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Commons Chamber

Volume 855: debated on Wednesday 18 April 1973

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House Of Commons

Wednesday 18th April 1973

The House met at half-past Two o'clock

Prayers

[Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair]

Oral Answers To Questions

Environment

Home Ownership

1.

asked the Secretary of State for the Environment what steps he is taking to encourage home ownership, in view of the recent increase in mortgage interest rates.

14.

asked the Secretary of State for the Environment what steps he is taking to increase home ownership, in view of rising mortgage rates.

34.

asked the Secretary of State for the Environment what steps he is taking to encourage home ownership, in view of the recent increase in mortgage interest.

The best way of encouraging home ownership is to increase still further the number of houses for sale. The measures set out in the White Paper "Widening the Choice: The Next Steps in Housing" will help to ensure an adequate supply of mortgage funds and building land which are essential for a high and stable level of house building.

I wholeheartedly agree with my hon. Friend that the first priority should be to encourage home ownership. What is the latest position on private sector starts, to the latest convenient date? Is he sure that the proposals in the White Paper will produce enough land? Does he feel that the building societies themselves are assisting the Government's aim of encouraging home ownership, especially for those who have never previously owned their own homes?

On the last part of that question, discussions have begun with the building societies and I am sure that they will be carried out helpfully and cooperatively. As for the other parts of the question, I believe that the steps proposed in the White Paper will ensure an adequate supply of building land being available. As for the number of private housing starts, if the rate of the last three months, from December 1972 to February 1973, were projected at an annual rate, we would have over 250,000 private starts this year.

The county elections, of course, are now over. What will the Minister do if, as is still possible, building societies increase their lending rate to 10 per cent. at their next meeting?

It is a long-established rule in the House that one does not answer hypothetical questions.

What steps is the Minister taking to encourage public sector house building? Does he not think that the whole process would be encouraged if he compelled councils to sell their houses to willing buyers?

We give every encouragement to local authorities to sell their own houses and I strongly support them in doing so. I hope that the Government will not be driven to taking compulsory steps, because the management of their housing stock is one for local authorities themselves. But I must say that my patience is sorely tried by the activities of some local authorities. As to the question of encouraging the public sector, I had a meeting yesterday with some of the local authority associations to discuss a number of matters. As I have made plain again and again in this House, I am anxious that in areas of housing stress there should be an active public sector house building programme.

Has the Minister considered the establishment of a Government building society in order to pump in money provided by the Government and attract money for the Government, so as to bring down interest rates? What precise plans has he if the rate goes up to 10 per cent. as my right hon. Friend the Member for Grimsby (Mr. Crosland) suggested?

I do not think we need assume that it will go up to 10 per cent. The right hon. Gentleman was being uncharacteristically pessimistic. So far, I see no evidence of the need for a Government building society. There seem to be enough building societies already.

Has my hon. Friend any ideas on the supply of land for self-build groups? Does he recognise that they, at least, can produce houses without putting a strain on the building industry, which is one of the bottlenecks in the further provision of houses?

I am very keen on self-build groups. They provide only a small number of houses at present, but I will consider what my hon. Friend says to see whether there is any way in which they can be further helped. This is really up to the local authorities.

Would not the best way of helping owner-occupiers be to keep down the soaring cost of building land? Would not the most effective way of doing that be by the public acquisition of land at its existing use value, as farmland or waste land, instead of at the enormously inflated market value that it acquires once planning or building permission is given?

No, I cannot agree. The hon. Member's proposals would cost the country hundreds, if not thousands, of millions of pounds. They would be wholly impracticable and would fail to achieve their aim. What is essential is that there should be an adequate supply of building land, so that houses can be built on it. If that is done, it will stabilise the price of both houses and land.

Cities (Finance)

2.

asked the Secretary of State for the Environment whether he will make a statement about Government aid to ease the special financial problems of the great cities.

I have nothing to add to the reply given by my right hon. and learned Friend to a similar question from my hon. Friend the Member for Birmingham, Edgbaston (Mrs. Knight) on 6th March.—[Vol. 852. c. 94–6.]

Is the Minister aware of the anger felt by the people of Manchester at the Government's failure to make an adequate contribution towards paying for services provided by the city of Manchester to hundreds of thousands of people who do not live in the city but use those services and who do not contribute towards their cost? Is he further aware of the anger of the people of Manchester at having to pay an increased rate in order to cover the cost of Government legislation of which they disapprove, such as the Housing Finance Act? When will the Minister take some action to help us, instead of just waffling complacently?

The hon. Gentleman appears not to appreciate the purpose of the rate support grant, which is a global figure arranged with the local authorities, in November or thereabouts each year for the following year, so that local authorities may have freedom to decide on what they spend their money and need not ask the taxpayer or ratepayer for more. It is reasonable for the Government to ask them to keep within that estimated expenditure.

Will my right hon. Friend confirm that, in any case, 60 per cent. of local government revenue comes from the central Exchequer, and that if there is any problem, it is surely a problem of the rating system itself, which is illogical, unfair and out of date?

I would not go so far as that. The contribution from the taxpayer is substantial. It is, after all, worked out by agreement with the local authority associations.

Does not the right hon. Gentleman agree that the city of Manchester is in a rather special position? Has he observed that, as a result of the fall in population and the elimination of the rate resources element, it is estimated that Manchester has lost £1·9 million during the period 1972–73? Will he reconsider this problem and give some relief to the burdened ratepayers of the city?

The problem of Manchester is not unique. We are taking account of the problems of the large cities in considering a new formula on which to distribute the rate support grant, which I hope will shortly be put before the House in new legislation.

Operation Eyesore

3.

asked the Secretary of State for the Environment when he now expects to announce a decision about the future of the special environmental assistance scheme Operation Eyesore.

I hope to announce my decision shortly.

Is the Minister aware that I make no apology for raising yet again the urgent need to extend Operation Eyesore beyond 30th June? This is the third time that he has given me this reply. Is he aware that some nervous local authorities have already stopped accepting new Eyesore projects, cutting the scheme from 17 to 14 months? Are not the work forces engaged on Eyesore projects in local authorities entitled to know now what the future holds for them?

I appreciate the concern expressed by the hon. Gentleman and other hon. Members. It has been a very popular and worthwhile scheme, but it was announced as a short-term measure and it must be regarded in that light at present.

Will my right hon. and learned Friend remember, in consultations with his right hon. Friends the Secretary of State for Wales and the Secretary of State for Scotland, that this scheme has been of particular value to those parts of the country which were disfigured by the Industrial Revolution of the past and whose environment has suffered disfigurement through the operations of our older industries?

That is certainly true. I am sure that it has been a very valuable scheme and has served the purpose for which it was introduced.

Is the right hon. and learned Gentleman aware of Early Day Motion No. 267, in my name and the names of a number of hon. Members representing constituencies in the North West, from both sides of the House, regarding the need to continue this scheme for a further 12 months?

As this feeling is so widespread, will the Minister give a very sympathetic answer at an early date?

Improvement Grants

4.

asked the Secretary of State for the Environment when he expects to announce his proposals for dealing with those property developers making substantial profits from house improvement grants.

9.

asked the Secretary of State for the Environment when he expects to publish the report of the Committee on Housing Improvement Grants.

10.

asked the Secretary of State for the Environment when he expects to publish the report of the Committee on Housing Improvement Grants.

My right hon. and learned Friend has not yet completed his comprehensive review of policy on older housing, which includes improvement grant policy. A statement will be made as soon as possible.

Does not the Minister agree that a problem exists here and that there is a scandal which needs to be dealt with? In so far as there is the scandal of profiteering and speculation, nothing, or very little, is being done to solve the housing problem for which the housing improvement grant scheme was instigated. In view of that, will the Minister take urgent steps to deal with this matter as expeditiously as he can?

The hon. Gentleman slightly exaggerates the position. I think it would be common ground throughout the House that the improvement grant scheme has been a major step forward in improving our older and obsolescent housing, and the ghastly conditions of many tens of thousands, if not hundreds of thousands, of people who have to live in appalling housing conditions.

I agree that there is a problem, but the hon. Gentleman exaggerates its importance.

On the subject of scandals, is not the real scandal in this context the fact that housing grants are limited to only £1,000 and that from the point of view of the Government it would be a far better investment if the limit were at least doubled, in order to induce an even greater number of people to improve their house properties, thereby increasing rateable values and lessening the burden on the central taxpayer?

I note my hon. Friend's view. Very few improvement grants come anywhere near the present £1,000 limit.

Is the Minister aware that his reply will disappoint thousands of people throughout the country and, more particularly, those in areas such as mine, in inner London? Does he really understand the racket that is going on in conversion and improvement grants in inner London? Does he know about the squatting problem, and the difficulties of squatters? Did he read in the Press this morning about the eruption of violence in my constituency arising out of this problem? Does he know about the problems of evictions, and of youngsters seeking a home in Camden Town, where a one-bedroomed flat costs £12,750? Does he know about the problems of teachers and other workers who are searching for the last few furnished tenancies which are available in inner London? Does not the Minister appreciate—

Order. I think that the Minister already has enough for consideration on his plate.

I am well aware of the problems that exist in the stress areas of our big cities, and, in particular, in inner London—[Interruption.] If the hon. Gentleman will do me the courtesy of listening to the answer, as he put such a long question, he will have noted that the White Paper just published promised that the Government's proposals will be brought forward following a review of the policy on older housing.

If improvement grants were included in assessing liability for income tax, those who need it most would receive it at practically no deduction and those who need it least would pay a heavy rate of tax on what they receive, would they not?

Returning to the Minister's reply, is not he fully aware that we are opposed not to housing improvement grants when they are being properly used but to the callous indifference shown by property speculators to the people living in those properties in trying to get them out by any means that they can and thus make substantial profits? Already throughout London, in spite of the inquiry that is taking place, properties are being bought up and left to remain empty for weeks and weeks at a time. There are 100,000 empty properties in London. When will the Minister do something about it?

I had a meeting with the hon. Gentleman's borough on this very topic yesterday. We discussed the problem of empty houses. I made it perfectly clear that I hoped local authorities would make the best use of their own properties and that in cases where private people were blatantly leaving their properties empty for long periods my right hon. Friend would be prepared to consider a compulsory purchase order.

I must point out, however, that if there is this great scandal about improvement grants in inner London it is the boroughs themselves which make the improvement grants.

In view of what my hon. Friend has said, will he encourage local authorities in areas where there is acute housing shortage to purchase such premises and make use of improvement grants to provide extra housing much more quickly than would otherwise be done?

Why does the Minister have to wait until he has completed this review, for which we have been waiting so long? Does not he agree that at least two points can now be clearly accepted by all of us? On the one hand, there is abuse in certain areas in London, and possibly elsewhere in the country, to which my hon. Friends have been referring, and, on the other, large areas of landlord-owned twilight property are not being tackled. Does the Minister agree that that is so? If he does, in order to tackle both problems will he accept the recommendation of the Layfield Report and the policy which has been advocated by the London Labour Party, of a massive takeover of these properties by municipalities, in order to get the job done?

I should be much more inclined to accept the Layfield Report than the advice of the London Labour Party. The wholesale policy of municipalisation suggested by the Labour Party would not add one house to the housing stock. What the White Paper promised was that we would bring forward proposals for housing stress areas following the review of older housing policy. If the Opposition will promise us the time to complete it by the end of the summer, that will be a great help.

Roads (Portsmouth)

5.

asked the Secretary of State for the Environment what communications he has received concerning the construction of a strategic lorry park, the construction of a related link road and the widening of existing roads in North Portsmouth; what replies he has sent; and whether he will make a statement.

I have received from the hon. Member a petition from local residents. On the siting of a lorry park, I cannot usefully add to my right hon. Friend's reply given to a similar Question from the hon. Member on 7th February 1973.

Will the Under-Secretary take an early opportunity to come with me to see for himself the rape of the living communities of Portsmouth by the totally unnecessary and disruptive road building? In keeping with the Report of the Public Expenditure Committee on Urban Transport, will he urge the city council of Portsmouth fundamentally to think again about its road building programme and to improve its public transport system with park-and-ride schemes?

Further, will the Under-Secretary now tell his special working party on strategic lorry parks that, unless the Ministry of Defence can make the firing range at Tipnor available, there can be no strategic lorry park on the already overcrowded Portsea Island?

The last part of the question is a matter for my noble Friend the Secretary of State for Defence. As to the first part, at this stage it is for the Portsmouth City Council to proceed. I have today written a very full letter to the hon. Gentleman explaining the position. I do not think that it is my job to tell the city council what it should or should not do about its own road schemes.

Council Houses (Sale)

6.

asked the Secretary of State for the Environment what criteria he sets before allowing local authorities to sell council houses at 30 per cent. below market value.

I am prepared to authorise sales at up to 30 per cent. below unrestricted market value in cases where the local authority can show that there have been substantial rises in the market value of their houses. Sales on this basis have to be accompanied by resale conditions for a period of eight years and costs have to be covered.

Is the Under-Secretary aware that one of the criteria on which the Greater London Council approached the Minister's Department to have the percentage reduction increased to 30 per cent. was the difficulty of selling housing on certain estates? In view of the stress conditions of inner London, is it not scandalous that the pool of housing which produces 12,000 vacancies a year to deal with the problems of the area is being dissipated in this way?

No. The hon. Gentleman should take account of the varying aspirations of people in housing matters. Local authorities should be prepared to sell to tenants who want to buy and are able to do so, and should at the same time build or otherwise provide accommodation to meet the needs of those needing houses to let.

Is my hon. Friend prepared to apply the same criteria in the case of new towns, where there may equally well be conditions in which a 30 per cent. discount would be highly suitable?

The circumstances in new towns are rather different, and the requirement that houses should not be sold below cost does not allow much scope in the respect that my hon. Friend has raised.

There is a blockage here. Does not the Under-Secretary agree that we are very concerned, not only with the total housing condition but with the supply of rented accommodation? Is he aware that the supply of private rented accommodation is continually declining and that both starts and completions of public rented accommodation are lower than they have been for 10 years? In those circumstances, not only to allow but, indeed, to encourage the sale of badly needed rented property is a disastrous policy.

The difference I have with the right hon. Gentleman in this respect is that the tenant who wishes to buy is not normally prepared to live elsewhere. It therefore follows that one meets his aspirations by allowing him to acquire the family asset—the house he lives in.

Car Seat Belts (Children)

7.

asked the Secretary of State for the Environment if he is satisfied with the adequacy and effectiveness of existing controls on the safety of car seat belts that are sold and fitted expressly for use by children.

26.

asked the Secretary of State for the Environment what steps he is taking to make the public aware of the legal requirement only to install in cars children's seats and belts that are of a design and standard approved by the British Standards Institute.

I am satisfied that child seat belts approved to the British Standard are effective and that the law is right in permitting only such belts to be installed for safety purposes in cars. I am considering how best to supplement recent publicity about the sale and use of belts not so approved.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that this is a matter of the utmost gravity, in which many traders are unwittingly in breach of the Trade Descriptions Act by attributing safety properties to these harnesses which they do not have, and that parents are lulled into what turns out to be a false sense of security about their children by using belts which are not adequately fitted, as has been proved in recent tragic accidents? Will my right hon. Friend please reconsider this question very urgently, as a matter concerning the health and safety of thousands of children?

I am grateful to my hon. Friend for raising this matter, and hope that further publicity will result from what she has just said. The difficulty is that we are dealing with two kinds of appliance—one to restrain the child, to keep it from moving about in the car, and the other to protect it. The standards applied to the latter are those which are intended for the purposes of safety, and those which have a British Standard are safe and reliable. The other ones are the traps, when it is represented by retailers that they fulfil a purpose for which they were not made.

Does the Minister see any sense in the extremely expensive campaign which has been mounted to encourage people to use safety belts, while, as the same time, an additional tax is imposed on their purchase? I refer to value added tax.

The last part of the hon. Gentleman's question is one for my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer.

Is it not an absurd state of affairs that it is legal to sell harnesses and children's seats which, once fitted in a car, break the law? Will my right hon. Friend have consultations with my right hon. and learned Friend the Minister for Trade and Consumer Affairs to see whether the sale of non-standard belts and seats can be prohibited? Will he give publicity to the regulation about the illegality of fitting non-standard seats and belts?

I shall certainly consider the point my hon. Friend has made. It would be difficult to take overall action to restrain people from employing useful devices which simply keep a child anchored in a car. It is important that parents should be aware when buying these seats that only a limited number— and those are particularly the ones that conform to British Standards—are designed for safety purposes.

Rate Rebate Scheme

8.

asked the Secretary of State for the Environment what recent representations he has received about the working of the rate rebate scheme.

Various representations have been received about the rate rebate scheme, including proposals that its terms should be aligned with those of the scheme of rent rebates and allowances, and that assistance should be available higher up the income scale.

Is the Minister aware that in one inner London borough where the housing association of which I am chairman operates the district valuer has recently fixed rateable values at such a level that the rate payable is more than £4 a week on a large flat and more than £3 a week on a smaller flat—[Interruption.] It is indeed Camden. At that level of rates, does not the Minister realise that the rate rebate scheme is meaningless, even for families with below-average incomes? How does he expect ordinary families to pay that amount of rate? Does it not make a mockery of all the effort now being put into helping low-paid families to continue living in central London?

I appreciate the various representations which have been made about the rate rebate scheme, including proposals that its terms should be aligned with those of the scheme of rent rebates and that assistance should be available higher up the income scale. We are considering these matters, with a view to legislation shortly being brought before the House.

London Motorways

11.

asked the Secretary of State for the Environment what further representations he has received concerning the inner ringway and radial motorways proposed by the Layfield Committee and if he will make a statement.

I have received various representations from members of the public and interested bodies. There will be a formal opportunity to make representations about my proposed modifications to the Greater London Development Plan when I publish them in draft.

Has the Minister included in the representations he has received the most forceful possible representations from the electors in Greater London last Thursday? Are not the schemes now finally dead and buried?

Various representations are made in various ways. No doubt the new Greater London Council's majority will have views to express in due time. At this stage I can act only in a formal capacity in regard to these matters.

Has my right hon. and learned Friend read the comment of the new Leader of the GLC about new motorway construction in London? Has he noted the effect that that will have upon access to the proposed new third London airport at Maplin Sands, which, apart from the high speed link, will be very dependent on road communications?

In regard to all these matters it would be wise to give the new majority party on the GLC an opportunity to consider its position. It will have to take matters rather further than its election statements.

Will the right hon. and learned Gentleman give us an assurance that there will be no question of the Government's trying to browbeat the new GLC into accepting Ringway 1 when it has declared itself completely against it?

In my original statement I said that phasing and timing are matters for the GLC.

21.

asked the Secretary of State for the Environment, in view of past reports by the Council on Tribunals, including that on London Airport plans in February 1968, what further public inquiry he now proposes to hold into the revised plans for London motorways put forward by the GLC and the Layfield Panel.

Any modifications which I propose to make to the original motorway proposals in the Greater London Development Plan will be published in draft and an opportunity given for public comment. There will be a further inquiry or inquiries only if objections to the proposed modifications raise issues not already considered by the Layfield Panel.

As these proposals have been plainly and drastically modified and the inner ringways abandoned, will the Minister assure us that any proposals for radial motorways to be brought into London will be the subject of an overall public inquiry in each case?

The right hon. Gentleman has shown that he is hopelessly muddled about the legal position—which I have tried to explain to him in this House and in letters—just as he was hopelessly muddled in his question about the relevance of the Stansted inquiry. I shall do my best to write him another letter to try to explain the situation, but it seems a pretty hopeless task.

Will my right hon. and learned Friend now be willing to reconsider the possibility of constructing Ringway 3—the outer London ringway?

I cannot at this stage add to the statement I made when the report was published. I shall make further statements in due course about the whole or part of the proposals.

St Mary's Hospital, Paddington

12.

asked the Secretary of State for the Environment when he expects to publish the report of the inspector who, in July 1972, held a public inquiry about St. Mary's Hospital, Paddington, and the proposal to fill in most of the three acres of water in the Paddington Basin.

