asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what plans he has to improve career prospects in the Royal Ulster Constabulary and to obtain recruits from all sections of the community for it.

Officers are encouraged to enhance their career prospects by taking university courses, and the new course leading to a Higher National Certificate of Police Studies. Additionally, special career opportunities are offered to university graduates. For higher police training, selected officers attend colleges in Great Britain.

I thank my hon. Friend for that reply. Will he impress upon those serving in the Royal Ulster Constabulary that they have the most vital and creative rôle to play in the future development of the community? Will he also consider the possibility of setting up area watch committees on the English line, which could possibly reflect the political and religious balance of such a community, in such a way hoping to create a police force which is universally acceptable in the Province?

I can assure my hon. Friend that the Royal Ulster Constabulary has a strongly developed sense of community service and is fully aware of its heavy responsibilities in the Northern Ireland community. As to any developments of police work in the future, those will have to be considered in due course.

Does the Minister accept —I am sure that he does—that there is growing concern and a body of opinion in this country which is demanding the withdrawal of troops from the Six Counties, for a whole number of reasons? Will he accept that the only substitute is a police force which is acceptable to both communities? In that vein will he therefore at least study very carefully the only positive and concrete proposals for any replacement of troops contained in the Social Democratic and Labour Party's reply to the Green Paper, in which it outlined some detailed proposals for a police force? Has the hon. Gentleman any views on that, and will he make a statement on the proposals?

I accept the hon. Member's diagnosis. Obviously all ideas for restoring normal police services to all sections of the community in the future will have to be studied.

When the Minister is conducting the recruiting campaign for members for the Royal Ulster Constabulary, will he bear in mind the deplorable state of many of the police stations in Northern Ireland, especially the police station in my constituency at Larne, and that at Lisburn, in the constituency of my hon. Friend the Member for Antrim, South (Mr. Molyneaux)? Will he make an announcement today about positive steps to improve the amenities of the police in their police stations?

I agree with my hon. Friend that this is a very important matter. We are anxious to see that all needs in the way of equipment and facilities are provided for the Royal Ulster Constabulary, and every effort is made to do just that.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what awards for gallantry have been won by members of the Royal Ulster Constabulary since January 1968.

One George Medal, seven British Empire Medals for gallantry and two Queen's Commendations for brave conduct.

That is indeed a remarkable record of bravery. Does not my hon. Friend agree that the whole of the Royal Ulster Constabulary has shown the greatest devotion to duty in the face of a wave of violence never before seen in the United Kingdom? Does not he think that the members of the RUC deserve some kind of recognition, and will he consider the award to them of the General Service Medal which our troops already receive?

I gladly agree with my hon. Friend's commendation of the bravery and devotion to service of the RUC. My right hon. Friend the Prime Minister has told the House that he is not convinced that there should be a general award to the RUC in addition to the individual awards that have been and will continue to be made for police gallantry and distinguished service. I think that is the right decision.

Does the hon. Gentleman agree that the best way of recognising the work done by the force, instead of singling out individuals, would be to pay the members of the force additional payments such as are made to the fire service and other forces in Northern Ireland for the extra work they do, and not to make them into another sacrificial lamb for the Government's pay and incomes freeze?

This matter has been raised, but it is for the decision of the police authority.

Does not the hon. Gentleman agree that where bravery is shown by any member of the RUC it should be recognised, and that the morale of the force is an important factor to take into account?

I certainly agree with that, and it is reflected in the awards that have been made and will be taken into consideration in future recommendations.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what action he proposes to take designed to increase the number of recruits for the Royal Ulster Constabulary.

This is a matter which is constantly kept under review by the Police Authority. Over 1,400 men and women have been recruited to the RUC during the last three years, and since its establishment in 1970 there have been over 2,700 recruits to the Reserve.

As the events of the last few hours have underlined the fact that there is a desperate need for more policemen, will my hon. Friend consider reducing the minimum height requirement for new recruits from 5 ft. 8 ins.? At this moment is it not ridiculous to insist on a height requirement which would lead to rejection on physical grounds of at least one member of the English football eleven and one member of the All Blacks international side.

