24th February there is an excellent, discerning and far-seeing article by somebody who is well-known in the House, Mr. George Clark, the Assistant Political Correspondent of The Times, a man whose judgment everybody in the House has come to respect. I should like to read one or two excerpts from the article, which begins by saying:The article goes on to say that the Press should take a greater interest in this matter. Mr. Clark says:"Fleet Street and the newspaper industry generally would do well to take a closer look at the Committee debates now taking place on the Post Office Bill, a massive document of 230 pages which will establish the Post Office as a public corporation no longer answerable through the Postmaster-General to Parliament."
that is, the newspaper industry—"Admittedly, the argument has to stray into a Jules Verne realm of prediction, and the circumstances will not be accepted by all devoted 'print and paper' men as probable. Yet there are many in the industry"—
Later, Mr. Clark asks some very important questions about the new Corporation. He asks:"who now recognise that in perhaps 30 years' time newspapers will reach the home without the delay (and expense) of type-setting, block-making, making up pages, long runs on printing presses, sending out vans and railway bundles, and relying in the end on the newspaper boy trudging up the garden path. By a pre-set device on the television set or an attachment to it, members of the family will be able to select the newspaper or newspapers they want in the morning. During the night, sensitised sheets will be fed automatically on to the screen of the reproduction unit and in the morning, in the tray beneath the apparatus, will be the morning papers. They will not be, perhaps, in the format which we now know. But the news in written form, with all the usual features, will be there ready for the husband who wants to read in the hovertrain or monorail car on the way to the office or factory."
This is very important. At present, only the new Corporation will decide. It is true that the Minister has power over the allocation of frequencies, but the power of licensing lies with the new Corporation. Mr. Clark also asks:"Would it be the right kind of body to decide which newspapers should have the available channels?"
And:"Would monopoly control over the design of equipment at the end of the Post Office line militate against the invention of cheap reproduction units?"
He develops the argument at some length, and I hope that hon. Members who are interested in this matter will read it. Later, Mr. Clark says:"Would newspapers be allowed to offer their own production sets in the homes of their readers?"
Why not? But it would not be possible if the Bill is not amended and if there is not an independent body to deal with these matters and say whether the newspapers could run their own lines. At present, the new Corporation will decide whether newspapers can run their own lines. This power should be reserved either to Parliament or to an independent licensing body. Mr. Clark finally commends my new Clause, which in Committee was an Amendment. He says that the proposal is that"And if the future could be more clearly seen I have no doubt that newspaper proprietors, especially those in the regions with compact circulation areas, would challenge the Postmaster-General. Would it not pay a newspaper to establish its own land lines and perhaps instal rented reproduction machines?"
That is one aspect of the problem. 4.45 p.m. The question which arises is: how can this monopoly position be remedied? When we were discussing Clause 24 in Committee, we sought, without great success, to preserve the licensing powers in the hands of the Minister. We thought that meantime this was the best solution. Had the Minister retained the power to license, he could well have seen fair play between the new Corporation and all its present and future competittors. But we were turned down. I thought that the Minister's reasons for turning us down were not good, but they were fairly argued. It is a pity. It would have been better if the Minister had retained the power. We would then have had a breathing space to consider the best method of controlling this monopoly in future. I am suggesting that there should be a Postal and Telecommunications Board. I have dealt with the matter with great care. The new Clause is so drafted as to be fair throughout to the new Corporation. There is a small misprint in the new Clause which is the fault either of myself or of the Table Office; it is probably mine. My hon. Friend the Member for Totnes (Mr. Mawby), with his eagle eye, has pointed it out to me."there shall be a Postal and Telecommunications Board sitting in judgment above the Post Office with the power 'to license the provision and performance of postal and telecommunications services, whether generally or in any area, or for any purpose or by any means or system specified in the licence'. When the new era of 'piped' newspapers arrives, one of the most serious problems facing the established newspapers could be the threat of 'free newspapers' financed and run directly by advertisers or groups of advertisers. If allowed on the channels, these publications could cause a colossal falling-off in display advertising revenue and change completely the whole basis of newspaper financing. Thus one of the questions which would have to be settled in the early days would be the extent to which the networks could be used for direct advertising purposes. Surely a task for the Board proposed by Captain Orr?"
It is in line 22.
Yes. The words in the new Clause are "or not adequate". They should be "not adequately provided". A new Schedule goes with the new Clause, but I am not necessarily committed to the Schedule. I should not be inflexible if the Minister wanted a different form for the Postal and Telecommunications Board.
As an analogy, I have in mind some kind of licensing authority. In the United States there is the Federal Communications Commission, in which is vested the control and regulation of all broadcasting and communications. Its purposes could be broadly defined as regulating interstate and foreign communications by wire and radio in order to create an efficient nation-wide communications service with a reasonable level of charges. It has seven members with a seven-year tenure. The chairman, who is appointed by the President of the United States, controls the executive. It is organised into a number of executive offices and it has four main bureaux and one task force. The four main bureaux are of interest. One, the C.A.T.V., is responsible for the development and implementation of rules for television stations, the kind of functions which the Postmaster-General at present performs in relation to our broadcasting authorities and which it is proposed to retain in his hands.My hon. and gallant Friend has unwittingly misled the House. The C.A.T.V. bureau is concerned with community antenna television, what we know in this country as relay and not broadcasting as such.
I accept the correction. My hon. Friend is perfectly right: I misread my own notes. It is the broadcasting bureau which covers these functions. The C.A.T.V. is responsible for dealing with relay stations, again a function which the Postmaster-General now performs and which he proposes to hand to a competitor of the relay stations, which is very strange.
There is the common carrier bureau which has regulations for federal and telecommunications services including rates, services, accounting methods, licensing radio facilities and communications for common carriers and which is responsible for satellite communications. One deals with safety and special radio services, the licensing and running of radio stations not in broadcasting and not in the common carrier category—aviation, marine, police, public agency, industry. The F.C.C. is extraordinarily expensive. I do not advocate a precisely similar organisation for this country, although I was formerly attracted by it. We require something a little simpler. In 1966, the F.C.C. cost 17 million dollars, about £7 million, and employed 1,550 people. Its main function is acting as a licensing and regulatory authority. It maintains its large staff to review and inspect communications services. It acts as a controller of monopoly services. It is the arbitrator between national operator, equipment supplier and customer interests. There is one recent interesting example of its function of arbitration. In 1965, the hearing examiners of the F.C.C. changed the interpretation of Tariff 132 giving telephone companies monopoly supply and installation rights of terminal equipment, a very important decision. The Carterfone decision in the United States was of great significance and it showed that this body was able to prevent this form of extension of monopoly. If we had had a similar body in this country, the G.P.O. would not be in the position of having a monopoly, as it were, beyond the front door. I would hope that there would be some body. The present proposal is that the whole decision as to the extent of the existing telephone monopoly should be taken from Parliament and from the Minister and handed to the Corporation, an interested party itself. The trouble with the F.C.C. in the United States and the first reason why I do not commend a precisely identical set up here is that it is expensive to operate. Its hearings and investigations may be lengthy. It takes a long time to get decisions. An enormous body of case law has arisen around it and in some ways it is like a jungle with enormous pickings to be made for lawyers. I do not recommend it now, although it used to attract me. We would be better with a somewhat simpler system such as I have devised. But the F.C.C.'s great advantage is that it separates the regulatory functions from monopoly control. I return to the new Clause. What I am suggesting is that there should be a postal and telecommunications board. The main function of this board would be to haveIt provides that the licence so granted may be granted unconditionally or subject to any conditions which may be specified. In other words, the new board would have power to lay down whatever conditions might be necessary, say, to protect the interests of the Corporation itself, the main provider of the telecommunications services. All kinds of regulations and conditions are necessary, particularly when it comes to broadcasting. In subsection (4) I lay down the various things to which the board shall have regard. I ought in fairness to the new Corporation to make it plain to the Minister that this is not an anti-Post Office Clause, for the board would have to take account of the services or facilities provided by the Post Office and the general duty of the Post Office under Clause 9. It would have to take into account the extent to which the licence would authorise the provision of services or facilities not provided by the Post Office. This would apply to a wide range of communications in which the Post Office is not adequately supplied. For historic and many other reasons, and hon. Members opposite may say that it has been starved of capital, the Post Office has a monopoly the very existence of which prevents the provision of important and valuable services in telecommunications which British industry could provide. If the Minister will not agree to the judge being the Minister in Parliament, let the judge be an independent board which would be an arbitrator as to what might be in the public interest in this matter. The board would be entitled to take into account the extent to which the granting of a licence would permit or encourage the provision or development, whether experimentally or otherwise, of services or facilities required or likely to be useful. There is another important provision in subsection (4)(d) which says that any objections or representations made under subsection (7) may be allowed to go to appeal. In other words there would be an appeal procedure. When we were discussing parliamentary accountability, I asked an hon. Member opposite what would happen if a taxi firm in his constituency which operated and controlled its taxis by radio were aggrieved by a decision of the Post Office. Suppose that for some reason the new Post Office Corporation decided in future to do what private enterprise does now and provide the sets, the base stations, transmitters and receivers for radio taxis, ambulances, the fire service, or anything else. There is no procedure by which the present operators of those services will have any appeal. 5.0 p.m. Had the last new Clause been accepted, somebody might have been able to ask a Parliamentary Question on their behalf. As the Bill is drafted, however, there is to be no appeal. The Minister will have power to allocate frequencies to those operators. If it was a question simply of denying them the frequency on which to operate or changing the frequency—which is an expensive process and involves new crystals and all kinds of things—one could ask a Question of the new Minister. The important thing is that under the Bill the whole situation is being changed. Not only if one wants to operate a system of radio taxis does one have to go to the Minister to get his licence to operate on a certain frequency, but one now has to go to the new Corporation to get a licence to operate these things. If the new Corporation were to say, "Notwithstanding the Minister's allocation of a frequency, we have decided not to renew your licence as an operator of radio taxis", what can the proprietor or the group of owner drivers who run the radio taxis do? They have absolutely no redress. They must go to their own competitor, to the man who is trying to muscle in on their business. He is to be sole judge and jury and they will have nobody to whom to appeal. They cannot appeal to Parliament or to the Minister because he has no power in the matter. All I am seeking to do by the new Clause is to set up a body to whom such people could appeal. My hon. Friends will, no doubt, be able to think of an enormous number of examples where this kind of development could take place. I am willing to accept what the Minister said, that it may not be the intention of the present people in the Post Office that there should be this kind of extension of nationalisation. Up to now, a very happy relationship has existed between the users of mobile radio and the Post Office. There have been a mobile radio committee and a frequency advisory committee on which users and manufacturers have been represented and frequency allocation has been discussed and has normally been well and reasonably done, to the satisfaction of everybody concerned. British frequency planning has been good, as I said in Committee upstairs, and I congratulate the Post Office upon it. In the new Corporation, however, we are creating something the outcome of which we are quite unable to see. First, we are discontinuing it as a Department of State. It should be remembered that the amicable arrangement of which I have spoken for the users of mobile radio came about in the first place as a result of Parliamentary pressure. It was a result of the great frequency change which had to be made at the time of the introduction of commercial television. That was its origin. Whether it would have come about in the natural course of events I do not know, but it came about originally as a result of Parliamentary pressure. We are now faced with the situation that we are getting a new Corporation which will not be subject to that pressure and we are giving it power to be judge and jury in all these matters. It may well be that the department in the Post Office which at present regulates frequencies will remain with the Minister—I understand that that is the intention—and may continue to endeavour to do the job as reasonably and as well as it has done it heretofore. That department in the Post Office, however, which is now becoming the new body which allocates and regulates these things, will no longer be the sole master because the new Corporation is to have a department which deals with licences as well. What will happen in the event of a clash between the two? What will happen if, on the one hand, the Minister says, "We think that a certain system of telephone answering should be licensed or that a certain system of radio telephony ought to be allowed to connect to the public network" but the Corporation, on the other, says, "No. This is infringing the monopoly which Parliament gave us. We want to supply these services. We think that they should in future be nationalised and should continue to be nationalised." The department of the Corporation could defy the Minister and force him into the position either of giving a general directive about the whole thing or of giving in. The whole thing is absolutely unsatisfactory. There is a need for some such body as I propose. I have done my best to make it a body which is credible and viable. If hon. Members will do me the courtesy of reading the new Clause in full, they will see that this is a genuine and serious attempt to improve the Bill. I hope that the Postmaster-General will not regard it as a political manoeuvre or a peg on which to hang a further argument about monopolies. It is nothing of the sort. It is a genuine attempt to improve the Bill. If the Minister has the future of the new Corporation at heart, he would not suffer in any way by accepting the new Clause. It would be to the great advantage of the Post Office. I do not believe that a public corporation would wish to be judge and jury in its own cause. I do not believe that if we asked B.O.A.C. and B.E.A. whether they would like between them to take over the functions of the Air Transport Licensing Board, they would wish to do so. I do not believe that British Road Services would like to take over the issue of C licences. It would be in the interests of the new Corporation to have a body between itself and the public and Parliament which could be seen to be apart. If it were extended with the authority and licence of my proposed Postal and Telecommunications Board everybody would see that it was just and would probably accept that it was in the national interest. I hope, therefore, that the Postmaster-General will accept the new Clause. I certainly commend it to my right hon. and hon. Friends."power to license the provision and performance of postal and telecommunications services, including any facilities or services ancillary or incidental to any such services, whether generally …"
I have listened to most of the speeches in the last two days. Not having had the advantage of being a member of the Committee on the Bill one becomes engrossed in the complexities of the Bill as the picture begins to unfold, but it seems to me that it is a long way from the original Telegraph Act, 1879, or even the Telegraph Act, 1949, and that we are now approaching legislative avenues at which Parliament ought to take a long, long look, because of the way the Telegraph Acts are being shaped to operate.
When I first read new Clause 8—and it is to that new Clause to which I want in the main to address my remarks—I did so without any great warmth for it. Then I received a communication about it from my union, and that opened completely new avenues of thought for me and I began to think deeply about it and I began to see better and with concern what it was intended to remedy. One of the best traditions of this House is that if one has an interest one declares it, and I declare mine on behalf of my union, and my interest, although a subsidiary one, in a relay company. I declare my interest also because it might be held to be affecting my judgment in the matter. So I gladly declare at once these two interests, my union interest, and the broader aspect of the interest in a relay television and relay broadcasting company with which I am concerned, because in the company we have a considerable stake as a union. Therefore, we view with a certain amount of apprehension some of the provisions of the Bill, especially if they were carried to their ultimate conclusion. The hon. and gallant Member for Down, South (Captain Orr) has outlined his new proposal for a board, and I think it should receive the consideration of the Minister. We have now in communications a situation which has grown up on the basis of invention and ingenuity, and it has effects in industrial life and social life. During the last 40 years relay services have group up in Great Britain and become a new and established business, because people find its services of use, and it serves its customers in an especially close manner. There is nothing in the Bill which would prevent the new Corporation from itself being an active competitor in this field of communications and services, and from being active to the detriment of the established companies. It could mean, of course, that if the Post Office were itself a competitor for a new licence it might completely disregard the applications of its competitors. In this manner it might disregard the interests of my union members. Once the Post Office became an operator in these services, perhaps producing its own programmes, it might introduce a new union and that would be the Post Office Workers' Union, which is not my particular union. My union is rather alarmed at this consideration, and it is a real one, because over the years we have negotiated with relay companies excellent wages and terms and conditions, allied with pension rights. These are now accepted features in the pattern of this industry. But the consideration is wider than that. One cannot easily transfer to a public corporate body the cosy customer relationship, with local counter service at a local shop dealing in television and radio services. It is not possible. To centralise these services, to make them the province of a mandatory body, some distance removed from the customers, is just asking for trouble with the public. When one's radio breaks down one wants service for it within the hour. One does not want the matter referred to somebody else a long way away. When a man wants to see the Cup Final on the television and his radio breaks down he wants it seen to within the hour. It is just this close and cosy relationship with the customers which relay companies have established and with which the Government at their peril would interfere. 5.15 p.m. The industry has had a long run now. We have seen it grow with some faults but also with benefits for the public. We have seen competition come in, and there is great competition much to the public benefit. With this industry catering, as it does, so closely for the public need, I think, quite frankly, that the position should be left with the established concerns. It will not be easy for anyone if the relay companies are shut out from new contracts or if the new Corporation itself becomes a tenderer. It will not be easy for the Post Office to recover its capital costs unless it goes into the retail and rental business. When a relay company lays out its initial, heavy capital expenditure it is a long time getting it back, and even then the return is only marginal for a number of years. So there are no vast fortunes to be made in this. Therefore I want the Postmaster-General to look carefully at what he is doing in this industry. Despite the assurances that he gave that the position of licences will continue till 1976—I think it is—there is no guarantee that this will be so, and certainly there is no guarantee about what may happen after that time. It is a very arguable proposition indeed whether there would be any national dividend accruing to the nation by any direct competition with the established relay companies and their purposes and services. It would be well to leave this question alone. I hope the Postmaster-General will take note of what has been said on this matter. We should look objectively at the propositions contained in new Clause 7, and also at the pattern which is followed in the United States, a pattern which I know something about. It is a little cumbersome and it has taken a long time to evolve—but all United States legislation is like that. It need not take so long in Great Britain, which is a smaller country, with smaller problems, and with smaller organisations very tightly knit, and with greater inter-relationships between competing companies. We should seriously consider what the hon. and gallant Member for Down, South proposes for this separate licensing tribunal or authority or board, whatever we may call it, with a court of appeal in the Minister. That was the basis of new Clause 6 which we discussed this morning, containing, as it did, provisions for the protection of individual constituents, but it did not contain the same provisions as new Clause 7 and new Clause 8 for the protection of individual companies. If we have any sense at all in these matters, and I hope we have, we will take that into consideration, and the mandatory position of the Post Office, and whether they should be allowed to operate subsidiary services, as there at the moment, to the disadvantage of everybody concerned. I should have thought we would be in no great difficulty about that. I was not on the Committee and so have not had the advantage of listening to all the arguments. I have not been able to read the complete HANSARD reports, and it is almost impossible for me to follow the arguments. Certain things stand out, and certain industrial bodies pull out the things from these reports which are germane to themselves. If the Post Office becomes the owner of the rental shops it will mean a heavy inroad into the established membership of my union. Like everybody else, they have to look after their own interests. My union people have seen this and have made representations to me. It will probably be possible on later Amendments to discuss the aspects of relay television as they impinge directly upon the services of the Post Office, but for the moment I ask the Assistant Postmaster-General to get his Department to have another look at this situation and, if possible, accept the proposals put forward by the hon. and gallant Member for Down, South and then to take a good look at the responsible service carried out by relay operators in the interests of many thousands of trade unionists who have been in the industry for a long time and whose jobs, conditions and pensions may be endangered—perhaps not for seven, eight or nine years but eventually. If the Post Office would do this it would remedy a grievous fault in the Bill. It would go some way towards achieving the kind of industrial parity of competition that should exist in situations where the Government are the main supplier of energy potential. If we do not allow competition to run alongside the monopoly position of the Government we shall not get the best service—and this is an intimate service—and we shall be failing in our duty as Parliamentarians.We have had many interesting speeches from hon. Members on both sides of the House—especially from the hon. Member for West Ham, North (Mr. Arthur Lewis). My only criticism is that his speech was slightly spoilt by its continuing for too long. I know that in this House nobody wants to listen, and everybody wants to speak. I can therefore tell everybody that I shall speak only for about five minutes, and so everybody had better get ready to jump to his feet.
I have already made the point that the Bill will prove the Government's intention to destroy both small and large businesses, and to nationalise all means of production, distribution and exchange, with the inevitable result that there will be increased costs, worse service and gigantic losses. I want to depart from the general tenor of previous speeches and refer to the question of accountability. Under the Clause the Government will have power to do almost anything they like—to license almost anything they like, and to take away the licence of almost anything. It is a gigantic monopoly, with captive customers. What accountability will there be? Under the present system there is none, and I do not see that there will be under the new system. In all the years that I have been in the House, on occasions when nationalised industries or public corporations have been discussed, if we are lucky enough not to have any longwinded statements we start the debate at about four o'clock, and the debate continues until ten o'clock. How is the intervening time taken up? There are four Front Bench speakers who take up, say, half an hour each.Three-quarters of an hour.
Let us take the average. After that we are lucky if we get only four carpet sweepers, and still luckier if they take only half an hour each. That takes up another two hours. The carpet sweepers are known to all back-benchers—they are Privy Councillors—and the Chamber empties. How much time is left for back benchers? Two hours. The debate goes on, meandering its way to the end. It drags to its weary conclusion at Ten o'clock, when there is a Division, which the Government inevitably win with their machine-made majority of Lobby fodder.
Under our system of debates there is no real accountability. Hon. Members should go to meetings of shareholders and hear the way they have a go at the directors. If they are dissatisfied they can all get up and make themselves heard. They can boot out the directors. I want to give an example of what might happen under the provisions of the Clause and the waste of public money. People may not believe it. It is referred to in a book called "The Guilty Madmen of Whitehall", with a foreword by my right hon. Friend the Member for Wolverhampton, South-West (Mr. Powell). For sheer lunacy it takes top prize. It is very short.Order. It is across the border of being out of order.
I feel rather like a chicken that is egg-bound.
If the hon. Member will lay his egg, perhaps he can end his speech.
You have always been tolerant and just, Mr. Deputy Speaker. I ask you when I can bring out this example—one that will arise in respect of many industries which are taken over? It is an example of a waste of money which shareholders could deal with at a private meeting. Shall I ever be able to do it? Shall I be able to do it in the debate on the Clause or later? Could you stretch it, Mr. Deputy Speaker? Will you give me one minute?
I will allow the hon. Member one minute.
This advertisement appeared in magazines and national dailies, sometimes every few days, in the same paper. It said:
"Dear Public,
Most of you see us every day, and we've been calling so long you have probably stopped noticing. Often you call on us—for postage stamps, savings, postal order, T.V., radio or car licences, pensions, sickness benefits, family allowances, maternity benefits or to post a parcel.
Everybody's business is our business at some time and ours is certainly yours.
Nowadays there are more of you and your business and ours get bigger all the time. We like it that way and we are modernising to keep pace with growth so that we may give you the kind of service you require.
Despite mechanisation, standardisation, decimalisation and increased population we try to put our customers first and we'll still be known basically by that friendly knock on the door.
We will be, as always,
Yours faithfully,
THE POST OFFICE."
There is one advertisement which they might have done very much better. Instead of
"Someone, somewhere, is waiting for a letter from you",
they should have advertised
"Someone, somewhere, is waiting, and waiting, and waiting, and waiting"—
Order. I do not think that the Chair can wait any longer. Mr. Peyton.
6.30 p.m.
I am sure that the House is deeply indebted to my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Knutsford (Sir W. Bromley-Davenport), and therefore, indirectly, to you, Mr. Deputy Speaker, although I hope that you will not take my thanks as a reflection upon yourself. My hon. and gallant Friend behaved with his usual courtesy and generosity, particularly when he paid that glowing tribute to Ministers for the fact that they make only half-hour speeches. It is well-known that Ministers read out at great length whatever is put in front of them, and it nearly always takes an hour. This is particularly interesting in wind-up speeches, which are meant to be relevant to the preceding debate. Since Ministers have sat there with their ears sealed or talking to their colleagues, no reference can be made to the debate and they go on reading from the pre-set brief.
We were all very grateful to the hon. Member for Hammersmith, North (Mr. Tomney), who made a telling speech. I hope that I am wrong in thinking that some of its weight was lost because the Minister was talking to his hon. Friend. The hon. Member had some important things to say, and his speech was an eloquent testimony to the value of competition. I would ask Ministers to get away from the dogma that a publicly-owned monopoly is the best way of doing things and to remember that, in this imperfect world, one of the very few forces which can guarantee a customer any hope of satisfaction is free competition.The hon. Gentleman will no doubt have noted that, on other occasions, it has been my privilege, since the advent of my right hon. Friend the Member for Huyton (Mr. Harold Wilson) to the Premiership, to throw wisdom along this bench constantly, but nothing ever happens and no one ever takes it up.
The hon. Gentleman speaks from the bitter experience which we can all share, but from a position of greater proximity and some sharper embarrassment than I have any need to feel. Even he has some responsibility for the Prime Minister, and he should reflect on that. I do not wish to be unkind to him, so I will not press that point.
The hon. Gentleman spoke of the quick response to complaints. Whatever may be the virtues of the present Post Office, no one can possibly say that an over-rapid response to complaints is one of its most noticeable characteristics. I also agreed with the warning note which the hon. Gentleman sounded about the consequences of disturbing established relations and perfectly legitimate interests in a well-run industry. I have no connection with the relay industry and little knowledge of it, except that one can tell from its clients that it works. The hon. Member's words, which are borne of considerable experience, will, I hope, weigh with the Assistant Postmaster-General. I feel sorry for the latter. It must be very tiring to be lumbered with a Bill like this and to have to defend it as best he can. We all have a great regard for him, which gives birth to a certain sympathy, because we realise that he cannot altogether carry out his own will and that he must find it very difficult when one of his own supporters, who has been in the House for many years, makes the sort of speech that his hon. Friend made—
I have known the hon. Member for Yeovil (Mr. Peyton) for a long time now and I am grateful for his felicitations, but I shall not be closing the debate: my right hon. Friend will—[HON. MEMBERS: "Where is he?"] That is a bit too unkind. Let us try to play the game if we can.
I am not sure what was unkind. The hon. Gentleman said that he is not going to wind up, in which case I withdraw any implied strictures on the Assistant Postmaster-General, but I understood from the hon. Gentleman's presence on the Front Bench that he would reply and I was hoping that, in doing so, he might be influenced by what his hon. Friend has said. I do not have to withdraw very much, because I thought that I spoke to the Assistant Postmaster-General, for whom I have great regard, with great courtesy.
I hope that the words of the hon. Member for Hammersmith, North will weigh with the Postmaster-General. As I have said, they are significant arguments which should not be neglected. If they go like water off a well-oiled duck's back, as I suspect they will, I hope that the hon. Gentleman will be to the van in making a protest. We are all indebted to my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Down, South (Captain Orr) for having done his best, with the limited resources which we all have, to produce a workable alternative in this new Clause to the Government's proposal. I have no hesitation in giving it a warm welcome and saying how much I would prefer this to anything which the Government have suggested. Most of his arguments seemed thoroughly satisfactory. However, in the expectation that he may subsequently be able to put his views to a more receptive Minister and a Government of totally different leanings, perhaps he would look again at the question of revocation of a licence. It is very important that, if a licence is given, the undertaker should at least have some security and the licence should not be revoked except upon terms notified at the time of issue. This is not difficult. After all, subsection (3) says:This is exactly what is right and desirable. But subsection (6) says that the Board"Any licence so granted may be granted either unconditionally or subject to any conditions specified in the licence and either irrevocably or subject to revocation as therein specified …"
"may revoke, suspend or vary the licence, but if any licence is revoked, suspended or varied by the Board otherwise than on the application of the holder of the licence, the revocation, suspension or variation shall not take effect until the expiration of the period prescribed by regulations made under subsection (7) of this section for the making of an appeal …"
I thought that that made it reasonably safe, that one could then specify the terms of a licence in the Regulations, which would be subject to the approval of this House.
It is a minor point to which I hope my hon. Friend will turn his attention. I assure him that I appreciate his labours in producing this proposal.