The inspector's report is being considered. I cannot yet say when a decision will be reached and the findings published.

Does the hon. Gentleman realise that this is a matter of national and not merely local concern? Will he confirm that the Government stand by the statement made last August supporting the development of urban canals as a public amenity?

I accept that it is an extremely important matter, about which there has been a public inquiry. The matter has far-reaching effects, which is why it is taking a long time for the public inquiry to come to a conclusion.

Ordnance Survey Maps

13.

asked the Secretary of State for the Environment when he expects to announce his decision concerning the future production of the 2·-in.-to-the-mile Ordnance Survey maps.

My right hon. and learned Friend expects to be able to announce a decision on completion of his conferences on this matter.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the reports that there is a possibility that the production of 2·-in. maps will be discontinued have caused considerable concern among ramblers' organisations and others who make great use of these maps? Will he undertake to consider very carefully all the representations made to him, and not necessarily to make his decision on purely commercial grounds?

Yes, indeed. All representations will be taken into account. The review is being undertaken to discover what use is made by Government Departments, statutory undertakers and local authorities. We are faced with the fact that 2,015 sheets of the 2·-in. maps are produced and of only two-thirds of these are more than 200 copies sold.

May I reinforce the point made by the hon. Member for Southampton, Itchen (Mr. R. C. Mitchell)? If sheets covering certain parts of the country were no longer published, would not there be a danger of footpaths in those parts being used less and less and eventually disappearing from local knowledge? That would be a great tragedy.

I appreciate that. The question is whether we should reproduce all the 2,015 sheets or whether there is a demand for a part of them which can be commercially viable.

The Minister says that he is considering Government Departments' and local authorities' reactions. Will he bear in mind the public need for the maps, and their growing use by the public, as well as the needs of Government Departments and local authorities?

Yes, Sir. I am considering that need as well. I wanted to be quite frank, and to say that the review was to ascertain the demand from Government Departments—a demand that we would subsidise. In addition, we are taking account of representations from schools, ramblers' associations, and so on.

Will my right hon. Friend bear in mind that there is a big gap between the 1-in. and the 6-in. maps, that the 2·-in. series has only fairly recently been coming out in a folder form, which is convenient to people to buy and use, and that it will not really have had a fair trial on the market until it has has covered a substantial area of the country?

I am sure that my hon. and learned Friend is right. That is the sort of thing we want to review. The commercial demand does not exist at present. Whether that is because the demand has not built up properly, I do not know. That is what we shall find out from the review.

Railway Network (White Paper)

15.

asked the Secretary of State for the Environment when he will now publish his White Paper on the future of the railway system.

I have nothing to add to my reply to the hon. Member for Kingston upon Hull, West (Mr. James Johnson) on 14th February—[Vol. 850, c. 343.]

Is not the Minister aware that, with a management reorganisation only half completed, with the advanced passenger train perhaps two years behind, and with the Railway Board's willingness completely to shuffle off commuter railway services to the new metropolitan counties, thousands of railwaymen and millions of railway passengers need some certainty injected into their lives? When will the Minister do that?

I do not accept the multitude of premises with which the hon. Gentleman preceded his question, but I entirely appreciate the need for clarification. The problem is complicated and difficult. A statement will be made to Parliament as soon as possible.

Will the White Paper include information about expanding the electrification of railways, bearing in mind the likely shortages of diesel fuel over the next 15 years? Will it include the need for higher-speed inter-city services, such as I have seen in Japan in the past few weeks?

I should not like to anticipate the contents of the paper, whether white or green, but it will, of course, be comprehensive.

Can the Minister give us no indication of the likely date of publication? The matter is one of great public concern and causes anxiety, which was unfortunately fostered by leaks from his Department. There is great public concern about the future of the railways. The matter affects the planning of roads and all manner of things. Will publication be before Whitsun? Will not the Minister at least commit himself roughly to a date when the great public interest in the subject can at least begin to focus on positive proposals?

I understand the right hon. Gentleman's anxiety. I should not like to give a firm commitment, but I hope that publication will be before the Summer Recess.

Does the Minister agree that great concern was caused by the somewhat premature disclosure of a document which came to his Department about the possible future size of the railway network? Does he appreciate that in the absence of a White Paper giving some idea of the future size there is great concern about lines such as that between Sunderland and Middlesbrough and various others which it was suggested could be closed?

I have said time without number that the document which leaked, and which was accompanied in its subsequent publication by a wholly unauthorised map, had no official foundation whatever.

Theatres (Preservation)

16.

asked the Secretary of State for the Environment what representations have been made to him about the future of London and provincial theatres, in view of the threat of demolition; and what action he proposes to take thereon.

My right hon. and learned Friend met a deputation from the Theatres Advisory Council on 23rd February. A number of London theatres were added to the list of protected buildings last year, and my right hon. and learned Friend has agreed to consider the points the deputation put to him.

I am much obliged to the hon. Gentleman for that reply. Will the Minister bear in mind that every theatre closure means fewer opportunities for work for actors and theatre staff, and that we are in a crucial situation? Is he aware that the Shaftesbury Theatre is the latest to appear to be under threat, and that the company there is under notice for closure in September? Will the hon. Gentleman give an undertaking that he will work closely with local authorities, especially the new GLC, which is equally concerned about the preservation of theatres in London?

I agree with a great deal of what the hon. Lady says. My right hon. and learned Friend is always prepared to work closely with local authorities on this and many other matters. I agree with the hon. Lady about the great importance, not only to actors but to us all, of having a good number of live theatres in London.

For every 10 theatres that have been knocked down since the war, only one has been rebuilt. Will my hon. Friend ensure that a Conservative Government give every support to a local council when it wishes to build a new theatre for its community centre?

I shall certainly bear in mind what my hon. Friend says, which is true, but does not, luckily, apply to Greater London, where I think there are no fewer theatres now than there were at the end of the last war. Of the 57 theatres in the Greater London area 33 are listed, 19 of them as recently as in the last 12 months.

I agree that a number of these theatres are listed but that is not a complete protection against demolition. When requests are made for their demolition, will the Minister bear in mind that most London theatres are outstanding examples of Victorian and Edwardian architecture and for the most part have an irreplaceable atmosphere of warmth and welcome? Will the Minister turn his back on any suggestion that they should be replaced by the building of some cold, modern theatre auditorium in a new office block?

The whole House has the greatest sympathy with what the right hon. Member says.

Rent Assessment Appeals

17.

asked the Secretary of State for the Environment how many appeals to rent assessment panels against the determinations of rent officers are at present awaiting decision.

About 3,450 in England and Wales, inclusive of appeals in respect of applications for certificates of fair rent.

If rent officers generally take the view of the Thames Valley rent officer in the case of which I have sent my hon. Friend particulars, the appellants are wasting their time. If success on appeal against applications made before 6th November last and ordered by the panel to take effect from the date of application, as in due course of law they would be. are nevertheless set aside by the rent officer in view of the counter-inflation legislation, what is the point in these people appealing?

My hon. and learned Friend may be aware that the limitation and standstill applied only until 29th April this year. He referred to the position of the Thames Valley panel. I understand that 115 cases are outstanding, of which 95 were lodged by or on behalf of tenants of a housing association on 7th March and that another nine were lodged on several dates between 16th and 21st March.

Out-Of-Town Shopping Centres (Yorkshire And Humberside)

18.

asked the Secretary of State for the Environment how many planning applications he has received for out-of-town shops and shopping centres in Yorkshire and Humberside; and how many he has allowed.

I have been informed about three applications under the terms of Circular 17/72 for out-of-town shops or shopping centres in Yorkshire and Humberside. None has yet been allowed.

Is the Minister aware that Labour swept the board at last Thursday's elections in South Yorkshire and that one of its planks was a balanced shopping development that would provide for all housewives, and especially the old and those without cars, and would generally have regard to all social factors? Will the right hon. Gentleman assure the new South Yorkshire Metropolitan County that in spite of Chandler's Ford it can undertake sound structure planning?

If the Labour Party swept the board on that policy it stole Conservative clothes, because this is a principle which we have applied in any application for out-of-town shopping—that it should not affect the High Street to the extent of destroying it. We treat each application on its merits.

Out-of-town shopping centres are becoming more and more acceptable in this country, but are steps always taken to approach the developers of such sites for a contribution towards the improved roads which are often needed if the development is to be successful?

That is just the subject which is included in the White Paper on land availability.

Westminster (Redevelopment)

20.

asked the Secretary of Slate for the Environment what his plans are for the Broad Sanctuary site near Westminster Abbey and Central Hall: and if he will make a statement.

I am still considering the future use of this important site. I will make a statement as soon as a satisfactory scheme has been agreed.

We have been getting answers on this topic occasionally over 25 years. I hope that the Minister will agree that that is far too long a time. It was proposed after the war that the site should be used for Government offices, and in the 1950s a conference centre was suggested which was the subject of an architectural competition sponsored by the Department. Yet today it still remains an eyesore in the centre of London when it could become an amenity. Rather than wait for another 25 years, would it not be wise for the present car park to be decked over and turned into a public open space, thus providing an amenity in central London?

The second part of the question raises an interesting possibility. However, neither side of the House can take much credit for what has been done in Broad Sanctuary for the last 25 years. But I have to bear in mind what the right hon. Member for Vauxhall (Mr. Strauss) said in a previous supplementary question.

What are the three major schemes which are being considered by the Minister?

I do not think that I said that three major schemes were being considered. A number of schemes are being considered. I would not limit them to three. If my hon. Friend will put down a Question I will give him the details.

Would it not be a good idea to keep Broad Sanctuary as a Member's car park and to hire out the parking space in the car park being built close to the House, because medical opinion has it that since MPs have had to undertake that little walk they are likely to live a great deal longer?

Certainly the hon Member is looking extremely well. I shall naturally consider that suggestion with the seriousness it merits.

Lead Recovery Plant (Swinton)

22.

asked the Secretary of State for the Environment whether he will call in on environmental grounds the application for the siting of a lead recovery plant at Clifton Junction, Swinton; and if he will make a statement.

The planning application is for the replacement of plant in an existing factory within an industrial area. It is for the local planning authority to decide. The advice of my Alkali and Clean Air Inspectorate is available to it. There is no reason for me to intervene in the planning application.

Is my right hon. and learned Friend aware that there is great concern amongst the people of Prestwich and Whitefield about this development on their doorstep? Is he satisfied that the present statutory limits on lead emission leave a sufficient margin of safety? Will he assure the House that this new plant will not constitute a danger to public health?

It is now a matter for the local planning authority to weigh all the considerations involved and to decide whether or not to refuse planning permission. It would not be right for me, this afternoon, to go into the merits of a particular proposal.

Railway Land

23.

asked the Secretary of State for the Environment how many acres of land were sold by British Rail in 1972; and how this compares with 1970 and 1971.

Is my right hon. Friend satisfied with this very small increase, and that where some of our railway lines are being closed enough of the available land is turned over for housing or industrial purposes, so that it can be put to a full and proper use?

I do not think one is ever satisfied, but I think that the railways take every reasonable step to get rid of land for which there is no likelihood of any railway use.

In view of the great problem of land in the conurbations, will the right hon. Gentleman have further conversations with the British Railways Board urging that the land available in great conurbations, such as Liverpool, should be given priority for housing, which is our greatest need?

It is the policy of nationalised industries and the Government that the nationalised industries should first offer their land to local authorities. The need for land for housing purposes is completely understood.

Will my right hon. Friend say what proportion of the latest figure is railway land in the assisted areas, because in undertaking industrial projects those areas which benefit from the Industry Act are often impeded by the lack of suitable land for development?

Will the Minister approach British Rail on the question of derelict railway land at Broome Lane, Manchester, asking the board to tidy it up and to turn it into a children's playground or amenity, or sell it to somebody who would do the job for British Rail?

I have no doubt that the Chairman of British Rail will take due note of what the hon. Gentleman said.

Holiday Caravans

25.

asked the Secretary of State for the Environment whether he will introduce legislation to prevent the eviction of caravan owners from holiday sites because they refuse to buy new caravans from the site owners.

I do not think such legislation is the appropriate way to deal with the alleged abuse.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that planning permission for caravan sites is now almost at saturation point and that this situation puts owners in a monopoly position? Is he further aware that many caravan site owners are also caravan manufacturers, and that three years after somebody has bought a caravan on the site the owners threaten to evict ordinary people, including pensioners who have invested their savings, if they will not buy a new caravan.

The question of the adequacy of sites is a matter for local planning authorities. On the other point raised by the hon. Gentleman, I remind him that if Parliament approves the Fair Trading Bill this kind of practice could be drawn to the attention of the Director of Fair Trading.

Does the Minister concede that it is reasonable that many people should feel anxious about this matter and are entitled to receive some reassurance, since the sort of practice outlined by my hon. Friend the Member for Bassetlaw (Mr. Ashton) has been widespread, for example, on many parts of the East Coast? Has the hon. Gentleman received any correspondence from people who are anxious about this matter?

Administratively, my noble Friend the Under-Secretary of State in another place is primarily responsible for this matter, but I have carefully noted the hon. Gentleman's assertion about the number of cases which have come to his notice.

Is the Minister aware that some months ago I drew his Department's attention to the extortionate rents that were being demanded from those who had placed their caravans or chalets on these sites? His Department replied that it considered this not to be a fitting subject for legislation. Since these increased rents were imposed in the very week that preceded the standstill, and since they are still continuing, it is not time that legislation was brought forward to protect these people?

The matter of increased charges on holiday caravan sites is one for the Department of Trade and Industry, and is another question.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that caravans situated on permanent sites represent the one area of home ownership that is without any protection or security? Is he further aware that there is growing evidence of action by site owners to deprive people of security and to impose intolerable conditions upon occupiers, on the lines suggested by my hon. Friend the Member for Bassetlaw (Mr. Ashton)? Does he know that certain owners refuse to allow co-operative societies on to the sites to serve goods? Will the Minister undertake to set up an inquiry into the situation, since the Opposition will be glad to co-operate to see what can be done to protect the interests of occupants on permanent caravan sites?

I have carefully noted what the hon. Gentleman said. The original Question relates to holiday caravan sites. The difficulty in that respect is due to the transient nature of occupation of holiday caravans. With regard to permanent sites, there is some protection for the occupier under the Caravan Sites Act, 1968, since a court order is necessary before eviction can take place.

Accommodation Agencies

27.

asked the Secretary of State for the Environment how many prosecutions were brought in 1972 under Section 1 of the Accommodation Agencies Act 1953.

Is my hon. Friend aware that many agencies in London charge one or two weeks' rent illegally by way of commission? Does he realise that most tenants are students and young people who pay without demur? Will he consider increasing the number of prosecutions in this respect?

Prosecutions in 1970 numbered four, and in 1971 they rose to 39. But it is evident that properly conducted accommodation agencies meet a real need on behalf of potential tenants. They can save people a great deal of time and trouble in their search for premises. The courts have not found it difficult to distinguish between legal and illegal fees.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that I can show him columns of newspaper advertisements in which advertisers are breaking the law by offering rented accommodation to tenants on condition that they pay commission of some kind?

I shall be interested to study carefully any specific matter the hon. Gentleman wishes to send to me, but the Act prohibits only certain actions by the agent. There is a wide field of useful activity which an agent can follow and provide a service which merits a fee.

Is the Minister aware that this is an area of growing concern in the big cities, particularly in inner London, and that the problem is not confined to abuse by agencies, in terms of students and other single people? One of the largest groups of people affected by the situation is the unsupported mother—the single-parent family. Will he consider amending the Act to establish a licensing procedure to make sure that only properly-run accommodation agencies are allowed to operate?

I am prepared to consider any detailed proposal that the hon. Gentleman wishes to make, but as at present advised I understand that the form of the law is not unsatisfactory in this very difficult matter. Furthermore, I would point out that private individuals as well as the police can prosecute.

Driving Licences (Eec Directive)

28.

asked the Secretary of State for the Environment what consideration he has given to the EEC draft directive which proposes to raise the age for a driving licence from 17 to 18 years; and what view he has expressed to the Commission about it.

I have considerable sympathy with the reservations which have been expressed in this country since the publication of the draft directive. I intend to express these in Brussels at the appropriate time.

I am glad to hear my right hon. Friend's reply. Will he make it absolutely clear that this Parliament— this sovereign Parliament—will not tolerate this fussy interference in our way of life? The raising of the driving age from 17 to 18 years is not a negotiable matter, and that is that.

My hon. Friend the Member for Banbury (Mr. Marten) has his own way of making his views clear, and does not need me to comment upon them.

Will the Minister ensure that the English texts of this draft directive are made available? Is he aware that, while there are grave objections to this particular proposal, there are many other proposals in the so-called draft directive to which one can also take objection, and that probably the only thing one can commend is the suggestion that we should lower the age for driving motor cycles, back to the age which obtained before the Minister changed the situation a year ago?

I have already said that I have considerable reservations, or that I share the reservations which have been expressed in this country, on this directive. I am not quite sure whether my powers extend to the immediate provision of a copy in English of the draft directive, but I shall look into the situation.

Does my right hon. Friend agree that, while that particular topic is being discussed, the question of lowering the age at which people may drive a bus from 21 to 18, to make sure that we have some bus drivers in London, should also be discussed?

That is an exceedingly interesting proposition, but it does not arise out of this Question.

Travel Concessions Act 1964

29.

asked the Secretary of State for the Environment what representations he has received about the operation of the Travel Concessions Act 1964.

Does my right hon. Friend agree that it must appear unreasonable to the elderly, the disabled and the blind that some areas have adequate schemes for concessionary travel while others have none at all and still others have very bad schemes? Is it not desirable for the Minister to have powers to collect information from local authorities about the schemes which they provide, so that he may issue guidance to local authorities where inadequate or no schemes are in operation?

I am under very little pressure from local authorities to produce a uniform policy stretching over the whole country. In regard to my powers to collect information from local authorities, I may have many complaints, but I assure the hon. Gentleman that that is not one of them. I can always collect the information I want.

The right hon. Gentleman will realise that when we last had a uniform policy it was his party's policy, in a former Government, to forbid all concessions.

Royal Assent

I have to notify the House, in accordance with the Royal Assent Act, 1967, that the Queen has signified Her Royal Assent to the following Acts:

  • 1. Gaming (Amendment) Act, 1973.
  • 2. Supply of Goods (Implied Terms) Act, 1973.
  • 3. Cost in Criminal Cases Act, 1973.
  • 4. Administration of Justice Act, 1973.
  • 5. Education Act, 1973.
  • 6. Edinburgh Corporation Order Confirmation Act, 1973.
  • 7. Humber Bridge Act, 1973.
  • 8. Derby Friar Gate Chapel Act, 1973.
  • Business Of The House

    May I ask the Leader of the House whether he will state the business for the week following the recess?

    The Lord President of the Council and Leader of the House of Commons
    (Mr. James Prior)

    Yes, Sir.

    The business for the first week after the Adjournment will be as follows: —

    MONDAY 30TH APRIL—Second Reading of the National Insurance and Supplementary Benefits Bill.

    At seven o'clock the Chairman of Ways and Means has named opposed Private Business for consideration.

    Motions on the Rating of Industry (Scotland) Order, the Furnished Lettings (Rateable Value Limits) Order, the African Development Fund (Immunities and Privileges) Order, and the motion relating to the Local Government Super- annuation (Miscellaneous Provisions) Regulations.

    TUESDAY 1ST MAY—Progress on the remaining stages of the Water Bill.

    WEDNESDAY 2ND MAY—Completion of the remaining stages of the Water Bill, which it is hoped to finish by seven o'clock.

    Afterwards, motion on the Counter-Inflation (Price and Pay Code) Order and motions relating to Counter-Inflation Orders on Remuneration of Teachers, the Notification of Increases in Prices and Charges and on the Modification of Agricultural Wages Acts.

    THURSDAY 3RD MAY—Debate on a motion to take note of the Second Report of the Select Committee on Nationalised Industries, Session 1971–72, on the Independent Broadcasting Authority, and on the relevant Government Observations.