I am sure that the Police Authority will note what my hon. Friend has said. This may be one way of helping in the matter. I believe the important thing is by advertising, through the recruiting officers and by our supporting the RUC, to get the recruits which are so desperately needed.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will make a statement on the publicity arrangements relating to the border poll.

Returning officers have a statutory obligation to give notice of the poll and publish the locations of polling stations. In addition, a substantial programme of explanatory publicity has been undertaken by the Northern Ireland Office Information Service, designed to ensure that the electorate in Northern Ireland is fully aware of the arrangements for the poll and particularly the extended facilities for postal voting.

I thank the Minister for that reply. In the light of yesterday's events, will he consider placing an appendage to any advertisement, indicating that Her Majesty's Government view the poll as an opportunity for democratic decisions to take place in Northern Ireland—although some of us might have misgivings about the exact nature of it—and that these democratic decisions are an opportunity for all of Ulster to pronounce on their allegiance to the United Kingdom and, therefore, are contrary to the events that took place yesterday, where "mobocracy" ruled rather than democracy?

I naturally join with the hon. Gentleman in his condemnation of the affairs of yesterday. Nothing that happened yesterday will alter the course of events concerning this question.

Does not the Minister agree that the poll will not help community relations in Northern Ireland, and even at this late stage will he not consider reversing the previous decision that it should be held?

No, Sir. The matter has been amply discussed and debated by the House, and a decision has been arrived at.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what are the terms of reference of the project into the border poll which he has agreed with Queen's University; and how many will be employed in the project team.

The terms of reference are to record events leading up to the poll, to survey the administrative arrangements for conducting it, and to analyse the outcome, with particular reference to the reduced number of polling places and the general availability of postal voting facilities. The research team will consist of about 50 people.

Will the Minister tell the House whether the object of the project is to ascertain whether it is pos- sible in future to run elections with this limited number of polling stations? Is he aware that in many areas there is resentment that the team will be visiting polling booths when the poll is taking place? Will he not agree that such a team visiting polling booths in this country would lead to a certain amount of resentment? How many of the 50 team members will take an oath of secrecy on the day of the referendum and will have the opportunity of watching people cast their votes?

I gladly make it absolutely clear that all members of the team will take appropriate oaths of secrecy. They will be treated in this respect precisely like the observers whom my hon. Friend and other hon. Members will appoint. Of course, one, but only one, of the results of the survey may be to provide hard facts on the use of a limited number of polling stations. But in general terms the survey will assist my right hon. Friend in making that report to the House which he has undertaken to give.

Does the Minister recall that the intention of the poll was to provide one result covering all six counties? Will he confirm that it is not the team's intention to analyse the voting in such a way as to discover which way different districts vote? Will he confirm that it will not be the intention of Her Majesty's administration in Northern Ireland to seek, either through this team or in any other way, to discover how different districts poll? I think that they should, but in view of the undertakings——

Order. This is Question Time.

I am happy to make clear that nothing in this research project will identify how individuals or groups of people have cast their votes.

Is the Minister aware that many people in Northern Ireland welcome the appointment of independent observers to see that the poll is properly and fairly conducted?

I am much obliged to my hon. Friend for the comment. It will be of considerable assistance to all sections of the community in Northern Ireland.

Will the Minister given an assurance that in selecting the members of the team no reference was made to their political or religious affiliations?

The Secretary of State is not responsible in this respect. It is an academic matter and the selection of the academics is therefore a matter for the distinguished professor who is in charge of the team. I have no reason to suppose that the considerations mentioned by the right hon. Gentleman were in his mind.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will introduce legislation so as to have a plebiscite of the people of Northern Ireland on the terms of the proposed White Paper; and if he will make a statement.

I have no plans to do so.

We naturally recognise the sovereignty of Parliament in this matter and also the difficulties of having a plebiscite on such a complex issue as the White Paper. But does my right hon. Friend nevertheless recognise the vital importance of ensuring a broad cross-section of support of the people of Northern Ireland to endorse and accept the proposals in the White Paper? Will he bear that in mind when considering whether to have some form of mechanism by which that could be done?

I bear very much in mind what my hon Friend says about the need for broad acceptance of the White Paper. If I went further than that I might be seeking to anticipate what might be in the White Paper.

