asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs what steps he is taking to improve labour conditions in Hong Kong.

Labour legislation and enforcement in Hong Kong are primarily matters for the Hong Kong Government and are kept under constant review. Since 1964 no fewer than 83 separate items of legislation have been enacted.

Does the hon. Gentleman not agree that the British Government have a responsibility in respect of labour laws, since Britain is a constituent member of the ILO? Does he further agree that the British Government could make a major contribution if, as a start, they were to implement ILO Conventions Nos. 24, 32, 94 and 98?

As I have said, these are matters primarily for the Hong Kong Government, but Her Majesty's Government also have a responsibility. I shall look at the long list of resolutions mentioned by the hon. Gentleman to see if they will be helpful.

Does my hon. Friend agree that, thanks to the actions of the Hong Kong Government and the work of the people of Hong Kong, the improvement in the well-being of the Hong Kong people in recent years has been quite remarkable?

That most certainly is the case. Real wages in Hong Kong have risen by 56 per cent. since 1964 and Hong Kong wages are now the highest in Asia, outside Japan.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs whether Her Majesty's Government will be represented at the Conference sponsored by the United Nations and the Organisation of African Unity on Colonialism and Apartheid in Oslo during the month of April.

No final decision has yet been taken on whether to nominate experts to attend this conference.

May I strongly urge the hon. Gentleman to consider sending somebody to this conference? Is he not aware that if the British Government boycott this conference, which is supported by the OAU and the United Nations—and let us remember that we shall be boycotting it at a time when Britain is celebrating the Anglo-Portuguese alliance—this will confirm the suspicions of many people that Britain is likely to be on the wrong side of the struggle against apartheid in southern Africa?

I am not sure that that would be the conclusion reached by other countries, but we have not yet reached a final decision. We abstained on the resolution to set up the conference because we were doubtful whether it would make a useful contribution to the solution of South Africa's problems. But, as I have said, no final decision has yet been taken.

Will the largest example of colonialism that still exists in the world, namely, that of the Soviet Union, be discussed at this conference? That might determine our attitude.

I do not think that the agenda for the conference has yet been settled.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs whether, having regard to the Third Geneva Convention of 1949, Her Majesty's Government will offer their good offices to facilitate the repatriation of Pakistani prisoners-of-war from India.

We have already made known our willingness to help with any of the problems over reaching a settlement in the subcontinent, if the countries themselves seek our help and are agreed on the rôle we should play. But, as my hon. Friend will know, India and Pakistan agreed at Simla last July to settle their differences through bilateral negotiations. This probably holds the best prospect of success for the present.

Is not the holding so long after the ending of hostilities of perhaps 90,000 prisoners—if civilians are included—contrary to international convention, contrary to the canons of humanity and something of a Commonwealth scandal?

The subject of prisoners is a great human problem, and I am aware that the Pakistanis feel deeply about it. We want to get results. I do not know whether my hon. Friend is aware that Dr. Waldheim has recently visited India, Pakistan and Bangladesh. He said that he had useful talks in all three capitals and was impressed by the serious intent of all the parties to reach a settlement. I hope that this matter will be pursued trilaterally in the subcontinent.

Is the Foreign Secretary aware that I made representations to him on this matter as far back as December and that the situation has in no way changed since his reply? Does he appreciate that feeling is running very high among the 4,000-strong Pakistani community in my constituency? Will he renew his efforts to get a solution to this problem?

Yes, the right hon. Lady is quite right. I have already said that this is a great human problem. I have no doubt about the feelings of the Pakistanis. The problem is to get results, and to get them as quickly as we can. I have already told the House that the Secretary-General has recently applied himself to this task in the countries concerned. We must wait a little longer to see whether there is any useful action we can take over and above that.

Will my right hon. Friend hazard a guess at the reason why the Indian Government are so reluctant to let these prisoners go, since this must be an additional burden on them which they must sustain?

The Indian Government would like to see the prisoners go as fast as they can, but they have a bilateral relationship with Bangladesh.

I appreciate the complex arguments and the disputes in that part of the world but ought not the right hon. Gentleman to make an approach in respect of the women, children and merchant seamen—the non-combatants—held and classed as prisoners-of-war, and urge his right hon. Friend the Prime Minister at the forthcoming Commonwealth Prime Ministers' Conference to raise with the Indian Prime Minister the possible release of all these prisoners?

Yes, Sir. We are in constant touch with the countries concerned. The Red Cross in India and Bangladesh has made arrangements for the transfer of civilians so that some Bengalis may go back to Bangladesh and others in Bangladesh who wish to go to Pakistan may do so. It is a continuing process. But I should prefer to get in touch with the hon. Gentleman to give him more details, if I may.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs if he intends taking any fresh initiatives to secure the implementation of Her Majesty's Government's sponsored United Nations Resolution 242, November 1967.