    Motion on the Regulation of Prices (Tranquillising Drugs) Order.

    FRIDAY 4TH MAY—Private Members' Bills.

    The right hon. Gentleman will no doubt have seen the extremely serious trade figures today, which I believe are the worst ever. When are we to have a statement from the Prime Minister or the Chancellor of the Exchequer, or both, on what the Government intend to do about the extremely serious and deteriorating state of the economy, and when are we to have time for a debate on it?

    I shall convey the right hon. Gentleman's views to my right hon. Friend, but I should tell him that the Government intend to keep their nerve, to keep the economy expanding and to keep prosperity going.

    Does my right hon. Friend recall that about a fortnight ago it was proposed to debate the motion on the draft directive concerning driving licences.

    [That this House rejects the proposals contained in a draft directive of the Commission of the European Communities (No. C 119/1 dated 16th November 1972 in the Official Journal of the EC) namely, the Raising of the Age for a Driving Licence from 17 years to 18 years and other related matter.]

    The reason given for postponing the debate was the absence of the draft documents from the Vote Office. Two or three weeks have elapsed. Surely the documents have been printed. Why cannot we debate the motion? I should be very grateful if we could.

    I have told my hon. Friend and the House on various occasions that the motion will have to be debated at a convenient time, but there is no particular hurry about it. My hon. Friend will have heard the remarks of my right hon. Friend the Minister for Transport Industries this afternoon. I am sure that a proper opportunity will be found at the right time to debate the motion.

    When are we to have a statement from the Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food about the outcome of the marathon talks in Brussels which ended at half-past six this morning and the effect they are likely to have on our cost of living?

    The talks have not ended and therefore there is no outcome at the moment to report, but my right hon. Friend will make a statement to the House when the talks have finished.

    Has my right hon. Friend seen the Early Day Motion standing in the name of 100 Members on both sides of the House about raising the exemption limit on prescription charges from the age of 15 to 16 to coincide with the raising of the school-leaving age?

    [That this House is deeply concerned that Her Majesty's Government feels unable to grant free National Health Service prescriptions to all children up to sixteen years of age who are attending school; and calls upon the Government to grant this concession as soon as possible.]

    Will he ask my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Social Services to make a statement to the House after the recess to the effect that he has decided to increase the limit to the age of 16?

    I do not know about the latter part of my hon. Friend's question, but I shall convey his views to my right hon. Friend.

    Will the Leader of the House indicate when we are to have a debate on the Robens Report dealing with the question of safety, particularly as it affects the construction industry, and when we are likely to get the proposed legislation?

    I know that hon. Members on both sides of the House are keen to have such a debate, but I cannot promise one in the immediate future. I cannot undertake to give a date for the introduction of legislation, but there will have to be legislation and I have already told the House that the Government accept the need for it.

    Will my right hon. Friend say when the Oaths and Declarations (Repeals) (Northern Ireland) Order will be debated? [HON. MEMBERS: "Tonight."] I already have the answer to that question. Will my right hon. Friend ensure that Northern Ireland orders are not taken late at night and bunched together, making it difficult for Northern Ireland Members and, indeed, other hon. Members?

    I hope that my hon. Friend realises that he, too, causes certain difficulties to hon. Members on both sides of the House. I think that we have done Northern Ireland pretty proud in the last 12 weeks, and I hope that Northern Ireland Members will wish to co-operate with other hon. Members as well as with themselves.

    Will my right hon. Friend indicate when the House is likely to debate the fifth directive on managerial and supervisory boards in industry? This matter is being debated in Europe and is regarded as exceedingly important in this country.

    I cannot promise immediate time. I shall consider the matter and get in touch with my hon. Friend.

    Unless English words have lost their meaning, the Leader of the House talked gibberish when he replied to my earlier question. We have the worst trade figures ever in any one month. The right hon. Gentleman says that the Government will keep their nerve and will keep prosperity going. Will he tell us what they will do about these figures— the worst trade figures we have had in any one month in our history?

    I am not sure of the relevance of the right hon. Gentleman's question to business. That might be a suitable matter to discuss on the Adjournment Motion which we are to take next. I shall be very happy in the next debate to put the Government's case, which I think is a superb case.

    Telephone Network (Modernisation)

    On 7th February I informed the House that the Post Office had submitted plans for modernising the telephone network. These envisage, first, a gradual replacement of Strowger equipment by more modern systems capable of providing not only improvements in service quality but also additional customer facilities; second, the early participation of the established suppliers in the production of a new large electronic exchange known as TXE 4; third, depending on further discussions with industry, the development of both electronic and Crossbar systems, both to meet future domestic requirements and to assist exports; and, last, the eventual development, in close collaboration between the Post Office and industry, of even more advanced exchange systems for introduction in the 1980s.

    In consultation with the other Departments concerned and with the fullest cooperation from the Post Office, these proposals have been thoroughly examined. Possible options, comparative costs, effects on overall capital investment and other aspects, including in particular the industrial, export and employment implications, have been investigated. I am satisfied that it is right to introduce TXE 4 into the network. It is a modern system capable of meeting economically all current requirements, and capable of progressive development for the future.

    The Post Office plans are accepted by the main firms in the supplying industry who are now anxious for their early approval and implementation. The Post Office has fully consulted the Post Office Engineering Union and other staff associations, who have expressed their support.

    The export prospects for British manufacturers should be improved by this further move into electronic equipment. For the future a high level committee is to be established under the Managing Director, Telecommunications, to work closely with industry in ensuring that export considerations are borne fully in mind in the further development of exchanges for domestic use.

    In terms of jobs, the Post Office's proposals mean that the supplying industry will employ at least as many people on the manufacturing of exchanges for the British network as they would have done under existing plans. But the gradual change-over from electromechanical to electronic production is bound to mean, in time, a shift in the type of skills required and conceivably some changes in the distribution of manufacturing facilities. Production will, as now, be largely concentrated in the development areas. The Post Office will collaborate closely with the manufacturers with a view to minimising any local employment difficulties.

    In the light of all these factors, not least the prospects they offer for improved service to telephone users, I have therefore approved the Post Office's proposals within the context of their total investment programme which will, of course, continue to be subject to annual review by the Government. The Post Office and industry will also keep me informed and consult me as necessary about the progress of these plans, about the pace of modernisation, about the progress of technical development and generally about any major industrial, employment and export matters.

    In the absence of my hon. Friend the Member for Rutherglen (Mr. Gregor Mackenzie) may I say that the Minister's statement will generally be welcomed? As he said, it is fully supported by the trade unions in the industry. May I ask him, first, about the local employment difficulties he mentioned? Can he assure the House that staff interests will be fully safeguarded in this respect? Secondly, could he put some figures to the comparative costs which he mentioned? Thirdly, I wonder whether he would give the House some basis for his optimism about exports, not least in view of the quite appalling trade figures which have just been mentioned—because we certainly need those exports?

    I am grateful for the welcome which the hon. Member has given to the decision announced in the statement. So far as it lies within the power of the Post Office and the industry, I am sure that both will be concerned to take staff interests fully into account. I have been immensely impressed by the overall approach of both the Post Office and the industry to any employment implications in this decision.

    I cannot, I regret to say, give figures on comparative costs. It is an extremely complex business. That is why it has taken me some time to come to these conclusions. It has involved, as I think the hon. Member recognises, elaborate variations on a computer model which has been in the hands of the Post Office and feeding into it a number of differing assumptions. I can say that all the variations which have been analysed point very markedly in the direction of the decision I have taken.

    With regard to exports, I am optimistic that the move to electronic equipment which this indicates will make it increasingly possible for British exchange equipment to be sold successfully overseas. As the hon. Member knows, it was because of the need to go in this direction that the industry itself has been anxious to see the decision taken quickly.

    He would be an extremely brave man who would advance a judgment on such a complicated and technical matter, but may I at least congratulate my right hon. Friend on having had the courage at last to take a decision upon it? May I ask him two short questions? First, are these views on exports fully shared by the industry? Do all the companies in the industry feel that this system does have an export potential? Secondly, how soon will the new equipment have an impact on the operating efficiency of the system as a whole?

    I confirm that it is the view of the industry that the opportunities to export British manufactured exchange equipment will be helped by this further move into electronic systems. It is the progressive development of fully electronic systems which offer a real help for exports in the future. This is because, as my hon. Friend knows, this is a highly competitive market environment in which they have to compete against other developed systems manufactured in other countries.

    With regard to the timetable for the impact of the more efficient exchange system, it will mainly be felt towards the end of this decade. It will take some time to build up manufacturing capacity for the new exchange system, but the intention is that the old or existing mechanical Strowger system will be replaced and the process will be completed by the end of the century.

    May I press the Minister further on the question of the time scale? The Minister says he expects that the Strowger equipment will be replaced. Would it be correct to say that the existing Strowger equipment will be replaced by the Crossbar equipment which in turn itself will then have to be phased out to make way for the TXE 4 equipment? What additional telephone service facilities will be made available as a result of the introduction of TXE 4?

    Finally, on the question of costs, the Minister said in his statement that the TXE 4 system would be a much more economical system to operate. Will this go right through to the telephone account bill at the end? May we have an assurance at this stage that installation costs and telephone charges will certainly not be increased as a result of the decision to introduce the TXE 4 equipment—a decision which, incidentally, I, too, welcome?

    The first part of the hon. Member's supplementary question is, broadly speaking, correct, in that there will need initially to be a considerable build up in the order book for Crossbar. It is the intention further to develop Crossbar, and this is now being discussed urgently between the Post Office and industry. There will also be the need, in the short term at any rate, for further orders for the Strowger equipment. This is because of the great growth in demand for telephones. One has to meet that at the same time as building up the manufacturing capacity for TXE 4, the new system. TXE 4 is itself to be seen as an interim step leading on to the fully electronic system in the 1980s.

    With regard to the second part of the supplementary question, there will be a wide range of terminal equipment which the move to fully electronic switching will enable users to attach to the telephone system, but, of course, this will facilitate the introduction of the key-phone, for example, or an improved version of it.

    With regard to the last part of the question about the telephone bill, the modernisation decision is not in any way associated with tariff questions directly. Indeed, the modernisation is expected in the longer term both to improve service and to reduce costs.

    While welcoming the decision the Minister has announced may I ask him to give the House two assurances? Can he say that as a result of this programme the scandalously long waiting list will be reduced? Secondly, can he assure the House that he will not allow the Post Office to go as slowly as perhaps it has in the past and that there can be some progress on the system X which is the real answer to all our problems?

    The waiting list in the earlier years will not be directly affected by this decision—again, for the reason I have given in answer to earlier questions, namely, the time needed to build up manufacturing capacity before the new system can be introduced. The waiting list will depend, as it does now, upon the increasing ability of the manufacturers to supply the exchange equipment required and of the general programme to be met on time. I am glad to say that this has been working extremely well. Both the Post Office and the industry have been working very hard on this point.

    There is certainly no intention on the part of the Post Office to delay system X. I should like to take this opportunity to congratulate the Post Office—particularly the telecommunications side—on the enormous amount of work it has done on this. It is an immensely creditable performance. The Post Office will move as fast as possible towards the fully electronic system, but it is right and sensible, and it is not excessively cautious, to have this interim stage on the way to that.

    I, too, welcome the Minister's statement about the introduction of TXE4. Will he say a little more about what he has described as the development of manufacturing capacity? Is he aware that constituents who complain about the need for extension of the telephone system have for years had to put up with the reply that the delay is caused by shortage of equipment. What assurance can the right hon. Gentleman give that the production of equipment will be speeded up? For example, is he prepared to allow the Post Office Corporation, if necessary, to set up its own specialist manufacturing units in the development areas?

    The last part of the hon. Gentleman's question does not arise. Manufacturers and the Post Office together are tackling this question very successfully. With respect, questions in this style tend to relate back to a situation which has for some time been well on the way towards improvement. Manufacturers and the Post Office together are concentrating, in the short term especially, on improvements to the proprietary Crossbar exchange. These two things together will, I am certain, facilitate the onward development and improvement of the exchanges generally, and they are part of the £4,000 million modernisation and improvement programme which I announced some time ago.

    As my right hon. Friend said that this new arrangement will provide an improved service to the telephone user, will he give us some idea of the way in which it will do so?

    It will do so in one simple but important way. The introduction of electronic switching will enable calls to be put through much more quickly and will save much of the time that is taken up by dialling in the old electromechanical system.

    Is the Minister aware that in welcoming this announcement the nation will be encouraged by the enlightened support that has been given to his decision by the Post Office staff side interests, particularly the Post Office Engineering Union and the Union of Post Office Workers? Will he bear in mind that the introduction of this new telephone equipment will considerably widen the area of skill required by Post Office engineers who will have to deal with Strowger, Crossbar and TXE4? Will he encourage the Post Office Corporation, in making the necessary training provisions, to bear in mind this increased area of skill which will be needed?

    I welcome very much the support of the staff side, and of the Post Office Engineering Union, which has clearly examined this matter closely. The point raised by the hon. Gentleman is one for the Post Office. It is obviously an extremely important one and I have no doubt that the Post Office will take it fully into account.

    I join those who have congratulated my right hon. Friend on his statement which will at least clarify one area in which there has hitherto been some uncertainty. Is the premise upon which his statement is based that the Post Office will continue to order its equipment from indigenous British manufacturers? Will he confirm that he will not be deflected from that purpose by the existence of European Community regulations which provide that preferential treatment shall not be accorded to indigenous manufacturers, particularly by public sector ordering authorities?

    It is the intention of the Post Office to order its equipment from British manufacturers. This is primarily a decision for the Post Office, but in any case it is essential that equipment which is compatible and adaptive to the existing British telephone network should be ordered and manufactured. That, of course, lies behind the decision I have announced today.

    In connection with this general extension of the telephone service, will the right hon. Gentleman bear in mind the urgent need to make concessions to elderly people who live alone and for whom a telephone is virtually a matter of life and death? Will he make concessions to ensure that installation costs are either zero or much lower than they are at present? Is the Minister aware that senior executives in the telephone service with whom I have had recent discussions have an open mind on this subject? If the Government were to take action, there are many telephone service workers, engineers and senior executives who would be prepared to help with a suitable scheme.

    I do not minimise the degree of interest that is shown in the question that the hon. Gentleman put to me, but I think he will realise that it does not arise directly out of the decision to modernise the exchange system.

    Will my right hon. Friend give an estimate of the export potential of the new system and say how many firms are likely to be involved?

    I cannot say at this stage what is the export potential of the new system. The full range of manufacturers are not yet involved in its production. The TXE4 system lends itself to development and refinement on the way to what has come to be known as the fully electronic system, system X. I cannot give the figures for which my hon. Friend asked. The manufacturers with whom the Post Office places orders and the terms on which it does so are matters directly for the Post Office.

    May I press the Minister further on Crossbar? Since nothing endures like the provisional, will there not be an interim period when Crossbar will be installed as well as the new electronic system? Will the Minister say for how long manufacturers will continue to manufacture and install Crossbar systems.

    I have announced the broad intention to complete the modernisation programme by the end of the century. I have left over for the time being putting a specific date to the discontinuance of the Crossbar system, because it is not necessary at this moment in time to come to a firm decision. When the manufacturing capacity of TXE4 has been built up by about 1975, a firm timetable can be spelt out. I take the hon. Gentleman's point, but there is bound to be a considerable build-up in Crossbar in the earlier years to satisfy the growing demand for telephones.

    If the developments which my right hon. Friend has outlined result in as great an improvement as the facilities which have recently been installed in this House for hon. Members, they will be very welcome. Will my right hon. Friend assure the House that the developments which he has outlined will be completely compatible with the arrangements in Common Market countries so that direct dialling will be possible?

    I am sure that the Post Office will be encouraged to hear the observations of my hon. and gallant Friend on the keyphone trials in this House. I am glad that so many hon. Members have found it to be satisfactory. The introduction of the new exchange equipment will be fully compatible with our existing domestic network. That does not mean that it will not be wholly capable of interconnection with the international and Common Market networks.

    Will the right hon Gentleman please consult the Leader of the House before accepting so complacently the testimonies and praise from his hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Winchester (Rear-Admiral Morgan-Giles)? Is he aware that those of us who have offices in Bridge Street suffer from an outdated telephone system? Will he please consult the Leader of the House so that modernisation can begin in Westminster? I would not have raised this point if the hon. and gallant Gentleman had not done so first.

    As we go through the process of introducing improved Crossbar on the way to TXE4 and subsequently the fully electronic switching, I know that the right hon. Gentleman will find that his telephone service will be vastly improved.

    May I return to the question of comparative costs? Does the right hon. Gentleman agree that if the House is to fulfil its watchdog rôle it ought to have the figures, regardless of complexities? If he cannot provide them now, will he undertake to publish them?

    I understand the hon. Gentleman's interest and I do not want to duck this issue. However, it is difficult to pick out one figure and to tell the whole story from that. It is necessary to know the assumptions that have gone into it and to compare it with other variables. If the hon. Gentleman would like to put some points to me in Questions I will do my best to answer them. I must point out that some of the information is necessarily commercially sensitive.

    Questions To The Prime Minister

    On a point of order, Mr. Speaker. I wish to seek your guidance and, I hope, your help. In the past few months there has grown up a practice in this House when the Prime Minister is being questioned for certain Conservative Members to ask the Prime Minister Questions that concern either the point of view of the Leader of the Opposition or of the National Executive of the Labour Party, related in this form to the Prime Minister. While we accept what I call the normal party political arguments that go on in the House, and which are a feature of our lives, many of us think that this is a gross abuse of Questions to the Prime Minister. It may well be an argument for the Leader of the Opposition to be provided with time of his own to answer any such Questions. As that time is not being provided, I wish to ask you how this is to be dealt with in future. I must give you and the House notice that some of us feel that there has been a gross abuse and hope very much that it will stop.

    Further to that point of order, Mr. Speaker. I inquired some time ago whether, since the Leader of the Opposition was paid a salary, it was possible to question his conduct. I was told that this could well be raised in the House, on the Consolidated Fund I think. Is it not a possibility that we can debate the conduct of the Leader of the Opposition on the Consolidated Fund?

    I do not think that this is a new problem. I have been giving a certain amount of consideration to it and have found that in the last Parliament it was a practice from time to time for Questions indirectly to be directed at the Leader of the Opposition. However, I must make it clear, as was implicit in the point put by the right hon. Member for Bermondsey (Mr. Mellish), that Prime Minister's Question Time is not the Leader of the Opposition's question time and that it is wrong to put questions to the Leader of the Opposition when, in fact, the Prime Minister is answering Questions. Secondly, the Prime Minister of the day is not responsible for the actions of the Leader of the Opposition of the day. Therefore he ought not to be questioned about them.

    Thirdly, the Chair is in a certain difficulty because until the question has been asked the Chair cannot know its nature and intervene. If sometimes an insinuation or imputation is made, I have felt it unfair not to allow the Leader of the Opposition the chance to reply to it. If I rise when an imputation is made and rule it out of order, it means that the imputation is made without an answer.

    This is a matter which I will try to watch very carefully in the interests of the House. I think that it is an abuse of the procedure of the House, whichever party has been guilty of it in the past. We should try to see that Prime Minister's Question Time is confined to Questions to the Prime Minister on matters for which he is responsible.

    Bill Presented

    NATIONAL INSURANCE AND SUPPLEMENTARY BENEFIT

    Secretary Sir Keith Joseph, supported by Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Secretary Whitelaw, Mr. Secretary Campbell, Mr. Secretary Peter Thomas, Mr. Secretary Macmillan, Mr. Michael Alison and Mr. Paul Dean, presented a Bill to amend the provisions of the National Insurance Acts 1965 to 1972, the National Insurance (Industrial Injuries) Acts 1965 to 1972 and the Industrial Injuries and Diseases (Old Cases) Acts 1967 to 1972; to make further provision in relation to polygamous marriages for the purposes of any of those Acts and of the Family Allowances Act 1965; to amend Schedule 2 to the Ministry of Social Security Act 1966; to make parallel provision for Northern Ireland; and for purposes connected with those matters; And the same was read the First time; and ordered to be read a Second time tomorrow and to be printed [Bill 117].