Will my right hon. Friend give an assurance to the House that the White Paper will be put to the people of Northern Ireland in the form of a plebiscite, because the proposals in the White Paper are bound to be complex and inter-related and it will be impossible for ordinary people in Northern Ireland to vote on them? They should be given an opportunity to deliberate upon them quietly and reasonably.

I am most anxious that the people in Northern Ireland should deliberate quietly and reasonably on these matters, but if my hon. Friend believes that the proposals would be so complex that they would be difficult for people to understand, it is difficult on that basis to believe that it is right to put the proposals in the terms of a referendum or a plebiscite.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland whether he can yet announce the date of publication of the White Paper on the future constitution of Northern Ireland.

No, Sir.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that, while all rational people in Ulster who believe in the democratic process will deplore yesterday's and last night's events, one of the contributory factors is the uncertainty about the political future? Will my right hon. Friend at least confirm that he understands the need to publish what he has to say about the future constitution as soon as possible after the result of the referendum?

I noticed a slight trap at the end of my hon. and gallant Friend's question. I am not in any way committing myself as to when the White Paper will be published, because I do not know. Of course, we understand that uncertainty is one of the problems, but I do not accept that uncertainty was the basic reason behind the troubles yesterday and at other times.

We read in the Press reports from both Northern Ireland and the Republic that there might be some delay in the White Paper after yesterday's events. Will the Secretary of State assure us that he will not be deflected from producing the White Paper as soon as possible?

I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman for asking me that question. There will be no question of deviating from the course we have chosen to pursue, which has been backed by this Parliament throughout, because of any events that take place. Those who think that they will divert us are making a great mistake.

Will the right hon. Gentleman assure the House that the White Paper is not yet written? Will he also assure the House that the uncompleted political discussions with political parties that he has promised to pursue will take place before he makes up his mind on the issue of the White Paper?

I assure the hon. Gentleman that my colleagues and I have not made up our minds on the contents of the White Paper. Equally, I have said that I am prepared to have further discussions on the White Paper. I am certainly prepared to have discussions with the hon. Gentleman and his party, which, as he appreciates, we have not yet had.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he is yet in a position to make a statement on the terms and conditions of the recent injection of public funds into Harland and Wolff.

The Ministry of Commerce has made a formal offer of assistance to Harland and Wolff Ltd. in connection with the company's expansion scheme. The terms and conditions of the offer are presently under discussion between the company and the Ministry.

Does the Minister recall that when the Secretary of State made the original announcement about aid last May I asked him to impress upon the workers at Harland and Wolff that in return for the generosity of the British taxpayer they should give their wholehearted support to the Secretary of State's policies? In view of yesterday's shut-down at Harland and Wolff, does the Minister not think that unless there is a fundamental change of direction there, as elsewhere in Northern Ireland, there is no prospect of that support or of a corresponding movement towards a balanced work force at Harland and Wolff?

In many areas of work and in many industries there was a shutdown yesterday, not always as a result of the wishes of the people, some of whom would have liked to work. Let us be clear about that. But the general performance of Harland and Wolff in industrial terms, at both shop-floor and management level, has been highly credit- able and a triumph for the determination to keep Ulster still in business through the very difficult circumstances in which it has had to operate.

Order. I have allowed a Private Notice Question about what happened yesterday.

Is the Minister aware that the management of Harland and Wolff, in whom we have every confidence, is determined that there will be no discrimination in employment by the company? Does the House not welcome the magnificent order won by the company recently?

I am sure that the House will welcome that magnificent order. As to the specific subject of discrimination, as I have said before from this Dispatch Box the chairman, directors and management of Harland and Wolff have given clear assurances that their recruiting policy is, and will continue to be, one of non-discrimination. I believe that that is now being reflected in the current recruiting figures.

Will the Minister draw the attention mainly of members of my trade union, the AEUW, to the fact that British taxpayers' money is sustaining Harland and Wolff? While we would support them in any trade union activity we cannot support them in sectarian activity. Will he therefore draw that to their attention because the company's survival may depend upon such matters?

I am sure that the members of the hon. Member's trade union will note what he said.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland how many persons in receipt of supplementary benefit have received, or are being considered for, loans from the Northern Ireland Housing Executive under the Small Dwellings (Northern Ireland) Act.