The policy of Her Majesty's Government in the Middle East remains to do all they can to help towards a peaceful settlement on the basis of Security Council Resolution 242 of November 1967. If there was any particular step which we thought could assist a settlement we should take it. But that is not the case at the present time.

Does the right hon. Gentleman agree that the shooting down of the Libyan aircraft and the recent raid on the Lebanon by the Israelis give fresh impetus to the need to implement Resolution 242, especially with regard to withdrawal from occupied territories? Will the right hon. Gentleman assure the House that he will make our viewpoint on this matter crystal clear to the American Government?

I agree that the latest incident—the shooting down of the aircraft—has been a very grave development in a situation which is already bad enough. When the hon. Gentleman says that we ought to make progress on complete withdrawal by the Israeli occupying forces, I agree with him. We ought to. We shall make every effort to get the Israelis to agree. But no one has yet been able to marry a formula for military withdrawal with security for Israel of her frontiers.

Will my right hon. Friend confirm that it is his view that the only way to achieve a just, viable and lasting peace in the Middle East is to bring the two sides together round the same negotiating table? Will he use his initiative to press upon Israel and her Arab neighbours the importance of getting round that negotiating table to achieve what we all desire?

I do not think that the matter can be settled until there is direct negotiation. But neither party will yet agree on the basis of a meeting. That was the hope of Dr. Jarring. But progress is being made.

Is the right hon. Gentleman in close co-operation and consultation with the Americans in respect of their initiative in this matter?

Yes, Sir. I hope that the Americans have an initiative.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs whether the Ghanaian Government are making prompt and adequate payments for the 55 per cent. equity in British mining and timber companies compulsorily acquired by degree; and whether appropriate compensation will be paid in respect of the announced compulsory acquisition of shares in other British and foreign-owned business.

Her Majesty's Government have made representations to the Ghanaian Government, reminding them of the need under international law for prompt, adequate and effective compensation for the acquisition of a participating interest in British companies. We have received an assurance that fair compensation will be paid. The Ghanaians are negotiating the terms of participation with the firms concerned.

Has my right hon. Friend any advice to give to firms at present trading in Ghana which for years have been unable to remit any profits? Does not the recent action by the Government of Ghana militate against any fresh investment of Western capital in Ghana or, for that matter, in any nearby African country?

A refusal to allow a remittance of earnings and any failure to pay prompt and fair compensation for acquisition must adversely affect investment. The World Bank, on behalf of the Western creditors, presented the Ghanaian Government with proposals for a debt settlement in November 1972 and we are awaiting the Ghanaian Government's response to that proposal.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs what progress has been made over the proposal to introduce reindeer into the Falkland Islands from South Georgia.

The feasibility of this scheme is under investigation by the Falkland Islands Company.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that the handful of reindeer imported into South Georgia from Norway in the early 1900s are now several thousand strong and that they have adapted themselves to converting Tussock grass and therefore do not compete with sheep? Is my right hon. Friend further aware that there is no risk of their introducing disease and that they could be a most valuable export——

Order. Is the hon. Member for Dorset, North (Mr. David James) asking for information?

My hon. Friend's philoprogenitive record entitles him to a special right to raise questions about the transport traditionally used by Father Christmas. However, he will appreciate that grazing land in the Falklands is limited, that we do not want too much competition for the sheep, and that the introduction of reindeer might upset the present balance of wild life. All these matters are being studied at the moment.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs what recent discussions he has had with representatives of the Indian Government on matters of mutual interest.

I am in frequent touch with the Indian Government on a wide range of subjects of mutual interest.

I thank the right hon. Gentleman for that reply. Is he aware that at the moment appalling problems exist in certain States in India as a result of drought and food shortages? In view of our close ties with India, can the right hon. Gentleman say what aid we are offering the Indian Government as a means of minimising the problems and the human suffering that now exists?

We are of course in touch with the Indian Government. If the Indian Government wish to raise the question of additional aid in this context I hope that they will do so. If they do, we shall give the matter very serious consideration. As the hon. Gentleman knows, we have spent a great deal of money in Bangladesh helping with food supplies. I have not yet heard from the Indians on this matter.

Will my right hon. Friend consider inviting representatives of the Indian, Bangladeshi and Pakistani Governments to very high ministerial talks in London, in view of the urgent need to bring the three parties together to talk over their mutual differences?

That offer has been made. It is still open. At the moment the parties wish to talk bilaterally.

Taking up the question asked by the hon. Member for Bradford, West (Mr. Wilkinson), will the right hon. Gentleman impress upon both sides that the sensible solution to the prisoner-of-war problem is for the release of the prisoners held in India in exchange for those detained in Pakistan? Surely that is the commonsense solution to the problem.

The hon. Gentleman will realise that political considerations are bound up in all this. What we may regard as the sensible solution is a view not necessarily shared in all three countries in the sub-continent. Nevertheless, the exchange of civilians has begun, and I hope that it will be extended to prisoners of war.