It has been pointed out that the outcome of the Bill is unforeseeable. We are not dealing with an old-established industry like coal or the railways, but with a developing industry on the threshold of a revolution. If any industry should not be shackled with unnecessary control, it is this one. Amendment No. 78, which we may discuss with the new Clause, is designed to delete some peculiar words from Clause 24. That provision states thatof certain things. In what revolting verbal quarry did the Parliamentary draftsmen discover that new horror? "Impartation" deserves to be ranked with "a subsidiary of its" in terminology. Perhaps the latter could be inscribed on a millstone and tied round the Postmaster-General's neck with the former inscribed on a lesser millstone and tied round the neck of the Assistant Postmaster-General as they are both thrown into the deepest sea. I hope that the right hon. Gentleman will touch up this part of the Bill. The provision refers to"… the Post Office shall have … the exclusive privilege of running systems for the conveyance, through the agency of electric, magnetic, electro-magnetic, electro-chemical or electro-mechanical energy … signals serving for the impartation …"
and a number of other matters. This is a long and complex provision. Are not even the right hon. Gentleman's ideas of a monopoly going rather wide in it? Clause 24(1)(d) refers to:"… the conveyance … of … speech, music and other sounds … visual images …"
My hon. Friends who are versed in technical matters will no doubt agree that that covers almost any invention in the sphere of communications. There is a discouraging future for anybody who wishes to put his money or effort into the industry. Considering that we are discussing an industry which is on the threshold of important developments, surely everybody with talent and energy should be allowed to reap every reward possible. The Inland Revenue is more than able to look after itself. If is wrong that the Minister should have the satisfaction of knowing that all human activity is being shackled in this way. This poor old country of ours is in no condition to put up with such hampering and shackling treatment."… signals serving for the actuation or control of machinery or apparatus."
5.45 p.m.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the position is far wider than he realises? For example, in the formation of capital for relays, the careful husbanding of resources has meant in some instances that new industries have been established. Often this has applied to industries which previously were the prerogative of the Americans. For example, flight simulation was an industry denied to this country, but it has been developed here by a relay company and is proving of immense value to us and Europe generally.
The hon. Gentleman has given an excellent example and I am sure that there are many others. I do not desire to represent any particular firm but to see Britain making the most, in a perilous situation, of such opportunities as it has, exploiting and developing its undoubted ability. This shackling process of Government—this hampering "Elastoplast" tendency—can do no good to a cause which I am sure the right hon. Gentleman has at heart.
The Postmaster-General talked yesterday, with a gleam in his eye, of this country having the greatest communications system in the world. I hope that his forecast is correct, but it will not come about if the shackling process which will result from the Bill is allowed to continue. In Clause 24(2) we come to a delight of the Socialist mind; the savoury bit about penalties. We are told thatthere will be"… on summary conviction"
and that"… a fine not exceeding £400 …"
there will be"… on conviction on indictment"—
Is this right? How does one prove, in cases of this sort, that a term of imprisonment is warranted? A man may simply have been driven on by legitimate ambition to develop his own abilities and find himself quarrelling with this new monopolistic creature. As a result, he may find himself cooling his heels in jail for a couple of years while thinking the matter over. I do not fancy that at all and I very much hope that the House, or even the Government, will have second thoughts about it. The last Amendment to which I refer is Amendment No. 93, which proposes to leave out Clause 27. That is a necessary operation because it is a very offensive Clause. I hope that we shall have subsequent opportunities to speak about it so I shall not detain the House at length now, but I ask why in subsection (6) of the Clause it is provided that:"… a fine or … imprisonment for a term not exceeding two years, or … both."
This is a desirable modification of subsection (1), but it causes one to think that subsection (1) is quite unnecessarily officious. It forbids the Post Office to issue a licence without a licence or general authority from the Minister. I hope the right hon. Gentleman will consider the very wide way in which the subsection is drafted. I think I have said enough to express my abhorrence of the wide, sweeping monopoly which the Government are apparently hell-bent to set up. I do not believe that the prospects before such an organisation—whatever glossy reports one may be able to write, whatever achievements can be indicated or claimed under this kind of system—are likely to be comparable with what would be achieved by an effort based upon the forces of competition, initiative and thrust such as could be developed by the Minister in the fascinating promise of a new and growing industry of this kind."No person shall be concerned to inquire whether the grant of a licence under subsection (1) above was, or was not, effected with the consent of, or in accordance with the terms of a general authority given by, the Minister; and the validity of a licence granted under that subsection shall not be impugned on the ground that it was granted neither with the consent of, nor in accordance with the terms of a general authority given by him."
I am in a quandary, because in discussing these new Clauses and Amendments we can cover a very wide field. If we are adequately to discuss all these matters some of us might have to speak at some length and that would not be my wish.
Will the hon. Member allow me—
If hon. Members interrupt they cannot complain if the debate then goes on for a long time and some of their hon. Friends are squeezed out.
I wished to ask whether the hon. Member had had time to correct his earlier speech in the HANSARD office. It must have taken almost as long to correct as to make the speech, and I am surprised that he has been able to get back so quickly. I congratulate him.
Order. I hope that hon. Members will come to these new Clauses and Amendments.
I accept your Ruling, Mr. Deputy Speaker. If we had an ideal system, all the suggestions in these Clauses and Amendments could be discussed. I will not go into that.
I support my hon. Friend the Member for Hammersmith, North (Mr. Tomney), and I declare an interest in the Bill. On a point of Order, Mr. Speaker, may I ask what is the position about declaring an interest? Am I right in assuming that once an hon. Member has declared his interest in discussion on a Bill it is not necessary in discussion of a subsequent matter to declare the interest again? If I have to declare my interest on every Clause and Amendment I may inadvertently delay the debate.The whole question is before the Select Committee. It is not a rule at the moment but a practice to declare an interest. I am sure that the House would not wish the hon. Member to declare an interest on every item throughout discussion of the Bill. I think it would be enough to do it in this first speech.
That is a point I can now leave, because I declared my interest earlier, but perhaps I should explain what my interest is. Like my hon. Friend the Member for Hammersmith, North, I have two interests. I have been a life-long trade unionist—a member of one of the biggest unions in the country. My union has a number of members working in Rediffusion and piped television. Incidentally, all the firms concerned are good and reputable firms in which the wages, hours and working conditions are very good. I am sure my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Employment and Productivity would be pleased to know that there are very rarely strikes or strife in this industry. That might be because there is encouragement for good industrial relations and appeal boards such as those suggested in these new Clauses and Amendments.
The hon. and gallant Member for Down, South (Captain Orr) and his hon. Friends have a certain amount of right on their side in putting down these Amendments, but I shall have to examine them at length because there are certain points in them which are not clear to me. Perhaps some of my hon. Friends who support my views might feel that there is no necessity for these appeal boards because the occasion for their use may never arise, but it has arisen in the past. In the early days of television a noble Lord said that these were companies which "could print their own money". That may not have been actually true. Without doubt they started with a certain amount of risk. They were not sure at that time whether or not they would be successful. It has happened to be a very lucrative business. The law would have prevented them actually printing money, but they made a lot of money out of it. Having made a lot of money, what happens? Along come a number of interested people who want to get in on the band-wagon. They say, "This seems a good industry. We will try to get into it". What did they do? They came in and pushed out some of the people who had—6.0 p.m.
Order. I find it difficult to understand how the hon. Member is relating his remarks to the new Clauses and Amendments which are concerned with a new Board which will regulate licensing taken from the authority which is at present incorporated in the Bill.
I am aware of that. When I first spoke I mentioned the two new Clauses and the Amendments seeking to set up an appeals board for licensing. I was giving an illustration of what had happened, and I was going on to say that had there been appeals boards in existence then no doubt these companies which found themselves kicked out after having done all the hard work in the initial stages would have had a chance to appeal. This would have been, and no doubt would still be, an admirable method of allowing people, in this instance in the telecommunications system, an opportunity of appeal.
My hon. Friend the Member for Hammersmith, North mentioned Rediffusion. This company has established itself as a reputable organisation in this sphere. It has done an enormous amount of work, it has given lots of money to the Treasury, it has given employment to hundreds of thousands of workers throughout the country, and it has helped our exports. It may happen that when the Postmaster-General gives up day-to-day control, the director-general of this new board, or whatever he may be called—who knows, it may be the Radio Doctor or somebody like him who will get the job—[Interruption.] It might even be the hon. Member for Worcestershire, South (Sir Gerald Nabarro) would be appointed and would get a salary of £20,000, £30,000 or £40,000 a year. This is the kind of meagre sum that the Government pay these people. As the hon. Member for Worcestershire, South is present, let us assume that he gets the chairmanship, although God forbid. I am not saying that he would get the job, but let us assume that he did. It might be that some of his hon. Friends would get hold of his coat tails, pull him to one side, and whisper in his ear, "Gerald, old boy, we would like to get some of these companies because they are very profitable. Is there any chance of giving us a licence and your kicking them out? You know, jobs for the boys." Gerald might say, "You have been a good party man. Yes, you are all right. I will kick these people out and give you the licence." In those circumstances, there would be no appeal to anyone. Gerald gives his boys the licence and we cannot do anything about it. This is not an impossibility. It has happened with—Order. I think that even hypothetically the hon. Member is getting a little near the mark in suggesting a possible fall from the high standards of integrity of the hon. Member concerned in this kind of venture.
I intervene in the hon. Gentleman's speech—I trust with his permission—to remind him that in the days of the Tory Government in 1960 when the Prime Minister appointed Lord Robens as Chairman of the National Coal Board, the Daily Telegraph wrote a leading article about it pointing to the dissatisfaction expressed by coal miners that Lord Robens had received the job. The Daily Telegraph suitably concluded its leading editorial on this matter by saying that it did not understand why the coal miners were complaining about Lord Robens getting the job as Chairman of the National Coal Board; they would indeed have had a great deal to complain about if Mr. Gerald Nabarro had got the job.
As usual, the Daily Telegraph is probably right. I do not know. The Daily Telegraph writes excellent articles on rare occasions, and this is probably one.
I agree with you, Mr. Deputy Speaker. I would not impugn the honour of the hon. Member for Worcestershire, South. I think that I said I could never imagine him doing such a thing. I could never imagine him being persuaded to give his friends such lucrative licences to print money. But there are some who have done it.
Who?
My point is that there is no appeal against anything like this at the moment. Perhaps the hon. and gallant Member for Down, South can help me on this. He suggests that there should be the opportunity to appeal to the board under a number of specified conditions. The new Clause covers almost everything. But would it cover appeals of workers employed in the industry? This is what really interests me. Take the case of a man employed by one of these highly reputable relay companies like Rediffusion. He is probably doing very well and has a good job. The hon. Gentleman criticised my right hon. Friend a moment ago. Perhaps I can now get him to listen to me. This worker in Rediffusion may have built up a good relationship with the company, have good hours, working conditions and so on. But he may find his firm is taken over, pushed out, or given a kick in the pants, and some other company comes in. He may like or dislike it. He may have an opportunity of continuing with this new company, but he may not. The new company may say, "We do not want you any longer. We are bringing in our own workers." This man, or these men for that matter, may lose pension rights wages and salaries. Under new Clause 7, would they have the right of appeal to the proposed appeals board on these matters? I have other matters to mention in a moment.
The hon. Gentleman is making a powerful case, with which I entirely agree. Obviously, if workers' jobs are in peril because of the announced intention or the actual revocation of a licence by an action of the board, I should think that such workers, under the new Clause, would have a right of appeal, provided it is laid down under subsection (7), which reads:
I think that the Minister in making his regulations could include the persons who would have a right to be heard. For instance, on the revocation of a licence, he could make provision for workers in an industry or a trade union or whoever might be representing them to be heard. That is how I read my new Clause. However, assuming that the Minister decides to accept it, if the hon. Gentleman's point is not quite covered, I give him the assurance that I, for one, will be prepared to see that it is covered in the other place."The Minister shall, by regulations make provision …(b) as to the persons entitled to be heard …"
I am obliged to the hon. and gallant Gentleman. As usual, he is very helpful in putting forward a detailed explanation. However, I am sure that he will agree that it does not say that. Subsection (7) says:
For the rest, we see that the Corporation may or may not, and I accept the hon. and gallant Gentleman's point that he feels that it may. With respect to him, like me, he is not a lawyer. We all know that even the best of lawyers disagree, and often they disagree violently about such minor matters as whether there should be a comma or a full-stop put here or there. There could be an argument about whether the hon. and gallant Gentleman is right. I am doubtful. I am not sure that, under (b), there should not be another subparagraph explaining definitely that the Minister "shall". Indeed, I go further. In my view, it should provide that not only shall the Minister give the opportunity to the workers but, if a worker so desires, the Minister shall instruct that his trade union has the right of appeal and shall be heard by the Board. I do not like these "mays", "perhapses" or "ifs". They are too loose. I like to give workers every possible assistance. We do not want "In Place of Strife". We want peace and tranquillity. My right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Employment and Productivity would be greatly assisted in her attempts to evade strife in industry, and the Postmaster-General might be able—"The Minister shall by regulations make provision …"
I find it difficult to see how the point which the hon. Gentleman is making can be related to the new Clause.
Mr. Deputy Speaker, I am trying to refer to both new Clauses—
It is the hon. Gentleman's reference to "In Place of Strife" that I find difficult to relate to the new Clause.
The new Clause sets up what is in effect an appeal board. I was asking the hon. Gentleman whether he felt that it would permit these sorts of—
The proposed appeal board is to consider the licences issued by the Board. The appeal is to the Minister. I am not sure that the hon. Gentleman's wider consideration comes into effect in this new Clause.
Mr. Deputy Speaker—[Interruption.] I am in some difficulty at this juncture, Mr. Speaker. You will not have heard my earlier remarks, so perhaps I might continue with them for a short time until you are apprised of the situation.
Under subsection (7)(b) of the new Clause,it does not appear who those "persons" are. It does not say that the persons shall be licence holders, or shall own the company, or shall be shareholders. It refers simply to "persons". I asked the hon. and gallant Member for Down, South whether his interpretation of "persons" included the workers in the industry or firm which is licensed. I went on to explain that "person" might include trade unionists. I think that the hon. and gallant Gentleman agreed that trade unionists might be termed "persons". I began to develop that, and I said that trade unions could be declared "persons" in a corporate state."as to the persons entitled to be heard by the Board at any meeting to consider the grant, revocation, suspension or variation of any such licence",
We are discussing the variation or possibly the revocation of a licence. In the case of all other licensing authorities, it is normally the licence holder who has the right of appeal, and no one else. I am trying to understand how my hon. Friend can interpret the new Clause to mean that almost all and sundry may possibly be invited to state a case.
6.15 p.m.
If my hon. Friend refers to subsection (7), he will see that it says:
Paragraph (b) says:"The Minister shall by regulations make provision …"
If the Clause is agreed to, the Minister will have to introduce regulations, because it says "shall" and not "may". Amongst them, he must make provision for "persons entitled to be heard". Among the persons entitled to be heard by the Board, he could include trade unionists. Certainly he would include licence holders, because that is spelled out. I do not think that the hon. and gallant Member for Down, South has gone far enough, and that is why, when I finally make up my mind, I may be against accepting his new Clause. He thinks that it goes far enough, but I am not sure that it does. It might be that I could support the new Clause if the Minister agreed that it means that he can include trade unionists and trade unions and he gave an assurance that, in the regulations which eventually he will bring forward, they would be included. If he did that, that would bring me nearer to supporting the principle of the new Clause."as to the persons entitled to be heard by the Board at any meeting to consider the grant, revocation, suspension or variation of any such licence".
The hon. Gentleman is right in what he is saying. This is the precise point in providing in subsection (7) that the Minister shall have the power to make the regulations. It is exactly so that it could be extended to persons other than licence holders to whom, normally, as the hon. Member for Coatbridge and Airdrie (Mr. Dempsey) pointed out, it would be confined. Certainly I would envisage amongst those other persons representatives of the accredited trade unions in any company which was likely to be severely damaged by the revocation of a licence.
Order. The hon. Member for Down, South (Captain Orr) has made his speech. He cannot make a second speech in the guise of an intervention. He must be brief.
I understand that, Mr. Speaker. I was simply clarifying something which perhaps I did not originally make clear. I am trying to help the hon. Member for West Ham, North. I think he has the point now.
I think I follow the point and, of course, we would all accept, if he says so, that that is his intention in subsection (7)(b). He is probably right, but he is not a lawyer, as I am not. It may well be that a lawyer will say that the hon. and gallant Gentleman is wrong and that the provision does not do what he thinks. Perhaps we can have some legal opinion from the Government as to whether it could include trade unionists. This industry has very good labour relations and I am concerned that there should be the right of appeal under subsection (7)(b). New Schedule 120 intrigued me. The hon. Member for Totnes (Mr. Mawby), whose name appears on the new Schedule, is a good friend of mine. [Interruption.] I keep being interrupted. I do not want to fall foul of Mr. Speaker.
Order. Other hon. Members wish to speak and I hope that the hon. Gentleman will be reasonably brief.
The case is perhaps spelt out more clearly and more concisely in new Schedule 120 than in new Clause 7. Perhaps that is because the hon. Member for Totnes has a trade union background. The new Schedule says:
Why did the hon. Gentleman pick the limits of five and 12? Again, the new Schedule states that"The Board shall consist of not less than five nor more than twelve members …"
I am not sure that that is good democratic practice. Why should not the members elect their own chairman and vice-chairman? I do not see why the Minister should be called upon to do it. It could well be that, after their first meeting, the members of the Board would feel that their own choice of chairman and deputy chairman would be different from that of the Minister. Paragraph 3 of new Schedule 120 says that the Minister"… the Minister … shall … appoint two of those members to be chairman and deputy chairman respectively …"
I had the impression that the Opposition are asking for cuts in Government expenditure but here they would give the Minister almost a blank cheque, though with the proviso that the Treasury should enter the discussions. With the approval of the Treasury, he could pay any fee or salary or allowance that he himself determined. Did the hon. Member for Totnes discuss this with his trade union colleagues? I do not know what the attitude would be of Mr. Aubrey Jones or, indeed, of my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Employment and Productivity. There is not a word in new Schedule 120 to suggest that this remuneration should not be more than the recognised norm or the fees now received by others in similar State appointments. New Schedule 120 would give an open cheque to these people to have virtually anything they liked in the way of hours, wages and working conditions. I am all in favour of workers getting good hours, wages and working conditions and I believe that the chairman of this board and his colleagues should have them too. But why are we always so lenient in letting such people have virtually everything they want whereas, when it comes to the nurses or the agricultural workers, we say that they cannot have 6d. or a 1s. extra—or, to put it the other way round, that they should have only 6d. or 1s. extra."shall pay to any member of the Board such remuneration (whether by way of salary or fees) and such allowances as the Minister may with the approval of the Treasury determine;"
Order. We are on Report stage and there are many Amendments to consider. Many hon. Members wish to speak. I have already appealed to the hon. Gentleman to be reasonably brief.
It is rare that I take part in debates in the House. Not many hon. Members on this side of the House are anxious to take part in the debate. None of them have said they wish to do so. I have an interest in this matter, which I have declared. I want to represent the interests of the workers. I want to put forward on their behalf the case that I think they are being penalised. When Ministers penalise the workers, I do not hear them being told that they must restrict their remarks because other hon. Members wish to take part. It may be inconvenient that I happen to speak at length, but the rule is suspended. The Government have plenty of time and hon. Members have plenty of opportunity.
I want to be able to speak on behalf of those workers who so often do not get the opportunity of being heard. We are to have strikes tomorrow. Thousands of workers will come out on strike. If we had more opportunity to put their point of view, whether we agreed with it or not, there probably would not be so many strikes. The workers in this industry feel that they are being limited as to the increases in salaries and wages that they can get and the hon. Member for Totnes now comes forward with an appeal board, with which I agree in principle, but is being unfair to the workers, both in this industry and in industry generally, in suggesting that the Minister and the Government should have carte blanche to pay virtually anything they like.6.30 p.m.
I have great sympathy with the hon. Gentleman. He is examining the proposition in the Schedule in the way in which it should be examined. Unfortunately, he was not here when I introduced the new Clause and the Schedule. I said that I was flexible about the Schedule and that if the Minister or any other hon. Member had a better suggestion about the composition of the board and other matters affecting it I was willing to consider it.
I have said on a previous occasion that the hon. and gallant Gentleman is always understanding, willing to put his point of view, and to make a concession where appropriate. However, kind, courteous, helpful and understanding as he undoubtedly is, the Schedule does not spell out what he hints. I am adducing arguments in favour of the principle of establishing the board but questioning whether the board should be so appointed that the Minister will have the right to put placemen on to it. Honourable Members may not think that that is an appropriate expression, but workers in the industry, on reading the Schedule, would say that the Minister will have the opportunity of appointing people at unspecified salaries, and possibly fees and expenses in addition.
The Schedule says that the members of the board shall have, apart from salaries,Does that mean that the chairman and members can have their meals free? It does not say so. Will they be charged? If so, are they to be charged on the same basis as the nurses are? I believe in fair shares for all. As the nurses are being charged, we should specify that these board members can have their meals free or can have them on the same basis as the nurses and be charged on that basis. I should be more happy about supporting the Schedule if it contained a provision to that effect. Paragraph (b) refers to"such allowances as the Minister may … determine".
the Minister "may so determine". This is a bit much. I know that the hon. and gallant Member and the hon. Member for Totnes are generous. Why does the Schedule provide that these board members can have such pension as the Minister may determine? I should have thought that it would be more proper to provide that the pension should be not less favourable than that received by Members of Parliament."the payment of a pension to or in respect of that member as"
I would accept that.
They might then say that it was not good enough. Some of the Post Office Engineering Union members who are now solidly objecting to the Bill are doing so on the ground that their pension rights are being abrogated. It would be more appropriate if the Schedule said—"but on conditions not more favourable than those which are being applied to members of the Post Office Engineering Union". Whereas Post Office engineers can now retire on pension at 60, in future they will have to serve to 65. Therefore, their conditions are being worsened. I have declared my interest. I am more in favour of the members of the P.O.E.U. than I am of the 12 proposed board members who are to be appointed at unspecified salaries—the chairman probably at £20,000 or £30,000 a year. I do not see why these board members should get this kind of money.
Some at least of these 12 members could be members of the P.O.E.U.
The hon. and gallant Gentleman must have the gift of telepathy, because he knows just what I am thinking. I was just coming to that point. If the Schedule said,
I would say that it would not be too bad, because it would be specifying that the board should contain two or three members of a union. It is not good enough for the hon. and gallant Gentleman to say that some of the board members could be members of a trade union. The Schedule should provide that at least three of the board members should be members of a trade union."The Board shall consist of not less than five nor more than twelve members appointed by the Minister, two, three or four or more of whom must be members of a recognised union affiliated to the T.U.C. and interested in telecommunications".
I was interested in the hon. Gentleman's argument on paragraph (b). He seems to have slipped back to paragraph (a).
Either the hon. Gentleman has been out of the House or he needs an electronic hearing aid, which no doubt he could obtain from the Post Office. I thought I was courting a rebuke from Mr. Speaker by going into the matter in too much detail, because I dealt with the whole question of remuneration under paragraph (a). If I were to seek to go into it any further, Mr. Speaker would rule that I was guilty of tedious repetition, I suspect. There is so much in the Schedule that is loosely worded. I could quarrel with almost every one of its provisions.
I suggest that it might get the hon. Gentleman out of his difficulty on (b) if my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Down, South (Captain Orr) would now accept that in the view of many of us he would be very satisfied if the hon. Member for West Ham, North (Mr. Arthur Lewis) were to join the board or even be its chairman.
The House might welcome that suggestion, but I doubt whether it would be acceptable to the old or the new Government Chief Whip or to the Postmaster-General. Nevertheless, the hon. Member has stressed my point that this should be specified so that the Minister cannot wriggle out. The Postmaster-General and I are good friends, but though he might think this a good idea he might not be in that office in two or three days' time, and his successor might not agree. I should like to see this provision spelled out.
Paragraph 5 states:I really want to go to town on this provision. The newspapers are today castigating workers for taking one day off for a strike tomorrow. To be fair, some hon. Members are also castigated because they spend a week or a few days at Ascot or Epsom. If this provision goes through, a member of the Board will not only have an unspecified salary, perhaps free meals, and expenses ad lib., but may, in addition, have six months leave of absence. Beyond that period, we are told, the Minister "may" decide to do something. This is the way to solve our industrial difficulties. We would not need "In Place of Strife". All we need to say to the workers is "You can have six months off with pay, and after that we shall consider what we will do with you". We would have no trouble in industry then. There would not be a strike in the whole country. Let us pay all workers £20,000 or £30,000 a year, give them free meals and cars, and tell them, "You can have six months off with pay, and after that we shall consider whether or not to take action against you", and I can assure my right hon. Friend the First Secretary that there would then be no strikes. Jacky Dash and company would not mind £20,000 or £30,000 a year on those conditions—"If the Minister is satisfied that a member of a Board—(a) has without the permission of the Board been absent from meetings of the Board for a continuous period exceeding six months …"
Would it not be cheaper and more efficient to give the Government six months off with full pay?
Order. These are interesting speculations, but we must get back to the Schedule.
That is exactly what I was about to say, Mr. Speaker. It is an interesting speculation, but it does not come within the new Schedule.
Paragraph 5(b) speaks of a member of the board whoThis is just amazing. These people are to be paid this money, and we are to allow them to become bankrupts. Hon. Members may laugh, but this is not a laughable matter. The hon. Members for Macclesfield (Sir A. V. Harvey) spoke of the Government. One of the faults of the Government is that they are paying out too much money—"… has become bankrupt or made an arrangement with his creditors …"
6.45 p.m.
And they are bankrupt.
The Government are cutting expenditure, but they are not cutting it in the right places—
Order. That argument must be developed in another debate, not in this one.
In the circumstances mentioned, the Minister should say that such members should be dismissed or should have their salaries stopped. In this case, action should be taken. It would be a practical way of saving Government expenditure when most people, and certainly those within the industry and within the telecommunications trade unions, would support.
Sub-paragraph (c) is also interesting. It refers to a member of the board whoTo speak of illness as a reason is fair enough, but the phrase "any other cause" is a bit too loose. If a member of the board went on an overseas visit for two or three months, would no action be taken, as he would be within the six-month period? The present position is that a member of the public can remain abroad for six months or more and completely evade taxation—"… has by reason of illness or any other cause become unable or unfit to act as a member of the Board …"
It must be over 12 months.
In that 12 months one could have two six-month periods, and the person concerned could find that he was not to be removed from his job.
In those various circumstances;it does not say that the Minister "shall" or "must","The Minister may"—
I do not see why this preferential treatment should be meted out to one section of the population. I have to return to the dockers because they form the major section in my constituency. They are always being attacked by everyone. If a docker were to stay away for six months—he could not afford to do so, of course—or did half the things that are mentioned here, would it be said that his employers might consider giving him notice? I know what would happen. That man would get his notice long before the six months were up. I cannot see why these people should be treated any differently—"… in such manner as he thinks fit, declare that person's office as a member of the Board to have become vacant."
The hon. Gentleman reminds me that we have this six-month provision in local government.
That may be so, but I am not responsible for what local authorities do. But I am responsible for deciding whether or not to support the new Clause, and I say that it just is not good enough. I cannot be blamed for what happens in local authorities, but if I support the new Clause I can be blamed for that. I do not think that these people should get this preferential treatment. However, I do not want to speak at length on that, because some of my hon. Friends may wish to speak—
My hon. Friend has chased them away.