The Small Dwellings Acquisition Acts do not apply to the Northern Ireland Housing Executive. I assume that my hon. Friend is referring to loans made under the provisions of the Housing Executive Act (Northern Ireland) 1971; to date, the executive has not received an application from anyone in receipt of supplementary benefit.

Is my hon. Friend aware that there have been cases of supplementary benefit being used to provide certain capital assets? Does not he agree that the financial resources of the Housing Executive might be more effectively used in the purchase of privately-owned homes whose occupants have been intimidated and pressurised by Republican neighbours on Housing Executive developments?

No. I must make clear that under the Housing Executive Act (Northern Ireland) there have been no applications for loans. My hon. Friend may be a little confused, in that loans are made under the Small Dwellings Acquisition Acts. That is an entirely different matter.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the Chairman of the Housing Executive has stated that negotiations are going on with the administration in the North of Ireland concerning the purchase of homes that people have had to vacate for use by people of another section of the community? Can the Minister tell us anything about those negotiations?

No, I cannot say anything about those negotiations, but I can say that more than 300 applications have already been made under this scheme, and to date 75 loans have been made. The Housing Executive is doing a good job, and I feel sure that it must be encouraged in every way in these difficult circumstances.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland whether he will make a report about the progress in obtaining new employment in Northern Ireland; and whether he has any further proposals to make.

The Government have introduced a wide range of measures, notably those announced on 27th July 1972, which have all been aimed at maintaining as high a level of employment and economic activity as possible in Northern Ireland. These measures have undoubtedly contributed to the recent relative improvement in the level of unemployment, which was 6,000 lower in January than a year earlier. The effect of the measures is being kept closely under review.

I welcome that reply, but is my hon. Friend aware of the damage that has been done to employment prospects in Northern Ireland by the terrorist campaign, particularly the prolonged IRA campaign of indiscriminate bombing—[HON. MEMBERS: "What about the strike yesterday?"]—which has both directly and indirectly damaged our employment prospects? Will my hon. Friend look again at the steps he took six months ago to see whether any further steps can be devised to attract new employment to Northern Ireland?

As my hon. Friend says, threats to the employment situation in Northern Ireland come from a number of directions—certainly yesterday's events will not help. I am confident that by maintaining the existing measures—I am always ready to keep them under review—and by harnessing the tremendous energy and the readiness of the people of Northern Ireland to keep Ulster in business we shall continue to maintain a good record.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that some would not agree with the hon. Member for Belfast, East (Mr. McMaster)? The troubles of Northern Ireland did not start in 1969. The discriminatory practices in industry against Catholics getting jobs on the same basis as anybody else were part and parcel of the reasons for the trouble.

The hon. Gentleman is addressing his remarks to my hon. Friend, but I note what he says. My own view is that we are moving away from the time when charges and countercharges will do much good for Northern Ireland.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland whether arrangements are being made in Northern Ireland to introduce the payment of unemployment benefit by post.

Yes, Sir. It is planned to make all payments by post from the week beginning 2nd April.

I am grateful for the Minister's reply. Will he tell the House how this new practice compares with the situation in the rest of the United Kingdom?

I understand, Sir, that in Great Britain there are only pilot schemes in some offices. If that is correct, as I believe it to be, Northern Ireland in this respect is ahead of other parts of the United Kingdom.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will now make the possession of firearms in Northern Ireland illegal, except for few and specified purposes.

Illegally-held firearms are the main problem. Shotguns in rural areas and weapons for personal protection for members of the security forces and others in particular positions are necessary. Nevertheless, I am considering asking for new powers, for example, to require that hand guns licensed for personal protection should be brought in for ballistic and any other necessary tests.

I thank the Secretary of State for that response, as far as it goes. Many people feel, particularly in view of the atrocities committed during the last few days, that the least we can do is to withdraw practically all firearms in Northern Ireland. No one supposes that that would cure the trouble, but in view of the appalling stories we have read in the last few days, it is difficult to say that it is essential to have shotguns in rural areas.

There is no evidence that licensed weapons have been used in these acts of terrorism. I have had considerable experience of going round these areas and, in my judgment, I should not be acting responsibly if I suggested to the House that shotguns in rural areas and weapons for personal protection of members of the security forces and others in isolated areas should be withdrawn. I should regard that as an irresponsible and wrong action. At the same time, in current circumstances, if people are to hold licensed weapons it is reasonable—I am sure the vast majority of them, if not all, would agree—that it should be made clear beyond any doubt that these weapons are not in any way being used for terrorist activities. The proposals I have made should give assistance to that course.