Is not it a pity to try to drag in one political consideration after another? Is not it the simple fact that according to the Geneva Convention, the amendment to which was signed in 1949 by India, amongst others, all military prisoners of war should be returned to their countries of origin, irrespective of political considerations, at the termination of hostilities? Is not this 14 months overdue?

My hon. Friend knows that the facts are seldom as simple as they are said to be.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs what is his estimate, derived from information received by officials of his Department, of the value of assets in Uganda of those Ugandan Asians at present in the United Kingdom.

We are continuing to record information as it is received from United Kingdom nationals, but the returned forms are not yet a sufficient proportion of those issued to allow a useful estimate to be made of the value of assets left in Uganda.

Will my right hon. Friend confirm that the British Government hold General Amin and his racialist régime personally responsible for the value of those assets, whatever it is? Will my right hon. Friend go a little further and say that he will refuse to treat with, or attend the same conference attended by, the Ugandan Government, unless it is on this specific matter, and then only after a change in the obscene policies of that Government?

We hold the Ugandan Government responsible for paying the compensation. My hon. Friend might like to know that so far more than 8,000 sets of forms have been issued by the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and the Uganda Resettlement Board, and that so far there have been about 2,200 replies. At the moment, we are pursuing with the Ugandan Government the question of compensation. I must reserve what action we take, should that approach fail, for decision later on.

The right hon. Gentleman knows that many British subjects, of Asian or United Kingdom origin, are in considerable difficulties as a result of their expulsion from Uganda. Is he able to say more about the way in which the compensation negotiations are going? Is he able to give some measure of hope to these people who have been expelled, through no fault of their own, and are in great financial straits, again through no fault of their own, that the Government will at least look sympathetically upon their difficulties?

Yes, we shall do that. We are trying our best to help them. It is essential that the Ugandan Government should be held responsible for compensation and, what is more, responsible in currency which is transferable. The last meeting that was held with our representatives in Kampala was on 22nd February.

Is the right hon. Gentleman seriously saying that he is negotiating with the Ugandan Government to try to get compensation before he decides what retribution he will apply if they do not pay it? Is not that a form of diplomacy which is bound to lead to failure?

There is a high chance that it will lead to failure, but we are bound to try. We must try to get compensation. The Government of Uganda have admitted the right to compensation, and we must try to get the actual compensation for the sake of these individuals. Other actions which may follow later may be satisfactory to some people but will not help the individual.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs what representations he has made to the Government of Greece about their refusal to allow Mr. Richard Weeks of The Firs, Downend, Bristol, to enter Greece.

None, Sir.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that unsubstantiated accusations against my constituent are hardly likely to commend the present Greek Government to moderate opinion in this country?

I have no doubt that what my hon. Friend says is true, but the Greek Government, like any other, have the right to decide whom they take into their country and whom they do not.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that last month I was successful in entering Greece to observe a trial there——

And successful in getting out again.

—and also successful in getting out. Is my right hon. Friend aware that during my two days there a small box of cigars which I received——

Order. This is getting a long way from Mr. Richard Weeks.

rose——

Order. I call the hon. Member for Middleton and Prestwich (Mr. Haselhurst) to ask the next Question.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs what discussions he held on the subject of Rhodesia during his African tour; and if he will make a statement.

I had discussions on Rhodesia in all three of the countries which I visited in West Africa. The content of these discussions must, as is customary, remain confidential.

Was my right hon. Friend able to ascertain any sympathy for the point of view that in the light of likely alternatives it might be better for the Africans in Rhodesia that a settlement should be found within the course of this year on the basis of something similar to the proposals which he discussed with Mr. Smith a year ago?

I do not think that the African Governments would as far as that. They would like to see a settlement for the sake of the whole African continent in which the Africans could take part.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that Mr. Smith is reported as saying that talks are taking place between Her Majesty's Government and the Rhodesians on the Rhodesian question, as the British Government are more amenable to such discussions than their predecessors were? Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether these talks are taking place, and, if they are, what is the nature and extent of them, and who is speaking to whom?

I do not know about comparisons with our predecessors. Right hon. Gentlemen opposite had many discussions during their term of office. I have followed those up, so far unsuccessfully, but we are in touch with Mr. Smith. We hope that Bishop Muzorewa and the Africans can get in contact with Mr. Smith, and that as a result some proposals may come from Rhodesia. I cannot say that I am very optimistic, because one knows the history of this matter, but that is what we are doing.

There can be no objection to discussions with the Government of Mr. Smith, provided that the principles upon which the right hon. Gentleman has hitherto acted are maintained. Has the right hon. Gentleman any information about the arrest of the three members of the African National Council, and does he propose to make any representations to Mr. Smith that this kind of behaviour is unlikely to encourage that council to have serious discussions with him?

Yes, Sir; I am doing that.