The Assistant Postmaster-General says that I have chased them away. I have not moved from this spot and I have never chased anyone. I am not the Chief Whip—I do not need to chase anyone.
I believe that I am the only hon. Member on this side who has spoken. I waited to see if there was anybody who wished to speak.Order. Would the hon. Member get back to the Schedule?
I go back to the new Clause. I know that the Postmaster-General will thank me for my help on this matter. No doubt I have given him a number of reasons why he should not accept the new Clause. I hope that he will realise that this is the general attitude taken by most workers in industry to the new Schedule, and he ought to take that attitude into account in any appointments which are made as a result of the Bill.
The hon. Member has amused himself for a considerable time and has dealt with a great deal of minutiae. Indeed he asked me a number of questions about the new Schedule. I do not propose to say any more than that it is the normal standard form which is normally applied in any Act of Parliament when one is setting up a board.
The major issue is to consider exactly what monopoly powers are being handed over to the Corporation under the Bill if it remains unamended. In Committee we sought to ensure that the new Minister of Posts and Telecommunications would, as it were, be able to hold the corner in any dispute which might occur between the Corporation and any person applying for a licence or appealing against revocation of a licence. It is important to consider what is involved. The number of Amendments which it has been agreed we should discuss indicates clearly to the House the extent of the monopoly powers which will be granted to the Corporation. One has only to look at Clause 24, which is covered by Amendment No. 78 in which my hon. Friend seeks to delete paragraph (c), to see that the Clause lays down the exclusive privilege of the Post Office in respect of telecommunications. If one takes that in conjunction with Clauses 26 and 27, one sees that no method of communication of any sort can be undertaken without a licence from the Post Office, except by two people talking eyeball to eyeball. This shows the extent of the monopoly. The Postmaster-General at present enjoys wide monopoly powers. As Minister he appears in this House at Question Time and replies to debates on behalf of his Department. Once the Bill is passed the Corporation will become master in its own house and the new Minister will have no way of demanding that the Corporation shall or shall not issue a licence. We must ask whether it is right and proper to allow the Bill to go through without some form of appeal procedure by which somebody who is affected will be able to appear before an appeal board. Several sections of the community would be involved, including the wire relay services. We have an Amendment for discussion later which deals with those services, so I shall not go into them in detail. In our earlier deliberations the Postmaster-General made it clear that in future the Post Office intend to work towards the development of serving homes with a single-wire system, which would include the reading of gas and electricity meters, and would also provide a wire service for television and radio. He made it clear that this was one of the aims. I see no reason that the Corporation should not do this if it so desires, and I make no complaint about it. But the wire service will face the situation that it will need to apply to its main competitor, or prospective competitor, for a licence to operate. This is quite wrong and goes against the whole principle of the way in which this matter has been handled in the past. A second important matter which was raised in Committee is that the new Corporation will enjoy complete monopoly powers in the operation of the telecommunications system. It will insist that every subscriber must take a Post Office installed telephone and that only the Post Office may maintain it, and, in a wider context, where a building has more than 50 phones the Post Office will insist that the occupier of the building shall purchase the system of properly proved equipment, including automatic branch exchange and all the other equipment. When it is installed the Post Office Corporation will take it over, operate it, and will insist on carrying out all maintenance. There are organisations in this country which are quite happy to instal complete telephone systems both internal and external and to recover their money on a rental basis. This means that the man whose concern produces cement or ball bearings, or whatever it may be, does not have to tie up a large amount of capital in buying a telephone system for his office block. By having a system on the rental principle he can pay for it from income rather than capital. In many buildings the occupier has installed a system for internal purposes which is modern and efficient and each person in the building is able to communicate quickly with someone else in the building. But when someone wishes to communicate with a person in a branch office down the road another phone must be used which is maintained by the Post Office. That is the first point: a businessman does not have the choice of either tying up his capital in an expensive telephone system or being able to rent a telephone system. 7.0 p.m. The other point concerns the difference which would be made to the Post Office Corporation. The need for capital in the Corporation is very great; demand is growing all the time. It is plain that for some time the Corporation will be forced to have a system of priorities because under its system of borrowing from the Treasury the amount of capital made available to it from year to year will be restricted. If it could concentrate upon main trunk lines and main exchanges and supply a number of lines to an establishment which was prepared to install to the proper standard G.P.O. approved equipment, it would save the Corporation a large amount of capital and would enable it to use that capital to extend the telephone system much faster. At the moment, if we have a problem, we can ask the Postmaster-General about it. He usually gives a dusty answer. But in future we shall not be able to ask him questions. Therefore, we shall not even get a dusty answer. The Corporation will be in a different position from any other nationalised industry. The gas and electricity industries are in competition with other suppliers of heat and light. Therefore, they are not in a monopoly position. But the Post Office is in a monopoly position. Secondly, if the electricity board runs an electricity supply to our homes, that does not mean that we must buy our radio, television set or refrigerator from it. We have a choice. However, the electricity board would soon be on us if we installed substandard equipment. Therefore, there is reasonable protection for the consumer and for the supply authority. The consumer can say, "I will see what the local electricity showrooms have and then I will go down the road to discover what a private enterprise sale room has to offer". He has a choice. I see no reason why the consumer should not have a choice in this matter. I do not believe that if we change the Bill thousands of Post Office users will rush to say, "We wan tto install our own instrument". But I see no reason why they should not have the opportunity of doing so. What would happen very quickly would be that a number of proprietors would cease to duplicate their communications equipment on every executive's desk in the building. This can come about only if somebody is holding the corner. If the Post Office Corporation is approached, it will be able to say, "We are very sorry but we believe that no other person should be allowed to handle or maintain our equipment". The rental organisation will probably say, "If we cannot maintain the equipment we cannot rent it to you. We can look after the internal equipment, but we cannot allow you to have the other equipment on a hire purchase or rental basis".Notice taken that 40 Members were not present;
House counted, and, 40 Members being present—
7.8 p.m.
If people feel that the Corporation is unnecessarily extending its monopoly powers, there should be an appeal body to which they can turn. It should be served by people of high technical ability who will be able to make a fair and impartial decision on whether the Corporation is wrongly using its monopoly powers.
We are in an age of fast communications development. There is the development of optical broadcasting. We are entering fields which, not many years ago, man never dreamed of. We must not do anything in the Bill which prevents the Corporation from fully exploiting new developments. That is the last thing we should wish to do. On the other hand, we must not give it so much power that it can insist on maintaining a monopoly position and thereby deter or retard developments. What would have happened if the railways had been given the right to control all transport communications? Would the aircraft industry have got off the ground? I may be entering the realms of fantasy, but it would be undesirable if we had a monopoly which insisted upon using its power and refused to allow anyone to provide an alternative service. There is also the vexed question of the use of common services, a matter with which we dealt at length in Committee. My hon. Friend the Member for Yeovil (Mr. Peyton) referred to an Amendment dealing with penalties for anyone in breach of the provisions of Clause 24. If someone may be in breach of Clause 24, he ought to be able to know what is a crime and what is not. Common services are covered by Clauses 24, 25, 26 and 27 and a number of examples of the sort of situation which they would cover were given in Standing Committee. The right hon. Gentleman was very forthcoming about what he thought the Corporation would seek to do. For instance, he gave us an assurance about toy boats on a pond. I accept that he and those who would represent the Corporation meant every word they said, but there are many things which are common services. For instance, people in a block of flats may share a button system at the door so that there is speaker communication between their flats and the front door of the block. If such a system were covered, there would have to be a licence from the Corporation. But the situation ought to be made much clearer to the ordinary citizen who wants to know whether he will break the law if he goes ahead with whatever he has planned. If there were such a board as is suggested, it might decide that licences for some of these common services was taking monopoly power too far and it might decide that some no longer required to be licensed. Such a decision would clear the air. I have no doubt that those in control of the Corporation would adopt the attitude which the G.P.O. has always adopted and adapt themselves to new situations as they arose. I do not accuse anyone of deliberately going out of his way to upset people, but we cannot allow a Bill to go through when it will require a person or a group of persons to apply to the main competitor for a new licence. The only way to get over that is to accept the principle of the new Clause. My hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Down, South (Captain Orr) and I do not expect the Clause to be word perfect. But if the principle were to be adopted, we would accept the assurance of the Postmaster-General that he would provide appropriate words to incorporate the principle. If he is not prepared to accept the principle, I shall expect my hon. Friends to go into the Lobby to vote for it.
7.15 p.m.
I am glad to be able—
On a point of order. As the Postmaster-General has now risen, it is probably a fair inference that the debate is drawing to its close. I ask you, Mr. Speaker, whether you can protect the rights of back benchers if the Closure is moved after the Postmaster-General sits down. Some of us have been waiting since a quarter to four to take part in the debate. If the Closure is moved it will be the second time today that back benchers, who have been very patient, will not have been able to participate in important debates because of long speeches. I hope that we can count on your protection of our rights in these circumstances.
When the hon. Member has been in Parliament a little longer he will know that that is a very old gambit. Mr. Speaker, however, never discusses Closures.
It would be useful if the hon. Member for Acton (Mr. Kenneth Baker) had a conversation with his hon. Friend the Member for Mid-Bedfordshire (Mr. Hastings). If the manœuvre of the hon. Member for Mid-Bedfordshire had been successful, the debate would not be continuing even now.
I am delighted to be able to follow the hon. Member for Totnes (Mr. Mawby), who has considerable experience of these matters and played a distinguished part in our proceedings in Standing Committee. Many of the points which he ventilated this evening were discussed in Standing Committee and he will not want me to comment again upon each of them. However, I want to refer to the supply of equipment for subscribers, because there is much misunderstanding about this subject. He referred to the example of the electricity and gas boards. They connect a supply to a home and the customer is able to buy the equipment—the gas stove or the electric stove, or the electric fire—from any supplier. Provided that the appliance is fitted by someone with proper experience and training, the gas board or electricity board would raise no objection. It has been suggested today and earlier that telephone installation should be similarly arranged and that it should be possible for a customer to have lines connected to a house and then choose the equipment he wishes from any supplier. It is an interesting suggestion, but it is defective on this main ground. The communications system of the Post Office is dissimilar from the supply of electricity or gas, which is in one direction. The communications system of the Post Office works in two or more directions. If inadequate or badly maintained equipment is attached to the system, it is not only embarrassing to the subscriber but a handicap to the system as a whole, and it could be extremely dangerous—and I use that word again—if inadequate equipment were installed. In the last few months we have had the example of mock antique phones drawn to our attention. Many Japanese mock antique phones have been imported and many have been sold. If they are installed for purely domestic use or internal communication within a house or club there is no objection, but if they are attached to a system they could prove dangerous to the system and a handicap not only to correct reception of calls on that telephone but an interference with other calls, and they could mess up the complicated equipment at our exchanges. That is why we have had to say that it is not possible for such unauthorised equipment to be attached to the system, and that is why the suggestion of freedom of supply for subscribers cannot be accepted.I thank the Postmaster-General for giving way; he is always courteous. He says that he could not permit unauthorised attachments. Surely it is possible to lay down—and it has been done in the Post Office—a specification governing these things and to say that provided instruments comply with that specification anybody would be permitted to attach them to the system.
This is already done for certain PABXs to ensure that these are attached to the system and work effectively and efficiently. It would be unwise to widen this freedom in the way suggested, because the way in which we need to supervise the proper running of the communications system is extremely important.
A number of hon. Members, including my hon. Friend the Member for West Ham, North (Mr. Arthur Lewis), raised the question of relay companies and their position. They are operating a communications network that is caught by the monopoly. If a communications network is operated by a business purely internally, it is not caught by the monopoly, but if a communications system links third persons to a network it is an infringement of the existing Post Office monopoly. The existing Post Office monopoly is being transferred to the Post Office Corporation. The relay companies are being allowed to continue their systems on licence from the Post Office Corporation in the same way as they continue now to operate with a licence from the Postmaster-General. I gave an assurance in Committee on 13th February that the position of the companies would be protected at least until 1976. I went on to say:The relay companies know their position. It has been made crystal clear to them. They will understand that it would be unfair to pre-empt the fundamental review of broadcasting which could change the pattern fundamentally from 1976 onwards. The programme companies of I.T.A. are in exactly the same position. I gave a similar assurance on 18th February at column 789. This is the only answer that I can give to the points which have been raised concerning the relay firms. We can go no further than that assurance, which is a fairly liberal one and will give them security for a large number of years. The hon. Member for Yeovil (Mr. Peyton) raised a number of questions. In particular, he referred to Clause 27(6) and asked a number of questions about it in relation to subsection (1) of that Clause. The presence of subsection (6) does not mean that subsection (1) is ineffective. The Post Office has to get the consent of the Minister to the issue of a monopoly licence, but Clause 27(6) protects the licensee from prosecution if the Minister did not give a proper consent owing to a mistake. That is the reason why this is included. The hon. Member has spoken to his Amendments which would delete paragraph (c) of Clause 24(1). If he looks at Clauses 25 and 26, he will see that that subsection is qualified particularly by Clause 25(2), which states:"They are in no different a situation from the programme companies under I.T.A. They are not given any guarantee that they will be able to continue after that date, because the whole of broadcasting is going to be subjected to a fundamental review. It would not be right if the relay companies were given any exemption from that review. It is important that that review should be without prejudice to the future, and the reason why we have given this assurance until 1976 is to allow that review to be conducted."—[OFFICIAL REPORT, Standing Committee D, 13th February, 1969; c. 758–9.]
which is situated in the United Kingdom provided that the messages are carried for the persons employed in the business. The purpose of that subsection is to make clear that if there is a communications system within a business, it does not fall within the monopoly. Therefore, this deals not only with the point which has been raised, but also with the points raised by hon. Members who wondered why there should not be a data communications system between, say, different section of a Press chain. That can be done. They can have a communications system. It is not caught by the monopoly if it is conducted in a business which is owned by a single firm."In the case of a business carried on by a person, the said privilege is not infringed by the running, for the purposes of that business, of a system"
Surely, it is caught if the various points are not within a single set of premises.
Yes, of course it would be caught, because they would be communicating between different parts of the United Kingdom; but if they communicate within their own organisation, it is not caught. That is the point I wanted to make clear.
The suggestion that we should delete paragraphs (c) and (d) of Clause 24(1) did not, I think, carry the weight which was suggested, because there are these exceptions to the monopoly.Although they have not been selected, I have put down some Amendments to modify the Clause to which the right hon. Gentleman has referred. May I ask him to comment on the horror of impartation?
The hon. Member is referring to subsection (1)(c) of Clause 24. That is a form of words designed particularly to catch technological developments which could infringe the existing monopoly. This is extremely important. The monopoly is not simply in a particular form of communication. It is intended to be in all forms of communication. If we were to allow the other developments of communications systems to infringe the monopoly, the whole purpose of the Bill—which is to transfer to the Post Office Corporation the monopoly at present enjoyed by the Postmaster-General—would be undermined. It is to protect the Post Office Corporation against the infringement of its monopoly by a technological development that is caught by paragraph (c) that subsection (1) is included.
The hon. and gallant Member for Down, South (Captain Orr), who moved new Clause No. 7, has done a tremendous amount of homework on the subject. I congratulate him on the amount of time and expertise that he has devoted to it. He has suggested that there should be a new and completely separate board which wouldThat is an extremely wide power. The outstanding objection to it is that it infringes the very monopoly that it is the intention of the Bill to transfer from the Post Office as a Department of State to the Post Office Corporation. 7.30 p.m. Furthermore, if the House will direct its attention to subsection (4)(b) it will notice that it will be possible to authorise not only the carving up of sections of the business which are now enjoyed by the Post Office, but to authorise competitive business, and"have power to license the provision and performance of postal and telecommunications services, including any facilities or services ancillary or incidental to any such services, whether generally or in any area or for any purpose or by any means or system specified in the licence."
This means that there would be duplicated services; there would be competition in the area where the Post Office now enjoys a monopoly in the provision of telephones or in the provision of postal deliveries or in any other service in which the Post Office now enjoys a monopoly. That is why I emphasise to the House that, although this may appear to be an innocent proposal, it is, as the hon. and gallant Gentleman knows, a fundamental proposition which undermines the whole concept of the monopoly which it is the real intention of this Bill to transfer."in addition to any service or facilities then provided by the Post Office".
I am much obliged to the Postmaster-General for giving way again. What it does is to make the new board the custodian of the monopoly, and I think that that is right. If I may just take up one point which the Postmaster-General made just now, when he was talking about the possibility of competition with the monopoly, I would point out that this already exists. There are private enterprise concerns operating radio telephones at this very minute, and they are in competition with the telephone service and will increasingly be so. Why should not that exist? Why should there not be an impartial judge between them and the Post Office?
For the overwhelming reason that the monopoly should be protected. If we are to have an efficient telephone and telecommunications network in this country it can be more effectively developed by having a nationally integrated monopoly, rather than by having the monopoly eaten away piecemeal, as would be possible if this board were set up.
The other objection, of course, to this board is that it would be able to operate without reference to this House. If it is the intention of the Opposition, if they should ever win an election, to dismember the telecommunications monopoly—and they have not come completely clean about that, but if that is their intention—then the appropriate thing for them to do, if they have a majority in this House, is to bring a Bill to the House and have it properly debated; Parliament should have the opportunity of making a decision about this. If we were to allow this board to be set up it would be possible for the board to carve up the telecommunications—indeed, the postal—monopoly in a way which Parliament has not intended, as shown by the approval of the main purpose of the Bill.rose—
I think I had better not give way. I think we had better get on. We have been a very long time on this.
There is another objection, a minor one compared with the main objection to the proposal for the new board, and that is that it would be a bureaucratic machine. It is extraordinary that hon. Gentlemen opposite, who very vigorously from time to time attack the setting up of new Governmental institutions and boards of all descriptions, who object to the building up of the Civil Service, who are wholly against skilled manpower being absorbed in the public service, and who are always asking that skilled manpower should be released for productive work in industry—it is extraordinary that they should be suggesting the setting up of a board which would be bound to absorb a lot of skilled manpower, particularly technically skilled manpower, and would be bound to be very expensive, and, because it would be wedged in between Parliament and the Minister on the one hand and the Post Office on the other, would be bound to develop in a bureaucratic way. It is extraordinary that they of all people should be proposing that this board be set up. These are the principal reasons why I would oppose the board suggested, and, similarly, I would oppose any appeal as suggested in new Clause 8, because all these suggestions have the effect of undermining the monopoly which it is the intention of the Bill should be transferred to the Post Office Corporation. The hon. and gallant Gentleman the Member for Down, South said there were extensions of monopoly under this Bill. He is misinformed about that. There is no extension of monopoly. All this Bill is doing is transferring the existing monopoly of the Postmaster-General to the Post Office Corporation. All that we are doing in this process of this Bill is clarifying what the monopoly actually means. This has encouraged the hon. and gallant Gentleman to raise objections to various parts of the Bill and to say that there is an extension of monopoly. The hon. and gallant Gentleman went on to say that the new Corporation will control competitors in all sorts of fields. That is exactly the intention. It is the intention that the Post Office should have the monopoly and be able to control potential competitors. That is what it is all about. If there are objections being raised to that I am delighted that there are objections, because that shows we are achieving what we are aiming to achieve. We want the monopoly to be transferred from the Postmaster-General to the public Corporation which is to be given the existing monopoly of the Post Office. That is what we want to achieve and that is what we are achieving. The hon. and gallant Gentleman went on to take examples from the United States. He gave the examples of the F.C.C. and C.A.V.T., but no comparisons can be made with the situation in the United States, where companies operating in this field are private companies and must be subject to some public control. That will not be the situation here. We will have a public corporation subject to control, under the provisions of this Bill, by a sponsoring Minister. Therefore, the sort of control which is set up in America is entirely inappropriate here. The hon. and gallant Gentleman went on to talk about the A.T.L.B. which is being subjected to review by the Edwards Committee at this time. We do not know what will come out of that, but what is true about the A.T.L.B. is that it operates in a field where there is not a monopoly by B.O.A.C. or B.E.A., but where there is a mixed economy situation where B.O.A.C. and B.E.A. are operatingg in competition with private airlines. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear."] The hon. and gallant Gentleman is coming clean. This is exactly what he wants to achieve in this field. I am entirely opposed to him on that, and that is why I am opposed to having a similar sort of board to the A.T.L.B. set up in this field. It is completely unnecessary—unless we agree with the philosophy of hon. Gentlemen opposite. If we agree to their philosophy I can understand that this board would have some function. But we do not agree with their philosophy. We are entirely opposed to their philosophy. We want to maintain the monopoly, and this board, in that context, would be entirely superfluous. There have been all sorts of other comparisons made, but, of course, there is no board for the gas and electricity industries, because Parliament has seen fit to give the gas and electricity industries a monopoly, and this is a field where monopoly is applicable, as in the field where the Post Office Corporation is to be given a monopoly. There is no transport board to operate in relation to British Railways, in the way suggested for this board by this new Clause. Where there is a monopoly granted by Parliament such a suggestion is entirely inappropriate. As this proposal as put forward by the hon. and gallant Gentleman and his hon. Friends on that side of the House is such a fundamental undermining of the main purpose behind this Bill, I have to advise the House that it should be opposed when we have the Division.I congratulate my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Down, South (Captain Orr) for the work that he has put into the Clause. He has done an expert job, and I am delighted to support him.
I would have welcomed a board of this sort many years ago, even when my party was in power. There is not the slightest doubt that had our manufacturers had the sort of freedom that the board would have given them they would have done better in the export markets. There is evidence to show that this is the case in respect of almost all the companies in the telecommunications industry. I do not doubt that the consumers would also have benefited. But quite apart from the practical and material benefits there is an element of justice about the provisions in the Clause. It creates the right of appeal. Never throughout the Postmaster-General's speech did we hear the word "appeal". It did not occur to him that people want to be able to appeal against decisions which adversely affect them. The right of appeal operates all the way through our law, but for some reason it is thought to be inappropriate in the case of the Post Office. I have already said that I would have liked to see such a board as is proposed in the Clause in days gone by. The case was strong then, but it is far stronger now, because we are in an entirely new situation. The Post Office, at least, was under Parliamentary scrutiny. The Postmaster-General now answers and gives an account of his office before the House of Commons. But under the new establishment which will operate from 1st October onwards there will be no scrutiny of the Posit Office. It will be in an entirely new position. That is why a new independent commission is required. The right hon. Gentleman's very speech underlines the requirement for such a body. He has told us why something is inadequate and why it is objectionable, but who is he to say that it is objectionable? He can say it if he likes, but every citizen should be able to appeal against a decision of this sort. The Minister may get it wrong. Time and again experts and technical men disagree among themselves, and they are always thinking in terms of a right of appeal. No other country functions as we do. Other countries cannot understand how a nation like ours—highly sophisticated in law and highly inventive in machinery and manufacturing—can sit down under not monopoly rules but dictatorial rules. The Post Office will be a dictator, and not just a monopoly or a commission. The Postmaster-General had the effrontery to say that the relay position would be a liberal one, and that relay companies now knew and understood the situation. They may know and understand it, but they do not approve it, because it is laughable. The Postmaster-General seems to have talked himself into feeling that it is all very well, but let us consider the situation that will arise. We are supposed to go to our competitors for permission to operate. We have been promised that we shall not be upset and that we shall be given what we want, but the basic background is wrong. At the end there is no appeal. We are told that there is no need for an appeal, because we shall always be given what we want. That is not the way the law usually operates, and I cannot understand why it has not sunk into the right hon. Gentleman's mind that this is a unique situation in Britain. We do not treat our citizens in this way in any other regard. We shall be discussing the relay system in greater detail when we reach Amendment No. 91. 7.45 p.m. The Post Office is the sole authority for allocating frequencies. By any normal rule it is unfair, because the G.P.O. is one of the main users of the frequencies. Once again, therefore, the Post Office is acting as judge in its own cause. It is one of the interested parties. Surely there should be an appeal against its decisions. Even if some of the main users are not under the Post Office they consist of many Government Departments. Who, now, can challenge the rights of the defence services to have the wavelengths that they now have? No doubt they needed what they had in the years when their services were bigger. But nobody will be able to say that some of these wavelengths must be free now because the defence forces are only half what they were. Nobody is allowed to do that. The Post Office says that we may not ask, and that there is no appeal. We must take it as it is. Many experts believe that there are grave doubts whether wavelengths are being used as efficiently as possible. We cannot accept this brushing aside of all foreign experience. The great thing about foreign experience—never mind the technical part of it—is that it can be seen to be just. My hon. Friend mentioned, in passing, the case of the Carterfone. We have raised this matter from time to time, because it is a straight example of the situation that we are advocating. The report from the F.C.C. reads:That is an absolutely just appraisal. The rules have been made by the Bell Telephone Company, presumably, just as the Post Office makes its rules now. Then the F.C.C. examiner found for the objectors. That cannot happen in this country. We are told that we cannot put the appliance at the end of our telephone line. We cannot challenge that decision in any way. If the number of appeals won amounted to only one in 100 it would still be right to have a right of appeal. I do not mind what system we have so long as it contains the element of a right of appeal. That is the most important element of all. The Bell Telephone Co. of Canada has an Act dated 7th March, 1968. Section 5(4) says:"The examiner found that there was a need and a demand for a device to connect the telephone landline system with mobile radio systems which could be met in part by the Carterfone. He also found that the Carterfone had no material adverse effect upon use of the telephone system. He construed the tariff to prohibit attachment of the Carterfone whether or not it harmed the telephone system, and determined that future prohibition of its use would be unjust and unreasonable. He also found that it would be unduly discriminatory under Section 202(a) of the Act, since the telephone companies permit the use of their own interconnecting devices."
That is reasonable. Then there is the second element. Subsection (5) provides that"For the protection of the subscribers of the Company and of the public, any equipment apparatus, line, circuit or device not provided by the company shall only be attached to the apparatus in conformity with such reasonable requirements as may be prescribed by the Company."
the appeal body—"The Canadian Transport Commission"—
There we have an outside body deciding whether the original rules are right. Thirdly, subsection (6) provides that:"may determine, as questions of fact, whether or not any requirements … are reasonable."
An individual is given the right of appeal. Finally:"Any person who is affected by any requirements prescribed by the Company … may apply to the Canadian Transport Commission to determine the reasonableness …"
Even that is subject to appeal. The situation is that a monopoly lays down the rules and an outside body then decides whether or not they are fair. Care is taken to preserve the right of appeal for an individual's grievance. These are obvious elements in any just and efficient arrangement."The decision of the Commission is subject to review and appeal pursuant to the Railway Act."