I am sure that the whole House will welcome what my right hon. Friend has said. It is clear that hand guns and rifles are essentially offensive and not defensive weapons. I do not know how good a shot is my right hon. Friend but from my military experience during the war, both as a terrorist and as an anti-terrorist——

Order. Even the right hon. Gentleman must ask a question at Question Time.

I do not want to make a single remark that will make the right hon. Gentleman's task more difficult, but is he aware that an enormous number of guns held privately by people in Northern Ireland cannot be described as shotguns for rural areas? Will he look at the total number of licences that have been issued and consider whether he can withdraw as many as are not consistent with normal usage in a rural area?

I have been looking into these matters very carefully, to the extent that I think it is right to give the House some figures. There are 73,345 shotguns, 11,826 air weapons—for which I think I am right in saying permits are not required in this country—13,305 rifles of a 0·22 calibre, 60 other rifles, and 7,345 hand guns, of which 4,978 are for members of the security forces. Looking at those figures and recognising that shotguns have not been called in anywhere—nor, indeed, has anyone suggested that they should be called in anywhere—one sees, in addition, a considerable number issued to individuals for the usual sentimental reasons. Having looked at all those figures, I do not accept that there is an enormous problem of legally held weapons. It is only fair to put the numbers in perspective. Having done that, I have said what I am prepared to consider. I am prepared to consider other measures as well, but I am not prepared to put people in rural areas at personal risk.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that what he has just said in his concluding sentence will be warmly welcomed? We are perfectly happy that he should take powers to have ballistics tests done, because we are confident that they will establish that legally held arms have never been responsible for any act of violence in the past. However, there is grave anxiety that this sustained pressure from all kinds of sources for him to act against legally held arms is designed to ensure the maximum uncertainty and anxiety for people who fear for their lives.

I understand that. I have mentioned the purposes for which I am considering some new powers. Many of the sources advocating this matter in various parts of the House would require me in any event to take new powers to meet them. I am prepared to consider the whole situation. However, I repeat quite firmly, because it is very important, that shotguns in rural areas used for the personal protection of people living in isolated areas and for members of the security forces are necessary in the current circumstances in Northern Ireland. I am confident that these weapons are not being used in the present terrorist campaign. If I find that they are being used, particularly in Belfast, which is a problem I am prepared to look at somewhat separately from the rest of the country—that is where the main problem lies—I am prepared to consider further action.

Is the Secretary of State aware that we welcome his announcement today, but as a first step, because there are too many guns in Northern Ireland as we saw yesterday? Is he aware that we seek not to take guns from those who need them. I should be the last to suggest doing so. As the right hon. Gentleman knows, I seek protection when I visit Northern Ireland. Therefore, I am aware that there are others who need protection on a much longer scale than I do. We on this side of the House are not concerned about that. We realise and accept the situation in that respect. However, will he check a matter that has been reported to me, that some leaders of the UDA carry weapons and licences in their pockets which they claim justify the carrying of those weapons?

I am grateful to the hon. Gentleman for making it perfectly clear that he and his right hon. and hon. Friends do not wish to see protection withdrawn from those who genuinely need it. That is widely accepted on both sides of the House.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland whether he is satisfied with the latest measures taken to combat terrorism.

So long as violence and terrorism continues, one cannot of course be satisfied. But my hon. Friend might like to know that in January, as a result of arrests made by the security forces, over 100 men have been charged with offences, including 16 charged with 10 murders, and three charged with attempted murders. So far this month, seven known Protestant extremists and 16 known IRA men have been arrested. Eighty-six firearms, 6,000 rounds of ammunition, and over one ton of explosives have been found by the security forces in both Protestant and Catholic areas since the beginning of the year. I think that is a very good record.

It goes without saying that we have only the greatest praise for the gallantry and courage of the security forces in Northern Ireland in difficult circumstances.

Force levels in Northern Ireland are kept under constant review in the light of the security situation at any one time. The two questions relating to the disposition of the UDR are matters for my hon. Friend the Minister of State for Defence.