    Sittings Of The House

    Resolved,

    That this House do meet to-morrow at Eleven o'clock, that no Questions be taken after Twelve o'clock, and that at Five o'clock Mr. Speaker do adjourn the House without putting any Question.—[Mr. Prior.]

    Adjournment (Easter)

    Motion made, and Question proposed,

    That this House at its rising tomorrow, do adjourn till Monday, 30th April.—[Mr. Prior.]

    4.6 p.m.

    Before we disperse for the Easter Recess I want to obtain from the Government an assurance that they will take action to deal with certain inadequacies in present planning procedures. At the moment there are important developments taking place in the North, North-East and East of Scotland and the Islands in connection with the discovery of oil. It is urgently necessary that we strengthen and extend the planning procedures under which these developments are considered. What we need is some method by which the area can be looked at as a whole. Further, we need some method by which the issues arising can be looked at in the same way, not only the geographical issues but the economic issues, too. I have pressed for this for some time but it is becoming more urgent.

    It would be wrong to rise for Easter until we know what action the Government propose to take. Let me give some examples. They are merely instances. There is an inquiry going on into a proposal to build a steel oil rig at Dunnett Bay, Caithness. There is the possibility that a concrete oil rig might be built at Houton in Orkney. There is another proposal for rig-building at Drumbuie on the West coast. There are large areas of Orkney, Shetland and Aberdeenshire which are earmarked for possible oil servicing. There is a vague proposal to construct a transatlantic aerodrome in Orkney, capable of taking aircraft from Texas.

    If these schemes come to fruition they will involve hundreds of acres. The base of a concrete oil rig involves 24 acres of concrete. These rigs, whether steel or concrete, are higher than the Post Office tower. Immense quantities of steel will have to be moved along Highland roads. There are great demands on housing, water, electricity and other services. I am already informed that the Hydro Board takes the view that its whole allocation for the under-developed parts of the north will be used up by providing electricity for one Orkney island, let alone the demands that might be made. The water board has again postponed installing a public water supply for Eday. It would be much resented if large consumers were given priority for these services over local people. But there will undoubtedly be large demands on services.

    At present all of these proposals and issues are bound to be considered separately—one by one. In the inquiry going on about Dunnett Bay it has emerged that it was only after Dunnett Bay was selected than any attempt was made to look at alternative sites. This is entirely wrong. The area should be looked at as a whole. Sites suitable for different purposes should be earmarked and certain other areas should be excluded from development. We should have some information about the number of rigs likely to be built because it would be highly undesirable that whole areas of the Highlands should be altered and perhaps ruined for the construction of one rig or for an industry which failed after a year or two.

    There is no authority charged with examining the social and economic impact on the area of the new labour demands. These will not only affect the neighbourhood immediately in question. In every way the impact will be great upon local industries, agriculture and fishing and on the traditions, whether they are Norse or Gaelic. Throughout the whole area these changes will affect the whole way of life and customs of the Highlands and the North-East coast, the East coast and the Islands. There is no no authority to control this. Nor do planning procedures extend below low-water mark.

    It is not a matter of sensational stories. It is not a matter of getting publicity for highlighting the structure of particular companies. These problems will exist whoever exploits the oil—even if the companies are nationalised. But there are very serious and urgent problems. Again we have to remember that Scottish industry has come under a certain amount of criticism for not taking enough interest in the oil. Therefore I am not talking about specific companies or their activities but about a general planning problem of great urgency, and it is very important that it should not be obscured by sensational stories.

    Let me give an example of how urgent and important this matter is. I have spoken to the oil man—who is a very-reasonable man—who proposes to build a refinery in Shetland. He wishes to start as soon as possible on a feasibility study. His impression is that 500 jobs might be created, and this in a community of 17,000 people. If the refinery were to go up where it is projected, tankers of up to 200,000 tons would move through the very heavily fished waters of Shetland. It is frightening to think of 200,000 ton tankers in Yell Sound in Shetland weather. They take between 15 and 20 miles to stop, and we know what happened to the "Torrey Canyon". At present of course there are not even adequate lights. There is no planning authority which can look at the sea.

    Further, there would be an immense amount of other shipping in the area and this at a time when we are trying to expand, and are expanding, fishing and our other local industries. The effect upon them of the demands for labour, services and so forth would be immense.

    The obvious answer is a large regional planning board. It might work. But I am not sure that that is the right answer. Such a board would take a long time to set up. It would probably be set up on conventional lines. But nothing like this has happened in Europe before. If it were set up, to whom would it be responsible? I am not in favour of removing planning entirely from its local base.

    Let no one say that this will be dealt with under the new legislation. It will not. Even under the new legislation four or five different regions and authorities will be involved.

    I have suggested a permanent advisory planning board and that it should be composed of part-time but impartial men who are knowledgeable about the area, with experience in agriculture, fishing, industry, geography, economics, ecology, sociology and so on, partly academics, partly business men and partly local men of standing and common sense. I have suggested that it should be supplied with a small expert staff. Its purpose would be first to survey the area and then to inform the public about what developments were likely and their likely effect on the area. We could then sift out the rumours from the hard facts and get rid of the feeling that everyone now has some interest, stake or axe to grind. We are overrun with publicity people and others who are not altogether reliable guides.

    The main purpose of the board would then be, after informing the public and surveying the area, to recommend to planning authorities where large-scale developments should go, to make some assessment of the whole area and not merely be confined to just one corner of it. After it has made that assessment it would be in a position to advise local authorities also about the likely economic, social and other results and what steps should be taken.

    This is an urgent matter. My suggestion might have to be altered and perhaps extended. But I do not believe that this House should adjourn until we have some assurances that attention will be given to the need for a comprehensive look at planning by the Government. A series of individual inquiries clearly is not enough. The Government will be aware that there is already considerable anxiety and criticism of the procedures for dealing with these matters all over the North-East and East of Scotland.

    4.14 p.m.

    The motion is,

    That this House at its rising tomorrow, do adjourn till Monday 30th April.
    Although my first industrial job in Birmingham obliged me to work as a matter of course on Good Friday, I have always regarded it as somewhat pagan behaviour. Therefore I should be perfectly happy if we rose tomorrow. None the less I should like us to return in time to debate a number of subjects, one of which has been touched on by the right hon. Member for Orkney and Shetland (Mr. Grimond) and others which I shall mention. They are subjects of such topically that they cannot await the more leisurely processes of time.

    One subject which I feel the House needs to debate is the second phase of the Government's prices and incomes policy. My right hon. Friend the Leader of the House has kindly indicated that on Wednesday week we shall be debating a number of orders which derive from the Counter-Inflation Act. I am grateful for that. But of course both the time which is allocated and the rules of order necessarily will limit our debates on the topics which are circumscribed for the agenda.

    I believe that the debate on phase 2 of the Government's prices and incomes policy deserves a rather wider canvas than is to be permitted on Wednesday week. I say that because I believe very often debates on the subject have been related against the prospect—in my view the illusory prospect—of a clash between the Government and a major trade union. I hope that recent events will have educated us out of that illusion.

    It is much more likely that the real test of the wisdom and practicability of the policy will be in the more diffuse market place for labour which is coming under increasing strain as the pace of the economy proceeds. It is a pace the import consequences of which are reflected in today's trade figures which have been referred to by the right hon. Member for Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Central (Mr. Edward Short).

    I believe that we are already seeing very clear signs of a tightness in the labour market. I have only to quote, for example, from a speech in Bradford yesterday by Mr. W. Bulmer, the chairman of the Wool Textile delegation.

    He said:
    "We notice now in most sections the beginning of a labour shortage. There is no doubt this industry is going to have to pay particular attention to recruitment and retention of labour."
    Again I could reflect on what has been said very recently by the Engineering Industry Training Board which in respect of certain categories of engineering workers said that the shortage had arisen at a "staggering" pace. An article in today's Financial Times by Mr. Dafter, discussing some figures analysed by the Department of Employment, concludes:
    "In January only one trade was regarded as a problem in terms of labour shortages—press machine tool setters. A month later there were five, with the setters joined by machine tool setter operators, toolmakers or tool fitters, skilled motor vehicle mechanics, and sheet metal workers."
    In those circumstances it is hardly surprising that there is a great deal of competitive bidding up for labour. It is what one might have expected, even if one had only a residual commitment to the principles of the efficacy of the law of supply and demand.

    I see the hon. Member for Kingston upon Hull, North (Mr. McNamara) in his place. I have no doubt that if he has an opportunity he will tell the House just what was the mystery of the advertisement in the Hull Daily Mail of Saturday, 31st March which, under the heading "Situations Vacant" said:
    "£250 reward for bricklayers who earn bonus building houses."
    I know that it gave rise to certain subsequent debates in the council chamber of the Kingston upon Hull City Council. I do not regard the House of Commons as necessarily the most appropriate place to parallel discussions which have taken place elsewhere. However, I believe that it indicates a tightness in the building market which can be obviated only by a great many sub rosa payments in order that those who wish to employ can offer the remuneration which is, in effect, the going rate in today's developing situation of labour tightness.

    Indeed, the Birmingham Sunday Mercury reported only last Sunday that a company was offering incentives to its employees to bring in new labour. The rate of reward was a free kettle for one operator recruited, a toaster for the second new employee, and a dishwasher when six operators were recruited.

    I know that it will be a matter of considerable direct and personal interest to my right hon. Friend the Leader of the House that 200 New Zealanders have been recruited to do relief contract milking at £50 a week.

    These are all figures which suggest that there is much greater tightness developing in the labour market week by week. This is why the debate cannot await upon the more leisurely disciplines of the Parliamentary timetable. This is what is happening irrespective of any action on the part of Mr. Scanlon or Mr. Jones. The important point for the House to grasp quickly is that the reality of the true test for the Government's incomes policy does not derive from a confrontation between the Government and centrally negotiated wages through the actions of one of the major union leaders in a central negotiation, but rather in these settlements which are now being concluded and to which I have referred.

    One of the induced consequences which we must debate early is that the pattern of remuneration is altering. It is going away from the crude cash payment to the rather more refined area of fringe benefits. The Government have recognised this in the sense that the statutory instrument which guides the agencies goes to some lengths to try to elaborate the areas of fringe benefit which are encompassed within remuneration which they are to consider with care and discrimination.

    We must ask ourselves whether the Government have the statistical machinery to enable them to know whether their policy is being successful. It is not enough to go through the usual Tuesday and Thursday afternoon rituals, to which reference was made earlier, of asserting that the policy has either succeeded or failed. We are anxious to know and to have early confirmation from the Treasury Bench whether the refinement of statistics on wages and earnings now fully encompasses the discernible trend towards fringe benefits as a more important component of total remuneration.

    Does the hon. Gentleman agree that the situation that he outlines, which is not necessarily as correct as he puts it while not being incorrect, could at the same time be caused by the issue of supply and demand? Does he agree that the Prime Minister, when he allowed IDCs to be granted in the Midlands to allow greater industrial development, could have been contributing to the situation about which he now complains?

    The hon. Gentleman has put forward an interesting point which I should like to answer at leisure with the detail and consideration that it deserves. However, if I were to do so, I believe that I should infringe the rules of order as we are merely discussing whether Parliament should adjourn for 10 days from Maundy Thursday. I take note of his intervention, but I do not feel either confident or competent to make an off-the cuff retort. If the time for which I am asking is granted and I am fortunate enough to catch Mr. Speaker's eye, I will on that occasion give the argument that the hon. Gentleman has advanced the care and attentive analysis that it deserves. I hope that he will allow me to leave it at that.

    I return to the significance of fringe benefits in earnings figures. I am anxious to have an early statement from the Government indicating exactly how our statistics measure the fringe benefits which are becoming an increasing component of remuneration.

    I put down a Question to my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Employment, to which I received a Written Answer on 16th April, asking
    "if he will list the various forms of fringe remunerations that are included in the statistics of weekly or monthly rates or earnings of wages and salaries, respectively."
    The Answer was one of great length. I hope that the House will bear with me if I merely quote one or two of the relevant sentences. My hon. Friend the Minister of State replied:
    "Generally rates of wages and salaries do not include the monetary value of any fringe and other benefits which are paid in kind or employers' payments to occupational pension schemes, etc. … Similarly statistics of gross earnings generally only cover cash remuneration ".—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 16th April 1973; Vol. 855, c. 40.]
    At a subsequent point in his Answer my hon. Friend dwelt upon those old well-known, hardy favourites of fringe benefits—the agricultural workers' accommodation and the miners' concessionary coal.

    It is not good for a prices and incomes policy to proceed when a Department has such a backward-looking view on the whole issue of fringe remuneration. Therefore, I hope that my right hon. Friend will take an early opportunity to enable us to debate the whole subject so that we can understand two points. The first is the extent to which phase 2 is being overtaken by a growing tightness in the labour market which is driving up the wages or remuneration being paid. The second point is to attempt to analyse the method by which that additional remuneration—indeed, under the spur of the Government's policies—is being driven increasingly towards fringe benefits and is increasingly, therefore, rendering our statistics meaningless. It is no success to persuade ourselves that we have won the war against inflation if what we have done is to triumph over the incomes statistics rather than over inflation itself. This is not an esoteric point. It is a point of immediacy which deserves an early debate which can be achieved only if the House returns rather earlier than Monday week.

    If we return on Wednesday or Thursday and there is more time than can be encompassed in the debate to which I have referred, I am prepared for an alliance of sorts with the right hon. Member for Orkney and Shetland and to agree that there are great social issues implicit in the developement of natural gas and oil in the seas off his constituency. Indeed, I am sure that hon. Members will wish to raise many other topics. However, I suggest that the points I have just elaborated are matters of immediacy. I hope, therefore, that my right hon. Friend will look with a kindly disposition on the argument that I have just advanced.

    I am sure that before I call the right hon. Member for Kettering (Sir G. de Freitas) to speak the House will allow me to extend a hearty welcome to Mr. Sam Wijesinha, the Clerk of the House of the National State Assembly of Sri Lanka (Ceylon). We welcome him today at the Table of the House of Commons of which we are so proud as the Mother of Parliaments.

    4.30 p.m.

    I should not have intervened in the debate were it not for the fact that three-quarters of an hour ago the Minister of Posts and Telecommunications gave a most complacent answer about the telephone service. It may be that there is an efficient telephone service for some Members but there is not one for those who work in No. 1 Bridge Street.

    When, in August last year, the telephone service was changed and a modern service was introduced with an answering service, No. 1 Bridge Street was not so treated but we were assured that it was only a matter of months before we would be given proper accommodation with that service. I find it strange that the Minister does not appear to know of this problem. It shows that those who are in No. 1 Bridge Street have been much too reticent about it and have not complained enough. I wish to put the matter right.

    I do not think that we should let the matter rest and go off for the Easter Recess until we have an assurance that when my constituents and those of my hon. Friends who are in No. 1 Bridge Street telephone the House they will get as good a service as is available to the constituents of other hon. Members. The good telephone service is not universal. We have an old-fashioned service in No. 1 Bridge Street, and our constituents are put to considerable trouble.

    I understand the problems of installing a line. There always are problems, but cannot they be solved by offering those who are in No. 1 Bridge Street the opportunity of going to offices in Dean's Yard which are vacant, which have been redecorated and which have this service so that our constituents can get as good a service as is enjoyed by others?

    I hope that before we agree to this motion and go off for the recess we shall receive the assurance for which I have asked. I should not have raised the matter but for the fact that the Minister is apparently not seized of the difficulties.

    4.32 p.m.

    Like my hon. Friend the Member for Oswestry (Mr. Biffen) I, too, should prefer to come back earlier than is proposed to debate an issue which I think should be considered by the House rather than that we should adjourn and perhaps debate the matter at a later date.

    The issue which I wish to raise is debated all too rarely in the House. I have in mind the general question of crime and law and order, and I think I am right in saying that the House has not had an opportunity of debating it during Government time since the last election.

    It is true that we debated the Criminal Justice Bill. There is no alternative but to debate a measure of that kind. It is also true that some back benchers have raised the matter in various ways. But the general point remains that there has been no opportunity to scrutinise generally either the policy being followed in this area or the rising trends in crime.

    I do not intend to make a party point or a party speech, but we must recognise that the problem of crime is not one which has suddenly been pushed upon us by politicians wanting to make capital out of this issue. It is not an issue which has been "got up" by a sensational Press. It is a real issue. The increase in crime is real, and perhaps most seriously, and certainly most ironically of all, the increase has taken place at a time when the standard of living in this country and in Europe generally has been rising at an unprecedented rate. As crime has been increasing, so, too, has the standard of living.

    What is more, and what adds further point and urgency to the need for a debate, is that it is not trivial crime but the most serious forms of crime, those which the public, those which you, Mr. Deputy Speaker, and I might consider the most serious, which are increasing at the fastest rate.

    Unfortunately, we do not have in this country, as they do in the United States, an index of serious crime. We have to delve into the complexities and details of our inadequate crime statistics to get the figures. The Perks Committee Report which was presented five or six years ago would have produced better statistics than we have at present, but it has so far been ignored.

    Those who have studied the matter, people such as Mr. McLintock from the Cambridge Institute of Criminology, have proved conclusively that it is the serious forms of crime which are increasing fastest. Perhaps I may give three examples to show that that is so. Over the three years between 1969 and 1971— the last years for which figures are available—the increase in crime generally was 11 per cent. Crimes involving wounding and other acts endangering life increased by 21 per cent. Crimes of robbery and assault with intent to rob, another crime involving violence, increased by 24 per cent. Murders of victims over the age of one, increased by 20 per cent. In other words, the increase in serious crimes, and notably those involving violence, was double the average increase in crime.

    Within this trend, nothing is more serious and potentially more significant than that crimes involving the use of firearms also rose at a rapid rate. Whereas in 1967 there were 265 armed robberies in England and Wales, by 1971 the figure had risen to 572—a fairly rapid increase. Firearms offences generally are increasing.

    A leader in The Times on the capital punishment issue referred to the reduction in 1972 compared with 1971 of the number of robberies involving firearms, and that may well have been so, but the general trend throughout the country is upwards. According to a reply given to me in March by my right hon. Friend the Home Secretary, last year there were more than 2,000 offences involving firearms. I believe that that adds point and relevance to the need to debate this issue.

    Perhaps even more significant in a sense is that this trend is not confined to the United Kingdom, but is affecting the rest of Europe and is to be found in both Germany and Holland. We are therefore faced with a major problem of armed crime not only in Britain but also in Europe. We are faced with the problem of criminals carrying guns, which they did not do 10 years ago. Above all, there is the problem of the illegal supply of arms. Special routes for this purpose stretch throughout Europe and demand the urgent attention of the Government.

    That is just one side of the crime problem. What depresses me even more is the fact that we have not had the opportunity of scrutinising the policies that we are deploying to deal with what most criminologists would accept as being an undoubtedly serious question. The trouble with that is that unless these policies are scrutinised carefully, we shall perpetuate the old policies and not take new initiatives.

    I should like to raise with my right hon. Friend four policies which I believe should be urgently debated. The first is the question of police recruiting. That is something on which this Government have reason to be well proud of their record. The Government have taken the restrictions from police recruiting, a very wise policy, and the result has been record recruiting figures. But I fear to tell my right hon. Friend that this point is not yet getting over to the public at large.

    Second, there is the very important question of prison building. In particular, there is the policy that we are to adopt in an area now being examined by the Home Secretary, the custody of maximum security prisoners. We have adopted a policy of dispersing such prisoners in about five or six prisons. My right hon. Friend will remember that in doing this this we rejected the proposal of the Mountbatten Committee, to have one maximum security prison. It was shown last year that there are at least question marks over this dispersal policy

    It may be that we do not have to go back to the Mountbatten proposal, although there is something to be said for having it in reserve, but what we do want is a debate upon this central issue, which is becoming increasingly important simply because of the rise in serious crime, simply because, as serious crime rises, the problem of serious criminals in prison rises with it. The Government are tackling this problem too, but we should be allowed to debate it.