Division No. 181.]
| AYES
| [7.53 p.m.
|
| Albu, Austen | Bishop, E. S. | Carmichael, Neil |
| Allaun Frank (Salford, E.) | Blackburn, F. | Carter-Jones, Lewis |
| Alldritt, Walter | Blenkinsop, Arthur | Castle, Rt. Hn. Barbara |
| Anderson, Donald | Boston, Terence | Chapman, Donald |
| Archer, Peter | Bottomley, Rt. Hn. Arthur | Coleman, Donald |
| Ashley, Jack | Boyden, James | Conlan, Bernard |
| Atkins, Ronald (Preston, N.) | Bradley, Tom | Corbet, Mrs. Freda |
| Atkinson, Norman (Tottenham) | Bray, Dr. Jeremy | Crawshaw, Richard |
| Bacon, Rt. Hn. Alice | Broughton, Dr. A. D. D. | Dalyell, Tam |
| Bagier, Cordon A. T. | Brown, Hugh D. (G'gow, Provan) | Darling, Rt. Hn. George |
| Barnes, Michael | Brown, Bob (N'c'tle-upon-Tyne, W.) | Davidson, Arthur (Accrington) |
| Barnett, Joel | Brown, R. W. (Shoreditch & F'bury) | Davies, Ednyfed Hudson (Conway) |
| Benn, Rt. Hn. Anthony Wedgwood | Buchan, Norman | Davies, G. Elfed (Rhondda, E.) |
| Binns, John | Cant, R. B. | Davies, Dr. Ernest (Stretford) |
Therefore, thinking in terms of our history, it is unbelievable that the Post Office should have this dictatorial power. It is even more unbelievable when one considers the size of the field in which it has that power without appeal, and the growing size of the field. All hon. Members agree on this. We keep speaking about how much telecommunications will grow and how we do not know where it will end, but there is still this completely unjust basis for its expansion.
I agree with the hon. Member for Hammersmith, North (Mr. Tomney) that all sorts of adventurous inventions are killed by our system. I agree with my hon. Friend the Member for Yeovil (Mr. Peyton) that the opportunities which are thrown away make one desperate. When my right hon. Friend the Member for Wallasey (Mr. Marples) toured the Bell telephone system abroad, he kept coming across Englishmen in high positions who felt that their opportunities lay there.
The very nature of this Clause shows that a lot of thought has been given. It is not merely a gesture. For that reason, I am glad that the right hon. Gentleman treated it seriously and tried to answer it in detail. But, throughout, he was fascinated by his monopoly, and anyone who challenged it was ridiculous and wrong. He could not conceive that he might be wrong on this question of an appeal. If he cannot understand that, he is not worth debating with.
rose—
rose in his place and claimed to move, That the Question be now put.
Question put, That the Question be now put:—
The House divided: Ayes 235, Noes 180.
| Davies, Rt. Hn. Harold (Leek) | Jones, Rt. Hn. Sir Elwyn (W. Ham, S.) | Pannell, Rt Hn. Charles |
| Davies, Ifor (Gower) | Jones, J. Idwal (Wrexham) | Park, Trevor |
| de Freitas, Rt. Hn. Sir Geoffrey | Jones, T. Alec (Rhondda, West) | Parker, John (Dagenham) |
| Delargy, Hugh | Judd, Frank | Parkyn, Brian (Bedford) |
| Dell, Edmund | Kelley, Richard | Pavitt, Laurence |
| Dempsey, James | Kenyon, Clifford | Pearson, Arthur (Pontypridd) |
| Dewar, Donald | Kerr, Mrs. Anne (R'ter & Chatham) | Peart, Rt. Hn. Fred |
| Dickens, James | Kerr, Dr. David (W'worth, Central) | Pentland, Norman |
| Dobson, Ray | Kerr, Russell (Feltham) | Perry, Ernest G. (Battersea, S.) |
| Doig, Peter | Lawson, George | Perry, George H. (Nottingham, S.) |
| Dunnett, Jack | Leadbitter, Ted | Prentice, Rt. Hn. R. E. |
| Dunwoody, Mrs. Gwyneth (Exeter) | Lee, John (Reading) | Price, Christopher (Perry Barr) |
| Dunwoody, Dr. John (F'th & C'b'e) | Lomas, Kenneth | Price, Thomas (Westhoughton) |
| Eadie, Alex | Luard, Evan | Price William (Rugby) |
| Edelman, Maurice | Lyon, Alexander W. (York) | Probert, Arthur |
| Edwards, William (Merioneth) | Lyons, Edward (Bradford, E.) | Rankin, John |
| Ellis, John | Mabon, Dr. J. Dickson | Rees, Merlyn |
| English, Michael | McBride, Neil | Roberts, Albert (Normanton) |
| Ennals, David | McCann, John | Roberts, Rt. Hn. Goronwy |
| Ensor, David | MacColl, James | Roberts, Gwilym (Bedfordshire, S.) |
| Evans, Ioan L. (Birm'h'm, Yardley) | Macdonald, A. H. | Robertson, John (Paisley) |
| Finch, Harold | McGuire, Michael | Rodgers, William (Stockton) |
| Fitch, Alan (Wigan) | McKay, Mrs. Margaret | Rogers, George (Kensington, N.) |
| Fletcher, Rt. Hn. Sir Eric (Islington, E.) | Mackenzie, Gregor (Rutherglen) | Rose, Paul |
| Fletcher, Raymond (Ilkeston) | Mackie, John | Ross, Rt. Hn. William |
| Fletcher, Ted (Darlington) | Mackintosh, John P. | Shaw, Arnold (Ilford, S.) |
| Foot, Michael (Ebbw Vale) | Maclennan, Robert | Sheldon, Robert |
| Ford, Ben | McNamara, J. Kevin | Shore, Rt. Hn. Peter (Stepney) |
| Forrester, John | MacPherson, Malcolm | Shore, Mrs. Renée (W'hampton, N. E.) |
| Fowler, Gerry | Mahon, Peter (Preston, S.) | Silkin, Rt. Hn. John (Deptford) |
| Freeson, Reginald | Mahon, Simon (Bootle) | Silkin, Hn. S. C. (Dulwich) |
| Galpern, Sir Myer | Mallalieu, J. P. W. (Huddersfield, E.) | Silverman, Julius |
| Gardner, Tony | Manuel, Archie | Slater, Joseph |
| Garrett, W. E. | Mapp, Charles | Small, William |
| Gordon Walker, Rt. Hn. P. C. | Marks, Kenneth | Spriggs, Leslie |
| Gray, Dr. Hugh (Yarmouth) | Marquand, David | Steele, Thomas (Dunbartonshire, W.) |
| Greenwood, Rt. Hn. Anthony | Marsh, Rt. Hn. Richard | Stonehouse, Rt. Hn. John |
| Gregory, Arnold | Mason, Rt. Hn. Roy | Strauss, Rt. Hn. G. R. |
| Grey, Charles (Durham) | Mellish, Rt. Hn. Robert | Summerskill, Hn. Dr. Shirley |
| Griffiths, David (Rother Valley) | Mendelson, John | Taverne, Dick |
| Griffiths, Eddie (Brightside) | Mikardo, Ian | Thomas, Rt. Hn. George |
| Griffiths, Will (Exchange) | Millan, Bruce | Thornton, Ernest |
| Hamilton, James (Bothwell) | Miller, Dr. M. S. | |
| Hamilton, William (Fife, W.) | Mitchell, R. C. (S'th'pton, Test) | Tinn, James |
| Harrison, Walter (Wakefield) | Molloy, William | Tomney, Frank |
| Haseldine, Norman | Moonman, Eric | Urwin, T. W. |
| Hattersley, Roy | Morgan, Elystan (Cardiganshire) | Walker, Harold (Doncaster) |
| Healey, Rt. Hn. Denis | Morris, Alfred (Wythenshawe) | Wallace, George |
| Herbison, Rt. Hn. Margaret | Morris, John (Aberavon) | Watkins, David (Consett) |
| Hilton, W. S. | Mulley, Rt. Hn. Frederick | Watkins, Tudor (Brecon & Radnor) |
| Hobden, Dennis | Murray, Albert | Wellbeloved, James |
| Hooley, Frank | Neal, Harold | White, Mrs. Eirene |
| Houghton, Rt. Hn. Douglas | Newens, Stan | Whitlock, William |
| Howie, W. | Noel-Baker, Rt. Hn. Philip (Derby, S.) | Wilkins, W. A. |
| Hughes, Emrys (Ayrshire, S.) | Oakes, Gordon | Willey, Rt. Hn. Frederick |
| Hughes, Hector (Aberdeen, N.) | Ogden, Eric | Williams, Alan (Swansea, W.) |
| Hughes, Roy (Newport) | O'Malley, Brian | Williams, Mrs. Shirley (Hitchin) |
| Hunter, Adam | Oram, Albert E. | Williams, W. T. (Warrington) |
| Hynd, John | Orbach, Maurice | Willis, Rt. Hn. George |
| Irvine, Sir Arthur (Edge Hill) | Orme, Stanley | Wilson, William (Coventry, S.) |
| Jackson, Colin (B'h'se & Spenb'gh) | Oswald, Thomas | Woodburn, Rt. Hn. A. |
| Jeger, George (Goole) | Owen, Dr. David (Plymouth, S'tn) | Woof, Robert |
| Jeger, Mrs. Lena (H'b'n & St. P'cras, S.) | Owen, Will (Morpeth) | |
| Jenkins, Hugh (Putney) | Page, Derek (King's Lynn) | TELLERS FOR THE AYES: |
| Johnson, Carol (Lewisham, S.) | Paget, R. T. | Mr. Charles R. Morris and |
| Jones, Dan (Burnley) | Palmer, Arthur | Mr. Joseph Harper. |
NOES
| ||
| Alison, Michael (Barkston Ash) | Boardman, Tom (Leicester, S. W.) | Costain, A. P. |
| Allason, James (Hemel Hempstead) | Body, Richard | Craddock, Sir Beresford (Spelthorne) |
| Amery Rt. Hn. Julian | Boyd-Carpenter, Rt. Hn. John | Crouch, David |
| Astor, John | Brown, Sir Edward (Bath) | Cunningham, Sir Knox |
| Atkins, Humphrey (M't'n & M'd'n) | Bruce-Gardyne, J. | Dance, dames |
| Baker, Kenneth (Acton) | Bryan, Paul | Davidson, James (Aberdeenshire, W.) |
| Baker, W. H. K. (Banff) | Buchanan-Smith, Alick (Angus, N & M) | Dean, Paul |
| Balniel, Lord | Buck, Antony (Colchester) | Deedes, Rt. Hn. W. F. (Ashford) |
| Barber, Rt. Hn. Anthony | Bullus, Sir Eric | Drayson, G. B. |
| Batsford, Brian | Burden, F. A. | du Cann, Rt. Hn. Edward |
| Bell, Ronald | Campbell, B. (Oldham, W.) | Eden, Sir John |
| Bennett, Dr. Reginald (Gos. & Fhm) | Campbell, Gordon (Moray & Nairn) | Elliot, Capt. Walter (Carshalton) |
| Berry, Hn. Anthony | Carr, Rt. Hn. Robert | Emery, Peter |
| Bessell, Peter | Clark, Henry | Errington, Sir Eric |
| Birch, Rt. Hn. Nigel | Clegg, Walter | Evans, Gwynfor (C'marthen) |
| Ewing, Mrs. Winifred | Legge-Bourke, Sir Harry | Rossi, Hugh (Hornsey) |
| Eyre, Reginald | Lewis, Kenneth (Rutland) | Royle, Anthony |
| Farr, John | Lloyd, Ian (P'tsm'th, Langstone) | Russell, Sir Ronald |
| Fortescue, Tim | Longden, Gilbert | St. John-Stevas, Norman |
| Fraser, Rt. Hn. Hugh (St'fford & Stone) | Lubbock, Eric | Scott, Nicholas |
| Gilmour, Ian (Norfolk, C.) | MacArthur, Ian | Scott-Hopkins, James |
| Gilmour, Sir John (Fife, E.) | Mackenzie, Alasdair (Ross & Crom'ty) | Sharples, Richard |
| Glover, Sir Douglas | Maclean, Sir Fitzroy | Shaw, Michael (Sc'b'gh & Whitby) |
| Goodhart, Philip | McMaster, Stanley | Silvester, Frederick |
| Goodhew, Victor | McNair-Wilson, M. (Walthamstow, E.) | Sinclair, Sir George |
| Gower, Raymond | McNair-Wilson, Patrick (New Forest) | Smith, Dudley (W'wick & L'mington) |
| Grant, Anthony | Maginnis, John E. | Speed, Keith |
| Grant-Ferris, R. | Marples, Rt. Hn. Ernest | Stainton, Keith |
| Gresham Cooke, R. | Marten, Neil | Steel, David (Roxburgh) |
| Grieve, Percy | Maude, Angus | Summers, Sir Spencer |
| Griffiths, Eldon (Bury St. Edmunds) | Mawby, Ray | Tapsell, Peter |
| Gurden, Harold | Maxwell-Hyslop, R. J. | Taylor Sir Charles (Eastbourne) |
| Hall-Davis, A. G. F. | Mills, Peter (Torrington) | Taylor, Edward M. (G'gow, Cathcart) |
| Hamilton, Michael (Salisbury) | Mills, Stratton (Belfast, N.) | Taylor, Frank (Moss Side) |
| Harris, Frederic (Croydon, N. W.) | Monro, Hector | Temple, John M. |
| Harrison, Brian (Maldon) | Montgomery, Fergus | Turton, Rt. Hn. R. H. |
| Harrison, Col. Sir Harwood (Eye) | More, Jasper | van Straubenzee, W. R. |
| Harvey, Sir Arthur Vere | Morgan, Geraint (Denbigh) | Vaughan-Morgan, Rt. Hn. Sir John |
| Harvie Anderson, Miss | Morrison, Charles (Devizes) | Wainwright, Richard (Colne Valley) |
| Hastings, Stephen | Munro-Lucas-Tooth, Sir Hugh | Walker, Peter (Worcester) |
| Hawkins, Paul | Murton, Oscar | Walker-Smith, Rt. Hn. Sir Derek |
| Heald, Rt. Hn. Sir Lionel | Nabarro, Sir Gerald | Walters, Dennis |
| Heseltine, Michael | Nicholls, Sir Harmar | Ward, Dame Irene |
| Higgins, Terence L. | Noble, Rt. Hn. Michael | Weatherill, Bernard |
| Hiley, Joseph | Onslow, Cranley | Wells, John (Maidstone) |
| Hill, J. E. B. | Orr, Capt. L. P. S. | |
| Hirst, Geoffrey | Osborn, John (Hallam) | Whitelaw, Rt. Hn. William |
| Holland, Philip | Osborne, Sir Cyril (Louth) | Wiggin, A. W. |
| Hooson, Emlyn | Page, John (Harrow, W.) | Williams, Donald (Dudley) |
| Hornby, Richard | Pearson, Sir Frank (Clitheroe) | Wilson, Geoffrey (Truro) |
| Howell, David (Guildford) | Peel, John | Winstanley, Dr. M. P. |
| Hunt, John | Percival, Ian | Wolrige-Gordon, Patrick |
| Hutchison, Michael Clark | Peyton, John | Wood, Rt. Hn. Richard |
| Iremonger, T. L. | Pink, R. Bonner | Worsley, Marcus |
| Irvine, Bryant Godman (Rye) | Pounder, Rafton | Wright, Esmond |
| Jenkin, Patrick (Woodford) | Powell, Rt. Hn. J. Enoch | Wylie, N. R. |
| Jennings, J. C. (Burton) | Prior, J. M. L. | Younger, Hn. George |
| Jopling, Michael | Pym, Francis | |
| Kerby, Capt. Henry | Quennell, Miss J. M. | TELLERS FOR THE NOES: |
| Kershaw, Anthony | Renton, Rt. Hn. Sir David | Mr. R. W. Elliott and |
| King, Evelyn (Dorset, S.) | Ridley, Hn. Nicholas | Mr. Timothy Kitson. |
| Lane, David | Ridsdale, Julian |
Question put accordingly, That the Clause be read a Second time:—
Division No. 182.]
| AYES
| [8.3 p.m.
|
| Alison, Michael (Barkston Ash) | Craddock, Sir Beresford (Spelthorne) | Hall-Davis, A. G. F. |
| Allason, James (Hemel Hempstead) | Crouch, David | Hamilton, Michael (Salisbury) |
| Amery, Rt. Hn. Julian | Cunningham, Sir Knox | Harris, Frederic (Croydon, N. W.) |
| Astor, John | Dance, James | Harrison, Brian (Maldon) |
| Atkins, Humphrey (M't'n & M'd'n) | Davidson, James (Aberdeenshire, W.) | Harrison, Col. Sir Harwood (Eye) |
| Baker, Kenneth (Acton) | Dean, Paul | Harvey, Sir Arthur Vere |
| Baker, W. H. K. (Banff) | Deedes, Rt. Hn. W. F. (Ashford) | Harvie Anderson, Miss |
| Balniel, Lord | Drayson, G. B. | Hastings, Stephen |
| Barber, Rt. Hn. Anthony | du Cann, Rt. Hn. Edward | Hawkins, Paul |
| Batsford, Brian | Eden, Sir John | Heald, Rt. Hn. Sir Lionel |
| Bell, Ronald | Elliot, Capt. Walter (Carshalton) | Heseltine, Michael |
| Bennett, Dr. Reginald (Gos. & Fhm) | Emery, Peter | Higgins, Terence L. |
| Berry, Hn. Anthony | Errington, Sir Eric | Hiley, Joseph |
| Bessell, Peter | Evans, Gwynfor (C'marthen) | Hill, J. E. B. |
| Birch, Rt. Hn. Nigel | Ewing, Mrs. Winifred | Hirst, Geoffrey |
| Boardman, Tom (Leicester, S. W.) | Farr, John | Holland, Philip |
| Body, Richard | Fortescue, Tim | Hooson, Emlyn |
| Boyd-Carpenter, Rt. Hn. John | Fraser, Rt. Hn. Hugh (St'fford & Stone) | Hordern, Peter |
| Brown, Sir Edward (Bath) | Gilmour, Ian (Norfolk, C.) | Hornby, Richard |
| Bruce-Gardyne, J. | Gilmour, Sir John (Fife, E.) | Howell, David (Guildford) |
| Bryan, Paul | Glover, Sir Douglas | Hunt, John |
| Buchanan-Smith, Alick (Angus, N & M) | Goodhart, Philip | Hutchison, Michael Clark |
| Buck, Antony (Colchester) | Goodhew, Victor | Iremonger, T. L. |
| Bullus, Sir Eric | Gower, Raymond | Irvine, Bryant Goodman (Rye) |
| Burden, F. A. | Grant, Anthony | Jenkin, Patrick (Woodford) |
| Campbell, B. (Oldham, W.) | Grant-Ferris, R. | Jennings, J. C. (Burton) |
| Campbell, Gordon (Moray & Nairn) | Gresham Cooke, R. | Jopling, Michael |
| Carr, Rt. Hn. Robert | Grieve, Percy | Kerby, Capt. Henry |
| Clegg, Walter | Griffiths, Eldon (Bury St. Edmunds) | Kershaw, Anthony |
| Costain, A. P. | Gurden, Harold | King, Evelyn (Dorset, S.) |
The House divided: Ayes 180, Noes 238.
| Kitson, Timothy | Onslow, Cranley | Steel, David (Roxburgh) |
| Lane, David | Orr, Capt. L. P. S. | Summers, Sir Spencer |
| Legge-Bourke, Sir Harry | Osborn, John (Hallam) | Tapsell, Peter |
| Lewis, Kenneth (Rutland) | Osborne, Sir Cyril (Louth) | Taylor, Sir Charles (Eastbourne) |
| Lloyd, Ian (P'tsm'th, Langstone) | Page, John (Harrow, W.) | Taylor, Edward M. (G'gow, Cathcart) |
| Longden, Gilbert | Pearson, Sir Frank (Clitheroe) | Taylor, Frank (Moss Side) |
| Lubbock, Eric | Peel, John | Temple, John M. |
| MacArthur, Ian | Percival, Ian | Turton, Rt. Hn. R. H. |
| Mackenzie, Alasdair (Ross & Crom'ty) | Peyton, John | van Straubenzee, W. R. |
| Maclean, Sir Fitzroy | Pink, R. Bonner | Vaughan-Morgan, Rt. Hn. Sir John |
| McMaster, Stanley | Pounder, Rafton | Wainwright, Richard (Colne Valley) |
| McNair-Wilson, M. (Walthamstow, E.) | Powell, Rt. Hn. J. Enoch | Walker, Peter (Worcester) |
| McNair-Wilson, Patrick (New Forest) | Prior, J. M. L. | Walker-Smith, Rt. Hn. Sir Derek |
| Maginnis, John E. | Pym, Francis | Walters, Dennis |
| Marples, Rt, Hn. Ernest | Quennell, Miss J. M. | Ward, Dame Irene |
| Marten, Neil | Renton, Rt. Hn. Sir David | Weatherill, Bernard |
| Maude, Angus | Ridley, Hn. Nicholas | Wells, John (Maidstone) |
| Mawby, Ray | Ridsdale, Julian | Whitelaw, Rt. Hn. William |
| Maxwell-Hyslop, R. J. | Rossi, Hugh (Hornsey) | Wiggin, A. W. |
| Mills, Peter (Torrington) | Royle, Anthony | Williams, Donald (Dudley) |
| Mills, Stratton (Belfast, N.) | Russell, Sir Ronald | Wilson, Geoffrey (Truro) |
| Monro, Hector | St. John-Stevas, Norman | Winstanley, Dr. M. P. |
| Montgomery, Fergus | Scott, Nicholas | Wolrige-Gordon, Patrick |
| More, Jasper | Scott-Hopkins, James | Wood, Rt. Hn. Richard |
| Morgan, Geraint (Denbigh) | Sharples, Richard | Worsley, Marcus |
| Morrison, Charles (Devizes) | Shaw, Michael (Sc'b'gh & Whitby) | Wright, Esmond |
| Wylie, N. R. | ||
| Munro-Lucas-Tooth, Sir Hugh | Silvester, Frederick | Younger, Hn. George |
| Murton, Oscar | Sinclair, Sir George | |
| Nabarro, Sir Gerald | Smith, Dudley (W'wick & L'mington) | TELLERS FOR THE AYES: |
| Nicholls, Sir Harmar | Speed, Keith | Mr. R. W. Elliott and |
| Noble, Rt. Hn. Michael | Stainton, Keith | Mr. Reginald Eyre. |
NOES
| ||
| Albu, Austen | Dickens, James | Hughes, Roy (Newport) |
| Allaun, Frank (Salford, E.) | Dobson, Ray | Hunter, Adam |
| Alldritt, Walter | Doig, Peter | Hynd, John |
| Anderson, Donald | Dunnett, Jack | Irvine, Sir Arthur (Edge Hill) |
| Archer, Peter | Dunwoody, Mrs. Gwyneth (Exeter) | Jackson, Colin (B'h'se & Spenb'gh) |
| Ashley, Jack | Dunwoody, Dr. John (F'th & C'b'e) | Jeger, George (Goole) |
| Atkins, Ronald (Preston, N.) | Eadie, Alex | Jeger, Mrs. Lena (H'b'n & St P'cras, S.) |
| Atkinson, Norman (Tottenham) | Edelman, Maurice | Jenkins, Hugh (Putney) |
| Bacon, Rt. Hn. Alice | Edwards, William (Merioneth) | Johnson, Carol (Lewisham, S.) |
| Bagier, Gordon A. T. | Ellis, John | Jones, Dan (Burnley) |
| Barnes, Michael | English, Michael | Jones, Rt. Hn. Sir Elwyn (W. Ham S.) |
| Barnett, Joel | Ennals, David | Jones, J. Idwal (Wrexham) |
| Benn, Rt. Hn. Anthony Wedgwood | Ensor, David | Jones, T. Alec (Rhondda, West) |
| Bidwell, Sydney | Evans, Ioan L. (Birm'h'm, Yardley) | Judd, Frank |
| Binns, John | Finch, Harold | Kelley, Richard |
| Bishop, E. S. | Fitch, Alan (Wigan) | Kenyon, Clifford |
| Blackburn, F. | Fletcher, Rt. Hn. Sir Eric (Islington, E.) | Kerr, Mrs. Anne (R'ter & Chatham) |
| Blenkinsop, Arthur | Fletcher, Raymond (Ilkeston) | Kerr, Dr. David (W'worth Central) |
| Boston, Terence | Fletcher, Ted (Darlington) | Kerr, Russell (Feltham) |
| Bottomley, Rt. Hn. Arthur | Foley, Maurice | Lawson, George |
| Boyden, James | Foot, Michael (Ebbw Vale) | Leadbitter, Ted |
| Bradley, Tom | Ford, Ben | Lee, Rt. Hn. Frederick (Newton) |
| Bray, Dr. Jeremy | Forrester, John | Lee, John (Reading) |
| Broughton, Dr. A. D. D. | Fowler, Gerry | Lomas, Kenneth |
| Brown, Hugh D. (G'gow, Provan) | Freeson, Reginald | Luard, Evan |
| Brown, Bob (N'c'tle-upon-Tyne, W.) | Galpern, Sir Myer | Lyon, Alexander W. (York) |
| Brown, R. W. (Shoreditch & F'bury) | Gardner, Tony | Lyons, Edward (Bradford, E.) |
| Buchan, Norman | Garrett, W. E. | Mabon, Dr. J. Dickson |
| Cant, R. B. | Gordon Walker, Rt. Hn. P. C. | McBride, Neil |
| Carmichael, Neil | Gray, Dr. Hugh (Yarmouth) | McCann, John |
| Carter-Jones, Lewis | Greenwood, Rt. Hn. Anthony | MacColl, James |
| Castle, Rt. Hn. Barbara | Gregory, Arnold | Macdonald, A. H. |
| Chapman, Donald | Grey, Charles (Durham) | McGuire, Michael |
| Coleman, Donald | Griffiths, David (Rother Valley) | McKay, Mrs. Margaret |
| Conlan, Bernard | Griffiths, Eddie (Brightside) | Mackenzie, Gregor (Rutherglen) |
| Corbet, Mrs. Freda | Griffiths, Will (Exchange) | Mackie, John |
| Crawshaw, Richard | Hamilton, James (Bothwell) | Mackintosh, John P. |
| Dalyell, Tam | Hamilton, William (Fife, W.) | Maclennan, Robert |
| Darling, Rt. Hn. George | Harrison, Walter (Wakefield) | McNamara, J. Kevin |
| Davidson, Arthur (Accrington) | Haseldine, Norman | MacPherson, Malcolm |
| Davies, Ednyfed Hudson (Conway) | Hattersley, Roy | Mahon, Peter (Preston, S.) |
| Davies, G. Elfed (Rhondda, E.) | Healey, Rt. Hn. Denis | Mahon, Simon (Bootle) |
| Davies, Dr. Ernest (Stretford) | Herbison, Rt. Hn. Margaret | Mallalieu, J. P. W. (Huddersfield, E.) |
| Davies, Rt. Hn. Harold (Leek) | Hilton, W. S. | Manuel, Archie |
| Davies, Ifor (Gower) | Hobden, Dennis | Mapp, Charles |
| de Freitas, Rt. Hn. Sir Geoffrey | Hooley, Frank | Marks, Kenneth |
| Delargy, Hugh | Houghton, Rt. Hn. Douglas | Marquand, David |
| Dell, Edmund | Howie, W. | Marsh, Rt. Hn. Richard |
| Dempsey, James | Hughes, Emrys (Ayrshire, S.) | Mason, Rt. Hn. Roy |
| Dewar, Donald | Hughes, Hector (Aberdeen, N.) | Mellish, Rt. Hn. Robert |
| Mendelson, John | Pavitt, Laurence | Spriggs, Leslie |
| Mikardo, Ian | Pearson, Arthur (Pontypridd) | Steele, Thomas (Dunbartonshire, W.) |
| Millan, Bruce | Peart, Rt. Hn. Fred | Stonehouse, Rt. Hn. John |
| Miller, Dr. M. S. | Pentland, Norman | Strauss, Rt. Hn. G. R. |
| Mitchell, R. C. (S'th'pton, Test) | Perry, Ernest G. (Battersea, S.) | Summerskill, Hn. Dr. Shirley |
| Molloy, William | Perry, George H. (Nottingham, S.) | Taverne, Dick |
| Moonman, Eric | Prentice, Rt. Hn. R. E. | Thomas, Rt. Hn. George |
| Morgan, Elystan (Cardiganshire) | Price, Christopher (Perry Barr) | Thornton, Ernest |
| Morris, Alfred (Wythenshawe) | Price, Thomas (Westhoughton) | Tinn, James |
| Morris, John (Aberavon) | Price, William (Rugby) | Tomney, Frank |
| Mulley, Rt. Hn. Frederick | Probert, Arthur | Urwin, T. W. |
| Murray, Albert | Rankin, John | Walker, Harold (Doncaster) |
| Neal, Harold | Rees, Merlyn | Wallace, George |
| Newens, Stan | Roberts, Albert (Normanton) | Watkins, David (Consett) |
| Noel-Baker, Rt. Hn. Philip (Derby, S.) | Roberts, Rt. Hn. Goronwy | Watkins, Tudor (Brecon & Radnor) |
| Oakes, Gordon | Roberts, Gwilym (Bedfordshire, S.) | Wellbeloved, James |
| White, Mrs. Eirene | ||
| Ogden, Eric | Robertson, John (Paisley) | Whitlock, William |
| O'Malley, Brian | Rodgers, William (Stockton) | Wilkins, W. A. |
| Oram, Albert E. | Rogers, George (Kensington, N.) | Willey, Rt. Hon. Frederick |
| Orbach, Maurice | Rose, Paul | Williams, Alan (Swansea, W.) |
| Orme, Stanley | Ross, Rt. Hn, William | Williams, Mrs. Shirley (Hitchin) |
| Oswald, Thomas | Shaw, Arnold (Ilford, S.) | Williams, W. T. (Warrington) |
| Owen, Dr. David (Plymouth, S'tn) | Sheldon, Robert | Willis, Rt. Hn. George |
| Owen, Will (Morpeth) | Shore, Rt. Hn. Peter (Stepney) | Wilson, William (Coventry, S.) |
| Page, Derek (King's Lynn) | Short, Mrs. Renée (W'hampton, N. E.) | Woodburn, Rt. Hn. A. |
| Paget, R. T. | Silkin, Rt. Hn. John (Deptford) | Woof, Robert |
| Palmer, Arthur | Silkin, Hn. S. C. (Dulwich) | |
| Pannell, Rt. Hn. Charles | Silverman, Julius | TELLERS FOR THE NOES: |
| Park, Trevor | Slater, Joseph | Mr. Charles R. Morris and |
| Parker, John (Dagenham) | Small, William | Mr. Joseph Harper. |
| Parkyn, Brian (Bedford) |
New Clause 10
Local Joint Management Committees
Brought up, and read the First time.