In view of the violence that occurred in Belfast and throughout Northern Ireland yesterday, may I ask the Minister to bear in mind the need for the tightening of security around police stations so that the people who are now attacking the Royal Ulster Constabulary cannot get within yards of the police stations to carry out their attacks? Will he again look into the question of curfews and searches? Will he assure the House that when shooting occurs in an area and the security forces believe that those carrying out the shooting are obtaining sanctuary in that area, it will be sealed off, no one will be allowed to move out or in, and a thorough search will be made so that, by a process of elimination, the people committing the murders may be found?

In all areas?

In all areas.

The hon. Gentleman did not say that.

The protection of police stations is a matter which is very much in our minds. Considerable provisions are made for the security of police stations. If there is room for improvement—we are always looking for it—we will carry it out.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that most ordinary British people find it utterly impossible to understand the madness that is going on in Northern Ireland at present and that they are fast coming to the view that sooner or later the Government, on behalf of the overwhelming majority of people, will have to tell the people of Northern Ireland that if they continue in this way we shall have to withdraw our troops and leave them to solve the problem themselves? It is not right that ordinary British men in the Forces are being shot down by mad dogs on both sides of this argument.

I am sure that many people outside this House and in Northern Ireland will listen to the sentiments which the hon. Gentleman has expressed. While I do not agree with them, I understand why his feelings should be that way.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if and when he intends to introduce legislation to implement the recommendations of the Diplock Report.

I would refer the hon. Gentleman to my statement on 20th December, in which I said that the Government accepted in principle the recommendations of the Diplock Commission and would bring forward for consideration legislation to give effect to them.

Will the right hon. Gentleman state what discussions he has had with various professional bodies in Northern Ireland about the recommendations of the Diplock Report, many parts of which are subject to a great deal of criticism by members of the professions? Can he also give some indication to the House when he expects the legislation to come forward—if it is to come forward?

I have said that legislation will come forward as soon as possible. I have not had discussions with the professional bodies, but I should be only too pleased to receive any representations or deputations they may like to send me upon them.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland whether he will now take action to outlaw the Ulster Defence Association, following its sanction of sectarian murder in Northern Ireland.

I keep under constant review the advantages and disadvantages of proscribing particular organisations.

As the UDA is virtually the mirror image of the IRA, and as each organisation provides the pretext for the violent actions of the other, does the right hon. Gentleman realise that only an even-handed policy against both of them will have fruitful results?

Neither the hon. Gentleman nor the House would wish me to get involved in these arguments at this time, for obvious reasons. I think that I made it clear this week—although I think that I am entitled to make it clear again to the House and to everyone concerned—that the basic principle that must exist in that no man, in no position, no matter how loud he may shout, or anything else, can be above the law.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that there was no UDA in Northern Ireland before the political initiative in March of this year? Is he also aware that the IRA, both Official and Provisional, ever since the State came into existence, has on its own admission—it has stated this repeatedly—pursued a deliberate campaign designed to overthrow the State by undemocratic means, by violence, and that in the last three years this campaign of bombing and shooting has led to over 700 deaths and very much physical injury, mutilation and damage to property?

I do not wish to get involved in all these arguments about the past. I think that I have made my position on them abundantly clear on many occasions. My hon. Friend will recognise that the UVF, a very extreme Protestant organisation, has been a proscribed organisation for a very long time. That is interesting, for the House will know that particular person who proscribed that organisation.

As the sectarian death toll and violence has jumped up since last week, since the Deputy Commander of the UDA announced that he could no longer restrain Protestant extremism, has the Secretary of State invited that gentleman, Mr. Thomas Herron, to explain what restraints he is no longer prepared to exercise in February that he and his colleagues in the UDA were prepared to uphold in January?

All these matters have to be carefully considered and all these wild statements considered in the context in which they are made. Unfortunately I have to listen to them, read them and judge their value, and, at the same time, keep my own calm counsels throughout.

Does the Secretary of State agree that if there were no IRA there would be no UDA or kindred organisations in Northern Ireland?

It would be a matter of universal agreement by a vast number of people in Northern Ireland, and, indeed, throughout the country. If there were no IRA, UDA, UVF or any other such bodies, including all the various "Fs", it would be a very much better place.