I thank the right hon. Gentleman.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs if he will make a further statement about Rhodesia.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs what notification he has received of recent developments in Rhodesia conducive to an eventual settlement of the constitutional dispute with the Smith Government.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs if he will make a statement about the present position in Rhodesia.

There have been a number of contacts between the régime and various sectors of African opinion. In spite of difficulties reported during the last few days, it is our hope that such contacts will be pursued. But, as the House knows, we cannot directly bring about a dialogue between the races in Rhodesia. This is something which only the Rhodesians can do for themselves.

Bearing in mind what the right hon. Gentleman said about the grave danger to Southern Africa as a whole, to which the present régime in Rhodesia is contributing, may I ask him whether he can say anything about the report of the imprisonment of Mr. Niesewand, and also the allegation that ships carrying the British flag are conveying Rhodesian chrome to the United States of America?

I should like to make inquiries about that and inform the hon. Gentleman of the result. I do not have the facts.

Would it not help the situation if my right hon. Friend were to have a representative in Rhodesia so that we could get more accurate information about what is happening in Central Africa?

There is quite a lot to be said for my right hon. Friend's suggestion, but at the moment I do not think that it would be acceptable to Mr. Smith.

Mr. Ian Smith is reported to have said, before he re-opened his side of the border with Zambia, that he had received certain undertakings which made him happier. Did those undertakings come from the Government, or is this another example of Mr. Smith trying to save his own face?

The Government gave no undertaking. There may have been other contacts, but they are not to my knowledge.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs if he will make a statement on the Rhodesia-Zambia frontier situation.

A confrontation on the Zambesi is not in the interests of any of the parties or countries involved. I very much hope that tension in the border area will speedily be reduced.

I do not want to get my right hon. Friend confused, but does he not agree that during the past six years Zambia has harboured armed guerrillas who have on a number of occasions invaded Rhodesia, and that this was the justification for the closure of the frontier? Does not he also agree that traffic was returning to normal until two days ago, when the Zambians kidnapped a Rhodesian engine driver?

The facts about the engine driver are not yet sufficiently established for me to take any action on this matter. I can only repeat that the danger of a build-up leading to a military confrontation on the Zambesi is something which we should all con- template with horror. We must do all that we can to avoid it.

I agree very much with what the right hon. Gentleman has said. It will be an incredibly intolerable situation if an illegal régime which has been treacherous to the British Crown and Parliament should in any way endanger a Commonwealth Government. Will the right hon. Gentleman therefore continue to do his best to ease the situation there?

Yes, Sir. I shall be seeing the Zambian High Commissioner tomorrow, and shall talk over the situation with him. Zambia has decided to free herself of the danger of any interference with her trade. That we can understand. But, returning to the original question, nothing could be more dangerous than an armed frontier on the Zambesi.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs whether he will make it his policy that the Declaration of Intent in the Treaty of Accession to the EEC to safeguard the interests of Asian countries should not be prejudiced as a result of the forthcoming negotiations for Association in Yaoundé III.

Yes, Sir.

Would not the interests of Asian countries be much better protected by getting the Common Market to adopt our generalised preference scheme rather than by negotiating a series of preferential trade agreements which not only play one poor country off against another and break the rules of GATT but also strengthen protectionist sentiments in the United States?

Asian Commonwealth countries will not only benefit from the generalised preference scheme of the enlarged Community; they have an undertaking that it will be the enlarged Community's continuing objective to expand and reinforce existing trade relations and that the Community will be ready to examine problems which could arise in the future with a view to finding a proper solution. I think that what the Community is offering is better than what the hon. Gentleman is suggesting.

This will be discussed in Zaire towards the end of March by the African Committee of the European Parliament. Will my right hon. Friend give guidance—which I hope hon. Gentlemen opposite will, before long, be present to support—on what the general line should be?

We shall do our best to express our views in the appropriate direction, with which I think my hon. Friend will agree.

The right hon. Gentleman must be aware that the offer of association to the African and Caribbean Commonwealth countries will, by excluding the Asian Commonwealth, have the effect of breaking up the whole Commonwealth trade system. That is one clear effect. That being so, surely the right hon. Gentleman will agree——

Nonsense.

I hear someone saying that that is nonsense, but it is a serious problem. Does the right hon. Gentleman know that the immediate effect will be to deny Indian tobacco preferential access to Britain, while at the same time maintaining a preferential market for East Africa in relation to Britain and the enlarged Community? That is one immediate practicable implication. Is the right hon. Gentleman not aware of this, and does he not agree with my hon. Friend that it would be a far better solution, not only for the Commonwealth but for world trade generally, if we had a generalised preference system rather than any special arrangement for a specialised trade agreement with the Commonwealth Asian countries?

I am sure that the right hon. Gentleman knows that none of the Asian countries concerned has expressed any desire to be associated—in the formal sense of the word—with the Community. He will appreciate—perhaps he slightly overstated the case without meaning to when he talked about the "immediate" result—that the tariff preferences will not be phased out until 1st July 1977.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs if he will make a statement on future proposals for Anguilla.