I beg to move, That the Clause be read a Second time.
With new Clause 10 new Clause 13—Joint Management Committees in subsidiaries of Post Office—and the following Amendments have been selected for debate:
No. 12, in Clause 6, page 5, line 38, leave out from 'be' to end of subsection and insert:No. 14, in page 6, line 1, leave out from beginning to 'shall' and insert:elected by the members of the Post Office, 50 per cent. of whom shall be appointed by the Minister and 50 per cent., elected for periods of three years, by and from the organised trade union employees in the Post Office in accordance with a procedure to be agreed by the Minister by consultation with the recognised trade unions'.
No. 196, in Clause 11, page 11, line 30, leave out subsection (7). No. 54, in page 11, line 41, after 'Minister', insert:'Those members of the Post Office appointed by the Minister'.
'the trade unions and members of joint management committees'.
The object of this Clause is to provide for the establishment of joint management committees representative of workers as well as of the Minister. It is to be taken in association with new Clause No. 13 and a number of Amendments which are also in the names of my hon. Friends and in my name which have the general objective of providing for a measure of workers' control in the Post Office. The idea of public ownership is often regarded as the hallmark of Socialism and the be-all and end-all of what we as Socialists seek to achieve. Public ownership without proper forms of administration may not be Socialism at all. Industrial democracy is just as essentian as public ownership itself if we are to achieve a Socialist state of society.
8.15 p.m. The idea of industrial democracy was basic to Socialist thought in the past and was closely connected with the work of the Co-operative movement. In these circumstances, I am very disappointed that there are no provisions in the Bill for the introduction of some measure of industrial democracy. I find this particularly disconcerting at a time when interest in industrial democracy is reviving in the country, and in the Labour movement in particular, by leaps and bounds. Participation is today an "in" word and the Union of Post Office Workers accepted the notion of workers' control of industry many years ago. A few weeks ago I attended a conference in Sheffield called by the Institute of Workers' Control at which there were over 1,000 delegates. We shall be missing a great opportunity if at the time when we are reorganising the Post Office we do not take some steps towards the introduction of industrial democracy and workers' control through the passing of this Measure. However, we seem to be constituting a national board more or less on the model of those established for nationalised industries during the 1945–51 period. To many of us in the Labour movement, based on our experience, this set-up is no longer satisfactory. The proposals in new Clause 10 and the other Amendments would provide for the Post Office to be controlled by a board not of Ministerial appointees as the Bill suggests, but of 50 per cent. Ministerial appointees and 50 per cent. workers' representatives. In addition, for Post Office purposes the country would be divided into 26 areas each with a joint management committee which would be made up of 50 per cent. Ministerial appointees and 50 per cent. workers' representatives. New Clause 13 provides for similar arrangements in wholly-owned subsidiaries of the Post Office. The proposals put forward in the new Clauses and Amendments are comparatively moderate. My right hon. Friend the Postmaster-General went on record some time ago attacking the idea of syndicalism and pointed out what he regarded as the dangers of lack of responsibility to the community and to consumers, but new Clause 10 and these other proposals have the concept of joint management, a concept in which there would be equal provision for Ministerial appointees and workers' representatives to participate in decisions affecting the policy of the Post Office. Of course the Ministerial representatives would be present to defend the public interest. I do not believe it fair to suggest that workers are interested only in their own narrow, selfish interests. Practical experience suggests the opposite. Very often the pressure of public responsibility overrides workers' representatives' concern with their own constituents. This has been the experience in co-determination in West Germany in many respects. For this reason I regard it as particularly important that the workers' representatives should be subject to period reelection. I propose that they should stay for a term of three years. The possibility that they might be turned out of office would be very healthy, because the necessity of facing an election always concentrates the mind enormously. Workers representatives should be genuinely responsible to the workers who elect them and this proposal provides for this object to be achieved. I hope that it will be possible for workers' representatives to report back to the people who have elected them between elections and so make the form of democracy which I propose real. Despite the views of my hon. Friends and myself, we have not set out any very detailed hard and fast procedure. We suggest that the electoral procedures to be employed could be determined by agreement between the Minister and the trade unions within the industry.Whilst the hon. Gentleman is on the question of recognised trade unions, so that we can apply our minds to the practical effects, may I ask how many unions would be involved?
I suggest all the trade unions recognised within the Post Office at present.
How many?
I am not concerned to enumerate them, because I do not wish to lay down any hard and fast procedure which could not encompass changes in the present arrangements—for example, if a merger took place between the Post Office unions. I do not wish to be too detailed on this point, because I recognise that changes are taking place the whole time.
It is up to the workers.
My hon. Friend says that it is up to the workers in the industry to determine these things. This is the objective of the new Clauses and the Amendments.
The hon. Member for North Fylde wanted to know who are the people who now hold recognition. I think that was the phrase he used.
The unions?
The unions which now hold recognition. Is my hon. Friend aware that some unions hold recognition inside the Post Office purely for historical reasons and that they are bitterly opposed by other unions, in association with the T.U.C. and the Labour Party, who say that they no longer have any right to that recognition?
I am conscious of this. For this reason I do not wish to get involved in the sort of digressive argument which the hon. Member for North Fylde (Mr. Clegg) was tempting me to pursue. The recognition of trade unions and whether amalgamation of particular trade unions should take place must be determined by the workers in the industry. The purpose of the new Clauses or the Amendments is not to determine the recognition or non-recognition of particular trade unions. I am concerned about the possibility of introducing a real measure of workers' control into the Post Office. The number of recognised trade unions is to a large extent irrelevant to this matter.
If the reforms which I propose are found by my right hon. Friend to be unacceptable, I am prepared to withdraw the new Clause if he will promise to come forward with something which will achieve similar results. But it is essential at this stage that provisions should be introduced which will enable the workers in the industry to play a real part in the policy making of the Post Office. Some people may argue that trade unions are suspicious about the notion of industrial democracy. I emphasise that this is not so with the Union of Post Office Workers, which has published a pamphlet on workers' control based on the decisions of its 1956 Annual Conference. In that pamphlet it states:This document, putting forward the union's policy, goes on to state that consultation is not enough and it suggests the idea of a joint administrative council on a fifty-fifty basis. I have put forward my arguments on this basis. However, I emphasise that industrial democracy is not trade union control of an industry. It is important I should make this point clear. Many trade union leaders would feel compromised if they were made responsible for all policy decisions. The sort of arrangement that I believe can be worked out is one in which trade unions will continue to exercise the part which they have played in the past, but at the same time workers' representatives would exercise real powers of control over policy making. Perhaps I may compare the situation to that which exists in the Co-operative movement, because it may help to indicate what I am seeking. In the Co-operative movement there is a large measure of workers' control. Many workers stand for the boards which control the Co-operative movement, but at the same time the trade unions are independent of the boards and carry on the functions which they would carry on vis-à-vis other employers in other industries. It is quite clear that workers' representatives in the Post Office have achieved a sufficient level of knowledge and sophistication to be as capable of administering the affairs of the Post Office as others who in the past have been appointed to nationalised boards. I do not wish to be scornful of them, but when we consider the long list of retired ex-Service officers, business men, civil servants and others who have staffed the nationalised boards, I feel sure that in the Post Office today there are many people who would be as capable of exercising the functions which would be placed upon them as these other people, if not rather better. When one looks at private industry today, one can see that many of its directors, especially those who are at the head of organisations taking over other concerns as conglomerates, have no detailed knowledge of the workings of the concerns which they take over. A great deal of useful information could be provided and a very important part could be played by workers' representatives, who know the position in the industry from the workers' point of view, in helping the Post Office to be a more successful industrial and commercial concern. Many people are concerned about the policies being pursued by the organisations for which they work. A person who I know very well has been drafted to work on the Giro. It is clear from suggestions and ideas that he has put to me that he has given a great deal of thought to the problems involved and knows a great deal more about the possibilities of the Giro than many others do. The sort of information which could come from the bottom levels to the top through arrangements such as those that I advocate would greatly strengthen the viability of the Post Office. It would not merely serve the interests of the workers, but help to make the Post Office more efficient. As I have said, the new Clause and the Amendments do not raise the issue of full workers' control, or what might be described as "syndicalism". They do not raise the issue of direct workers' representation in committees based on individual Post Offices, although I support that concept and hope that the day may come when we can introduce it. The new Clause and its associated Amendments are very moderate in their intentions. They propose merely to take certain steps in the direction of industrial democracy. They do not go all the way along the path which I would like to see us travel. In these circumstances, a great deal of information must be made available to workers' representatives and trade unionists in the Post Office. Workers' representatives will require access to information to enable them to determine policies upon which they will be asked to pronounce. Amendment No. 54 provides that the Post Office shall furnish not only the Minister with such returns, accounts and other information with respect to its property and activities, and, if it has subsidiaries, with respect to their property and activities, as he may from time to time require. It provides also that they shall be furnished to the trade unions and members of joint management committees envisaged in these proposals. I appreciate that it may be said that there is a need for confidentiality in the use of this information. My reply to anyone who criticises the proposals on that ground is that I hope that breaches of confidence will be avoided by these representatives in the same way as they are in various other forms of control. In the case of the British Steel Corporation, we provided that certain information should be made available. It will be a retrograde step if we do not provide for equal facilities in the Post Office. The Post Office Bill that we are considering—"Workers control then is something more than you and I having a say in the making of decisions. On the contrary, it ought to mean that the responsibility for making the decisions that determine policy must be shouldered by all those who work by hand or brain within the industry."
Order. We are not at this juncture considering the Bill. We are discussing new Clause 10.
I apologise, Mr. Deputy Speaker. Perhaps I may put it like this. The Post Office Bill which has been considered is likely to establish the shape of this great national industry for some time to come. In the years ahead, the demand for participation will grow. What we are doing today should provide some scope within which that participation can be expanded.
I believe that, unless some such provision as new Clause 10 is incorporated in the Bill, there will be considerable dissatisfaction among postal workers which they will have no opportunity of expressing in the way they should. I believe that we in the community will lose from the fact that there will be no possibility of the interest of workers in their concern to be guided into channels of use to the community.This is an important new Clause but I cannot understand why, when it stands not only in the name of the hon. Gentleman but in the names of 18 of his hon. Friends, only one of them is sitting here tonight. Will he explain the lack of enthusiasm among his hon. Friends who thought that the new Clause was important enough to have their names attached to it but are not even bothering to listen to the hon. Gentleman?
That is an irrelevant intervention. The hon. Gentleman is aware that, in this place, many things are going on at the same time and that no one knows beforehand the time at which a debate is going to take place. It may have caught the attention of several hon. Members opposite that there were certain other affairs in which I was interested earlier in our discussions but for which I could not be present. It frequently happens that there is a conflict between the demands on the time of an hon. Member. The hon. Gentleman knows that his intervention was frivolous.
The demand for participation will glow. My hon. Friends and I intend in future to raise it on every occasion when we are considering the work of nationalised industries. I appeal to my right hon. Friend to give full consideration to the points I have raised. If he is unable to accept the new Clause precisely as it stands, I am prepared to withdraw it to make way for some other method of moving towards the same end. If he were prepared to bring forward a new provision providing for a real measure of industrial democracy, he would be doing something to make the Post Office a model for numerous other industries, particularly other nationalised industries. This is a vital debate. I have not introduced it in any frivolous sense. There is a great deal of demand for this sort of thing to be done, and when workers are concerned about their conditions and the way in which their industry is conducted, and when they have a right to demand that their interests be considered, we should, as far as possible, provide them with the means of doing is. That is the object of new Clause 10.What discussion has my hon. Friend had with the staff side in the G.P.O. in regard to new Clause 10?
I must confess that I have not had any official discussions with the staff side in the G.P.O. on this proposal but some of my hon. Friends who represent trade unions will be better able to speak on these matters than I. I have, however, spoken with Post Office workers and, though not in detail, have mentioned these matters to my hon. Friends in the past and I know that there is considerable interest.
I am not sponsored by any of the unions which represent the workers in the Post Office and I regret that it is not possible for me to say that my case is the official point of view of a trade union. But the ideas I have been putting forward command a great deal of sympathy in the working-class movement in general and more and more people today recognise that, until we are prepared to make changes in order to provide opportunities for people to participate in the control of their organisations, we shall increase the tremendous amount of frustration which is felt in the nationalised industries today.I counsel the Minister to approach with caution the fascinating arguments advanced by the hon. Member for Epping (Mr. Newens). If the proposals made by the hon. Gentleman were to be implemented, much unnecessary difficulty could result. I therefore hope that the Minister will not rush into accepting these proposals unthinkingly without fully appreciating the possible consequences.
The hon. Member, in presenting his sincere argument, applied several descriptions to his suggestions. He first called them Socialist and then indicated that they might be syndicalist. It struck me that they were very similar to the arguments and propositions which have been advanced by back-seat drivers through the ages. The hon. Gentleman mentioned his friend who knows how to run Giro much better than those who are running it. He must know that there are many hon. Members, perhaps even some on his side of the House, who believe that they could run the Government and lead the Cabinet even more expertly than the present Prime Minister, but this does not necessarily mean that we would automatically accept that this was so. The traditional problem which has faced people at all levels of industry for generations is that, just as everyone in Parliament cannot be Prime Minister, so everyone in industry cannot be managing director. It is foolish to argue on the assumption that the fruits of office can be shared equally amongst all. It is a long time since Rousseau wrote his splendid work explaining how the problems of industry and the world could best be resolved by peasants sitting under an oak tree and deciding matters in a reasonable way. All our experience of trying to resolve problems in that way teaches us that it does not necessarily lead to the right conclusions, nor does it invariably lead to harmony and acceptance amongst the participants. In view of the problems which the Post Office is faced with at present and the significant challenges it is facing up to, it would be a grave mistake to impose on the Post Office all the peculiarities and special features which at present apply to the London School of Economics. The Post Office has enough problems already without their being added to. In presenting his proposals the hon. Member for Epping meant business. If we are to approach this issue sensibly and reasonably, we must ask certain questions. The first was posed by the Minister in his very telling intervention. He asked if the trade unions have been consulted, whether they liked this proposal, and whether they thought that it would work. I was astonished to learn that the hon. Member for Epping had drawn up a new national plan for the Post Office without even taking the opportunity of finding whether the workers' elected representatives considered that it was a fair and reasonable way of running the Post Office. This astonishing proposition can be regarded only as a kind of philosophical meandering into the kind of situation which might be helpful.
I hope that it has not escaped the notice of the hon. Gentleman that the Union of Post Office Workers has for a considerable time advocated the concept of workers' control. I have read the documents dealing with this matter.
8.45 p.m.
The hon. Gentleman will no doubt admit that he belongs to several organisations which accept many things in principle, but which shift their views when faced with the stark reality of working out those things in practice. I am sure that that would be the view of the trade unions concerned, if they looked at the details.
The hon. Member for Epping (Mr. Newens) spoke all along the line about participation, but it seems to me that in these proposals the element of participation by the Post Office workers themselves is nil.
It is tragic, when we are dealing with a proposition concerned with workers' control, to find that the whole proposed set up has been decided on, not by the workers themselves, who, I am sure, would have some very interesting observations to make on it, but by one of a group of 19 people, only one of whom is now present. The hon. Member for Penistone (Mr. John Mendelson), having heard his disciple this evening, has apparently thought it safe to leave us, perhaps in case his views might be undermined by what I say.
The hon. Member has tabled a detailed new Clause, and there is another new Clause associated with it which is equally detailed. Having read the Clause with extreme care and caution, and having listened to the hon. Member, I am still not clear precisely what the Post Office joint management committees would have to do. What precisely would be their functions? Where would they start and where would they stop? What would be the range of decision making in a committee's area? Would these committees have the right to make policy decisions on the service provided? Would they be able to decide on the hours of opening and closing? Would they be able to make decisions on the qualifications needed for particular tasks within an area? Would they be able to decide on the appropriate size for, say, a book of stamps, or for anything else supplied from a machine? Would they be able to decide on the location of Post Office letter boxes? Would they be able to decide where telephone kiosks ought to be, and on whether or not an expansion of Post Office telephone kiosks ought to be encouraged? I am sure that in each instance the hon. Member would say, "These are really policy decisions which should be arrived at nationally—Before my hon. Friend goes further with his range of activities, perhaps one could ask—
On a point of order, Mr. Deputy Speaker. Is it not customary for an hon. Member to address the House, and not just his hon. Friends?
It is the practice of hon. Members to address the Chair.
I am very sorry if I was not addressing the Chair, Mr. Deputy Speaker, but I certainly do so in asking my hon. Friend whether, before leaving his list of activities, he will dwell upon another main activity—the right to hire and fire. I have always understood that the right to hire and fire was not one of the qualifications belonging to a union, but that, in fact, it was the one bar to membership.
On a further point of order, Mr. Deputy Speaker. How far is this line of argument to be sustained? In dealing with the proposed new Clause, have we to investigate every single aspect of Post Office consultation and management, which is a topic that may be pursued ad infinitum? Is there any control over this type of extension—
Order. The hon. Member can leave it to the Chair to rule what is in order. At this stage, the hon. Member for Glasgow, Cathcart (Mr. Edward M. Taylor) is in order.
I emphasise to all hon. Members, and not just to the hon. Member for Govan (Mr. Rankin), who takes a very great interest in all industrial matters, that when we have a proposal to revolutionise the way in which we manage a major monopoly organisation, it is very important that we should give careful consideration to how it would work, and to the various aspects involved. It is one of the tragedies of many of the reforms brought into Parliament, and brought in particularly by this Administration, that new ideas have been introduced without all their implications having been thought out, and their effects on the public considered.
The hon. Member would not suggest that in legislation we should define the exact functions of any particular committee right down to their right to decide the size of a book of stamps. Some of the points made by the hon. Member are not serious points because they cannot be determined. I was dealing with the general principle of enabling joint management committees to have powers conferred upon them as set out in the new Clause. It would not be the purpose of a new Clause or Amendment to lay down matters as minute as those to which the hon. Member referred.
That is the whole point. The hon. Member has just said that we cannot in detail specify everything which the joint management committees will do. What range of activities has the hon. Member in mind for a point management committee in an area?
On a point of order. Might I draw Mr. Deputy Speaker's attention to the fact that the hon. Member has indicated that he wants to have some knowledge of the definition of the range of matters which may be affected by the new Clause which has been moved by my hon. Friend? Has the hon. Member forgotten that he started his speech way back in the days of Rousseau? It seems to be as long ago as that since he embarked upon it.
Order. Interventions should be brief because they only prolong speeches.
I hope that the hon. Gentleman will appreciate that this is a desperately serious argument. It is one of the most fundamental issues since I became a Member of Parliament and we must approach it seriously.
The hon. Member for Epping has proposed a revolution. We want to find out what kind of revolution he has in mind. I have the greatest admiration and respect for the Postmaster-General, but some of his Cabinet colleagues have in the past accepted ideas which involved major changes without their being thought out. My purpose is not to antagonise the hon. Member for Govan or any other hon. Member, but to put to the Postmaster-General some of the difficulties which I see so that he does not rush in and say, "What a splendid idea. We will have worker control in the Post Office" and then, some years later, he will find out what has been done to the Post Office, to those who work in it, and to the viability of the whole concern. We must have some idea what the hon. Member for Epping wants these committees to undertake. Does he envisage that a local management committee will decide upon the allocation of money to be spent within an area? Does he envisage that they will decide upon the priorities of whether money should be spent on one post office or another? This is a fundamental and important point. Is their decision to be quite out of the control of any other body or will they make their decision in consultation with others? Will other bodies be able to make representations to them? What about the kind of decisions which affect the public in a significant way, such as the question whether deliveries of mail should start at 6, 7 or 8 o'clock. Surely the convenience of workers must come into the matter a great deal. What is important for business and commerce as well as for individuals is that their mail should arrive at a particular time. Conflicting interests are involved. I talk as a former Post Office worker, although admittedly for a limited period of time. When I had the pleasure and privilege of being a student at Glasgow University, I worked at the Post Office during the Christmas holidays. It gave me a broader outlook on Post Office workers and a greater admiration for their spirit and the difficulties which they encounter. It was not a great pleasure to get up at five o'clock in the morning on a winter's day and to have to do my stint sorting and delivering letters. I appreciate now in a way that I did not before that this is not the most pleasant or amenable of jobs. It is a very inconvenient job. However, I appreciated that it was important for the business community and the people in the area in which I was delivering that their mail should be delivered at a reasonable hour. There was a conflict of interest between myself and others who would have preferred a long lie-in in bed. What would happen if this kind of decision had to be made by a local joint management committee comprised of Ministerial representatives, some of whom, according to the Clause, must have experience of the organisation of workers and fifty per cent. of whom must be representatives of workers? Although people serving on the committee must leave narrow parochial interests out of the decision, it will be very difficult entirely to dissociate their personal interests and convenience from the question of public satisfaction. Are we to make this kind of decision? The hon. Member for Epping did not tell us. An even more fundamental point is this: will the local joint management committee have the power to veto the suspension, sacking or employing of an individual or groups of individuals? If so, will it exercise that power directly? Will it simply have a veto over decisions made by management on the spot?Before the hon. Gentleman continues in this way, may I ask him to read the new Clause again? Subsection (4) provides:
Ultimately, the Post Office will confer those powers and determine the general scope within which they will be exercised. I could have dealt at great length with every detail and all the points which the hon. Gentleman has raised down to the size of the book of stamps. It is clear from the new Clause that these powers will be conferred by the Post Office."It shall be the duty of each Joint Management Committee to administer the provision of postal services in its area in accordance with powers conferred on it by the Post Office."
The hon. Gentleman talks about dealing at length with every detail. We listened patiently and with interest to him for a considerable time. I do not complain about that because it was clear that he was speaking with sincerity and was endeavouring to interest us. I think that he succeeded. On the other hand, bearing in mind what is suggested in subsection (4) of the new Clause, he had an obligation to tell us what he had in view. I do not ask him to specify whether the joint management committee would have control over the hiring and firing of men or whether it would control mail deliveries, but I expect him to give a broad indication of the range of functions which he thinks it would be appropriate for the Post Office to allocate to it.
What I fear is that the Government will say, "We accept this in principle", but make absolutely sure that no meaningful powers are given to the local joint management committees. I do not like the idea at all. I do not accept that the case for worker participation has been proved. The worst of all possible worlds would be for the Minister to accept the idea and say, "I shall keep the wild Left-wingers happy in the hope that they will co-operate with me in getting the Bill through", knowing all the time that he will not give the joint management committees meaningful powers. If there is one thing which my limited experience of industry has taught me, it is that to pretend that there are powers to operate, powers to manage, powers to consult, when in reality there are not, does much more damage than doing nothing. 9.0 p.m. I hope that the Postmaster-General will not try to dodge the issue by saying that the Government will think of some kind of joint consultation, some kind of workers' control, some kind of joint participation, but that they will not get down to details and will leave the Post Office to decide. It would be much better for him to say that the Government will have none of this nonsense, that it does not work, that it will not work, and that it would be bad for industry and the Post Office to impose it. This is the first question. What would the committees do? The hon. Member for Epping gave us no indication. If they had the wide range of functions of subsection (4), they would completely interfere with the functions of management. How can one manage if, on dismissing someone for dishonesty or consistent bad timekeeping, the decision has to go, perhaps four weeks later, to a meeting of a joint management committee? How is it possible for management to make new working arrangements which may be inconvenient only to find that they may later be rejected by a joint management committee? Would the committees manage? We cannot have too many chiefs and too few Indians. There cannot be two organisations, or three organisations, or a multitude of organisations, all saying that they manage. Not everyone can make decisions. One of the tragedies of our industry and of the trade union movement itself is the problem of the demarcation of decision making. We are never clear about who is responsible for what. These problems of the demarcation of decision making can bring with them far more industrial troubles than any trade demarcation, than any dispute about who will attach wood frames to metal bulkheads and things like that. The second question, Mr. Gourlay—Order. We are on Report, not in Committee.
I am very sorry, Mr. Deputy Speaker. The trouble with these occasions is that one gets so fascinated by the arguments that one forgets the circumstances, and this is a fascinating argument.