    Third, there is the problem of the probation service. This Government have wisely introduced a Criminal Justice Act which I think is excellent in its concentration on treatment outside prison—which is right for those who can be treated outside prison, a distinction which obviously has to be carefully made. But if this kind of policy is to be successful, those who are are treated outside prison must be carefully supervised, and the only service that can supervise them is the probation service.

    Therefore, again, it is a matter of urgency that we examine the probation service in debate, that we decide—I pay a great tribute to the Home Secretary for having done this—whether even the increased recruiting figures and targets announced by the Home Office are sufficient.

    Fourth, the House should also be able to debate the report of the Criminal Law Revision Committee upon evidence. It is true that this has not been overwhelmingly welcomed by the legal profession. That is a factor to take into account, but it is not necessarily a conclusive factor or the only one There are other people and other professions with a contribution to make, particularly the police, who are clearly interested in the processes whereby people are tried and convictions sought, one remembers in this respect the contribution of Sir Robert Mark, the present Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police, on this subject.

    Surely, this report should be debated, and debated quickly. It was presented in June 1972 by a very distinguished committee. It is not going too far to say that it is becoming something of a slight upon that committee that we have so far not debated it. I believe that the public, and perhaps the Home Office, might be surprised to find the range of opinions on this subject. It is certainly not true to suggest that all the arguments are one way on this difficult question. There are formidable problems and important questions of policy which we should debate. But above all, in our procedure, we must show that this important area is given the importance which the public place upon it and that we are prepared to take the problems very seriously.

    4.46 p.m.

    I would urge the Leader of the House, even at this late stage, to postpone the Adjournment of the House until we have had a statement from the Secretary of State for Trade and Industry that he will agree to set up an inquiry into the closure of BDR Machines in Bristol, and thus countermand an earlier letter sent to my right hon. Friend the Member for Bristol, South-East (Mr. Benn) on 4th April, in which he said that he felt that an inquiry would serve no useful purpose. The closure of this famous firm in Bristol shows disquieting features which are at the heart of many of our industrial problems.

    Brecknell Dolman and Rogers has been for many years a famous firm in Bristol, producing a wide range of automatic vending machines, ticket machines and other highly skilled electrical and engineering products. In August 1969, when there were about 1,700 people employed, they were taken over by the Vokes Group. From that date, the work people felt, things began to go to pieces. There were three lots of redundancies, the last involving a reduction of the labour force by over half. When this final large redundancy took place, the workers were told, on 27th August 1971, that although it was a big redundancy, it would restore BDR to future prosperity and continuing production. This was confirmed in March 1972, when D. F. Ringe, a director of Vokes, told the unions, "The worst is behind us". As late as September 1972, at a meeting with the works manager, the unions were told that the order book was comparatively healthy.

    Recently, the firm has been taken over by Thomas Tilling, the great holding group. Right hon. and hon. Members may have seen the summary of the group's annual report in last night's paper. I have here a copy of that report, a glossy document. I do not suppose that the shareholders begrudge a little expense in turning out a nice annual report, because it says that, in the last year, the profit after tax has increased by 43 per cent.

    In the chairman's remarks, he pays tribute to the whole body of the staff and thanks them for working so hard with such zeal and loyalty. I am afraid that the workers in Bristol at BDR Machines did not have long to demonstrate their zeal and loyalty to the chairman of Thomas Tilling, because on 2nd March it was announced that the firm was to close. There was no consultation with the unions until the announcement of the closure.

    It is believed by the workers themselves that this firm has been deliberately run down, that the assets have been stripped, that the interest of Vokes was in the filtration side, and that this has now been put into Tilling's Dust Control Equipment section because Tilling recognises that the whole field of environmental and pollution control is a great growth area. It was after this particular expertise of BDR Machines.

    The workers are extremely concerned about this. They now appreciate that the firm is going, but they are most anxious that there should be a great deal of publicity about this matter because they are extremely concerned about the wider issues of take-overs and amalgamations in British industry, not only to eliminate competition but also to acquire a particular specialism that a firm possesses and then to dispense with the rest of the firm, to cast it aside like an old glove.

    It is a matter of urgency that there be an inquiry into the closure of BDR Machines at Bristol, because this is not simply a local matter. Far wider issues are involved. If this sort of thing is to continue, with the absolute minimum of trade union consultation, throwing hundreds of people out on to the stones for mere book-accounting calculations, we shall not get the sort of spirit in industry which we need if we are to survive in a highly competitive world.

    4.51 p.m.

    I am prompted to make a brief contribution to the debate by the observations of the hon. Member for Oswestry (Mr. Biffen), to whose contributions in the House I always listen with respect, while not necessarily agreeing with his conclusions. I am prompted also by the contribution made by my hon. Friend the Member for Bristol, South (Mr. Michael Cocks). The problem mentioned by my hon. Friend has been experienced in exactly the same way in Burnley. I hope that the Leader of the House will take this matter very seriously.

    We in Burnley, particularly the local authority, have co-operated with the firm in question to a point which could truthfully be described as bending over backwards to accommodate it. On several occasions when the machines created a nuisance in the neighbourhood, I appealed to the company to apply some silencers. Because of the need to consolidate industry in Burnley, the local authority was very anxious to please the company, but not quite so anxious to please those who had complained. With that degree of co-operation, one would expect that the company would act reciprocally, in practical terms. Yet very much the same has happened in Burnley as has been described by my hon. Friend Without any consultation with the trade unions, this company was taken over by Thomas Tilling. It was closed down, Burnley lost 300 engineering jobs. We cannot afford to lose such jobs.

    I turn now to the observations of the hon. Member for Oswestry. He may feel that the House should be recalled next week. In no way do I dispute the fact that it should. But another point that must then be discussed is the economy of North-East Lancashire. Apart from the industrial disruption which I have mentioned—the loss of those 300 jobs—it must be understood that North-East Lancashire has suffered in every post-war year from the loss of textile and mining jobs. There has not been a high incidence of unemployment in the area because it is notoriously clear that people will not stay there when unemployed. One finds the answer in the depopulation figures. The population is rather less than 80,000 whereas once it was over 120,000.

    The hon. Member for Oswestry mentioned the fringe benefits attendant upon wage rates in order to attract labour. I accept the hon. Member's facts. He is too astute ever to give facts to the House which he cannot substantiate. But if he refers back some six or nine months, he will remember that the Prime Minister allowed firms in the Midlands to have IDCs, whereas formerly, under the Labour Government, IDCs had been checked. When these IDCs were granted, there were those of us who felt that the Prime Minister was making a serious mistake.

    The situation outlined by the hon. Member for Oswestry is a case of supply and demand. Firms would not be paying these fringe benefits were it not for the fact that otherwise they could not obtain labour. It is a shameful thing that this should happen in one part of the country when 60 or 70 miles northward we are still crying out for industry for the labour we have there. It seems a cock-eyed manner in which to run the economy.

    I agree with the hon. Member that it is absolute nonsense to say that we are curing inflation when there are undercurrents of this character. In addition, this is a form of industrial immorality in which no Government ought readily to acquiesce. For those reasons, the remarks made by the hon. Member should be taken seriously. Whether or not a debate can be arranged next week, the week after that or very shortly, this position should be tackled—I hope not with the smiling countenance of the Leader of the House. Many who have drawn inferences from the remarks of the hon. Member for Oswestry will find little to smile about.

    It is only a couple of months since a Minister of the Department of Trade and Industry visited Lancashire. He told the responsible people there that prosperity was just around the corner. That must be one hell of a corner. In the last six or nine months, the situation has become progressively worse. That Minister should visit the area again to try to explain in detail what he meant on his last visit.

    I now deal with the kind of industrial adviser with whom we are favoured. I should not have used the word "favoured"; the best word would be "disfavoured". The complaint I made when these advisers were appointed was that they knew nothing about North-East Lancashire and, I suspected, cared even less. I was told at the time that these people had a knowledge and an interest in the area and were prepared to discharge their obligations in a fitting manner.

    One such adviser paid a visit last Friday to a meeting of the North-East Lancashire Development Committee. He was at the meeting for exactly five minutes, then taking his leave. This is a shocking example of the manner of discharging responsibilities to an area which needs attention from the Government—the kind of attention which the Labour Government tried to give from 1966 to 1970, and tried with a considerable measure of success. The present Government should study their predecessors' success and the means of obtaining it so that they in turn can imitate such methods for the future of this area.

    I know that it would be asking too much of the Leader of the House to tell me anything about the report of the Hardman Committee on the dispersal of administration. But perhaps he will tell me when that report will be made and whether, when it is made, those who are expecting certain tangible results from it —whether or not our expectations will be fulfilled—will have a right of appeal to the Hardman Committee. I should like the Leader of the House to note that point.

    North-East Lancashire has as good an administrative team as can be found anywhere in the country, not excluding the South-East to which area administrative work providing employment for a substantial number of people has been dispersed. Yet not one job has been dispersed to North-East Lancashire. A recent competition for the most efficient secretary in Britain was won hands down by a Burnley girl. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear."] I am glad that the House appreciates that.

    My hon. Friend has not seen the Newcastle girls.

    I am not prepared to accept such an interruption from the Deputy Leader of the Opposition. The Newcastle girls should have entered the competition. The fact that the Burnley girls entered shows their initiative and enterprise.

    People in Burnley take a great pride in educating their children. Burnley has some of the finest schools in the country. The grammar school there compares with the very best—[Interruption.]—it is a grammar school, yes. The Leader of the House can draw what conclusion he likes from that. I content myself with stating the facts. Having been educated in Burnley, the youngsters must take their talents to the South rather than employ them in the area where they were educated. If the Leader of the House can acquiesce in that situation, he is not the man I thought he was.

    May I ask finally, when will the Hardman Committee report? If the report, when it is published, does not favour constituencies such as mine and Nelson and Colne, will there be an opportunity for us to debate it and to present our views on it? So much depends upon what we can obtain in the nature of administrative work to help the economy of an area that has progressively helped Britain's economy to at least the same extent as any other area.

    5.2 p.m.

    It is not only Burnley that has an unemployment problem. There are other areas and other industries. Some months ago farm workers were told that their wages were to be frozen in the name of counter-inflation. I do not know whether this action was taken lest food prices would rise. Since that action was taken, there has been a continuing problem of unemployment on the land.

    It is significant that, perhaps not wholly as a result of that, we have had to entice from New Zealand no fewer than 200 farm workers who are to be paid, not frozen wages, but £50 a week. I accept that these men will work much longer hours than the ordinary farmworker and that they are skilled. This is a small example of the shortage of manpower in agriculture, an industry which I fear will have to contend with a number of difficulties in the next few years.

    One difficulty is a deterioration in the industry's public relations. Last night I was appalled to hear of the vast quantity of wheat that has been denatured since 1st February. The figure now totals 245,000 tons. The greater part of this has been denatured by the process technically known as incorporation. The rest of it has been submitted to another process to which we are being introduced and to which my hon. Friend the Member for Oswestry (Mr. Biffen) drew attention in a Question he put to the Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food a few weeks ago.

    The regulation was that this wheat had to be denatured with the aid of a dye. Only one dye was permissible, namely, patent blue B. The dye was poured over the wheat. So much wheat was denatured that they ran out of the dye and they had to go to Brussels for permission to use other dyes. Since then we use amaranth, orange G, indigo-carmine and green S. I do not know whether there are inspectors wandering round the fields and through the granaries of England to see whether it is indigo-carmine or green S. These things will do agriculture no good.

    We have been told ad nauseam that there is a world shortage of wheat and that Russia had a deficiency of 10 per cent. on the harvest. If there is a shortage of wheat, how can we explain away the denaturing of 245,000 tons, which is much more wheat than is produced in the whole of Derbyshire?

    The Lord President of the Council and Leader of the House of Commons
    (Mr. James Prior)

    Does not my hon. Friend realise that by far the greater part of the British wheat crop goes into feeding stuffs? Incorporation and denaturing in this respect are doing no more than what we have done for donkeys' years.

    I am well aware of that. I am one of the buyers of incorporated wheat. I have used quite a lot of it. I do so reluctantly, because I would rather be free to choose an alternative which is cheaper and better for the taxpayer who has to subsidise my use of incorporated wheat.

    I am interested in what the hon. Gentleman is saying. Will he say why denaturing is carried out? Does it improve the quality or the growth of wheat?

    The hon. Gentleman is naive. Of course it is much better to eat wheat which has had dyes such as patent blue V, amaranth, orange G, indigo-carmine and green S applied to it! I am aware that incorporated wheat is not lost wheat. Of course it is not. More than 50,000 tons has been denatured by the process I have mentioned, however. This has been so treated as to make it impossible to be used for human consumption.

    Will the hon. Gentleman relate what he is saying to whether we shall come back during Easter Week?

    My short point is that before any further talks take place in Brussels the House should hear a little more about what my right hon. Friend the Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food can do. Has he any veto? Can he on behalf of the British people impose a veto on any decision to increase the price of food? My inquiries show that he has no veto.

    If that be so, there should be a proper, full-scale debate in the House to determine the views of hon. Members about the negotiations and the stand being taken by my right hon. Friend. I applaud his protests in Luxembourg and in Brussels. We in the House could strengthen his arm considerably by making it plain that, as the elected representatives of the people of this country, we shall not countenance an unnecessary increase in the price of our food.

    5.10 p.m.

    I shall not pursue too far the point raised by the hon. Member for Oswestry (Mr. Biffen), who gave as an example in his speech the action of Hull City Council recently over the payment of wages and bonuses to bricklayers. All I shall say about Hull City Council is that it works in mysterious ways its wonders to perform. Any action taken by that council, which is Labour-dominated, as Humberside is now, will be wise.

    I should like to speak about three important matters to which we should perhaps return in Easter week. The first matter is the cod war. The Leader of the House and I have few interests in common, but we have this issue in common. Like me, the right hon. Gentleman would like to see an early, satisfactory conclusion to the difficulties. Unfortunately, the Icelandic Government have shown themselves loath to fix a time and date for a meeting with Her Majesty's Government to discuss the policies to be followed over fishing between the 12-mile limit and the 50-mile limit.

    The matter is vital to Humberside and all our fishing areas. We must know the result. The will of our people in the areas concerned is in no way weakening. Morale is not low. But it cannot be in the interests of the Icelandic people, any more than of the British people, that the dispute should drag on and on, as it is dragging on, possibly leading to serious, dangerous incidents, resulting in more and more tugs like the "Lloydsman" being sent up to Icelandic waters.

    I should be prepared to return next week to discuss with the Leader of the House a satisfactory outcome to the problem. It is a difficult one, and at a time when fish prices are traditionally very high it concerns the population as a whole. We should have an early and speedy settlement.

    Another matter is concerning my constituency, one on which the right hon. Gentleman and I may not be in such agreement. My constituency happens to contain a university, two training colleges, a college of technology, a college of commerce, a college of art and a nautical college. Therefore, it will be no surprise to the Leader of the House that I seek from him an assurance that if any announcement is made about student grants we shall be summoned hot-foot from our constituencies, if only to applaud the Secretary of State for Education and Science because she has accepted the students' legitimate demands.

    We in London are particularly concerned about our teachers' being refused a satisfactory increase in their London allowance. If my hon. Friend's students are offered an increase, we hope that teachers in London will first be offered their rightful increase in the London allowance.

    I am sure that my hon. Friend will not wish to argue with me about the priorities. We both want justice for the London teachers and for the students, but I am particularly concerned about the students, because so many of them live in my constituency. I have many as close neighbours, as the university is directly opposite my house.

    For the students attending the technical colleges, and receiving discretionary awards, there is a particular hardship. To a large extent students have the same standard of living, the same needs, the same objects. Therefore, they should all be treated on the same level. The discretionary grants should be made mandatory, and the grants as a whole should be raised to the level demanded by the National Union of Students.

    The terrible anomaly in the treatment of married women students should be ended. All students should be treated in the same way, if necessary filling in the forms for the new PAYE scheme to see whether they qualify to pay tax in the normal way, rather than be subjected to the present means test and hand-out system.

    My final point concerns the Written Answer by the Secretary of State for the Environment on the future of the Humberside feasibility study and the Government's deplorable decision not to go ahead with many of the plans in that study. One of the reasons the Government gave for not going ahead was that the postulated population growth would not take place by the end of the century. What they fail to understand is that whether or not that growth takes place there is a crying need to develop both banks of the Humber. There is a great need on the north bank for direct Government intervention to bring in more jobs, particularly skilled jobs, and to have a balance of jobs between the age groups.

    The area has never qualified under any existing criteria for development area status, yet we have never been a boom area. We now face a large number of redundancies, with very few job replacements. Many of our traditional industries are being run down.

    The Government's casual throwing aside of the findings of the Humberside study, saying that they will take no special steps to stimulate growth in the area, apart from the general aid given to an intermediate area, has caused acute concern and disappointment.

    It is particularly to be regretted that the answer was given in written form, so that we did not have an opportunity properly to examine the Secretary of State on the reasons for his calamitous decision. A signal went out from the regional officers in Leeds on Tuesday of last week that an important announcement was to be made on the future of Humberside. Then, perhaps, someone suddenly realised that there was to be an election on the Thursday, and the announcement was postponed until Monday. But it did not help the Conservatives very much.

    Perhaps if the announcement had been made earlier we should not have the terrible position in my constituency of having one ward still represented by Conservatives. That is the only ward in the city that they represent, and we are working on it. Their majority is down to 1,000, and come the next Humberside elections I am sure that the ward will be ours.

    The Government have made a deplorable decision over the Humberside study, while they pour money into Maplin. Intermediate areas like Humberside will suffer as a result of their profligate spending on the tremendous white elephant that they are to have on the South-East coast.

    For the reasons I have given, the Leader of the House should carefully consider giving us time to consider the cod war, student grants, and the future of Humberside.

    5.20 p.m.

    I want to raise a matter which concerns the Leader of the House in both his present capacity and also in his former capacity as Minister of Agriculture, when the Cabinet Minister responsible for the price of food. However, before I proceed along that line I should like to put forward an interpretation of our rules of procedure concerning our debates on the Adjournment Motion which is perhaps slightly different from that which has grown up in recent years. If we go back a little into the history of the House it is clear that the major purpose of these debates has always been held to be that they are the last opportunity before the House rises for the recess to bring to the notice of the executive matters of particular concern to our constituents. It is not necessary, I submit, to argue that the House must come back next week on a particular day. This is not a debate reserved for the pretence or pretext that it is not reasonable for the House to have a spell away when it is not meeting formally each day.

    The point I intend to advance has no connection with this pretext. I want to express my profound regret and censure on the Government that they have not so far supplied an opportunity for the House to debate the scandal of the butter mountain, about which we have heard a good deal. I do this particularly in view of the concern expressed by my constituents. I want to read into the record a letter I have just received from two of my constituents, a gentleman and his wife. It is dated 10th April 1973 from an address in Silkstone, near Barnsley within the Penistone constituency. It says:
    "Dear Mr. Mendelson,
    We are extremely angered by the action of the European Economic Community in disposing of butter to the USSR at the price equivalent of 7p a 1b, having already been subsidised by the EEC by £!40 million. Is this country powerless to do anything about such a high handed action now that we are in the EEC? If so, please endeavour to release this country from such commitments which seem to hit the ordinary citizen hard, and the less well-off particularly hard. We eat mostly margarine because it is considerably cheaper than butter and we are sure that this butter could have found a ready market in Britain and other EEC markets at a similar price as margarine (which, as you know, is itself more than 7p a lb). Why in this time of rising food prices was the opportunity not taken to reduce the price of at least one commodity, which is at present something of a luxury on account of its high price?"
    I was particularly anxious to read the letter to the House today and not after we return. It is an opportunity to inject into our debates the voice of the ordinary people and an opportunity to censure the Government for not providing a major debate in the last fortnight on this vital subject. These constituents of mine and people throughout the country are much more interested in this matter than in many other subjects that we have been devoting time to in the last fortnight. The executive is in control of the time of the House. No matter what the usual channels do, with the exception of a Supply Day, the Government quite rightly in the end have to approve the business of the House.