I have nothing to add to my reply to my hon. Friend on 11th December.—[Vol. 849, c. 6.]

I feared that that might be the reply. Does my hon. Friend not agree that the Anguillans have now amply demonstrated their ability to maintain law and order and political stability in that island, and that no purpose is served in going on with the present situation? Could steps not be taken to bring Anguilla a new constitution more in line with the British Virgin Islands and Montserrat? Can my hon. Friend assure me that he will go out there and discuss the proposed new constitution with Mr. Webster?

It would certainly be enjoyable and interesting, and I hope that an opportunity to go out there will present itself some day. My hon. Friend is right; law and order are being maintained there. But he will recollect that on the Second Reading of the Anguilla Bill the then Minister of State promised a review of the island's status in 1974, taking into account the views of the Anguillans. We have recently written to Mr. Webster, the leader of the Anguilla Council, urging him, in the interests of all parties, to adhere to the timetable which was then set.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs what arrangements exist in Her Majesty's embassies abroad for giving financial assistance to British citizens in cases of emergency.

If a United Kingdom citizen is in difficulties overseas and has funds in the United Kingdom, Her Majesty's missions abroad will assist him in arranging to transfer funds.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that a constituent of mine who was unavoidably stranded in Rome was refused such assistance because the embassy staff said that all they had at their disposal was voluntary funds? In those circumstances, why should not loans, which would assuredly be repaid be made to any citizens in such a distressing situation?

The Under-Secretary of State wrote to the hon. Gentleman about Mrs. Rennie, his constituent. We offered to help to transfer money rapidly through Thomas Cooks to Mrs. Rennie, but she declined the offer.

What assistance—financial or otherwise—was given to Mr. Wyman, who was recently charged and found guilty of espionage in a Dublin court? Can my right hon. Friend help the House on the allegation which was made, and tell us whether he was working as a British agent, and for which Minister?

I should want notice of that question. There is, of course, no difficulty about the transfer of funds between London and Dublin.

Will the right hon. Gentleman ensure that I receive as soon as possible a reply to the letter I sent to the Foreign and Commonwealth Office with regard to the situation of a constituent of mine who has been swindled out of all his personal possessions in Venezuela, and on whose behalf I have written to the Foreign and Commonwealth Office asking for the intervention of the British Embassy in Caracas?

I am sorry that the hon. Gentleman has received no reply yet. I will of course do my best to expedite a reply. If the circumstances concern Caracas, the hon. Gentleman may understand that it could be a little time before we know the exact facts.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs if he will make a further statement on the talks at Helsinki to prepare for the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe.

The preparatory talks in Helsinki resumed on 26th February after a short break to allow for consultations in capitals. A large number of proposals have been tabled on the work which should be undertaken at the conference. They must now be examined in detail.

Are the Russians now showing any more concrete evidence of being receptive about proposals for the greater exchange of persons and information among European countries?

The Russians have been co-operative in trying to frame an agenda which will allow these questions to be raised. The questions now being considered cover security, cooperation in the field of economics and the environment and the development of human contacts abroad, new cultural and educational exchanges and the wider flow of information. Under these headings I think that we will be able to raise at the conference what subjects we wish.

Is not this conference an example of something being kept going for no good purpose? Will the right hon. Gentleman say how much money and time has been devoted by officials to the so-called preparations for the conference which is to follow this one?

Not without notice. This conference could be worthwhile. It will, incidentally, be the first time that members of the Warsaw Pact and of NATO, plus non-aligned countries, have met on one platform. That is something. We do not want general declarations of intention to live together in peace—we have got beyond that. We want to develop certain areas where Eastern Europe and Western Europe can identify mutual advantage and perhaps exploit it. I think that it will be worth-while.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs if he will take steps to end the issue of family passports.

No, Sir. There remains a considerable demand for the family, passport.

May I remind my right hon. Friend that Queen Victoria is dead? Is it not about time that a system was ended whereby the husband but not the wife may travel alone on the passport?

Although Queen Victoria is dead, we still have families.

The right hon. Gentleman should not treat this question so frivolously. There is a serious anomaly here. So long as these family passports are issued they should be freely usable by each person whose name is on the passport. It is humiliating to the wife if the passport is in joint names. Will he undertake to consider that aspect of the problem?

I take the point, but the hon. Gentleman will realise that the limitation at present in force is based on recommendations of an international conference held in 1926. The countries concerned accepted the recommendations. Any change in our practice could be made only after consultation with the other countries. The hon. Gentleman will appreciate that it would not be worth while issuing a passport which was not accepted by recipient countries.

Will my right hon. Friend undertake to reconsider this matter? Quite apart from the consideration which my hon. Friend the Member for Merton and Morden (Miss Fookes) has in mind, is my right hon. Friend aware that the family passport gives rise to considerable difficulty and abuses in relation to immigration control? For that reason alone, it should be looked at again.