The second proposition is that the enormous advantage of workers' control and workers' participation is that the workers' representatives are not there for all time coming, that they are subject to election, say, every three years and will therefore keep in touch with their members and will therefore not make decisions or put forward proposals or recommendations which would cause trouble and which are not in touch with their membership. Again speaking from my limited experience of industry, of shipyards on the Clyde in particular, I suggest that the worst possible thing for any committee which has to make responsible and not just popular decisions is the prospect of a triennial election. I recall once taking part in negotiations to do with the shipyards which were attended by one trade union representative who was usually a helpful, honourable and respectable chap who on that occasion was particularly unreasonable. When the negotiations were over, we asked him what had gone wrong and he said, "I hope you will excuse me; I have to be very militant as I am standing for election in two months' time". That is the kind of thing which can happen in these joint management committees. Workers electing representatives will look for results and if they do not get them, they will choose someone else to champion their cause, someone who may lose the battles, but who will always be fighting them. If we had this system, there would be a danger that when unpopular decisions had to be made, the sober and more responsible would not have the opportunity to participate and we would have a crowd of wild people, of irresponsibles, who would contribute nothing and not add greatly to the efficiency of the Post Office.The hon. Member is making a strong assault on the argument for democracy. Does he not accept that in private industry, for example, at least nominally, directors are subject to reelection by their shareholders? Does not the hon. Member feel that there is a considerable danger that directors might, therefore, have to behave in a way that would please the shareholders and sacrifice the public interest on those occasions? I believe that the danger of this occurring is much greater than that the workers' representatives would sacrifice the interest of the public to the interest of their own members. Workers are generally far more intimately involved with an organisation than are the shareholders.
That intervention, interesting as it was, shows clearly that the hon. Member has not thought this out. How can we compare the situation of a private competitive enterprise, working within the disciplines of a capitalist system, and these rigid disciplines of monopolies in which the checks and balances of capitalism do not apply, in which there is not even competition between public industries and where one service is offered to a public who must be consumers whether they like it or not.
The vast majority of the public are not for or against the Post Office in any way. They have to use it because it provides an essential service. To compare a management committee of a monopoly in the public sector with free competitive enterprise, in which all its disciplines and the checks and balances operate according to the rules of capitalism, is not comparing like with like.What about private monopolies?
I deplore private monopolies. I suggest that if the normal disciplines of a capitalist economy apply, a profitable private monopoly cannot remain a monopoly. That is one of the checks and balances of the system. If there is freedom, it is impossible for a private monopoly to continue to be a monopoly. Sadly, however, that does not apply to a loss-making public enterprise.
However, I must not be tempted by the hon. Member away from the narrow subject which we are discussing. On another occasion we on this side look forward to fruitful and meaningful discussions with the hon. Member about the way we organise industry. Unfortunately, we cannot do that on the new Clause. The hon. Member suggested that representation and participation were largely the same thing. He asks for participation and, therefore, he demands representation. He is asking for union representation as a means to promote participation. These are not the same things. We already have union representation for workers in negotiating with management. Does the hon. Member seriously suggest that in industry today, irrespective of how respectable and well-meaning they may be, those who have senior positions in trade unionism are representative in the sense in which participation with the workers is in any way meaningful? We have long since passed the stage in industry and in the organisation of our unions, because of sheer size if for no other reason, when union representation and participation were anything like the same thing. I wonder just how representative our unions are, and, more important, just how representative the union representatives in the joint management committees would be. This is where we come to the very important question, where do the public come into all this? This, I think, is the key sector which the hon. Gentleman has left out in the question of participation. If we really believe in participation, if we really believe in workers' control, whom are we trying to protect and whom are we trying to serve, and where does the public interest come in? When I talk of public interest I am not thinking in terms of saying, can we have one representative of the general public on one of these committees? I do not want the busybodies of Britain to be sitting on these committees and allegedly representing the interests of the people. Things just do not work this way. What we must have, I believe—and this is our responsibility—is to have our organisations made in such a way that the interests of Mr. Average, who, perhaps, does not want to participate at all, are protected, simply by the way in which we construct the organisations. I suggest that we have not done that here. It is a sad fact and rather a paradox that in the nation at the present time, when we have probably problems of greater complexity than we have ever had before, we have a range of institutions so wide and so diverse as never before supposedly to cope with all these problems. Name one problem at all, and we find institutions and organisations which are there to cope with it. We have problems with the economy, and so we have economic planning councils and "Little Neddies" and prices and incomes boards. For every problem we have an enormous edifice of organisations and experts there to plan, to organise, to meddle in the affairs of everyone else and their own. Clearly, one cannot go into this broad philosophical argument now, upon this very limited question, but I would suggest to the hon. Member that it does indeed have a very real and very significant influence on the kind of proposition which he is putting forward. He is putting forward a structure, he is putting forward a plan, he is putting forward another committee, and surely, if the time which he has spent in the House has convinced him of anything, it should have convinced him of this, that the one thing we suffer from in Britain today is in having too many committees, too many boards, too many councils, too many commissions, too many organisations, too much bureaucracy, which all get in the way of decision making, which stop decision making from happening, which prevent us, and prevent us absolutely, from arriving at the situation where a clear decision can be made and clear responsibility can be laid on those who are to take it and to take the decisions, and who are expected to make them, and who are in fact committed to making those decisions. What he is proposing is to put yet another kind of wet sponge into the process of decision making, so that someone else can carry part of the can, but we do not know precisely what part of the can that someone else will be carrying; but he is proposing that there should be somebody else on whom responsibility can be shoved. I would say that, instead of making decisions, these local joint managing committees will say, "We will seek a report" and they will probably thereupon employ consultants to advise them on this job, and the consultants will probably invite experts to assist them, and they would, no doubt, appoint sub-committees, and at the end of the day the poor workers in the Post Office and the poor public will say, "Where do we come in?"—in the decision making. Where would the decisions be made? Where would the buck stop? Where would the responsibility stop? I am very sorry indeed that the hon. Gentleman's hon. Friends have not been here. I know they would want to participate, and it is sad that when we have a discussion on participation no one, who has put his name to this new Clause, apart from the hon. Member for Epping, is here to participate. I know the hon. Gentleman is interested in this and will want to listen to this point, although I know he has competing demands upon him at this time, and I would challenge him to make a clear statement where he stands, where the "Tribune" group stands, where Socialism stands on this and on the question, who is to bring the people into these decisions? When these local joint management committees are established and they make decisions, if they are going to make decisions—9.15 p.m.
I am sorry to interrupt, but the hon. Member is rather confused. Can he tell us where he stands at the moment?
I am sorry, but I am not responsible for the hon. Member's lack of understanding. I have been trying to make my position crystal clear. I want the Post Office to be successful and I believe that the only way that this can happen is to make it crystal clear where decisions are made and who makes them. I am sure that I carry the hon. Member for Govan with me in this, because he is a friend of the people and speaks for them at every opportunity. That is what he regards as one of his functions. I ask him to read again through the new Clause and to ask himself where the people come in, and who protects them. If a decision is made which has an adverse effect on the people, are we simply to rely on the wishy-washy consumer councils that we shall discuss later? At what stage will they come in? Will it be after the decision has been made?
I do not know whether the hon. Member wants a reply. He appears to be riding his hobby-horse. He has cast aside all the facts that I endeavoured to adduce. There would be joint management. Some representatives would not be elected by the workers. Only 50 per cent. would be so elected. If the Post Office is controlled by people entirely appointed by the Minister, or is responsible for those so appointed, those people allegedly protect the public interest. The 50 per cent. would still have the opportunity to speak in the public interest. Many of the workers who were involved would be just as concerned to protect the public interest as would the other representatives. I hope that the hon. Member will make it clear that he is not casting any slurs upon the devotion of the workers in the Post Office.
The hon. Member asks why I did not listen to the facts that he presented. I do not want to minimise the effort made by the hon. Member in presenting his case, but I ask him to read the report of his speech tomorrow in HANSARD. He will see that not only was there not an abundance of facts; there were no facts at all. There were only opinions, philosophies, thoughts and ideas. The hon. Member ended by saying that he had a great plan to revolutionise the Post Office, and that he wanted participation, but apparently he has not even thought of consulting the Union of Post Office Workers. How ridiculous can one get! I suggest that there was little idea of participation and little fact in what the hon. Member said.
I return to the basic features of the Clause. We must ask how the public interest will be protected. The hon. Member says that in any of the decisions that are made 50 per cent. of the representatives must be thinking about the interests of those employed, but I suggest that we cannot think in that way when dealing with people and services. It is necessary to allocate a substantial proportion of decision-making powers—especially in a public enterprise, and a massive monopoly—to people who must use the service because they have no alternative. A 50–50 percentage does not accord with reality, or with the public interest. It does not accord with the function of the Post Office which hon. Members on both sides of the House would like to see. We must also have a clarification of the intention of the hon. Member for Epping and the massive group of hon. Members who have put their names to the new Clause—whom we have not seen since—on the question whether the local joint management committees would control finance or wages in any way. We must be told whether the responsibility would stop the moment finance became involved. Remembering the very strict responsibilities with regard to finance which we are laying on the Post Office and the disciplines which the Minister hopes will be applied, particularly over its existing commercial activities, it would be intolerable if we then said that a local joint management committee could spend money and decide where money should go. If the hon. Gentleman envisages that these committees will have control of finance, he is driving a coach and horses through the principle of the Bill and of this Corporation, because then the board would have a responsibility which it could not carry out. The direct result of the local committees making their decisions about spending or not investing would be to cut across the financial operation of the Post Office. That would make a nonsense of what we envisage as a competitive and commercial enterprise. But if he is not going to give them financial responsibilities—subsection (4) says that they will not have anything to do with finance, after all—then these committees will be shallow mockeries and will be able to offer nothing to the workers, to the Post Office or to the public. Therefore, if they have responsibility for finance one drives a coach and horses through the Bill's intentions and, if they do not, they will have nothing to say about investing, about new Post Offices, about locating telephone kiosks or even about the price of tea in staff canteens. This form of participation will be meaningless and it will not be workers' control. This brings us back to the main argument. Surely what the Post Office and all of British industry needs is clear demarcation of decision-making. How could the Government be run if we did not know who was responsible for what? I know that it is sometimes very difficult. How could we run the House or a Committee unless we knew where responsibility lay? What is intolerable is putting responsibility over a wide area. Has the hon. Gentleman discussed the Clause with a head postmaster?Why should he?
The hon. Member for Coatbridge and Airdrie (Mr. Dempsey) is one of the most reasonable Members and one whose opinions I admire and respect, but he cannot have fully thought out that intervention. He asks, why should his hon. Friend consult a head postmaster? I do not think that the hon. Gentleman heard us asking the previous question—
Who has the hon. Member for Glasgow, Cathcart (Mr. Edward M. Taylor) consulted before making his speech?
If I were to make a speech about the organisation of the Post Office without consulting trade union officials and a head postmaster, I would not expect it to be taken seriously.
rose—
Order. We must leave the question of whom hon. Members have consulted and come back to the new Clause.
The hon. Member referred laughingly to consulting postmasters, but he originally said that one should consult a postmaster. Does he seriously suggest that someone is incapable of making a study and formulating an attitude about a joint management committee in a postal district without consulting a head postmaster?
Some people have superb intelligence and can consider all the ramifications of an issue and say, "This is the answer". The hon. Member for Coatbridge and Airdrie is such a man. Fortunately, in our history such men have come to the fore and have made the right decisions. Does anyone suggest, however, that the 19 sponsors of the new Clause are in this category? Rather than save Britain and the Post Office, their proposals would only add to our difficulties.
Consultation is vital. After all, the Clause is about participation. However, it proposes not a change but a revolution in the way in which the Post Office is organised. Will this change be practicable? In previous revolutions the banners and flags have been hoisted and the march has taken place, the participants hoping for the best. That may be the way to have a revolution, but it is not the way to run the Post Office. The revolutionary, syndicalist ideas of the hon. Member for Epping (Mr. Newens) may be suitable for a London School of Economics lecture, but they are not suitable for running the Post Office, on which the nation depends. If the Postmaster-General presented a proposal like this to the House saying, "I have not consulted the unions or postmasters about this, but I feel sure that my decision is right", he would be jumped on and called crazy, foolish and anti-Socialist by the very hon. Members who are proposing the new Clause.rose—
Order. Is the hon. Member for Epping (Mr. Newens) seeking to intervene in the speech of the hon. Member for Glasgow, Cathcart (Mr. Edward M. Taylor), or has the hon. Member for Cathcart finished his speech?
Has he finished? He has been speaking for only an hour.
Order. The hon. Member for Cathcart must decide whether he has finished his speech or is giving way.
To be honest, Mr. Speaker, I had only just begun my speech. I had intended to adduce a number of arguments. Although few hon. Gentlemen have been present on the benches opposite, those who have been here have intervened in a way which has made it necessary for me to develop my case at some length. I promise to bring my remarks to as speedy a conclusion as possible.
I have been enjoying the hon. Gentleman's comedy turn as much as anybody else. If he thinks that I did not consult anybody before making this proposal, he must be tilting at windmills for the entertainment of the House. Is he aware—
Order. I remind the hon. Gentleman that we are on Report and not in Committee. He made a speech of some length earlier. If he wishes to intervene, he must be brief.
9.30 p.m.
I beg your pardon, Mr. Speaker. The hon. Member for Cathcart knows well that I have consulted people and that I have considerable connections with people in the Post Office. I have not come here with a clear mandate from the National Union of Post Office Workers on every jot and tittle in the drafting of new Clauses.
Order. I said that interventions must be brief. Mr. Taylor.
The hon. Member gave himself away—[Interruption.]—and now he is going away. He gave himself away when he said that he was bringing forward such a Clause on every Bill like this dealing with gas, electricity, hygiene, agriculture or Scotland, with exactly the same provisions. In the main the people he has consulted have not therefore been concerned with detailed management of the Post Office but are revolutionary Socialists, syndicalists, marchers and protesters who may have ideas for revolutionising Britain but who could not run a Sunday school.
We have a unique situation. We are discussing a new Clause which has been signed by 19 hon. Members and presented as revolutionary Socialism vital for the health of Britain, yet not one of those 19 is present. This shows that they do not regard this new Clause as of great priority for Britain or for Socialism. I have gone through only a fraction of what I ought to say, but time is limited and many other hon. Members want to speak in this debate. I do not want to take an unfair advantage of the opportunity of the good fortune I had in catching your eye, Mr. Speaker. This new Clause is revolutionary Socialism which has not been thought out. We have seen two hon. Members who signed the Clause, but now there is none present. They are running away from their responsibilities and their argument as quickly as I hope the Postmaster-General will clearly say that not only do we not approve of this rubbish but we want good management and a progressive go-ahead Post Office in which there will be decision making and service to the public. If he will do that and give a straight answer to his hon. Friend who have been talking nonsense, we shall support him all the way.We have had a debate of over an hour's duration. We have had two lengthy speeches and a number of interesting interventions of some length by at least four hon. Members from both sides of the Chamber. I think it would he appropriate for me to intervene so that other hon. Members contributing to the discussion will be under no misapprehension about the position taken by my hon. Friend the Assistant Postmaster-General and me. We have had experience in negotiations with trade unions. My hon. Friend in particular, as he has been doing his job for the past four and a half years, has great experience in this field. It is appropriate that I should express our view on the proposal made by my hon. Friend the Member for Epping (Mr. Newens). I am sorry that he is not present at the moment.
On a point of order. Could we have your guidance, Mr. Speaker? The Minister is intervening to give his view on a new Clause which has been signed by a number of Government Members, but not one signatory is present to hear that intervention. Can you guide the House as to whether this is a sensible time for the Postmaster-General to intervene?
Order. Mr. Speaker has many loads on his shoulders, but not one to secure the attendance of Members of Parliament even for discussion of Amendments to which they have given their names. The Minister intervenes when he will. If he rises, Mr. Speaker calls him.
I hope that my hon. Friend the Member for Epping will be back shortly. I expect that his absence from the Chamber will be of short duration.
I thought that it would be useful to intervene now so that other hon. Members, who have the good fortune to catch your eye, Mr. Speaker, should be under no misapprehension about the position that I take on the new Clause. I am pleased to follow the hon. Member for Glasgow, Cathcart (Mr. Edward M. Taylor) who made a very valuable intervention, even if at some unnecessary length. However, I thought that his questions were pertinent. I say that his intervention seemed unnecessarily lengthy, but I thought that he made his points so well and so pungently that it was unnecessary for him to repeat them in the dramatic way that he did. I was convinced that he had some very good points to make within five minutes of him commencing his speech. He had no need to go on for the lengthy time that he did to persuade me at least that he had some good points. I am glad that my hon. Friend the Member for Epping has returned to the Chamber. I should tell him that I agree with many observations put forward by the hon. Member for Cathcart. I think that the questions he asked about the responsibilities of these committees are extremely important, and they are not satisfied by reference to subsection (4), which begs the question and leads me to envisage a sharp conflict of managerial responsibility between the main board of the Post Office Corporation and the management committees which my hon. Friend proposes should be set up. I should like to go through the details of my hon. Friend's proposal because he does not appear to have considered some of the defective points in it. The new Clause proposes that management committees should be set up within each of 26 areas to be defined by the Minister. I do not recognise the figure 26. It does not correspond to any administrative division of responsibility within the Post Office and it does not correspond to the regions, so I do not see any relevance in it. If the new Clause was accepted we would be stuck with the quite ridiculous figure of 26 areas in which to establish these committees. I will not repeat all the points made by the hon. Member for Glasgow, Cathcart. I want to take up some new points to which, surprisingly, he did not refer. Subsection (2) indicates that of the members of the committees 50 per cent. will be appointed by the Minister. There are to be 26 areas. This means that 260 individuals will be appointed directly by the Minister to undertake a management job in areas yet to be defined. We are not told how they are to be remunerated. I presume that as they are to give up their time they will be remunerated for this job. Therefore, the Minister will be responsible for appointing a main Post Office Corporation board of a chairman and up to 12 directors and at the same time appointing 260 managers to sit on committees all over the country who may want to make decisions against the decisions of the Post Office board if, under subsection (4), the Post Office board decides to delegate some serious managerial responsibilities to the committees. If the proposal is accepted, I foresee some serious conflicts between the management committees and the main Post Office board, because its authority and responsibilties would be severely undermined by these various committees. It is suggested that the committees themselves should elect their chairmen. But the committees are evenly balanced. What if there is no unity of view between the two sides of a committee and they are unable to produce a chairman? The result is complete deadlock. Even if a chairman is elected from a committee, what if the workers' representatives take a narrow sectional view on some questions where workers' interests are directly involved and the management representatives appointed by the Minister take another view? There is a direct clash of opinion, but, because of the equality of representation on the committee, the result will be a simple paralysis of the decision-making process. If the Post Office is to be run efficiently, it is necessary for the activities of these various management committees to be properly co-ordinated one with another. Is this job to be done by the Post Office Corporation as a whole, or are the management committees to set up their own liaison machinery to ensure that, in their separate and democratic decisions, they are in no way influenced by the overriding management decisions taken by the main board but are operating quite independently of the main board of the Post Office? If that were to be the case, bureaucratic and expensive machinery would have to be set up in order that the work of these various management committees could be co-ordinated. They might decide to have a national organisation to which they would send representatives to discuss the problems of common interest which involve them all, not only vis-à-vis their responsibilities in the areas but also their relations with the Post Office board as a whole. A national structure would be created. There could even be a national conference of all the committee representatives, which 520 individuals would be entitled to attend. All this would throw doubt on the ability of the board of the Post Office Corporation to do the job which we are asking it to do. I wonder whether we would be able to persuade men of the right calibre to serve on the board and take over the very wide responsibilities and powers which the Bill gives to the board if they were hampered by a plethora of management committees all over the country acting in the way that my hon. Friend suggests. The overwhelming objection to my hon. Friend's proposals is that at no stage have they been discussed with the staff sides in the Post Office. At the end of my hon. Friend's speech, I asked him what official discussions there have been, and he acknowledged that there have been none. We in the Post Office are very proud of our staff relations. Occasionally, they go wrong but, generally, our relations are extremely good. We have some very well-developed staff consultative arrangements, and we want them to be improved even further in the future. If we were to accept my hon. Friend's proposals without any discussion with the staff sides, it would be extremely embarrassing to the consultations in which my hon. Friend the Assistant Postmaster-General and I are involved with the staff sides with a view to moving towards an even better relationship between the staff and the Corporation when it is set up.Is my right hon. Friend saying that he is opposed to the principle of the workers sharing in the management and administration of the Post Office?
9.45 p.m.
I am saying no such thing. I am saying that we are involved in discussion with the trade unions in order even further to improve the consultative arrangements which already exist and which have been fairly successful within the Post Office. We want them to improve and, indeed, a memorandum has been sent to the staff side setting out a great many interesting suggestions which we hope they will consider in the fullness of time and bring back with their considered points of view. I have made suggestions myself in public speeches about the improvement of industrial democracy, and I am anxious that some way should be found of improving staff participation. But that must work both ways, and if the staff participate in the management process they must be prepared to accept responsibility for their actions and not impede the management process and make decision-making slower than it is. We must have staff representatives who will be prepared to act without going back to the branches and having to thrash things out over many months before decisions are made. I have made many suggestions to the staff side about ways in which this could be improved and our discussions could be made abortive if the House accepted new Clause 10.
Will my right hon. Friend make clear whether his discussions with the staff envisage workers' control and decision making or whether he is merely talking about consultation? There is a clear distinction between the two ideas. Many of us feel—and this is the policy, I understand, of the Union of Post Office Workers, expressed in its pamphlet—that consultation is not enough.
When we have a management structure we must recognise that it is indivisible. We cannot expect to be able to share the management's responsibilities in the complicated way suggested by new Clause 10. So I would put the emphasis on consultation and participation rather than accept—and I do not want to mislead the House on this—that workers' representatives themselves should have a major say in management decisions in the Post Office, because, as the hon. Member for Cathcart said, there are other interests to bear in mind—those of the public, of the taxpayer and of the community as a whole. Those interests are represented by the Post Office Corporation as a whole, which is appointed by the Minister, who is responsible to this House. That is the way in which the interests of the community as a whole are being protected. If a major part of management decision were to be taken by workers' representatives, that principle would be invaded.
There has recently been an interesting and worthy development on the trade union side of the Post Office. An organisation called the Council of Post Office Unions has been set up and this is a welcome linking together of various trade unions in the Post Office which we applaud. I mention this because the organisation is the one that will play a very big part in improving the consultative machinery as I have described it. Furthermore, there has been a welcome amalgamation between trade unions representing the higher grades in the G.P.O. We are very glad about that because the smaller the number of unions representing the staff in the Post Office, the better it is for the efficient relationships we want to establish. These are very welcome developments and it is in that direction that we can better go rather than accepting an ill-thought-out, ill-considered and badly drafted new Clause.rose—
Order. For the second time this evening I remind the House that we are on the Report stage of a Bill. There are some 20 or 30 debates ahead of us. Mr. Speaker is anxious to call a number of Members in a debate so as to make a debate a debate. The first two speeches in this debate lasted between them 69 minutes. I hope that the hon. Members will think of their colleagues and make reasonably brief speeches.
The last two speeches absolutely devastated the case advanced by the hon. Member for Epping (Mr. Newens). It may seem rather superfluous to carry on with that process, but we are compelled to do so because there is nobody on the Government benches who has heard the arguments advanced either by my hon. Friend the Member for Glasgow, Cathcart (Mr. Edward M. Taylor) or by the Postmaster-General.
Does not the hon. Gentleman appreciate that I have been sitting here all the time listening to this debate?
I hope you will forgive me, but I did not think you would wish to be associated with the remarks of the hon. Member for Epping.
Order. The hon. Member must not bring Mr. Speaker into it.
I am sorry, Sir. I seem to be doing a remarkable number of things today. None of the signatories to the Clause other than the hon. Member for Epping has heard the Postmaster-General's reply. It is important to continue the attack, because the hon. Member for Epping and his co-signatories represent a very trendy group. We hear much about participation. The hon. Gentleman himself said that today it is a "with-it" thing. It is indeed. We hear much about industrial democracy. However, an analysis shows that when an idea is put forward it is nothing but wild, wet and woolly.
The Clause contains no hard thinking. It has not been thought out in any detail. Each of the questions which have been put to the hon. Gentleman has been unsatisfactorily dealt with. For example, I ask the hon. Gentleman how many unions were likely to be involved in electing members to the committee. The hon. Gentleman did not know—or at least if he did know he was not telling us. It is essential that we know such details. Under subsection (2) unions are to get together to appoint elected members. That will be a cause of in-built tension; there can be inter-union dispute. We have seen a recent example in relation to the negotiating committee at Fords. There was a joint negotiating committee composed of all the unions, but because it took a simple vote instead of one representing the manpower of the unions the whole thing became completely chaotic and an expensive strike ensued. That sort of tension is just as likely to result from this ill thought out proposal.This is a red herring.
It is not. I want to consider the effects of subsection (2). We are told that a union will elect somebody to the management committee for three years. The hon. Gentleman said that the fact that people were elected for three years would keep them up to the mark. I visualise someone elected by his union attending a meeting of the management committee and then going back to his union and telling the union what had happened and the union instructing him how to vote in the management committee. This could lead to delays of the type of which my hon. Friend the Member for Cathcart spoke.
How independent would these people elected from unions be during the three years? As it got nearer to election time, they would be more concerned about what their union thought about the solution to a problem than about the general interest of the whole organisation of the Post Office.This shows a crass lack of ignorance about the way—[Interruption.]—things go on in some of the organisations where this has been tried. The organisation which I referred to was the Co-operative movement. The people there concerned do not behave in the way the hon. Gentleman suggests. I wish the hon. Gentleman would apply himself to the facts.
I confess that on the score of ignorance—
May I point out that the case cited by the hon. Member for Epping (Mr. Newens) is that of the one organisation in the United Kingdom which in the last 20 years, a period of enormous expansion—
Order. We cannot have interventions on interventions.
On a point of Order, Mr. Speaker. My hon. Friend the Member for North Fylde (Mr. Clegg) was giving way to me. It was not an intervention.
I understood that the hon. Member for North Fylde (Mr. Clegg) had given way to the hon. Member for Epping (Mr. Newens). Having given way to the hon. Member for Epping, he must be allowed to continue for a time before the hon. Member for Ormskirk (Sir D. Glover) intervenes.
I am in some difficulty here, Mr. Speaker, because I thought that I had given way to my hon. Friend. However, I will continue my speech for a moment, and then, perhaps, give way to him. I was dealing with the ignorance attributed to me by the hon. Member for Epping (Mr. Newens).
Perhaps I may help my hon. Friend in the matter of the Co-operative movement by saying that it is the one organisation which in a period of the largest expansion in our economy—the last 20 years—has gone backwards.
I am grateful to my hon. Friend. He has in part anticipated what I intended to say, which was that I was not aware that the Co-op paid the best wages in the areas in which it operates.
I turn now to the difficulties in subsection (3) of the proposed new Clause. The subsection deals with the members who would be appointed by the Minister and a very shadowy group they are. We should have more information about them. According to the subsection they mustThat is a pretty broad range. The hon. Gentleman did not tell us what sort of men he had in mind. We were not told, as the Postmaster-General has pointed out, how much they would be paid, or whether they would be full time or part time, or for how long they would be appointed. Would they be appointed for three-year periods? It is very important to know the sort of people who would be put on the joint management committees because, as I understand it, those committees would conduct the day-to-day running of the area, whatever the area might be—"… have had wide experience of and to have shown capacity in matters concerning services which under this Part of this Act the Post Office has power to provide, or industrial, commercial, professional or financial matters, pure or applied science, politics, economics, technology, administration or the organisation of workers."
We are not told whether one of the functions would be negotiating with trade unions on wages and working conditions.
We are told singularly little about these mysterious people.