    My points are connected with a most urgent matter which must be raised this afternoon concerning the meetings of the Ministers of Agriculture of the various EEC countries. Our Minister of Agriculture was interviewed at eight o'clock this morning on BBC radio when he gave a brief outline of the position in the negotiations as it appears to him. But we should have constant reports in this House about the position in the negotiations, not on the BBC rather than in the House of Commons. It is good that the Minister should be heard by the people of this country on the radio as often as possible, but that should never be regarded as a substitute for an immediate report to the House.

    The way in which the right hon. Gentleman described the situation this morning was extremely disturbing. This is why I said that the Leader of the House was directly involved in this, first because he is a former Minister of Agriculture, and, secondly, because he is the Leader of the House. He knows all the details. Sometimes it may be felt that it is overtaxing one Minister for him to have to reply to the many various subjects raised on these debates on the Adjournment motion, but that is not so today. The expert is sitting there on the Treasury Bench large as life and quite as natural, and we can now feel confident that we shall receive a detailed reply to compensate for the fact that the Minister of Agriculture is not here ready to join in the debate.

    This brings me to another tradition. In times gone by the House did not adhere so rigidly to the practice that only one Minister shall intervene during these debates. The House was a better place for that. Other Ministers were summoned to the Treasury Bench to make brief statements, and I look forward to the day when we may return to this tradition. Any member of the Cabinet who rises in his place and wishes to speak will never be denied the attention of the Chair. However, today we have no cause for complaint because the expert is here ready to reply.

    The Minister said on the radio this morning that no agreement had been reached in these discussions and it sounded as though no agreement was in sight. There is to be another meeting before the House returns. These matters are so serious both for the immediate level of good prices and in the long term that the House should debate the matter more frequently. I want an assurance from the Leader of the House that we shall not be fobbed off with a statement by the Minister of Agriculture when the House returns. The Leader of the House should take it upon himself to assure us this afternoon before we agree to adjourn for the Easter Recess that there will be an early debate lasting a whole day—not just a couple of hours—so that the representations of the people in this country, as illustrated by my constituents' letter, can be answered.

    The discussions involve a fundamental principle of the common agricultural policy. The matter is particularly urgent for Parliament because of the statement made about five days ago by the French Minister of Agriculture, M. Chirac, which was indeed sensational. Future generations will be unable to understand how the House of Commons debated all manner of things but never found time to debate this matter.

    I will tell the House what was said by the French Agriculture Minister at St. Malo at a big conference of farmers. I remind the House that this was said not in the middle of an election campaign in the nature of a propaganda speech, but after the French general election in which the majority was reduced but the mandate renewed. In other words, it was said by a Government looking forward to four or five years in power. The French Agriculture Minister obviously made the statement deliberately for international as well as for French consumption.

    I shall paraphrase what the Minister said. He said that Britain and America seemed to be so fiercely opposed to the CAP that if they continued in such a way they could not possibly reach agreement with the French. He said that in the name of France and French agriculture he would insist on the full increases demanded by the French—increases which they regard as necessary but which are well above the proposals submitted by the Commission. He said that he would insist on those demands being met and that if the British Government continued in their present position it would be clear that they would not be in a position to remain members of the EEC.

    Surely a statement of such gravity merits debate in this House—but not at all. No provision has been made by the Leader of the House for time to debate this matter. I hope that he will now give a firm assurance that we shall return immediately to such a debate after the Easter Recess and that it will replace other less urgent business.

    I come to my last point. In all the debates which have taken place on the subject of CAP the Government have given all sorts of sunshine estimates in terms of the long-term implications. We heard time and time again from various Government spokesmen on the radio and television stories of the increases of one half of 1 per cent. a year which would be added to our food prices. We heard it all before in the debate on the European Communities Bill. We were told that we could look forward to a period of eight years within which the price of meat would increase by perhaps 8 per cent. The price of meat has increased by 22 per cent. in eight weeks, let alone what will happen in eight years.

    I warn the House against accepting these sunshine estimates which the Government are putting forward. I do not expect the right hon. Gentleman the Leader of the House to produce a new calculation, but I warn him not to give us any more sunshine figures of one-quarter or one-half of 1 per cent. What is undermining confidence and morale of people in the country is not, as is sometimes alleged, the fact that people in politics today have less integrity than they had in the past. What is undermining morale is all the slanderous nonsense that is talked in terms of sunshine estimates which, when checked against the facts, are found to be completely untrue.

    I urge the Government to treat this matter seriously and I hope that we shall have a clear and satisfactory reply to these questions before we agree to the motion.

    5.35 p.m.

    When we debated the Christmas Adjournment motion, I selected six or seven promises made in the Conservative Manifesto at the 1970 election and contrasted them with the Conservative Government's record. I showed that their record bore no relation whatever to their promises.

    This afternoon we have seen the alarming balance of payments figures. They show that for the first time our import bill has risen by over £1,000 million in a month. It is the biggest deficit ever in a single month and it looks almost certain that the forecasts of a deficit for this year of between £800 million and £1,000 million will be reached. The Labour Party can be forgiven for saying "This is where we came in".

    I raised this matter during business questions earlier today and the right hon. Gentleman said two things which are important. He said that the Government will keep their nerve and then went on to say that the Government will keep prosperity going. Well, some nerve, some prosperity! I believe that the Government have taken leave of their senses. It is obvious to everybody—and it must be obvious to the Government— that things cannot go on as they are. Had the Labour Government been in office in the last two years the Tory Press—that is, most of the Press—would have hounded them out of office before now. It is a major indictment of the Tory Press that in the past two years they have seen the British economy being destroyed by the Government and have conspired with the Government to represent it as prosperity.

    This year the Government are running the country on a deficit of £4,500 million. This figure, so far as I can check, is the biggest internal deficit in any one year in peace or in war. This and its effect on the money supply is the major cause of inflation—[HOH MEMBERS: "No."] Of course it is. [Interruption.] Inflation has nothing whatever to do with the trade unions. Increases in industrial wages in this country have been lower than increases in most other industrial countries. Only 40 per cent of consumer products depend on industrial wages. The major cause of inflation has been the Government's crazy, ludicrous economic policy over the last two and a half years.

    Let us look at what they have achieved: prices up 30 per cent; house prices up 87 per cent.; rent up 30 per cent; rates up by goodness knows what. The pound has been devalued by 15 per cent. plus, our internal deficit this year is £4,500 million and our external deficit is approaching £1,000 million. This Government are leading Britain on to the quicksands of economic disaster and this year there will be another Budget which will be severe and Draconion— nobody can have any doubt about that. In the meantime we and the public are entitled to have some indication of how the Government see the situation.

    What does the right hon. Gentleman the Leader of the House think about today's trade figures? Will he say how he sees the situation today and over the next few months? Does he see a borrowing requirement of £4,500 million this year as an index of prosperity? Does he see an external deficit this year of approaching £1,000 million as prosperity? Does he see the highest inflation rate in our history as prosperity? Does he see a mortgage rate of 9½ or 10 per cent. as prosperity? Does he see the lowest house-building rate for a decade—I refer to the year 1972—as prosperity? Does he regard a 15 per cent devaluation of the pound as prosperity? Does he see the fact that housewives cannot afford to buy meat as prosperity? Where is the prosperity about which he has talked? This all adds up to the record of one of the most incompetent Governments this country has ever had.

    The motion should not be for the Easter Adjournment. It should be for the dissolution of this Parliament. As the Government go off on their holidays, I, as a former schoolmaster, would write on the bottom of their report for this term, "Abysmal; out of their depth in this form; suggest the electors remove them; shocking waste of money to keep them here". The Government have failed dismally and abysmally, and the right hon. Gentleman knows it. Their failure is greater every time we discuss Adjournment motions. Why do not they go for good instead of just going for Easter?

    5.40 p.m.

    The Lord President of the Council and Leader of the House of Commons
    (Mr. James Prior)

    We have had from the right hon. Member for Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Central (Mr. Edward Short) his usual party political broadcast. It is certainly a better delivered party political speech than the speeches we hear from the Opposition when they have a party political broadcast on television.

    I wish to deal with the speeches in the order in which they were made. The right hon. Member for Orkney and Shetland (Mr. Grimond) made some very important points about proper overall planning in Scotland, particularly in Orkney and Shetland, for the North Sea oil developments. As a basis for exercising overall planning control over North Sea oil developments, my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Scotland has arranged for the carrying out of a range of studies. These include special work on site for the construction of offshore platforms, which has been circulated to local authorities, and a survey of the whole coast of Scotland. In addition, there is continual liaison between the Scottish Office and the Department of Trade and Industry and with the oil companies which ensures that all aspects of the constantly changing situation are kept under review. Where there are particular difficulties special action is taken —for example, the setting up of the working party of local authorities in the Moray Firth area under Scottish Office chairmanship.

    In a letter to my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Scotland, the right hon. Member for Orkney and Shetland suggested that a special body should be set up to review the position and advise on the future—which was the point the right hon. Gentleman made this afternoon. My right hon. Friend is looking into this and will be writing to the right hon. Gentleman. I shall also draw my right hon. Friend's attention to his remarks made today. My hon. Friend the Under-Secretary of State was on the Government Front Bench while the right hon. Gentleman was speaking.

    I turn to the remarks of the hon. Member for Burnley (Mr. Dan Jones). He says that he can produce from Burnley the smartest secretary. I congratulate him on representing a constituency whose football team has won its way back to the first division.

    The right hon. Member for Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Central asked me about the trade figures and how I justified—

    With all due respect to Burnley winning promotion, I think that my observations about the Hardman Committee deserve a reply.

    The hon. Gentleman must give me a little time. I have not forgotten about him. I shall return to his remarks.

    The right hon. Member for Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Central asked me how I justified my remarks about the prosperity of the country. The economy is now growing at a rate of 5 per cent. or more a year, which is twice as fast as that achieved under the Labour Government. The right hon. Gentleman wondered what would have happened if the Labour Government had been in office in the last two years. He thinks that they would have been hounded out of office. We had a Labour Government for six years and in that time the increase in production was about 1½ per cent. a year and our reserves flowed out of the country. We had the lowest rate of increased production in Europe and the highest rate of inflation in Europe. That was the Labour Government's record in that period. Under the present Government the standard of living, based on real personal disposable income, has increased by 5 per cent. a year whereas under the Labour administration it increased by 1½ per cent. a year.

    It is not surprising that the Opposition have been able to make so little headway in their attacks against the Government in the last year. Hon. Members opposite can console themselves with the victories which they had last Thursday, but, although they may be putting on a cheerful face today, they know only too well that they should have done a lot better than they did if they were to stand any chance of winning the next election.

    I shall not give way now. I will come to my hon. Friend's remarks in a minute.

    The monthly figures for visible trade have always been volatile and not too much attention should be paid to one month's figures. For the right hon. Member for Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Central to make out that there will be a balance of payments deficit of £1,000 million this year on the basis of this month's figures is grotestque in the extreme. Although exports were lower in March than they were in the previous month, they were 14 per cent. higher in value in the first quarter of 1973 than they were in the second half of 1972. Most of the rise was due to an increase in volume.

    Imports rose sharply in March and in the first quarter were 16 per cent. higher in value than they were in the second half of 1972. At least half the 16 per cent. is attributable to price increases. There is, nevertheless, bound to be a big increase in the volume of imports which is only to be expected in a year of rapidly expanding output and demand. We have been expecting a substantial upturn in stocks, which are at an extremely low level, and in fixed investment. Both those factors are bound to increase the volume of imports.

    If I were asked whether we in this country should have a fast rate of economic growth or go back to the "stagflation" of previous years, with high unemployment and a low growth rate, I should say that I was very much in favour, and so are the Government, of increasing prosperity. What we need to do in Britain is to break through the barrier where people say, as soon as we start expanding, "We must stop". We must show to the unions, employers and employees what advantages there can be for the nation if we sustain a period of economic growth. I believe that for the first time since the war we are on the way to doing that.

    Therefore, the right hon. Member for Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Central can go away at Easter in the knowledge that the Government are on course. They are getting the increased production. They are getting the increased prosperity. They have a firmer grip on inflation than any Government have had since the war.

    If the right hon. Gentleman believes that inflation has nothing to do with the unions, why was it that when his right hon. Friend his leader was in Office he said that one man's wage increase is another man's price increase? How does he justify his remarks this afternoon on that subject with all that his Government and his Ministers said when they were in office? If there is one thing which loses the Opposition any support it is the somersault they have done over both prices and incomes policy and over European policy since they have been in Opposition.

    Having got my party political broadcast out of the way I will go on to deal with some of the other points raised by hon. Members. My hon. Friend the Member for Oswestry (Mr. Biffen) raised a number of points about the possibility of overheating in the economy. It is interesting that while he was raising points about overheating the hon. Member for Burnley was raising points about underheating in North-East Lancashire. This is, of course, the regional problem with which we have to deal, and we have to say at once that unemployment in the regions is still far too high and that every effort must be made to bring it down. That is why the Government aids to the development and intermediate districts are now greater than they have ever been in our history.

    I hope that the hon. Member for Kingston-upon-Hull, North (Mr. McNamara) will also recognise that we are trying to bring prosperity to Humberside and that Humberside should stand an extremely good chance of further industrial prosperity with the coming of the Common Market. I am certain that that is the view of a good many people on Humberside.

    My hon. Friend asked me questions about statistics relating to the growth, as it were, of fringe benefits and how they fit into the statistics of earnings. I must tell him that I have no answer to that off the cuff. I will ask my right hon. Friend to look into that and let my hon. Friend know. Generally speaking, while there are a few signs of overheating, particularly in the construction industry, there is still plenty of spare capacity in industry, and I hope and pray that this country will not start talking itself into a state of stagnation again just as we have got expansion moving forward at a proper rate. With our introduction to the Common Market and with the floating of the pound we have done more to give confidence to industry that we can sustain a period of economic expansion than has any other move taken by any Government since the war. I am certain that we are going to reap a great benefit from it.

    I turn now to the right hon. Member for Kettering (Sir G. de Freitas) who raised the problem of the telephones at No. 1 Bridge Street. I know the lack— an absent service—is an inconvenience to him and to other Members who have accommodation across there. I hope it will be possible to arrange for the right hon. Gentleman and other hon. Members who wish to move into other accommodation to do so before long. I am not sure that it will particularly help him if the House continues sitting during what might be the Easter Adjournment. We are doing what we can to push ahead with the move to Dean's Yard, as I promised him when he came to see me a week or so ago.

    The problem about the telephone at Bridge Street is quite simple. The building was due to be pulled down, and therefore it was not considered worth while to put in a new cable to feed the telephones across there. I think the answer is that we must try to move him and other hon. Members who wish to move—and some, obviously, do not wish to move— as soon as we possibly can.

    I come to my hon. Friend the Member for Nottingham, South (Mr. Fowler) who raised a number of problems about crime and the duties of the police and so on. He asked me a few weeks ago whether I could arrange a debate on this very important subject. I recognise that it is a subject which the House will wish to debate before long. The business of the House in the first period after we come back after the Easter Recess will be very tied up indeed and I cannot promise an early debate.

    My hon. Friend mentioned four points, including police numbers. I am glad to be able to tell him that for the first time the strength of the police in England and Wales has now topped the 100,000 mark —100,049. Recruitment during 1972 was 7,162, 1·2 per cent. over the figure for 1971. Wastage was 4,434, 9·8 per cent. up on the corresponding figure for 1971. As a result there has been a net gain in strength in 1972 of 2,821 compared with 3,096 in 1971, 1,986 in 1970 and 980 in 1969. We are making considerable progress in building up the numbers of our police.

    On firearms control the Government fully share the general concern about the rise in the number of offences involving the use of firearms. My right hon. Friend the Home Secretary announced in the House last month that he would be publishing in the near future a consultative document setting out provisional proposals for changes in the law on firearms. This will be published for discussion and comment before final conclusions are reached on what proposals should be placed before Parliament, and it is hoped to publish the Green Paper shortly after the Easter Recess.

    My hon. Friend asked me about dispersal policy. Of course, he will know that my right hon. Friend, in the light of the experience last summer, gave consideration to possible ways and means of improving techniques and facilities for containing violent and dangerous men, and the whole range of rewards for good behaviour is being examined to see whether some more effective incentives and deterrents can be found. I have noted the points my hon. Friend made and will see that the Home Secretary is made aware of them.

    Coming to the Government's intentions regarding the Criminal Law Revision Committee's report, we are considering the comments which have been made on the report, and we have made it clear that we have no intention of introducing legislation on this subject before the House has had an opportunity of debating it. Some comments on the report are still awaited.

    The hon. Member for Bristol, South (Mr. Michael Cocks) raised the problem of BDR Machines Ltd. I recognise that for him in his constituency and his constituents it is, of course, a very serious matter and one he is absolutely right to bring to the attention of the House. I have been making some inquiries on this. As I understand it, when Vokes took over BDR in 1969 they found they did not have all the facts they should have had and they took a commercial risk. They alleged that the situation was much less rosy than they had expected. Similarly, when Tilling took over Vokes in 1972 they tock a risk without full facts about either Vokes or BDR. Vokes claim that this was not an asset stripping deal, and Vokes' sale or lease back of the BDR Bristol factory was done to raise working capital for BDR. Vokes say they will have made losses of several millions of pounds since acquiring BDR. Essentially, this is a commercial matter and BDR have no grounds for instituting an inquiry. Nor would we wish to mount a rescue operation under the Industry Act 1972. We are however, actively seeking to persuade other firms to take over part or all of BDR's capacity.

    If, as the right hon. Gentleman says, this was not asset stripping, and Vokes took a calculated risk, apparently, as did Tilling afterwards in acquiring this company, does it not seem to indicate that there was some general incompetence on the part either of accountants or of others? The result is that it is the employees who have suffered. Does not this merit some kind of inquiry?

    Without a fuller knowledge of the facts it would not be right for me to go into greater detail, but I will report this to my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Trade and Industry and ask him to examine the matter further.

    The hon. Member for Burnley asked me about the Hardman Report. The report involves intricate negotiations with Civil Service staff unions, and these are now taking place. It will be some months before the Government are in a position to state their policy. The Hardman Committee was set up to make suggestions about the movement of the central administration out of London to regions of high unemployment. The Government hope that many jobs which are now carried out in the centre of London will in future be located in the regions. Undoubtedly, the needs of Scotland, the North-East, the North-West and other parts of the country are being carefully considered. I can go no further than to say that the points made by the hon. Member for Burnley are being considered by the Government in discussing with the unions the movements which should be made.

    I press the Minister to say that those People who had a right to expect something which they did not get will have a right of appeal to the Hardman Committee.

    I cannot help the hon. Gentleman about an appeal to the Hardman Committee. The committee has reported to the Government, and it is now up to the Government as the employer to consult the Civil Service unions acting on behalf of the employees and to decide how best this operation will be carried out. All I can do is to relay to my right hon. and noble Friend who is responsible for the Civil Service Department the views which the hon. Gentleman has expressed, and that I will certainly do.

    I must tell my hon. Friend the Member for Holland with Boston (Mr. Body) that, if he thinks that the introduction of 250 New Zealand dairy workers represents a crisis for British agriculture, I do not agree with him. The reason why we have to recruit additional workers is that in the last two years there has been a large expansion in the dairy industry which is greatly to the credit of the Government.

    While I am on this point, I will deal with the question raised by the hon. Member for Penistone (Mr. John Mendelson) which may be of general interest to the House—

    Before the right hon. Gentleman leaves that point, will he comment on the wages paid to New Zealand dairy workers and to British dairy workers?

    I have seen the report that New Zealand dairy workers are being paid £50 a week. I do not know how that compares with the wages of our own dairy workers, and I do not know how many hours the New Zealand dairy workers put in. There are a great many British workers who earn between £35 and £40 a week milking cows for five, six or seven days a week. The balance between British and New Zealand workers may not be so far out as some people think.