But it is also very much cheaper, and a high proportion of families going abroad for their holidays take advantage of this facility.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that his replies are both frivolous and irrelevant and, I imagine, command no support anywhere? Would he please take note of the view of the House that, clearly, a convention of 1926 ought to be reviewed by now, that he should initiate the review and report to the House quickly with his recommendations, after an unprejudiced study of the situation?

The right hon. Gentleman's proposal would involve doubling the cost of passports for families taking annual holidays abroad.

May I press the Minister on this? He is putting up a series of defensive answers. Is it not possible for a family to choose whether they will pay the new cost or stick to the original passport? Let the right hon. Gentleman show a little flexibility, and have a decent review of this situation.

I really cannot see what the right hon. Gentleman is talking about. There is every flexibility. No one is saying that the family must have a family passport. It is only that they are given a cheap passport if they take a family passport. They can always have a separate passport for the husband and for the wife.

On a point of order, Mr. Speaker. In view of the unsatisfactory nature of that reply, I beg to give notice that I shall seek to raise the matter on the Adjournment.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs what is the present level of the trade and similar representation at the Russian Embassy in London; and how this compares with similar representation in February 1970.

There are 44 permanent officials at the Soviet trade delegation, which is separate from the embassy, and 93 in other organisations, mostly of a commercial kind.

Has my right hon. Friend conveyed to the Soviet Union our pleasure at the improved relations both in diplomatic matters and in a trade sense? Has he further conveyed our feeling that those relations would be put in jeopardy if there were to be a repetition of the over-staffing of the Russian Embassy, which might lead to a repetition of the events of November 1971?

My hon. Friend will accept that the facts speak for themselves. Our exports to the Soviet Union have risen from £89 million to £90 million worth and our imports from £205 million to £227 million worth. So clearly our trade has not be adversely affected; it has somewhat improved.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs whether he will take the initiative in proposing to other Commonwealth Governments that Uganda should be suspended from Commonwealth membership; and what the result is of the review of general policy towards Uganda which he undertook to conduct.

I announced the result of our review of policy towards Uganda in the House on 30th November and amplified this on 19th December. At present we are concentrating on the question of compensation for the United Kingdom passport holders and British subjects who have been evicted.

Will the Foreign Secretary accept my apologies for having missed the results of his grand review of policy? Will he say whether he is not considering the termination of Commonwealth preferences immediately, and not waiting for the EEC arrangements to take effect? If we are to exercise any pressure upon Amin, does not he agree that we must make clear what consequences will follow on our part? Would not he agree that it is essential, before the Commonwealth Conference, to say that for our part we draw the line at Amin and that other Commonwealth countries should do the same? Have we taken soundings of other Commonwealth Governments to that end?

The hon. Gentleman did not miss this; I remember his commenting on it. We ended all aid to Uganda. Now we are looking at the question of compensation for the sake of individuals. I remind the hon. Gentleman that individuals suffered terrible hardship. We must try to get compensation out of the Ugandan Government.

Is it not simply a matter of principle that if the Commonwealth means anything the British Government ought to take the lead in trying to expel Uganda so long as it practises its racialist and obscene policies?

Certain conventions and principles guide members of the Commonwealth, and they have to be discussed in the proper forum. Certainly one member cannot take an initiative in expelling another. The proper time to discuss this is undoubtedly when the Commonwealth Prime Ministers meet.

There will be a lot of support, despite the emotion, for the right hon. Gentleman's caution in this matter. Is there not a great difference between a country like, for example, South Africa—where the people had a chance of expressing their views in a very limited sense when the decision to leave the Commonwealth was taken—and the position of the people of Uganda, who have had no opportunity of expressing a view?

I am obliged to the right hon. Gentleman. What he says is true. Our relations with Uganda were very close, and the people were and still are very friendly. We should not move with haste in this matter.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs what action is being taken to ensure that dependent territories of the Commonwealth, which are outside the new sterling area and have not their own currency, have adequate provision for internal and external finance.

Territories within this category already have adequate provision for these purposes and no action is required by Her Majesty's Government.

What help will be given to the dependent territories using the currency of others if they are adversely affected by any moves in the floating of sterling?

If one of these countries is adversely affected by rate fluctuations of that kind it would certainly be one of the factors that we should take into account in determining the appropriate level of aid to the individual territory.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs what progress is being made towards constitutional reform in the Solomons, the Gilbert and Ellice Islands and the Condominium of the New Hebrides.

I would refer the hon. Member to what my hon. Friend the Under-Secretary told the House on 27th November and 11th December. In December the Legislative Council of the Gilbert and Ellice Island set up a Select Committee to make recommendations for constitutional changes there.—[Vol. 847 c. 14–15, 518–19; Vol. 848 c. 4–5.]