Before we could get people to serve on these committees, and perhaps give up other jobs, we would have to tell them what they were expected to do. We would have the workers, and presumably they would be represented by the unions. We would have people with industrial, commercial and financial experience. Does the hon. Gentleman envisage that such people as postmasters and those in the senior ranks of the Post Office would be
Division No. 183.]
| AYES
| [10.0 p.m.
|
| Albu, Austen | Davies, Ednyfed Hudson (Conway) | Gray, Dr. Hugh (Yarmouth) |
| Allaun, Frank (Salford, E.) | Davies, G. Elfed (Rhondda, E.) | Greenwood, Rt. Hn. Anthony |
| Alldritt, Walter | Davies, Dr. Ernest (Stretford) | Gregory, Arnold |
| Anderson, Donald | Davies, Rt. Hn. Harold (Leek) | Grey, Charles (Durham) |
| Archer, Peter | Davies, Ifor (Gower) | Griffiths, David (Rother Valley) |
| Ashley, Jack | de Freitas, Rt. Hn. Sir Geoffrey | Griffiths, Eddie (Brightside) |
| Atkins, Ronald (Preston, N.) | Delargy, Hugh | Griffiths, Will (Exchange) |
| Atkinson, Norman (Tottenham) | Dempsey, James | Hamilton, James (Bothwell) |
| Bacon, Rt. Hn. Alice | Dewar, Donald | Hamilton, William (Fife, W.) |
| Bagier, Gordon A. T. | Dickens, James | Harper, Joseph |
| Barnes, Michael | Dobson, Ray | Harrison, Walter (Wakefield) |
| Barnett, Joel | Doig, Peter | Haseldine, Norman |
| Benn, Rt. Hn. Anthony Wedgwood | Dunnett, Jack | Hattersley, Roy |
| Bidwell, Sydney | Dunwoody, Mrs. Gwyneth (Exeter) | Healey, Rt. Hn. Denis |
| Binns, John | Dunwoody, Dr. John (F'th & C'b'e) | Herbison, Rt. Hn. Margaret |
| Bishop, E. S. | Eadie Alex | Hobden, Dennis |
| Blackburn, F. | Edelman, Maurice | Hooley, Frank |
| Blenkinsop, Arthur | Ellis, John | Houghton, Rt. Hn. Douglas |
| Boston, Terence | English, Michael | Howarth, Robert (Bolton, E.) |
| Boyden, James | Ennals, David | Howie, W. |
| Bradley, Tom | Ensor, David | Hughes, Emrys (Ayrshire, S.) |
| Bray, Dr. Jeremy | Evans, Ioan L. (Birm'h'm, Yardley) | Hughes, Roy (Newport) |
| Broughton, Dr. A. D. D. | Finch, Harold | Hunter, Adam |
| Brown, Hugh D. (G'gow, Provan) | Fletcher, Rt. Hn. Sir Eric (Islington, E.) | Hynd, John |
| Brown, Bob (N'c'tle-upon-Tyne, W. | ||
| Brown R. W. (Shoreditch & F'bury) | Fletcher, Raymond (Ilkeston) | Irvine, Sir Arthur (Edge Hill) |
| Buchan Norman | Fletcher, Ted (Darlington) | Jackson, Colin (B'h'se & Spenb'gh) |
| Cant, R. B. | Foley, Maurice | Jay, Rt. Hn. Douglas |
| Carmichael, Neil | Foot, Michael (Ebbw Vale) | Jeger, George (Goole) |
| Carter-Jones, Lewis | Ford, Ben | Jeger, Mrs. Lena (H'b'n & St. P'cras, S.) |
| Castle, Rt. Hn. Barbara | Forrester, John | Jenkins, Hugh (Putney) |
| Chapman, Donald | Fowler, Gerry | Johnson, Carol (Lewisham, S.) |
| Coleman, Donald | Freeson, Reginald | Jones, Dan (Burnley) |
| Conlan, Bernard | Galpern, Sir Myer | Jones, Rt. Hn. Sir Elwyn (W. Ham. S.) |
| Crawshaw, Richard | Gardner, Tony | Jones, J. Idwal (Wrexham) |
| Dalyell, Tam | Garrett, W. E. | Jones, T. Alec (Rhondda, West) |
| Davidson, Arthur (Accrington) | Gordon Walker, Rt. Hn. P. C. | Judd, Frank |
eligible? We get no clear indication of this at all.
The Clause has been singularly ill-thought out. It has left the House in a sort of miasma, trying to think out what the hon. Gentleman is getting at. My hon. Friend the Member for Cathcart suggested that the hon. Member for Epping was aiming at a revolution. It would be a dull revolution. It is not the sort of Clause which one would defend with flags flying. In fact, it is so miserable a Clause that the hon. Members whose names are on the Order Paper with that of the hon. Member for Epping have so little interest in it that they cannot come here and argue with us. I do not know where they are.
It being Ten o'clock, the debate stood adjourned.
Motion made, and Question put,
That the Proceedings on the Post Office Bill, the Education (Scotland) Bill and on Consideration of the Lords Amendments to the Agriculture (Spring Traps) (Scotland) Bill may be entered upon and proceeded with at this day's Sitting at any hour, though opposed.—[Mr. Stonehouse.]
The House divided: Ayes 230, Noes 169.
| Kelley, Richard | Morgan, Elystan (Cardiganshire) | Rose, Paul |
| Kenyon, Clifford | Morris, Alfred (Wythenshawe) | Ross, Rt. Hn. William |
| Kerr, Dr. David (W'worth, Central) | Morris, Charles R. (Openshaw) | Shaw, Arnold (Ilford, S.) |
| Kerr, Russell (Feltham) | Morris, John (Aberavon) | Sheldon, Robert |
| Lawson, George | Mulley, Rt. Hn. Frederick | Shore, Rt. Hn. Peter (Stepney) |
| Leadbitter, Ted | Murray, Albert | Short, Mrs. Renée (W'hampton, N. E.) |
| Lee, Rt. Hn. Frederick (Newton) | Neal, Harold | Silkin, Rt. Hn. John (Deptford) |
| Lee, John (Reading) | Newens, Stan | Silkin, Hn. S. C. (Dulwich) |
| Lomas, Kenneth | Noel-Baker, Rt. Hn. Philip (Derby, S.) | Silverman, Julius |
| Luard, Evan | Oakes, Gordon | Skeffington, Arthur |
| Lyon, Alexander W. (York) | Ogden, Eric | Slater, Joseph |
| Lyons, Edward (Bradford, E.) | O'Malley, Brian | Small, William |
| Mabon, Dr. J. Dickson | Oram, Albert E. | Spriggs, Leslie |
| McCann, John | Orbach, Maurice | Steele, Thomas (Dunbartonshire, W.) |
| MacColl, James | Orme, Stanley | Stonehouse, Rt. Hn. John |
| Macdonald, A. H. | Oswald, Thomas | Strauss, Rt. Hn. G. R. |
| McGuire, Michael | Owen, Dr. David (Plymouth, S'tn) | Summerskill, Hn. Dr. Shirley |
| McKay, Mrs. Margaret | Owen, Will (Morpeth) | Taverne, Dick |
| Mackenzie, Gregor (Rutherglen) | Page, Derek (King's Lynn) | Thomas, Rt. Hn. George |
| Mackie, John | Palmer, Arthur | Thornton, Ernest |
| Mackintosh, John P. | Pannell, Rt. Hn. Charles | Tinn, James |
| Maclennan, Robert | Park, Trevor | Urwin, T. W. |
| Parker, John (Dagenham) | Walker, Harold (Doncaster) | |
| McNamara, J. Kevin | Parkyn, Brian (Bedford) | Wallace, George |
| MacPherson, Malcolm | Pavitt, Laurence | Watkins, David (Consett) |
| Mahon, Peter (Preston, S.) | Pearson, Arthur (Pontypridd) | Watkins, Tudor (Brecon & Radnor) |
| Mahon, Simon (Bootle) | Peart, Rt. Hn. Fred | Wellbeloved, James |
| Mallalieu, J. P. W. (Huddersfield, E.) | Pentland, Norman | White, Mrs. Eirene |
| Manuel, Archie | Perry, Ernest G. (Battersea, S.) | Whitlock, William |
| Mapp, Charles | Perry, George H. (Nottingham, S.) | Wilkins, W. A. |
| Marks, Kenneth | Prentice, Rt. Hn. R. E. | Willey, Rt. Hn. Frederick |
| Marquand, David | Price, Christopher (Perry Barr) | Williams, Alan (Swansea, W.) |
| Marsh, Rt. Hn. Richard | Price, Thomas (Westhoughton) | Williams, Mrs. Shirley (Hitchin) |
| Mason, Rt. Hn. Roy | Price, William (Rugby) | Willis, Rt. Hn. George |
| Mellish, Rt. Hn. Robert | Probert, Arthur | Wilson, Rt. Hn. Harold (Huyton) |
| Mendelson, John | Rees, Mertyn | Wilson, William (Coventry, S.) |
| Mikardo, Ian | Roberts, Albert (Normanton) | Woodburn, Rt. Hn. A. |
| Millan, Bruce | Roberts, Rt. Hn. Goronwy | Woof, Robert |
| Miller, Dr. M. S. | Roberts, Gwilym (Bedfordshire, S.) | |
| Mitchell, R. C. (S'th'pton, Test) | Robertson, John (Paisley) | TELLERS FOR THE AYES: |
| Molloy, William | Rodgers, William (Stockton) | Mr. Alan Fitch and |
| Moonman, Eric | Rogers, George (Kensington, N.) | Mr. Neil McBride. |
NOES
| ||
| Alison, Michael (Barkston Ash) | Emery, Peter | Iremonger, T. L. |
| Allason, James (Hemel Hempstead) | Errington, Sir Eric | Jenkin, Patrick (Woodford) |
| Amery, Rt. Hn. Julian | Evans, Gwynfor (C'marthen) | Jopling, Michael |
| Astor, John | Ewing, Mrs. Winifred | Kaberry, Sir Donald |
| Atkins, Humphrey (M't'n & M'd'n) | Farr, John | Kerby, Capt. Henry |
| Baker, Kenneth (Acton) | Fortescue, Tim | Kershaw, Anthony |
| Baker, W. H. K. (Banff) | Fraser, Rt. Hn. Hugh (St'fford & Stone) | King, Evelyn (Dorset, S.) |
| Barber, Rt. Hn. Anthony | Gilmour, Ian (Norfolk, C.) | Kitson, Timothy |
| Batsford, Brian | Gilmour, Sir John (Fife, E.) | Lane, David |
| Bennett, Dr. Reginald (Gos. & Fhm) | Glover, Sir Douglas | Legge-Bourke, Sir Harry |
| Berry, Hn. Anthony | Goodhart, Philip | Lewis, Kenneth (Rutland) |
| Bessell, Peter | Goodhew, Victor | Longden, Gilbert |
| Birch, Rt. Hn. Nigel | Gower, Raymond | Lubbock, Eric |
| Boardman, Tom (Leicester, S. W.) | Grant, Anthony | MacArthur, Ian |
| Body, Richard | Grant-Ferris, R. | Maclean, Sir Fitzroy |
| Boyd-Carpenter, Rt. Hn. John | Gresham Cooke, R. | McMaster, Stanley |
| Bromley-Davenport, Lt.-Col. Sir Walter | Grieve, Percy | McNair-Wilson, M. (Walthamstow, E.) |
| Brown, Sir Edward (Bath) | Griffiths, Eldon (Bury St. Edmunds) | McNair-Wilson, Patrick (New Forest) |
| Bruce-Gardyne, J. | Gurden, Harold | Maginnis, John E. |
| Bryan, Paul | Hall-Davis, A. G. F. | Marples, Rt. Hn. Ernest |
| Buchanan-Smith, Alick (Angus, N & M) | ||
| Buck, Antony (Colchester) | Hamilton, Michael (Salisbury) | Marten, Neil |
| Bullus, Sir Eric | Harrison, Col. Sir Harwood (Eye) | Maude, Angus |
| Burden, F. A. | Harvey, Sir Arthur Vere | Mawby, Ray |
| Campbell, B. (Oldham, W.) | Harvie, Anderson, Miss | Maxwell-Hyslop, R. J. |
| Carr, Rt. Hn. Robert | Hastings, Stephen | Mills, Peter (Torrington) |
| Clark, Henry | Hawkins, Paul | Mills, Stratton (Belfast, N.) |
| Clegg, Walter | Hay, John | Monro, Hector |
| Costain, A. P. | Heald, Rt. Hn. Sir Lionel | Montgomery, Fergus |
| Crouch, David | Heseltine, Michael | Morgan, Geraint (Denbigh) |
| Cunningham, Sir Knox | Higgins, Terence L. | Morrison, Charles (Devizes) |
| Dance, James | Hiley, Joseph | Munro-Lucas-Tooth, Sir Hugh |
| Davidson, James (Aberdeenshire, W.) | Hill, J. E. B. | Murton, Oscar |
| Dean, Paul | Hirst, Geoffrey | Nabarro, Sir Gerald |
| Deedes, Rt. Hn. W. F. (Ashford) | Holland, Philip | Neave, Alrey |
| Drayson, G. B. | Hooson, Emlyn | Nicholls, Sir Harmar |
| du Cann, Rt. Hn. Edward | Hordern, Peter | Noble, Rt. Hn. Michael |
| Onslow, Cranley | ||
| Eden, Sir John | Hornby, Richard | Orr, Capt. L. P. S. |
| Elliot, Capt. Walter (Carshalton) | Hunt, John | Osborn, John (Hallam) |
| Elliott, R. W. (N c'tle-upon-Tyne, N.) | Hutchison, Michael Clark | Osborne, Sir Cyril (Louth) |
| Page, John (Harrow, W.) | Shaw, Michael (Sc'b'gh, & Whitby) | Ward, Dane Irene |
| Pearson, Sir Frank (Clitheroe) | Silvester, Frederick | Weatherill, Bernard |
| Peel, John | Sinclair, Sir George | Wells, John (Maidstone) |
| Percival, Ian | Smith, Dudley (W'wick & L'mington) | Whitelaw, Rt. Hn. William |
| Peyton, John | Speed, Keith | Wiggin, A. W. |
| Pink, R. Bonner | Stainton, Keith | Williams, Donald (Dudley) |
| Powell, Rt. Hn. J. Enoch | Steel, David (Roxburgh) | Wilson, Geoffrey (Truro) |
| Prior, J. M. L. | Summers, Sir Spencer | Winstanley, Dr. M. P. |
| Pym, Francis | Tapsel, Peter | Wolrige-Gordon, Patrick |
| Renton, Rt. Hn. Sir David | Taylor, Edward M. (G'gow, Cathcart) | Wood, Rt. Hn. Richard |
| Ridley, Hn. Nicholas | Taylor, Frank (Moss Side) | Worsley, Marcus |
| Ridsdale, Julian | Temple, John M. | Wright, Esmond |
| Rossi, Hugh (Hornsey) | Turton, Rt. Hn. R. H. | Wylie, N. R. |
| Royle, Anthony | van Straubenzee, W. R. | |
| Russell, Sir Ronald | Vaughan-Morgan, Rt. Hn. Sir John | TELLERS FOR THE NOES: |
| St. John-Stevas, Norman | Wainwright, Richard (Colne Valley) | Mr. Jasper More and |
| Scott, Nicholas | Walker, Peter (Worcester) | Mr. Reginald Eyre. |
| Sharples, Richard | Walker-Smith, Rt. Hn. Sir Derek |
Question again proposed, That the Clause be read a Second time.
Before the break, I was talking about the absence from the debate of the main sponsors of the Clause, with the honourable exception of the hon. Member for Epping. I see that the hon. Member for Ebbw Vale (Mr. Michael Foot) is now present and I regret that he has missed—
I hope that the hon. Gentleman will come to the Clause and not the absentees or presentees.
I shall certainly come to the Clause. I was about to refer the hon. Member for Ebbw Vale to the magnificent speeches by my hon. Friend the Member for Cathcart and, although I find it embarrassing to say so, the Postmaster-General. If the hon. Gentleman had been here—
We are discussing a new Clause, not the hon. Member for Ebbw Vale (Mr. Michael Foot).
I wish we were.
I come to the Clause and the Left-wing intellectual thought which lies behind it. We are told that a joint management committee is to have 50 per cent. of its membership nominated by the Minister, a very shadowy group, and 50 per cent. by the unions. We assume that one of its tasks would be to negotiate wages, pay scales, overtime payments, promotion and so on. With representatives of the union serving on a management committee in that form, great tension would arise between management and the unions, because part of the management would be people nominated by the unions themselves. This sort of conflict is inherent in this ill-thought-out new Clause and makes it a non-starter. The hon. Member spoke of industrial democracy and of workers having a share in management. If there be anything in that argument, this is not the way to achieve it. The best way to help industrial democracy is to make sure that promotion in the Post Office is clearly open from the very bottom to the top. There, one would get real worker participation—[interruption.]Order. It is difficult for the hon. Member to address the House against a background of conversation.
10.15 p.m.
I am obliged, Mr. Speaker.
I was saying that, in my view, the best sort of industrial democracy is where the worker can rise up from one grade to another to take part in top management. Many of the leaders of private industry—and, indeed, the nationalised industries—have come up from the shop floor. That is real industrial democracy. When there are at the top, as there would be in the suggested joint management committees, workers taking part in decisions which could adversely affect their own people, there would be, not real participation, but bitterness creeping in, because the men would say, "The chaps we elect from the union boss us around and we become redundant because of their policies". A worse industrial situation would then develop. I am mindful, Mr. Speaker, of the words with which you preceded my contribution to the debate, and I now conclude. The arguments against the new Clause are overwhelming and have been well demonstrated. If the new Clause represents the thinking of the "Tribune" group or the other sponsors of the Left in this House, it is no wonder that the Labour Party is in such a hell of a state.
In moving the new Clause, the hon. Member for Epping (Mr. Newens) said that he was beginning to wonder whether nationalisation was necessarily Socialism. I would not like to follow him too closely into what is Socialism, but what has always seemed to me to be very odd is the way that hon. Members opposite have automatically assumed that the setting up of these grandiose, monopolistic corporations had much to do with what they imagined to be Socialism.
The hon. Member for Epping made it plain that the intention of the new Clause was to establish worker control, or, at least, half control. Last night, the hon. Member for Glasgow, Provan (Mr. Hugh D. Brown) said that the idea that there was to be worker democracy or worker control was pure fantasy. He coupled the fantasy with the idea that there were Radicals on his Front Bench. Certainly, the Postmaster-General will not have disproved his hon. Friend's prophecy by the excellent speech he made this evening. It is a fantasy, but it is a fairly old one. As the hon. Member for Epping has pointed out, the Bill is very much on the same lines—it is virtually identical—as the Bills that were passed by the House during the 1945 Parliament. Indeed, at least once in Committee, when we tried to bring some new points into the Bill, the Postmaster-General repudiated them specifically on the ground that they were new. He proved sometimes to be a very great Conservative and was most eloquent on the virtues of democracy in capitalism on more than one occasion. Therefore, the right hon. Gentleman has been fully consistent in his repudiation of the new Clause tonight. What the hon. Member for Epping and his absent supporters have put forward is syndicalism, which is an even older idea than the nationalised corporation which the Bill sets up. It is not quite the same as the pre-First World War syndicalism because it is not revolutionary, and it does not, as far as I know, propose any form of revolution. Similarly, it is only half syndicalism because only half of the people on the committees are to be appointed by the workers. But what syndicalism means, as the right hon. Gentleman clearly pointed out, is that the industry or service is run for the benefit of those who are taking part in it rather than the consumers? The consumer always comes second according to the ideas put forward by the hon. Gentleman the Member for Epping, and that is an idea which, of course, can never be accepted by those of us on this side of the House. We can well imagine that if the hon. Gentleman's new Clause had been accepted, sooner or later the workers would have decided that they did not like working on Sundays, and so there would have been no telephone service on Sundays, and there would have been many other things of that sort. However, the most conspicuous silence which there has been during this debate has, of course, been that of the hon. Gentleman the Member for Bristol, North-East (Mr. Dobson), who is closely associated with one of the main unions in the Post Office. He, very conspicuously, has not given his support to this new Clause. He did not put his name to it. Nor did the hon. Gentleman the Member for Gateshead, West (Mr. Randall), nor did the hon. Gentleman the Member for Brighton, Kemptown (Mr. Hobden). In other words, this new Clause is not supported by the representatives or members of the Post Office unions in this House. It is, as my hon. Friend the Member for North Fylde (Mr. Clegg) said, a "Tribune" Amendment. It is none the worse for that; "Tribune" is an excellent paper. I see the managing director is here, and I am wondering, since he put his name to the new Clause, whether he would consider running "Tribune" according to these principles.Why not?
Order. I would be very interested to hear a debate on "Tribune", but not on this new Clause.
With great respect, Mr. Speaker, if we are considering the best way of running a service, surely we are entitled to consider whether those who are putting forward the ideas in this new Clause would put them into practice in their own businesses? The very brilliant articles which are printed in "Tribune" are written by the hon. Gentleman the Member for Ebbw Vale (Mr. Michael Foot). They are certainly not committee efforts; they are certainly not decided on in consultation with the printers; they are certainly not worked out in conjunction with the type setters or those who sell "Tribune". In other words, there is a complete differentiation of functions. The hon. Gentleman the Member for Ebbw Vale is a very good writer, and he does the writing, and the printers are very good printers, and they do the printing; and they make certain that they do not muddle up these functions.
There is an even greater paradox, surely, in this being a "Tribune" new Clause, because here we have the "Tribune" group trying to prescribe by law certain very definite ways in which the unions should participate in the running of the Post Office. This is a very different attitude from that which they take up when it is suggested that the unions should be made in some ways subject to law in the matter of trade disputes. If it is right for the Government to lay down exactly how unions should participate in the management of the Post Office, and how they should be elected, and so forth, then surely, long before that, it would be logical to bring the law into far more fundamental matters concerning—Order. This is the Post Office Bill, and this is a new Clause to it, and we cannot now traverse the whole political field.
I accept that. On the other hand, the new Clause puts forward a fundamental change in our whole industrial structure and it is a little difficult to consider it taken in isolation. However, it seems to me that there are at least two fundamental inconsistencies in the behaviour of those who support the new Clause.
As the Postmaster-General said, there is much to be said for workers' participation. My hon. Friends and I support that. It could take a variety of forms. Not only is there scope for workers' participation; there is scope for workers' promotion. There is no reason why members of the Post Office board should not come from among those who have served in the Post Office. Therefore, it is all the more surprising that there is a Government Amendment to delete Clause 6(4), which lays down that the chairman and other members of the Post Office boardIn its original form the Bill would appear to have encouraged ex-trade unionists to take up membership of the board, but there appears to have been a retreat from that position on Report. Administration is very different from workers' control, as the President of the Board of Trade has laid down on many occasions—as has the Postmaster-General. When he was asked about it this evening by the hon. Member for Coatbridge and Airdrie (Mr. Dempsey), I understood him to say, "I am not saying that we are opposed to the participation of workers in management." He slightly altered it later, but I understood him to say that at first. In any event, that was very different from what he said in a speech he made at the Fabian Society Summer School on 4th August 1968, when he made one of his best speeches and came down a good deal more firmly in this matter than he did in his intervention. He said:"shall be appointed from amongst persons appearing to the Minister to have had wide experience of … administration or the organisation of workers."
He went on to say that there was a strong case for workers' participation but he knocked the idea of workers' control very firmly on the head. The hon. Member for Epping skated ery carefully round all the technical difficulties of his proposal. He did not explain why he had chosen the magic number 26, which does not correspond with any region of the Post Office or any region of a nationalised organisation. He did not say how the difficulties over unions opposed to each other would be resolved, in the matter of election, or how numbers would be worked out—as to how many representatives each union should have. Although we are fully in sympathy with the hon. Member's difficulties and his quest for finding true Socialism, we do not believe that he has found it this evening. Therefore although we sympathise with him, for once we are in full agreement with the Postmaster-General about not accepting the new Clause."Workers' control is indefensible because it is grossly unfair to the rest of the community whether identified as consumers who buy the product or as taxpayers who provide the capital. The management function is indivisible …. For the Post Office, which is a public service monopoly, I rule workers' control out entirely. It would not be consistent with the public good, nor would it necessarily provide a management seeking efficiency and the best use of a huge publicly provided capital."
rose in his place and
Division No. 184.]
| AYES
| [10.30 p.m.
|
| Albu, Austen | Gregory, Arnold | Mitchell, R. C. (S'th'pton, Test) |
| Allaun, Frank (Salford, E.) | Grey, Charles (Durham) | Molloy, William |
| Alldritt, Walter | Griffiths, David (Rother Valley) | Morgan, Elystan (Cardiganshire) |
| Anderson, Donald | Griffiths, Eddie (Brightside) | Morris, Alfred (Wythenshawe) |
| Archer, Peter | Griffiths, Will (Exchange) | Morris, Charles R. (Openshaw) |
| Atkins, Ronald (Preston, N.) | Hamilton, James (Bothwell) | Morris, John (Aberavon) |
| Atkinson, Norman (Tottenham) | Hamilton, William (Fife, W.) | Mulley, Rt. Hn. Frederick |
| Bagier, Gordon A. T. | Hamling, William | Murray, Albert |
| Barnes, Michael | Harper, Joseph | Neal, Harold |
| Barnett, Joel | Harrison, Walter (Wakefield) | Newens, Stan |
| Benn, Rt. Hn. Anthony Wedgwood | Haseldine, Norman | Noel-Baker, Rt. Hn. Philip (Derby, S.) |
| Bidwell, Sydney | Hattersley, Roy | Oakes, Gordon |
| Binns, John | Healey, Rt. Hn. Denis | Ogden, Eric |
| Bishop, E. S. | Herbison, Rt. Hn. Margaret | O'Malley, Brian |
| Blackburn, F. | Hobden, Dennis | Oram, Albert E. |
| Blenkinsop, Arthur | Hooley, Frank | Orbach, Maurice |
| Boston, Terence | Houghton, Rt. Hn. Douglas | Orme, Stanley |
| Boyden, James | Howarth, Robert (Bolton, E.) | Oswald, Thomas |
| Bradley, Tom | Howie, W. | Owen, Dr. David (Plymouth, S'tn) |
| Bray, Dr. Jeremy | Hughes, Roy (Newport) | Owen, Will (Morpeth) |
| Broughton, Dr. A. D. D. | Hunter, Adam | Page, Derek (King's Lynn) |
| Brown, Hugh D. (G'gow, Provan) | Hynd, John | Paget, R. T. |
| Brown, Bob (N'c'tle-upon-Tyne, W.) | Irvine, Sir Arthur (Edge Hill) | Palmer, Arthur |
| Brown, R. W. (Shoreditch & F'bury) | Jackson, Colin (B'h'se & Spenb'gh) | Park, Trevor |
| Buchan, Norman | Jay, Rt. Hn. Douglas | Parker, John (Dagenham) |
| Cant, R. B. | Jeger, Mrs. Lena (H'b'n & St. P'cras, S.) | Parkyn, Brian (Bedford) |
| Carmichael, Neil | Jenkins, Hugh (Putney) | Pavitt, Laurence |
| Chapman, Donald | Johnson, Carol (Lewisham, S.) | Pearson, Arthur (Pontypridd) |
| Coleman, Donald | Jones, Dan (Burnley) | Peart, Rt. Hn. Fred |
| Conlan, Bernard | Jones, Rt. Hn. Sir Elwyn (W. Ham, S.) | Pentland, Norman |
| Crawshaw, Richard | Jones, J. Idwal (Wrexham) | Perry, Ernest G. (Battersea, S.) |
| Dalyell, Tam | Jones, T. Alec (Rhondda, West) | Perry, George H. (Nottingham, S.) |
| Davidson, Arthur (Accrington) | Judd, Frank | Prentice, Rt. Hn. R. E. |
| Davies, Ednyfed Hudson (Conway) | Kerr, Russell (Feltham) | Price, Christopher (Perry Barr) |
| Davies, G. Elfed (Rhondda, E.) | Lawson, George | Price, Thomas (Westhoughton) |
| Davies, Dr. Ernest (Stretford) | Leadbitter, Ted | Price, William (Rugby) |
| Davies, Rt. Hn. Harold (Leek) | Lee, Rt. Hn. Frederick (Newton) | Probert, Arthur |
| Davies, Ifor (Gower) | Lee, John (Reading) | Rees, Merlyn |
| de Freitas, Rt. Hn. Sir Geoffrey | Lomas, Kenneth | Roberts, Albert (Normanton) |
| Delargy, Hugh | Luard, Evan | Roberts, Rt. Hn. Goronwy |
| Dempsey, James | Lyon, Alexander W. (York) | Roberts, Gwilym (Bedfordshire, S.) |
| Dewar, Donald | Lyons, Edward (Bradford, E.) | Robertson, John (Paisley) |
| Dickens, James | Mabon, Dr. J. Dickson | Rodgers, William (Stockton) |
| Dobson, Ray | McCann, John | Rogers, George (Kensington, N.) |
| Doig, Peter | MacColl, James | Rose, Paul |
| Dunnett, Jack | Macdonald, A. H. | Ross, Rt. Hn. William |
| Dunwoody, Mrs. Gwyneth (Exeter) | McGuire, Michael | Shaw, Arnold (Ilford, S.) |
| Dunwoody, Dr. John (F'th & C'b'e) | McKay, Mrs. Margaret | Sheldon, Robert |
| Eadie, Alex | Mackenzie, Gregor (Rutherglen) | Shore, Rt. Hn. Peter (Stepney) |
| Edelman, Maurice | Mackie, John | Short, Mrs. Renée (W'hampton, N. E.) |
| Ellis, John | Mackintosh, John P. | Silkin, Rt. Hn. John (Deptford) |
| English, Michael | Maclennan, Robert | Silkin, Hn. S. C. (Dulwich) |
| Ennals, David | McNamara, J. Kevin | Silverman, Julius |
| Evans, Ioan L. (Birm'h'm, Yardley) | MacPherson, Malcolm | Skeffington, Arthur |
| Finch, Harold | Mahon, Peter (Preston, S.) | Slater, Joseph |
| Fletcher, Raymond (Ilkeston) | Mahon, Simon (Bootle) | Small, William |
| Fletcher, Ted (Darlington) | Mallalieu, E. L. (Brigg) | |
| Foley, Maurice | Mallalieu, J. P. W. (Huddersfield, E.) | Spriggs, Leslie |
| Foot, Michael (Ebbw Vale) | Manuel, Archia | Stonehouse, Rt. Hn. John |
| Ford, Ben | Mapp, Charles | Strauss, Rt. Hn. G. R. |
| Forrester, John | Marks, Kenneth | Summerskill, Hn. Dr. Shirley |
| Fowler, Gerry | Marquand, David | Taverne, Dick |
| Freeson, Reginald | Marsh, Rt. Hn. Richard | Thomas, Rt. Hn. George |
| Galpern, Sir Myer | Mason, Rt. Hn. Roy | Tinn, James |
| Gardner, Tony | Mellish, Rt. Hn. Robert | Urwin, T. W. |
| Garrett, W. E. | Mendelson, John | Walker, Harold (Doncaster) |
| Gordon Walker, Rt. Hn. P. C. | Mikardo, Ian | Wallace, George |
| Gray, Dr. Hugh (Yarmouth) | Millan, Bruce | Watkins, David (Consett) |
| Greenwood, Rt. Hn. Anthony | Miller, Dr. M. S. | Watkins, Tudor (Brecon & Radnor) |
claimed to move, That the Question be now put.