    I remind the hon. Member for Kingston upon Hull, North (Mr. McNamara) that I have tabled a Question to the Department of Employment, the answer to which will reveal whether the Government have means of knowing the incomes of relief contract dairy workers. If, as I suspect, the Government have no means of knowing what wages are paid to these workers, a great deal of this discussion is not merely academic but is offensive to people employed in the agricultural industry who, by virtue of the Agricultural Wages Board arrangements, have had their incomes severely curtailed.

    That may be true, but to provide such detailed statistics it would be necessary to have a million people employed in the Civil Service instead of 500,000. We said during the election that we would at least stabilise the size of the Civil Service, and that is another promise that we shall keep.

    I was about to answer a point which was raised about the butter mountain. There is a difficulty here that no country has overcome. There is as yet no way of producing large quantities of beef without also producing large quantities of milk. Three years ago the EEC took steps to reduce the amount of milk produced. As a result of the success of those measures, we have a shortage of beef. In the last year the EEC started to expand rapidly dairy production to get more beef. We have not yet achieved the correct balance between beef and milk. We have to remember that 70 per cent. of all beef comes from the dairy herd. That is an inescapable fact of life and it will take many years to build up beef herds on their own and not as part of the dairy industry. [Laughter.]

    The right hon. Member for Stepney (Mr. Shore) laughs, but he knows so much about agriculture that he talks of growing milk.

    The right hon. Gentleman has not deal with the complaint of my constituent, the burden of which is: why cannot butter be cheaper for the citizens of this country?

    I will come to that in due course.

    My hon. Friend the Member for Holland with Boston asked about the denaturing of wheat. As I said in my intervention, well over half the wheat produced in Britain is used for feeding stuffs. We should be denaturing wheat in any case and, as we are receiving a subsidy from the EEC budget for denaturing wheat, I can see nothing wrong with doing so.

    My hon. Friend referred to 50,000 tons of wheat being dyed. That is done to prevent the wheat coming back again into the system. It has no effect on the use of wheat for feedingstuffs, and in any case that wheat would not be used for human consumption. When my hon. Friend talks about the visits to Brussels of the Minister for Agriculture and our attitude to the common agricultural policy he ought to remember that we have to come to terms with the policy.

    Those are the exact words which the Opposition used in their White Paper of 1970. We have to make changes in the common agricultural policy. That is what the negotiations are about. We are convinced that over a period of time these changes will be of benefit to consumers throughout the Common Market and that they can be carried out without detriment to producers. My hon. Friend must not expect to change the whole of the common agricultural policy in a few weeks or months. It would be totally unrealistic of anyone to think that this was possible.

    I said that 245,000 tons of wheat had been denatured in this country since 1st February. If my right hon. Friend is now asserting that this is quite normal and understandable because it is needed for feedingstuffs may I ask him to say whether a comparable amount was denatured last year? Does he not concede that the figure last year was smaller?

    I will not concede that at all. I grant that probably an extra quantity of wheat was kept over until 1st February so that it could attract the denaturing subsidy which the Community is paying. That is just good business and Britain taking advantage of the Communities budget.

    The amount of wheat used for feedingstuffs is about 2 million tons. I may be a little rusty on these figures. All the British wheat crop goes into feedingstuffs in one form or another. All that denaturing, or incorporation, means is that it is used for feeding to pigs, poultry, cattle and so on. There is nothing particularly strange about this practice.

    It is nothing to do with the world wheat shortage. The cattle still have to be fed, the pigs still have to be fed. It is necessary to use cereals to do this and that is what is happening.

    I come now to the subject of the cod war raised by the hon. Member for Kingston upon Hull, North. I begin by paying tribute, on behalf of the House, to the fishing industry—the crews, the skippers and the owners—for the statesmanlike approach they have adopted since last September when the problem with Iceland began. It remains the Government's policy to reach an interim agreement on fisheries in the disputed zone. Meanwhile I regret to say that harassment of British trawlers by the vessels of the Icelandic Coastguard has continued.

    We are in touch with the Icelandic Government with a view to agreeing dates for the resumption of the ministerial talks. It has not yet proved possible to arrange a meeting. The hon. Gentleman will have noticed that we have chartered a further tug the "Lloydsman", a very modern tug, which will be going out to join the other tugs in the disputed zone. I hope that this will be an indication to the fishing industry that the British Government are determined to give it all the protection it needs in exercising its legal rights in the seas round Iceland. We have no intention of reneging on our commitment to the industry.

    The hon. Member also asked questions about student grants and the countryside study. I am not in a position to answer these in detail but I will inform my right hon. Friends of his remarks.

    I turn now to the speech of the hon. Member for Penistone and will say a word or two more about the butter situation as put to him by his constituent. Let me say this about his constituents' desire that this butter should come to us. If that butter came to us at the price at which it was sold to Russia it would completely disrupt the world trade in butter. In the original negotiations we were careful to protect the position of New Zealand. This was done in two respects. The first way was by not allowing large quantities of EEC butter to be put on to the British market and the second was by refusing to allow large quantities of EEC butter to be put on to the free world market. These were two things which New Zealand wanted us to watch carefully and we have done so.

    Looking ahead over the next few weeks, the effect of the proposals now before the Council of Ministers will be to hold and perhaps even reduce the Community price of butter. The Commission has proposed a reduction in the common intervention price and the consumer subsidy for butter. If these proposals are accepted then the butter subsidy, coupled with a smaller increase in the United Kingdom intervention price than might otherwise have been necessary, makes it likely that this will lead to virtually no change in the average price of butter in United Kingdom shops this year.

    I cannot yet say what will be the outcome of the discussions in the Council of Ministers. The discussions were not concluded last night. The meeting will be resumed on 28 th and 29th April, just before we come back. My right hon. Friend will then report to the House. Many Conservative Members feel that he has done an extraordinarily good job in putting forward British interests in the last few days.

    I have dealt with the vast majority of points that were raised. We have had a session of 12 weeks. I believe that we are now due for a ten-day break. In the last few weeks we have had the added problem of security. It would be an appropriate time for me now to thank the staff of the House and the police for helping us out during this time when security problems have been rather acute.

    I said "the staff of the House and the police". I know that the whole House will wish to join in that tribute. We shall be away for only ten days which is one day shorter than many recent Easter Recesses. I hope that it will enable all hon. Members to consult their constituents. The right hon. Member for Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Central may glean what comfort he is able to glean from consulting his constituents. I am certain that my hon. Friends will find that Government supporters are in a very strong, firm frame of mind, willing to carry on ensuring that this country grows in prosperity.

    Question put and agreed to.

    Resolved,

    That this House at its rising tomorrow, do adjourn till Monday 30th April.

    Breeding Of Dogs Bill

    6.20 p.m.

    I beg to move,

    That leave be given to bring in a Bill to regulate the commercial breeding of dogs; to provide for inspection of premises at which dogs are bred and for control over the transportation of puppies; and for purposes connected with those matters.
    It is one of the glories of this House that it can turn its attention from events of national significance to wrongs which should be remedied, especially when those wrongs involve cruelty.

    I am seeking by the inspection and control which I propose to bring to an end a great deal of cruelty and neglect which is often unknown to the general public. There is a great need for such a Bill. The Royal Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals and the British Veterinary Association would fully support such legislation, and the RSPCA has conducted a survey of breeding establishments because of its concern about what is happening.

    Mr. Peter Bessell, the then hon. Member for Bodmin, brought in a Bill entitled the Animal Breeding Establishments Bill some four years ago. But I believe from the evidence in my possession that the situation has worsened considerably since that Bill was introduced. That Bill dealt with both dogs and cats. My Bill would deal only with dogs because it is in the breeding of dogs that most of the present trouble lies.

    The dog owner who is not a commercial breeder would have nothing to fear from my Bill—it would not apply to him nor would the great majority of commercial breeders, since their good business sense as well as their concern for animals leads them to support such legislation. My Bill would be aimed at curtailing the cruel activities of those whose greed has totally overcome any humanity that they may have had.

    In its survey of establishments in England and Wales where dogs are bred, the RSPCA found that about 6 per cent. of the premises were unsatisfactory but that from these establishments came more than 12 per cent. of the puppies produced —in other words, one in eight of all the puppies that go on to the market. That gives an indication of the degree of over-breeding which goes on in these unsatisfactory establishments. What happens is that bitches are bred from at every possible opportunity, they are worn out very quickly and the only favourable feature is that their lives, though very brutish, are at least brief.

    I give a few examples to the House in order to show the need for legislation of the kind that I propose. With regard to the housing of dogs, in Cheshire a number of bitches and their litters were found to be kept in one small open room of a derelict cottage. In Cornwall dogs were found herded together in disused farm buildings where they were fed on the unprepared carcases of dead lambs or sheep tossed into their compound. In Northumberland a number of bitches and their litters were found to be housed in an old disused, open caravan.

    The worst affected areas are in the rural parts of the country—in Wales, in the South West and in East Anglia. I am led to understand from a recent BBC programme that Scotland, too, is bad. This is a rural problem because in towns people see or hear what is happening whereas in the countryside such activities are unknown to the public and consequently to the inspectors as well.

    There is therefore a need for such establishments to be registered with local authorities so that they, the Royal Society or a veterinary surgeon on their behalf may inspect commercial dog-breeding establishments. Strangely enough pet shops and boarding kennels are controlled by legislation and are open to inspection. Breeding establishments are not. Such a Bill as this, therefore, would fill a gap in the existing law.

    It has been said that the degree of civilisation of a country can be measured by the way it treats its animals. If the House gives me leave, this Bill would protect our dogs—the so-called best friends of man—from the exploitation of those whose sole motive is greed.

    Question put and agreed to.

    Bill ordered to be brought in by Mr. Gordon Oakes, Mr. Robert Hicks, Mr. Greville Janner, Sir Geoffrey de Freitas, Mr. Ray Mawby, Mr. Kenneth Lomas, Mr. Michael Cocks and Mr. Ernest Perry.

    BREEDING OF DOGS

    Bill to regulate the commercial breeding of dogs; to provide for inspection of premises at which dogs are bred and for control over the transportation of puppies; and for purposes connected with those matters, presented accordingly, and read the First time; to be read a Second time upon Friday 18th May and to be printed. [Bill 120.]

    European Community Secondary Legislation

    6.25 p.m.

    The Lord President of the Council and Leader of the House of Commons
    (Mr. James Prior)

    I beg to move,

    That this House takes note of the First Report from the Select Committee on European Community Secondary Legislation; endorses the Committee's view that Members are entitled to have early information about proposals for such legislation; accordingly welcomes the arrangements made for the issue of explanatory Departmental memoranda and the assurance given that Ministerial oral statements will be made whenever the substance of meetings of the Council of Ministers has warranted it; and will give a fair trial to the arrangements made with regard to monthly estimates of Council business.

    Order. I have to inform the House that I have selected the Opposition amendment, to leave out from "House" to the end of the motion and to add instead thereof:

    approves the recommendations of the First Report from the Select Committee on European Community Secondary Legislation.

    Perhaps I might begin by conveying the thanks of the House to my hon. and learned Friend the Member for Northwich (Sir J. Foster) and to the other members of the Select Committee for their work and for the speed with which they have produced this First Report.

    As the report recognises, a great deal of information has been available to Members for some while. This was borne out by the evidence of both the Librarian and the Deliverer of the Vote. The setting up of the European Communities Office in Room A, the European Office of the Department of the Clerk of the House to advise on the European Assembly and its work, and of course the wide range of EEC papers carried by the Vote Office were all commented on in the report. We provide a quicker service for Parliament than anyone else, and the delivery of draft instruments comes through in a very short time.

    This, then, is the background against which to discuss the report from the Select Committee. I must say that it shows a very wide measure of agreement, and those details on which the Government take a different view—those and in fact all the proposals—can be reviewed in the light of experience.

    I should like briefly to go through each proposal. The Committee's principal recommendation, which the Government accepted, was that explanatory memoranda should be provided for the information of the House in respect of each legislative proposal made by the Commission to the Council of Ministers. These memoranda would outline the subject matter of each draft proposal, denote where ministerial responsibility lay and provide further details regarding such matters as the effect on United Kingdom law if the proposal were carried into effect, and the anticipated timetable for consideration within the Community's decision-making process.

    Copies of the first of these departmental memoranda have already been made available in the Vote Office, and the substantial backlog of memoranda on proposals made since the beginning of the year will be prepared and made available to the House as soon as possible.

    Before my right hon. Friend leaves that point, may I ask whether he agrees that one of the most irritating features of the memoranda is that they are not attached to the draft regulations put out by the Commission? They are well after the event, of course, and one finds it very difficult to find the orders or draft regulations to which they relate. Is it intended that these memoranda should be attached to the front pages of the Community regulations which we get through the Vote Office?

    I shall have that suggestion looked at. I myself noted that they were not attached and that it would be more convenient if they were. I am sure that this is only a mechanical operation. Certainly I shall see whether the Vote Office cannot make arrangements for this to be done.

    The difficulty is that a regulation, directive or proposal comes through very quickly but then has to go through the Government processes to decide which Minister is responsible and how it will alter the law. It would have to be issued again with the memorandum attached.

    I am certain that that must be the difficulty. Generally we get 100 copies within 48 hours—they go straight to the Vote Office—but the appropriate memorandum will come along perhaps a fortnight or so later. Whether at this stage it is a practical proposition to staple the explanatory memorandum to the front, I do not know. It is worth looking at that suggestion, however, and I shall see whether that can be done.

    The Select Committee also proposed that a monthly list should be published, giving the possible agenda of forthcoming meetings of the Council of Ministers or, if this was impossible, at least a monthly list of subjects likely to be dealt with at the next meeting of the Council. The Government agreed to this latter alternative, and the estimate of subject headings likely to be taken in the Council of Ministers this month was lodged in the Vote Office a few days before the end of March. The next such estimate will be placed there next week during the recess. So we have accepted the main proposal in full.

    We then come to the two matters of Ministers and the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster reporting to the House. There are two aspects of this. The first is statements after meetings of the Council of Ministers. I do not think that this presents any problem. The Government fully accept that a Ministerial oral statement in the House is a necessary and essential way for hon. Members to be able to question Ministers on Community matters and to make their views known.

    My right hon. Friend the Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food did this not long ago. I do not think that right hon. and hon. Gentlemen can complain that they have not been fully informed of the situation regarding agricultural prices in the Community in the coming year. My right hon. Friend has not made a statement to the House today because the Agriculture Ministers have not yet made substantial progress on their agenda. They are, as I said in a previous debate, to resume their discussions at a future meeting. When that meeting has taken place, and provided that there is something substantial to report, my right hon. Friend will do so.

    I hope, therefore, that the House will accept the assurance which I have already given that oral statements will continue to be made after such meetings whenever this is warranted by the nature of the matters discussed. I fully accept that when business of a substantial nature has been transacted at a meeting of the Council of Ministers, the Minister concerned should make a statement in this House at their earliest possible date.

    In the Governments view, however, particularly since meetings of the Council frequently take place more often than once a month—there can be as many as four or even five a month—it would be inappropriate for House time to be committed on the basis that ministerial statements must automatically be made after any meeting of the Council, irrespective of its significance. This seems a reasonable way to proceed and I think that it has proved to be generally acceptable to the House.

    I turn now to the one item of slight controversy between the Government and the Select Committee. I hope that the right hon. Member for Stepney (Mr. Shore) will not try to make a meal out of this because I believe it to be a matter of only slight controversy. The point is whether an oral statement should accompany the list of business which is to be placed in the Vote Office.

    Following the exchange in the House, I have given a great deal of thought to this matter. I must tell the House that I do not think this is the best way of going about things. First, such statements would cover such a wide area, covering many other issues besides the consideration of Community legislation, that one Minister could not possibly hope to deal, or could deal only superficially, with many of the issues raised, except on the basis of undertaking to bring the points raised to the notice of his appropriate colleague. I think that this would prove unacceptable.

    Secondly, these forecasts of Council business cannot be other than tentative and incomplete, to some extent because of the confidential, negotiating character of much of the business transacted in the Council. Formal Ministerial statements would give an unjustified status and certainty to these provisional forecasts.

    Thirdly, such public questioning of Ministers, perhaps just a few days in advance of a meeting of the Council, on, say, currency matters, would, we believe, either put at risk the interests of effective negotiation on the country's behalf or result in a series of such guarded replies as would not be a worthwhile use of the time of the House. Surely it would be better for questions arising on forthcoming business in the Council to be put down in the normal way to the responsible Minister who could then give a considered reply.

    In my view, therefore, it would be more realistic and appropriate for the House to use the written estimates of Council business that are to be placed in the Vote Office as the basis of scrutiny by the traditional methods of the putting of Questions to the appropriate Minister and, if necessary, by pressure for debate on particular topics. The House will wish to bear in mind, however, that many of the draft instruments will have been available to hon. Members for many months before the meetings of the Council of Ministers announced in the written estimates of Council business.

    It will generally be better for hon. Members to raise issues of concern to them at an earlier stage rather than wait until shortly before the meetings of the Council of Ministers which are to approve them. My hon. Friend the Member for Banbury (Mr. Marten) has, for example, done this regarding driving licences, and I have promised a debate on this issue in good time. I hope that the House will give the arrangements we have made in this respect a fair trial and see how they work out in practice.

    I wish to emphasise that the Government recognise, like the Select Committee, that these recommendations and the procedures which we have introduced are only one, though an essential, stage towards the setting up of an effective overall system of scrutiny by this House of Community proposals. I commend them to the House.

    6.35 p.m.

    I beg to move to leave out from 'House' to the end of the Question and to add instead thereof,

    approves the recommendations of the First Report from the Select Committee on European Community Secondary Legislation.
    In one sense I regret that we have had to have this debate at all. It should not have been necessary. The Select Committee's Report was unanimous. I have heard no argument of any substance this afternoon—I listened with great attention to the Leader of the House —why the recommendations in the report should not be accepted in full by the Government and, indeed, by the Leader of the House.

    When the right hon. Gentleman made his statement on 13th March, in response to pressures from both sides of the House, we thought that he had simply failed to understand our proposals and that, on reflection, when he had considered the matter more fully, he would welcome them. We were wrong. It is not that he understood at that time—he did not— but that, having considered the matter more fully since, he has still decided that he cannot accept the recommendations. We regret this very much.

    The important aspect of the debate and, indeed, of the report is how we are to practise democracy and to continue the practice of parliamentary scrutiny and control in this House. This is our first attempt to close what is beginning to be recognised as a yawning gap which has emerged since our entry into the Common Market between the law and decision-making process in Brussels by the Commission and the Council and the democratic control and scrutiny of those laws and decisions by the elected representatives of the people here.

    Whatever our view may be on the merits of membership of the Common Market—there is a wide spectrum of view on this matter in the Select Committee— we are united, Tory, Liberal and Labour, pro- and anti-Marketeer, on one central proposition: that membership involves a most damaging and serious loss of democratic control, of parliamentary power, and that without new remedies this loss will massively increase, particularly if the Community develops as its present leaders wish.

    The range and importance of the matters on which Parliament has ceased to have control are not to be inferred from the title
    "Select Committee on European Community Secondary Legislation."
    The importance of the matters that we are considering becomes clear in paragraph 3 of our report. We spell out there that secondary legislation of the Community consists of
    "regulations, made by the Council or the Commission, which are of general application, binding in their entirety and directly applicable in all Member states ".
    That is followed by directives and decisions of a similar kind. In addition there is the general budget of the Community, a preliminary draft of which must be submitted to the Council of Ministers. Lastly there is the treaty-making power, particularly for commercial treaties, which is the fifth of the instruments listed by the Select Committee.

    These are the general categories that fall within the misleadingly modest title "Secondary Legislation". It is not in any sense on a par with what we normally think of in our own proceedings as secondary legislation.