While obviously the need for economic aid will be with us for a very long time, now that we see the great changes coming in Papua and Guinea, could it not well be that the need to expedite constitutional change, especially in the Solomons, has arrived?

I am sure that there is a great deal of validity in the point the right hon. Gentleman is making. He will know that the Select Committee on the Constitution of the Solomon Islands has made proposals. It is not, however, for Her Majesty's Government to consider or to comment on the Committee's proposals at this stage. In due course, after the election, a new governing council will decide what recommendations to convey to the High Commissioner, and we shall consider them at that stage.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs what discussions he has held with NATO and EEC partners concerning the future of the United States military presence in Europe.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs what discussions he has held with NATO and EEC partners concerning the future of the United States military presence in Europe.

The content of ministerial discussions is of course confidential. But I would refer the hon. Gentlemen to the communiqué published after the NATO Ministerial Meeting in Brussels last December.

Will the Minister take every possible opportunity of emphasising that the British Government have their faces firmly set against the principle of an emergence of an independent Western European defence system, perhaps with its own Western European independent deterrent?

I am glad to register the hon. Gentleman's support for a continuing American presence in Europe.

Does my right hon. Friend agree that the attitude which the Common Market countries take towards America in the forthcoming GATT negotiations and, indeed, in relation to America's problems generally, could have a very serious effect upon the American defence presence in Europe?

I would draw my hon. Friend's attention to the statement by Mr. Secretary Rogers at a Press conference on 15th February when he was asked about a possible connection between trade and monetary matters on the one hand and the maintenance of American troops in Europe on the other. He replied. "There is no linkage between the two".

Does not the American Congress proposal for a withdrawal of troops from Europe present a great opportunity for pressing for the withdrawal of all foreign troops from Europe, including Soviet troops from Eastern Europe and BAOR from Germany? Is this not infinitely preferable to the Government policy of opposing the American proposal and having instead a joint nuclear force, or to an increasing burden on existing European countries, or to having a build-up instead of a reduction of world forces, thereby increasing the arms race?

I do not know of any contradiction between American and European policy in this matter. Soviet defence expenditure has increased by 5 per cent. in each of the last five years, whereas Western expenditure has remained static. Our moderate increase this year is mainly in respect of wages and salaries, and not of equipment.

Will the Minister remind our European allies of the importance of maintaining Europe's naval strength, particularly in a fairly fluid political situation from which force level reductions on the mainland of Europe may ensue?

It is essential that all of us in Europe should maintain and, to some extent, increase our contribution to defence. It is only natural that as we grow more prosperous as a result of the European Community we should carry a larger share of the defence burden.

Is there not a real danger that if the EEC continues to be too negative towards the United States' proposals for liberalising trade, the United States' views on defence might begin to change?

That is not my impression. It is certainly not what Mr. Secretary Rogers said in the Press conference to which I referred.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs if he will give additional technical assistance to assist in the financing of the required infrastructure of co-operatives as recommended in the resolution adopted at the UNCTAD session on 15th May 1972; and if he will make a statement.

British aid to co-operatives is already substantial. In addition to technical assistance, capital is provided to help establish new co-operatives. We are, for example, contributing £7 millions towards the cost of the fertiliser complex at Kandla which will be run by the Indian Farmers' Fertiliser Co-operative.

Does the acceptance of the resolution represent any change of balance for a greater proportion of aid to go to this type of infrastrucure financing? Although I do not expect the Minister to give me an off-the-cuff answer, will he give me in writing a breakdown of the way in which, after the passing of the resolution, there have been policy changes?

I will certainly do that.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs whether he will give an assurance that in the discussions about a common EEC policy on development cooperation he will seek to ensure that all developing countries are treated on the basis of their needs.

Yes, Sir. We aim to encourage the wider acceptance of the general principle that both the distribution and the terms of aid should be related primarily to the needs of individual developing countries. We also recognise the importance of trade and are discussing with our partners ways of improving these countries' export opportunities.

I appreciate the Minister's reply. Will he take note of the fact that because a country is an ex-colony or an ex-member of the Commonwealth it does not necessarily indicate that it is in need of assistance? Is he aware that the test of whether Europe will be an inward-looking or an outward-looking organisation will be in its approach to assistance to developing countries. Is he aware that the continuance of the Yaoundé pattern is unlikely to be encouraging if that is what is contemplated?

I think my agreement to the hon. Member's proposition was implicit in the answer that I gave. Certainly, however, we recognise a need to achieve a balance between the two objectives contained in the communiqué of the Summit last October, one of which spoke of the advantages enjoyed by countries with which the Community has special relations and the other of the need to fulfil the expectations of all developing countries.

Does the Minister agree that there is growing concern among developing countries about the list of excluded commodities in the Yaoundé Convention, and is there any hope that the Government will take the lead in shortening that list?

These matters will all be discussed when the negotiations begin, which will be shortly.