Question put, That the Question be now put:—
The House divided: Ayes 218, Noes 168.
| Wellbeloved, James | Williams, Alan (Swansea, W.) | Woodburn, Rt. Hn. A. |
| White, Mrs. Eirene | Williams, Mrs. Shirley (Hitchin) | Woof, Robert |
| Whitlock, William | Willis, Rt. Hn. George | |
| Wilkins, W. A. | Wilson, Rt. Hn. Harold (Huyton) | TELLERS FOR THE AYES: |
| Willey, Rt. Hn. Frederick | Wilson, William (Coventry, S.) | Mr. Alan Fitch and |
| Mr. Neil McBride. |
NOES
| ||
| Alison, Michael (Barkston Ash) | Griffiths, Eldon (Bury St. Edmunds) | Neave, Airey |
| Allason, James (Hemel Hempstead) | Gurden, Harold | Nicholls, Sir Harmar |
| Amery, Rt. Hn. Julian | Hall-Davis, A. G. F. | Noble, Rt. Hn. Michael |
| Astor, John | Hamilton, Michael (Salisbury) | Onslow, Cranley |
| Atkins, Humphrey (M't'n & M'd'n) | Harrison, Col. Sir Harwood (Eye) | Orr, Capt. L. P. S. |
| Baker, Kenneth (Acton) | Harvey, Sir Arthur Vere | Osborn, John (Hallam) |
| Baker, W. H. K. (Banff) | Harvie Anderson, Miss | Page, Graham (Crosby) |
| Balniel, Lord | Hastings, Stephen | Peel, John |
| Barber, Rt. Hn. Anthony | Hawkins, Paul | Percival, Ian |
| Batsford, Brian | Hay, John | Peyton, John |
| Bennett, Dr. Reginald (Gos. & Fhm) | Heseltine, Michael | Pink, R. Bonner |
| Berry, Hn. Anthony | Higgins, Terence L. | Powell, Rt. Hn. J. Enoch |
| Bessell, Peter | Hiley, Joseph | Prior, J. M. L. |
| Birch, Rt. Hn. Nigel | Hill, J. E. B. | Pym, Francis |
| Boardman, Tom (Leicester, S. W.) | Hirst, Geoffrey | Renton, Rt. Hn. Sir David |
| Body, Richard | Holland, Philip | Ridley, Hn. Nicholas |
| Boyd-Carpenter, Rt. Hn. John | Hooson, Emlyn | Ridsdale, Julian |
| Braine, Bernard | Hordern, Peter | Rossi, Hugh (Hornsey) |
| Brown, Sir Edward (Bath) | Hornby, Richard | Russell, Sir Ronald |
| Howell, David (Guildford) | St. John-Stevas, Norman | |
| Bruce-Gardyne, J. | Hunt, John | Scott, Nicholas |
| Bryan, Paul | Hutchison, Michael Clark | Sharples, Richard |
| Buchanan-Smith, Alick (Angus, N & M) | Iremonger, T. L. | Shaw, Michael (Sc'b'gh & Whitby) |
| Buck, Antony (Colchester) | Irvine, Bryant Godman (Rye) | Silvester, Frederick |
| Bullus, Sir Eric | Jenkin, Patrick (Woodford) | Sinclair, Sir George |
| Burden, F. A. | Jopling, Michael | Smith, Dudley (W'wick & L'mington) |
| Campbell, B. (Oldham, w.) | Kaberry, Sir Donald | Speed, Keith |
| Carr, Rt. Hn. Robert | Kerby, Capt. Henry | Stainton, Keith |
| Clegg, Walter | Kershaw, Anthony | Steel, David (Roxburgh) |
| Costain, A. P. | King, Evelyn (Dorset, S.) | Summers, Sir Spencer |
| Crouch, David | Kilson, Timothy | Tapsell, Peter |
| Cunningham, Sir Knox | Lane, David | Taylor, Edward M. (G'gow, Cathcart) |
| Dance, James | Legge-Bourke, Sir Harry | Taylor, Frank (Moss Side) |
| Davidson, James (Aberdeenshire, W.) | Lewis, Kenneth (Rutland) | Temple, John M. |
| Dean, Paul | Longden, Gilbert | Turton, Rt. Hn. R. H. |
| Deedes, Rt. Hn. W. F. (Ashford) | Lubbock, Eric | van Straubenzee, W. R. |
| Drayson, G. B. | MacArthur, Ian | Vaughan-Morgan, Rt. Hn. Sir John |
| du Cann, Rt. Hn. Edward | Mackenzie, Alasdair (Ross & Crom'ty) | Wainwright, Richard (Colne Valley) |
| Eden, Sir John | Maclean, Sir Fitzroy | Walker, Peter (Worcester) |
| Elliot, Capt. Walter (Carshalton) | McMaster, Stanley | Walker-Smith, Rt. Hn. Sir Derek |
| Elliott, R. W. (N'c'tle-upon-Tyne, N.) | McNair-Wilson, M. (Walthamstow, E.) | Ward, Dame Irene |
| Emery, Peter | McNair-Wilson, Patrick (New Forest) | Wells, John (Maidstone) |
| Evans, Gwynfor (C'marthen) | Maginnis, John E. | Whitelaw, Rt. Hn. William |
| Ewing, Mrs. Winifred | Marples, Rt. Hn. Ernest | Wiggin, A. W. |
| Eyre, Reginald | Marten, Neil | Williams, Donald (Dudley) |
| Farr, John | Maude, Angus | Wilson, Geoffrey (Truro) |
| Fortescue, Tim | Mawby, Ray | Winstanley, Dr. M. P. |
| Fraser, Rt. Hn. Hugh (St'fford & Stone) | Maxwell-Hyslop R. J. | Wolrige-Gordon, Patrick |
| Gilmour, Ian (Norfolk, C.) | Mills, Peter (Torrington) | Wood, Rt. Hn. Richard |
| Gilmour, Sir John (Fife, E.) | Mills, Stratton (Belfast, N.) | Worsley, Marcus |
| Glover, Sir Douglas | Monro, Hector | Wright, Esmond |
| Goodhart, Philip | Montgomery, Fergus | Wylie, N. R. |
| Goodhew, Victor | More, Jasper | Younger, Hn. George |
| Gower, Raymond | Morgan, Geraint (Denbigh) | |
| Grant, Anthony | Morrison, Charles (Devizes) | TELLERS FOR THE NOES: |
| Grant-Ferris, R. | Munro-Lucas-Tooth, Sir Hugh | Mr. Anthony Royle and |
| Gresham Cooke, R. | Murton, Oscar | Mr. Bernard Weatherill. |
| Grieve, Percy | Nabarro, Sir Gerald | |
Question put accordingly and negatived.
|
New Clause 11
Amendment Of Section 17 Of Post Office Savings Bank Act 1954
To section 17 of the Post Office Savings Bank Act 1954 (Securities in which the Commissioners may invest) there shall be added the following sub-paragraph of subsection (1):—
'(e) In equity shares'.—[Mr. Ridley.]
Brought up, and read the First time.
I beg to move, That the Clause be read a Second time.
This new Clause brings us to a part of the Bill which was not explored in Committee; the part dealing with National Savings and the Post Office Savings Bank. It is a natural corollary of making the Post Office into a corporation that its savings bank functions must be transferred elsewhere. It is proposed in the Bill to set up a Director of Savings, whose task will be to administer the Savings Bank, in the position of the Commissioners, who have hitherto performed that function. Hon. Members will be aware of the circumstances of the Post Office Savings Bank by which people may deposit up to £5,000 per head in it and withdraw their money at quite short notice. This varies from between four and eight days depending on whether it is to be a cash or cheque transaction. The money deposited pays interest of 2½ per cent. The terms of the Post Office Savings Bank have been enshrined in its constitution by law for many years, I know not how many, and the new Clause gives the House an opportunity to consider whether the time has come to look at its ancient, conservative type of structure to see if, in modern conditions, it is suitable for the circumstances which we are experiencing. The question of the security of deposits is not in dispute, since the Treasury, by law, guarantees that depositors will be repaid as to the full amount of their deposits. Thus, whatever we say or do tonight, there is no threat to the deposits or guarantee of the Treasury. The 1954 Act specifies two conditions; first, that 2½ per cent. is the rate of interest to be paid—that will be the subject of the next debate on which I will not trespass now—and, secondly, that the Post Office Savings Bank shall invest its funds only in Government stocks or quasi-Government stocks of all sorts. One can easily see a list of the large range of Government stocks in which the Post Office Savings Bank has invested its funds. 10.45 p.m. The constitution of the National Savings Movement has an obligation, which I quote:Although it may or may not be to the benefit of the country that these transactions should go on, I am beginning to question whether it is to the benefit of the individual that he should be persuaded to put his money in the Post Office Savings Bank and leave it there at a rate of 2½ per cent. for many years in the financial conditions we are experiencing. This is an extraordinarily low rate of interest and compares very unfavourably with rates of interest that depositors could get from almost any other source. The disadvantage of this procedure is that as the value of money is whittled away by the inflationary policies of Governments, not only this but all Governments, the value of these deposits becomes less and less and there is no possibility of growth in view of the effects of 6 per cent. inflation of the last few years. Reduction of value in holding these securities is at the root of the trouble and the public are not prepared to buy Government securities, let alone undated securities and we have the well known collapse of the gilt-edged market."The aim of the National Savings Committee is to educate and encourage the public to save for the benefit of the individual and the country."
On a point of order. As this debate seems to be overlapping into a debate on new Clause 12, I wonder, Mr. Deputy Speaker, whether it would be to the general convenience if we debated new Clause 11 and new Clause 12 together so that there should be no restriction on observations made on this subject?
No.
If it is the wish of the House these two Clauses can be discussed together.
Further to that point of order. I understand that two Clauses cannot be taken together if objection is raised, and objection has been raised.
I concur with the view of the right hon. Gentleman that it would be possible to do so, but since my hon. Friend objects, it would be better to keep the two debates separate. I shall endeavour to do that, but I hope that I shall be forgiven if occasionally I trespass into the realms of interest because it is difficult to separate capital considerations from interest considerations.
The concession in the Budget for Capital Gains Tax has made precious little difference, and gilt-edged stocks are unattractive to practically every class of investor. The market has not responded. Undated gilt-edged stocks are particularly unattractive in times of rapid inflation. The result has been, as it would not have been difficult to predict, that savers and depositors in the Post Office Savings Bank have seen fit to withdraw their money. In 1963–64 £11·4 million was withdrawn net. This is the difference between new money deposited and money taken out. In 1964–65 that amount went up to £29·7 million. In 1965–66 it rose to £41·8 million, in 1966–67 £153 million was taken out, and in 1967–68 £105·6 million was withdrawn. The poor British investor for whom these deposits are supposed to be of benefit has at least realised that he can do better with his money elsewhere and he is taking his money out. I do not blame him. If any word of this debate gets to the outside world, it should be that it is in his interests to take out his money, even at this late stage. After all, he can lend it to a local authority at 9 per cent., or put it into Government stock at interest rates approaching that. Why he should be required, out of patriotism, to go on leaving it in the Post Office Savings Bank at 2½ per cent. and with the capital value being eaten away, I find it hard to understand. We have come to the point where these traditional savings media are highly suspect, not only because they are proving totally ineffectual, but because they represent a bargain which is so bad that we should be ashamed of ourselves in recommending people to accept them. The economic effects should be mentioned in passing. If £105 million last year and £153 million the year before was pushed into the economy through net withdrawals, this is a highly inflationary factor affecting the money supply, and it is a consideration relevant to the Amendment that the money supply should not be increased in this way, if it is possible. I expect that the bulk of the money was switched out of this unfavourable form of deposit into some other form of holding which is more profitable. At the same time, I suspect that some of it has been used for consumption as well. If we are to have official savings media of this sort, we have to come to terms with the financial times in which we live, when the only possible way of maintaining the capital value of savings is to put a large share of them into the equity of some company or other, perhaps even abroad. Investment is still quite free in the sterling area. If we are to encourage people officially to save and invest by setting up such bodies as the Post Office Savings Bank, we must give the Bank a little more freedom to make what it considers to be the right investments. I would not say that now was the right moment at which to invest in equities. I am not sufficiently skilled in investment decisions to say what is the right investment at present. But it is restricting to say that the Post Office Savings Bank can invest only in gilt-edged stocks. I may be wrong. Perhaps gilt-edged stocks are the right investment at the moment. But to look at this matter as if gilt-edged stocks were still the safest investment is an outdated and completely wrong attitude. I will be accused by hon. Gentlemen opposite of suggesting that we gamble with depositors' money, but if anything has been a forlorn gamble it has been the investment of large sums in War Loan, which stands today at a little over 38. The Post Office Savings Bank has £108 million in War Loan, which has come down from 100 to 38. If that is not gambling and losing, I do not know what is. Perhaps the right hon. Gentleman can tell us at what price the War Loan was bought and how much in terms of millions of £s has been lost in this investment. There is a whole series of other long stocks and undated stocks on which enormous losses have been made by the persons managing the Post Office Savings Bank. We have to leave the bankers free to make the investments that they think to be right. It may be that this is a moment to invest in "shorts". I would not quarrel with that. But we must give them the power for all time to take the decision on what is the best investment for savers' money. This type of investment has to be made considerably more attractive if it is thought worth while going on. My right hon. Friend the Member for Wolverhampton, South-West (Mr. Powell), has doubts whether it is right for Governments to promote savings. I do not want to enter into that argument now, because it would probably be out of order. But if we are to have State agencies persuading people to invest and to put money on deposit with them, we must first make sure that they are reasonably competitive with other forms of investment which they might make. Secondly, we must divorce the benefit of the saver from any possible advantage which the State might make by getting these investments to be made. What is objectionable about this practice in the Post Office Savings Bank is that one man's gain is another man's loss. The loss of the depositor, the small saver who has put his money into the Post Office Savings Bank, has been the Government's gain because they are getting money at far below the market rate. What is more, they have subsidised gilt-edged stocks and held on to them at a time when a massive change out of gilt-edged stocks might have brought the Government to their senses over their policies in relation to inflation and their management of the money supply. These considerations have enabled not only this Government but all Governments, to go on in their sloppy financial way, well knowing that they had a certain captive investor with his savings deposited in the likes of the Post Office Savings Bank. Over the last year the value of gilt-edged stocks has dropped. The Financial Times Index has gone down from 76 to 67. This is a clear indication that in the last 12 months there has been a further massive loss in the Post Office Savings Bank. I do not underestimate the difficulties which will be raised. There will be a need to think out a transitional phase from the old traditional pattern of the Post Office Savings Bank which will accept money on deposit and pay 2½ per cent. and which is always invested in gilt-edged stocks. If we are to go on we must be prepared to build in perhaps some growth in its stocks and matters of that sort. I do not want to go out of order, but if we are to go on with these inducements to save, we must make the Post Office Savings Bank competitive and attractive. I agree that there will be transitional problems. One question will be whether we can offer existing depositors better terms and conditions. That can be got over, because I think that change is always possible. The Postmaster-General, in Committee, showed himself to be remarkably resistant to change of any sort, as my hon. Friend the Member for Norfolk, Central (Mr. Ian Gilmour) said just now. He resisted all ideas of change in our nationalised industries just as much from behind him as from the Opposition. All ideas for modernising and improving the way that we try to run our public industries were turned down, often with the curt, though not discourteous, argument that what had always been was the best thing to go on with and there was no case for change.Does this line of argument and criticism of my conduct in Committee imply that the hon. Gentleman now applauds the action that we have taken in deleting Clause 13 and substituting a new Clause?
The Postmaster-General seems to have fallen from grace in that instance.
I changed.
The right hon. Gentleman changed for the worse. Had I been in his position I would have kept quiet about that. I would not have wished to advertise, before a fairly full House, that I had been prepared to give way to my Left wing but not to hon. Gentlemen in Committee who were attempting to make something commercial, successful and forward-looking out of the Post Office in the way that we tried to do.
It may be alleged that what I am suggesting is too big a gamble. There is a strange feeling among some people that for any risk investment to be made is an intolerable, almost sinful risk to take, whereas to invest in Government stocks is a laudable, patriotic and worthy thing to do, involving no risk. This myth must have been exploded as we watch the value of Government stocks dwindle and the increasing reluctance of the public to hold them. The fact that this may not go on is abundantly clear to me, but there is no investment of any sort—in land, in shares, in factories, in stocks, or in anything else—which is safe. There is no such thing as a safe investment. Even currencies are apt to crumble, as we are beginning to see. There is no such thing as an investment which is free from risk and free from gamble. 11.0 p.m. But if I were to make an investment in the next five years or so I should tend to think that it would be safer to put it into an equity share than in War Loan. I gather that my right hon. Friend the Member for Wolverhampton, South-West suggests gold. That is another opinion. It may be that if the new Clause were accepted we could invest in gold shares. The Post Office Savings Bank could then invest in gold shares—and what would be wrong about that? I do not want to say in detail what should or should not be done with these investments, but I urge the Committee to break out of this mentality which suggests that a 2½ per cent. guaranteed gilt-edged investment is, as it were, a worthy investment. If the Government are to try to attract funds and to give the investor a good deal, they must do much better than that, and the underlying investments of the savings banks, in which the deposits are placed, may have to be improved, too. We cannot continue with the whole of the paraphernalia of the National Savings Movement, the Trustee Savings Banks and the Post Office Savings Bank all pretending that in some way they are serving the national interest and benefiting the individual. We must introduce a streamlined, modern look such as that of the unit trusts or even the investment trusts in considering the question of attracting the savings of the ordinary people, whether they be rich or poor. Savings are vitally important, but we shall not achieve them by an approach such as that used at present. I hope that the House will seriously consider whether the time has come to move away from these old-fashioned and conservative deposit accounts into something slightly more modern.The hon. Member for Cirencester and Tewkesbury (Mr. Ridley) served with some distinction on the Standing Committee, and I am surprised that he did not seek to move this proposal in Committee. Hon. Members of that Committee will remember that he enlivened the proceedings frequently with some brilliant speeches which we much enjoyed.
But the hon. Member knows that the main purpose of the Bill is not to consider the detailed operations of the Post Office Savings Bank, as the new Clause implies. The purpose of the Bill is to transfer the major trading activities of the Post Office from a Department of State to a new Post Office Corporation and to transfer the Post Office Savings Bank from the responsibility of the Postmaster-General to a new National Savings Bank under a Director of Savings who from vesting day, under my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer, will be responsible for the Savings Bank thus transferred. That is the purpose of the Bill, and it should not be used as a vehicle for ventilating the far-ranging ideas which have been put forward tonight by the hon. Member for Cirencester and Tewkesbury. As he has raised the subject, it is important that the House should spend some time on it, rather than dismiss it out of hand. As hon. Members know, the hon. Member for Cirencester and Tewkesbury is one of the leading Powellites in this House. In a recent debate on a new Clause, reference was made by hon. Members opposite to the "Tribune" group on this side, so it would be in order to make a reference to the group on that side known as Powellites. It is interesting that the hon. Member's leader is here tonight in the person of the right hon. Member for Wolverhampton, South-West (Mr. Powell). We are delighted to welcome him to the proceedings of the Post Office Bill.The right hon. Member is under a misapprehension. This is not a group. This is another name for common-sense.
We are getting used to the right hon. Gentleman heaping glory on himself. He is adding to that aspect of his reputation tonight, but it would be interesting to know whether the student of Powellism in the person of the hon. Member for Cirencester and Tewkesbury has the wholehearted support of the leader in the proposal he has brought forward.
What he has suggested is, or could be interpreted as being, a far-reaching Socialist proposal. The funds of the Post Office Savings Bank, amounting to £1,500 million would, under his suggestion, be available for large-scale investment in equity shares. If this means anything, it means that the Government will be using the investments of millions of small savers to invest in small insurance companies and similar shares, thus obtaining a holding in industrial groups. Because the new Clause has no geographical limit on investment in equity shares, the Government would be able, if the Clause were accepted, to invest hundreds of millions of pounds in investments abroad in all sorts of odd directions. There would be no restriction and there would be implied authority that this would be allowed to the National Debt Commissioners who run the investments of the Bank.Is not the Postmaster-General confusing the position of those who have the trust of all Post Office Savings Bank and Debt Commissioners funds with the position of the Government? Is not his argument based completely on fallacy, and is the proposal of my hon. Friend not that the Government should have the power to invest but only these people who hold a special place under Statute?
Yes, but, as I was saying, responsibility is not in the hands of the Postmaster-General but in the hands of the National Debt Commissioners. This Clause specifically adds equity shares to the list of investments they can make and there is no point in moving it unless it is expected that the Commissioners will follow the instructions of the House and invest in these shares. It would follow that a substantial part of the £1,500 million investment of small savers in the Post Office Savings Bank would be invested in a large number of industrial companies, which would have the effect of giving the Government a far greater share in the operation of industry in Britain.
Is the right hon. Gentleman saying that the National Debt Commissioners do what Ministers tell them? That is what he is asking us to accept. If that is not so, his argument breaks down.
I am not suggesting that. If the new Clause is accepted and equity shares are added to the list of investments which can be made, it would be an open invitation, if not instruction, to the Commissioners by Parliament to invest in these shares. If the House were mistakenly to follow the advice of the hon. Member for Cirencester and Tewkesbury, it would be surprising if the Commissioners did not act on it. They would obviously make a certain amount of investment in this direction.
Does not my right hon. Friend think that this proposal is a disguised method of augmenting the funds of the Conservative Party? Would not the equity shares in which the trustees would invest for the most part be shares which would contribute to Conservative Party funds? Is not this the sinister process behind the thinking of the hon. Member for Cirencester and Tewkesbury (Mr. Ridley)?
I have been trying to calculate exactly what is in the hon. Gentleman's mind but I do not think that I would visit that motive on him. I doubt whether he had it in the back of his labyrinthine mind.
I was asked what was the holding of the 3½ per cent. war stock and the original price. I regret that I cannot, without lengthy and detailed inquiry, give the information about the original price. It is a question of some complexity. The value of the holding at the end of 1967 was £108 million.
Will the right hon. Gentleman confirm that, in 1965, when the Act was going through, it was apparent that the total market value of the securities held by the Post Office Savings Bank was £200 million less than the money owed to depositors, that probably the position has since deteriorated substantially and that it is only the Government's guarantee that keeps the Fund solvent?
On the next new Clause I shall want to make some observations on the current income of the Post Office Savings Bank which exceeds the management expenses and the cost of paying interest to depositors. There is a surplus on that.
What the hon. Member for Cirencester and Tewkesbury has misunderstood is that the savers in the Post Office Savings Bank do not regard it as a means of maximising the return on their investment as they would do if they invested on other directions. They invest in the Post Office Savings Bank because it is a convenient way of saving, and it must be remembered that the cost of operating this small savings business is far greater than operating other types of investment. The lower rate of interest must be balanced against the convenience of the small savings system and, in particular, the convenience of withdrawal. It is important that the security of the Bank, backed as it is by Exchequer guarantee, should continue to be underwritten by investment in gilt-edged securities as has been the practice heretofore. For all these reasons, I hope that the House will see fit not to accept the new Clause.Motion made, and Question proposed, That the debate be now adjourned.—[ Mr. Harper.]
On a point of order. There has been only one speech moving the Clause—
Order. There can be no points of order on this Motion.
Question put and agreed to.
Debate to be resumed Tomorrow.
Adjournment
Resolved, That this House do now adjourn.—[ Mr. Harper.]
Adjourned accordingly at a quarter past Eleven o'clock.