Is there any prospect of reviewing the servicing of debt by the developing countries, which seems to be eating up more and more of the aid that is being voted every year?

That is an immensely important question. We intend to take every opportunity to discuss both remedial and preventive measures to try to avoid these problems getting completely out of control.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs whether Great Britain will provide further aid to the Sudan following the conclusion of its civil war in the South.

I have decided to make a further payment of £250,000 to the South Sudan relief appeal by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. I have also decided to provide £50,000 to be shared among British voluntary societies which have been working for the past 12 months in the south. Parliament will be asked to approve the necessary Supplementary Estimates. Meanwhile, an advance will be sought from the Contingency Fund. The total grants made by Her Majesty's Government for relief work in South Sudan will now be £750,000.

I am grateful to my right hon. Friend for that statement, but is he aware that this is the first anniversary of the peace settlement in the south and that we have strong historical ties with the Sudan? This announcement of further aid, albeit a relatively small sum, will he warmly welcomed by the Sudanese in the south and in the north. But the greatest need is for a sustained flow of cash aid and technical assistance over a long period in the south. Will the Minister ask our allies, particularly in the EEC, to respond to our lead in this?

All this will be taken into account. My hon. Friend the Under-Secretary will be in Khartoum, and later Juba, tomorrow, and will no doubt be considering the matter. As my hon. Friend knows, there is the likelihood of further discussions later this month.

I thank the Minister for his announcement about the aid. Is he aware that after 16 years of civil war this is the most magnanimous settlement of any civil war I have known anywhere in the world, and is perhaps an example to us nearer home. But is the Minister further aware that about half a million refugees are due soon, before the wet season, from Uganda and the Congo and what is now needed is cash to set in motion public works of all kinds for the unemployed and under-employed who are coming back? Will the Minister consider a further sum in the near future?

It was for that kind of reason that I decided to make this further contribution. I will certainly take into account what the hon. Member has said.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs what aid is being given in the current year to the New Hebrides.

British aid to the New Hebrides in the present financial year will be about £2·3 millions.

What measures are we taking to offer technical help to the Pacific Islands to alleviate the effects of pollution as a result of the French nuclear tests?

Whatever explosions do or do not take place in the Pacific Ocean, there will be a considerable need by islands like the New Hebrides for aid of all kinds, which is what we are trying to provide.

Is it the case that when we increase aid to the New Hebrides the French do the same in proportion?

I do not have the details of the aid given by the French but I believe that it is considerable.

We all deplore the French tests that took place, but is there any evidence that pollution has affected the economy of any of these islands?

I cannot give that information in aswer to this Question, which is about aid for the present year to the New Hebrides.

asked the Secretary of State for the Environment how many representations he has received about the proposal to introduce concessionary fares on public transport for young people under the age of 16 years.

Thirty-four since January 1972, including one petition.

Does not the Minister feel that it is time that this matter was given more serious attention? The concession was originally given for children at school, but subsequently the school leaving age was raised to 16? Will the Minister have consultations with the transport authorities with a view to issu- ing guidance about giving the concession at the age of 16?

Concessionary fares for children must be a matter for the commercial judgment of the operators. As for schoolchildren travelling to school, my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Education has a working party considering this question at the moment.

asked the Secretary of State for the Environment what plans he has to implement the two recommendations in paragraph 109 of the recommendations of the Report of the Committee of Inquiry into the Major Ports of Great Britain (Command Paper No. 1824, published in September 1962) about the improvement of communications betwen Southampton and the Midlands and Southampton and the West, respectively.

Road schemes now in preparation or under construction will substantially improve these communications. A study into the need for improvement to the Bristol-Southampton route will be completed next week. The future improvement of rail services is a matter for the British Railways Board.

In view of the development of the port of Southampton as a container port, will my hon. Friend bear in mind that the improvement of road links between Southampton and the Midlands is not only right in itself but could contribute to the easing of the road problems around the north of Greater London?

As a Midlands Member I echo those sentiments. The Abingdon bypass is being constructed, and by the early 1980s, subject to the statutory procedures, there will be a first-class trunk route from Southampton to Birmingham.

The Minister said that the improvement of rail communications was a matter for the British Railways Board. Is that good enough? Surely we should have a properly co-ordinated Government transport policy in which Ministers are concerned with both road and rail development. The Minister himself should have views on what constitutes proper rail development around Southampton.

My right hon. Friend the Minister for Transport Industries and I are looking at the whole question of British Rail. My right hon. Friend has assured the House that it and the public will be taken into our confidence as soon as possible.

Does my hon. Friend agree that every encouragement should be given to British Rail to increase its services to Southampton, as it seems to be taking quite the opposite view? Could not the date of the opening of the roadway to the Midlands be advanced? The present situation is causing severe traffic congestion for juggernauts.

There are proceedings to go through. Many people object to the construction of such roads. They must have their say, and proper inquiries must be undertaken.