    But we should also recall today some of the matters which are included in these transferred decisions. They include the price of most of our food, the whole shape and structure of our agriculture, the price and policy of our steel industry, the weight and size of the lorries that are to be allowed to use our roads, the weights and measures that are to be used in this country, the decisions as to what are and are not to be development areas, the conditions under which workers and their families are to have access to jobs and homes in Britain, the age and conditions generally at which people are to be permitted to drive motor vehicles, the exchange rate policy in this country and our trade relations with non-Community countries. That list is far from exhaustive. As hon. Members will recognise, I have referred only to those matters which in the four months of our membership have been decided or will shortly be decided on our behalf in Europe.

    Clearly this is an intolerable situation. These matters must somehow be brought under democratic scrutiny and control We are not dealing today with the Assembly in Strasbourg. But even the most fervent admirers of that institution will not claim that its proceedings in any sense make up for the loss of democratic control in our own Parliament here. Indeed, one of the striking things which I have found among European Parliamentarians is the general recognition of what they refer to as the "democratic deficit" in the Community as a whole; that is to say, the great gap which exists there between the co-ordination and centralisation of European decision making and their effective control of those decisions by elected representatives.

    There is much misunderstanding about the rôle of the Strasbourg Assembly. The only point I want to make about it, because it is relevant, is made for me in the first report of our sister Select Committee, if I may use that phrase, in the other place which said in its second paragraph:
    "The institutional structure of the Communities though unique, is more like that of the United States than that of the United Kingdom."
    obviously referring to the separation of powers—
    "The Commission broadly speaking fills the rôle not of a civil service but of the Executive Government itself. Its primary function with which parliamentary scrutiny will be concerned, is to intiate Community Legislation to be enacted by the Council of Ministers".
    and here is the key sentence—
    "The Council's rôle in the EEC ministerial council is analogous to that of the legislature. The European Assembly, apart from a power by way of last resort to enforce the resignation of the Commission, has at present no more than consultative functions. It can advise upon proposed Community laws but its consent is unnecessary and its advice need not be followed."
    Those words are from Lord Diplock's memorandum to the Select Committee.

    I do not dissent from what the right hon. Gentleman said about the shortcomings of democratic control within the Community, and I agree with what he said about the fact that the European Parliament is not basically a legislative assembly and that the institutional structure is governed by a doctrine of a separation of powers, as enshrined in the treaties, but is he aware that the European Parliament has recently initiated procedures by way of a study group to try, necessarily within the limitations of the constitutional position, to improve the working methods of the Parliament and in particular its relations with other bodies such as the Council of Ministers and the Commission so as to improve and strengthen its democratic and parliamentary processes?

    I am aware that some initiative have been taken. Because of the right hon. and learned Gentleman's presence in that Assembly I should, in a sense, expect no less, but how far these developments can be carried time alone will tell. With his great experience, I think the right hon. and learned Gentleman will concede that there are great problems not merely of procedures affecting the powers of the Assembly, but also the fact that it is held within the framework of the Treaty of Rome which does not give it the function which an Assembly of the kind to which we are accustomed can have.

    I gave that quotation from Lord Diplock's memorandum because I did not wish us to be sidetracked into wishful thinking about what the European Assembly in Strasbourg might or might not become at some future date.

    What we have to consider is what we can do. There is no substitute for effective parliamentary control at national level over Community decisions. That is the point, and I am glad that that at least was acknowledged by the Leader of the House in his memorandum to the Select Committee of the other place, which is quoted in its first report. It says that
    "ultimately Parliament's influence will derive from its power to make and unmake Govern- ments by calling them to account for their actions in the Council of Ministers"—
    I ask the House to note the words "calling them to account"—
    "But in order to operate on the right subjects in good time Parliament may feel the need for arrangements to enable Members to assess Community proposals as they come in and pick out those instruments which need special attention",
    which brings us very properly to the essential pre-condition of any kind of successful parliamentary oversight of what goes on in the institutions of the Community.

    First, it seems to me that we must have full information in the House about what the Commission is proposing. Secondly, such information must be provided sufficiently far in advance of decision-making so that the pressure of Parliament and of public opinion can be mobilised effectively to resist or amend any proposals which are clearly not in the interests of our own people. Implicit in the belief in the value of intervening between the stage of the Commission making proposals and the Council of Ministers deciding to approve them is the belief that in the Council of Ministers a British Minister possesses a veto if he should need to use it. Indeed, unless that doctrine of the veto is firmly established, unless there is no ambiguity about it, we have no power whatsoever. If that were not established, the function of the House of Commons would be reduced to that of delivering opinions and of offering advice, which is precisely the limitation on the Assembly at Strasbourg.

    I now come to the recommendations in our report. Our first recommendation was to require the responsible Minister to issue a written statement along with the publication of all legislative proposals emanating from the Commission and which have yet to be approved by the Council of Ministers. We are told that there are about 300 of these each year, and in our report we ask that these instruments should in future be accompanied by a careful analysis of their importance and their legislative impact for this country. I am glad that the Government have accepted that proposal. We therefore need not waste time on it because we are agreed.

    The Government have sought to resist two further proposals which we have made. We propose that there should be published in advance of the regular meetings of the Council of Ministers, a draft agenda of their forthcoming business and that this should be the subject of a regular statement in the House when the responsible Minister— we assume the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster—could be questioned about it, about the Government's policy towards the matters involved, and on which hon. Members could make suggestions. The Leader of the House has accepted the making of a written monthly statement but is denying us the opportunity of interrogating the Minister. This is a great pity, and I am not clear why he is so anxious to deny us this opportunity.

    He said today substantially what he wrote in a letter, of which he kindly sent me a copy, in reply to the Chairman of the Select Committee, in which he stated that if a Minister was subjected to a Question Time on the forthcoming agenda of the Council of Ministers the range of subjects under discussion would be extremely wide and it would not be practicable for any one Minister to be briefed to deal orally with supplementary questions on all of them. I should have thought that of all the Ministers it is the right hon. Gentleman who could least be expected to make that point because he is himself subjected to precisely that experience every week when he gives an oral statement about our own business in Westminster for the ensuing week.

    This is not a minor matter. To bring out fully the difference that this would make, I must ask the House to imagine the situation if notice of our own next week's business took the form of a weekly written statement with no opportunity given to us on Thursday afternoons to question the Leader of the House about it. There is no question that this would be a very serious loss to all hon. Members.

    Secondly, we are disappointed that the right hon. Gentleman has turned down the Select Committee's proposal—

    The example of next week's business is completely different, because in that case the Leader of the House is arranging the programme, the agenda, for the next week, and it is a specific part of our rules of order that we may not enter into a discussion of the merits of that business which is properly to be debated in the next week. As I understand the right hon. Gentleman's argument, it is that he wants at this suggested Question Time to go into the merits of the case and invite the Minister to take into account views that he might advance at the Council of Ministers meeting. That is surely a completely different parallel.

    I do not think that it is. With respect, the hon. Gentleman will find that there is a rather murky border line at Question Time on Thursday between the merits of an issue and its treatment or timing. What I say is that the Thursday afternoon's statement of the following week's business gives the House the opportunity to mobilise attention and opinion on particular issues. That is the whole point. I suggest that if we had our oral statement on this month's business in Brussels it would at least be a very helpful innovation, and far more effective than any number of written statements which, frankly, very few hon. Members have yet realised are available.

    I have said that we are disappointed about the decision that there should not be a regular and automatic statement after each month's meeting of the Council of Ministers as well as ad hoc statements which, according to the importance of the business transacted, we are all agreed we should also expect.

    Here again I do not find the right hon. Gentleman's reasoning at all convincing. He tells us that we must always look with care at claims on the time of the House, but we are talking about a single reporting-back session each month, in addition to what other statements might come out of particular Council of Ministers' meetings in Europe, on a regular and specific occasion.

    The reason for my believing that we should insist on this being done is that the Government are here saying that they and they alone are to decide what is important and what is not; what justifies a statement and what does not. We are expected to accept their judgment. but if we go back over the last four months and look at what has happened frankly and open-mindedly we shall find that the Government have made statements or allowed statements to be made with decisions reached on negotiations going on in Brussels only on matters of great sensitivity on which immediate public pressure has been brought to bear.

    One example is food prices, but I can remember at least two occasions on which I have had to put down a PNQ to encourage the Minister to make a statement which might not otherwise have been made. It is therefore not entirely a matter of statements being regularly volunteered on matters of importance, but also a matter of the statements that are not being made on matters which are not immediately in the public eye but which those of us who follow European affairs closely know are very important.

    At the end of the last Council of Ministers meeting a new and very important agreement with Norway was signed. Norway is an old friend of ours, and a partner in EFTA. That treaty with Norway has now been initialled but not a word has been heard about it on the Floor of the House at any stage, although in that treaty with Norway we shall find ourselves committed to impose tariffs on a number of items on which tariffs do not at present exist, because we established a totally free trade area with Norway. In the Government's judgment the initialling of that treaty does not warrant a statement. In my judgment it does. If a Minister had to make a regular monthly post hoc statement it would not be a matter of his or my judgment; it would be available to the whole House to raise these matters as hon. Members thought fit.

    The information which my right hon. Friend has given to the House, which I find quite shocking, contradicts assurances which the Prime Minister gave the House several times last year that there would be no re-erection of trade barriers between this country as a member of the Common Market and former members of EFTA who chose to enter into association agreements with the Common Market. How can this be the case?

    I have given my best understanding of the situation, and if I am wrong Ministers will be able to correct me. But the fact that I should be in a situation where I am not completely certain of the matter reflects the need for the House to have the opportunity to question Ministers on what is going on.

    I raised this question on the Floor of the House with my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, when I asked him to let the House know what was the Commission's negotiating position over the agreement with Norway, and I was told that I could not have the information. This illustrates the point that our Question Time is no good for that sort of thing.

    The hon. Gentleman is absolutely right. I have mentioned only Norway, but I could have given examples of other matters of very great importance. A negotiating mandate, if that is the right word, is being worked out at present in respect of the negotiations with GATT and the United States, and the whole post-Kennedy round negotiations, on which the prosperity of a great part of the trading world will undoubtedly depend.

    Again and again these things are being discussed in the Council of Ministers and again and again hon. Members have tried to raise the matter here in the House and have been denied. If the Foreign Secretary or the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster had to report back after each Council of Ministers meeting there would be a disciplined, and, as usual, orderly procedure of questioning under the control of the Chair, as is our custom, which would give us the opportunity which we all very seriously miss at present.

    What I have said already indicates not trivial but important differences in approach between the Government and, certainly the Opposition—and I think more than just those on this side of the House—on these matters.

    Certain exchanges recently at Question Time and in debates have, for me at any rate, cast a more sombre light on the Government's decisions not to accept our proposals. The first thing that I had in mind was the statement we had from the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster when he wound up a debate on the Common Market on 3rd April. This was on the important and serious question of whether we should have a veto.

    Let me remind the House how the situation stood. The Opposition moved a modest motion on that day. We invited the House to express the view that it would be against the interests of the country to allow any general increase in prices, a view which we knew was shared by the Minister of Agriculture himself. In the previous week, he had made a statement to that effect and had used those very words. We thought that this would be a good way of strengthening his position and of expressing the wishes of the British people.

    The right hon. Gentleman's response was to say that our motion
    "… deliberately seeks to pinion the Minister —to prick him on a pin so that he cannot move, and his wings are clipped."
    He went on:
    "In defending the interests of the country to the best of his ability in the councils of the Community, the Minister needs to be in a flexible position to negotiate. Flexibility for negotiating is essential."
    If this is the view of the Government, that the Minister must at all costs have negotiating flexibility, this Parliament will always be denied the right to intervene between a proposal made by the Commission and its adoption by the Council of Ministers.

    This is a very serious point, since it is only by intervening that we have any say in the new law-making procedures of Brussels through the Commission and the Council of Ministers. It is our only chance. We have no Second Reading, no Committee stage, no other means at all of influencing what is happening. It is only through a motion, it is only by taking hold of the Minister, that the House can influence events there.

    The point came out clearly, because the hon. Member for Banbury (Mr. Marten) at once asked the Minister, having heard this appalling declaration, what would happen after a decision had been made by the Council of Ministers. The Minister replied:
    "If at the end of my right hon. Friend's negotiations there is a conclusion in Brussels, it will be a conclusion of the Council of Ministers, and it is. at that point, not reversible".—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 3rd April 1973: Vol. 854, c. 291, 293.]
    I can see that anyone who has that outlook, who thinks that the House of Commons simply interferes with the negotiating freedom of Ministers, will clearly not wish to have a close questioning of the agenda of the Council of Ministers in this House.

    There may be another reason. I am worried, as I think are other hon. Members, by what the Chancellor of the Duchy had to say when answering a Question on 11th April from one of my hon. Friends about why it was that we did not seem to be able, with all the new facilities and advantages of membership of the Community, to raise with the Community and with the Government of France the question why the French are going ahead and testing nuclear weapons in the Pacific, against the strong wishes of our Commonwealth partners and friends in New Zealand and Australia.

    The right hon. Gentleman said:
    "It is, generally speaking, the normal procedure that the agenda for the meeting to which I have referred dealing with political matters is subject to previous agreement between the various Governments concerned and, of course, it would prove necessary to have the agreement of all the Governments in order to put such a matter on the agenda."—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 11th April 1973; Vol. 854, col.1307.]
    So we find something which I had never heard before—one is always learning in one's study of European affairs—that there is a veto now concerning the agenda of the Council of Ministers, at least those meetings dealing with political questions. So now we know why we cannot discuss certain matters—because if a single nation vetoes it, it does not even appear on the agenda.

    This discovery and many other matters which are highly relevant to the proceedings of the Community would quickly come to light if we had the opportunity to interrogate Ministers either before or after a meeting of the Council of Ministers.

    We are extremely disappointed by the Government's response to this first report. Our proposals have been modest and sensible and even if they had been accepted in toto they would only partially have restored parliamentary control over Community decisions. We are deeply aware that we have only begun what is certain to be a difficult task in this Select Committee and one which, in terms of restoring effective control by the House of Commons, may not in the end prove to be wholly possible. That is something to which the Committee will have to return.

    But having said that, I repeat what I said to the right hon. Gentleman. It is a great mistake that he does not take the House a little more seriously. It is a great mistake that he does not realise that, as Leader of the House, he is not now the chief propagandist for the CAP or for the agricultural policy of the EEC. He inherits a great tradition and he should jolly well see to it that he defends the interests of this House of Commons and of British democracy.

    7.7 p.m.

    Anyone listening to the right hon. Member for Stepney (Mr. Shore) might almost have thought that we were back in the days last year of the Second Reading of the European Communities Bill. I have heard his argument several times before. What amazes me is that he seems to want to go back time and time again to query the decision to join. Having joined the Community, we surely must accept some of the obligations.

    For instance, in some of his arguments, which were very wide-ranging, considering the subject of this debate, the right hon. Gentleman put forward reasons why we should or should not exert a veto, why in the Council of Ministers our Minister should have the veto and why he should not have a veto over their agenda. He ran the whole gamut of the difficulties which arise because one is a member of the Community.

    But we have to accept that fact to start with. We are a member of the Community. We have accepted the Community's obligations and now we must fit in, as the Select Committee has done, the best possible way for Parliament to be able, as the right hon. Gentleman put it, to intervene and exert control over the secondary legislation, be it minor or major, which flows from the Community. But one has to start with the basic fact that we have accepted the obligations of membership.

    It is difficult at the moment, when there is so much paper work, with all the draft regulations, directives and so on, which have flowed from Brussels, for the House to absorb it all. We must catch up on a great deal of secondary legislation and indeed on primary decisions. But at this moment, we are in a halfway house. We have not completely assimilated what has gone before, and at the same time we are trying to find procedures for the future which will be much more simple when the backlog of information has been caught up with, and we start dealing with current events and decisions and future proposals, knowing the background of previous decisions.

    I can see the right hon. Gentleman's point about wanting the House of Commons to be able to influence these decisions. But I should like to come to the specific points which are raised by this report. I congratulate my hon. and learned Friend the Member for Northwich (Sir J. Foster) on both the presentation and the content of the report. Three major points have been accepted by the Government. I congratulate them on having done so with such alacrity and on having started on the first by bringing out the memoranda explaining the draft directives.

    The House is now in a position of knowing what Ministers are responsible for and the purpose of the various directives and instructions.

    Now I come to the next stage, which one has to split into two halves, of trying to deal with matters which have occurred and of matters which will occur. The right hon. Member for Stepney got the two halves mixed up. Taking the more controversial one, that of matters which will occur, this is where my right hon. Friend has deviated from the Select Committee's recommendation. He is absolutely right in not having himself or one of my right hon. Friends coming to the Dispatch Box every month to put the monthly agenda of the Council of Ministers to the House and answer questions upon it.

    One of my hon. Friends mentioned the difference between business questions in the House and what is being proposed by the right hon. Gentleman. In business questions, as I understand it, we are not allowed to question the policy behind the various matters which are to be discussed in the coming week's business. The right hon. Gentleman said that this was a murky area. But it is not as murky as he would like to make it. If he looks back in HANSARD he will see that many of the questions asked, from both sides of the House, have not dealt with the detailed policy of the matters which are to be discussed in the following week's business.

    One of the great things that happens with business questions, which the Leader of the House will recognise, is that hon. Members can make suggestions about what should be in the next week's business and can draw attention to things which have been omitted. That is part of business questions.

    I entirely agree, but the right hon. Gentleman is now shifting his ground and bringing in different arguments. That one would want to make suggestions is a different point. If the right hon. Gentleman is resting his case on having a member of the Government at the Dispatch Box in order to put suggestions for additions to the agenda of the Council of Ministers for the coming month, he will appreciate that that is an entirely different matter. There are plenty of other opportunities of finding ways and means of doing that. The right hon. Gentleman could find them, with his ingenuity, together with his right hon. and hon. Friends, and some of my right hon. and hon. Friends.

    The Leader of the House has already said that he will publish and put into the Vote Office a list of the subjects which will be discussed in the Council of Ministers. This will enable right hon. and hon. Members to know which Ministers to question in the ordinary run of things at Question Time. If they are prepared to answer these Questions—the right hon. Gentleman shakes his head. But what is wrong with that? The difficulty will be the time factor. The right hon. Gentleman did not mention that. Frequently, as I know to my cost, in Brussels, Luxembourg and elsewhere everything is done very hurriedly at the last minute. One simply does not know what are the items on the agenda. They are not made up until the last moment.

    I can see great problems for my right hon. Friend in trying to table a monthly list of subjects which will be the subjects for debate within the Council of Ministers for a month ahead. He would probably be able to do it on a weekly or a fortnightly basis, but I wish him good luck in trying to do it on a monthly basis. However, I hope that the list will be inclusive and exhaustive, although it changes so rapidly. With more than one meeting every month, this delay is a problem with which the Commission and the Council of Ministers will have to deal.

    It does not invalidate my point that once one knows which subjects are coming up and which Ministers are responsible, one will have from the Vote Office the memoranda from the Ministers concerned, the draft directives to be discussed and the decisions to be taken in the Council of Ministers. One is perfectly at liberty to table Questions for oral answer to the Minister concerned in the House. I see nothing wrong with accepting that proposal.

    The three main proposals which have come forward from my right hon. and learned Friend's report have been accepted by the Government. I believe that they will work. The difficulty, as always, is finding enough time to get the documents in time from the Commission, to study them, and to be able to absorb them and all the background information.

    I shall not enter into the arguments as to what we shall do in the Parliament and whether we shall progress. But what one discovers on joining the European Parliament is that it is not a matter of just dealing with the draft regulation or directive which comes from the Commission. One finds that the particular document refers back to three, four or five previous directives, which also one has to study. The problem used to be that one could not get them. That is no longer so, as they are available. But one has to do a great deal of reading to absorb all the knowledge. At present we in this House are in the position of not yet having absorbed all that has gone through. Once we have done this, things will be much easier.

    My right hon. Friend the Leader of the House has accepted that we shall find it necessary to scrutinise and to give clear indication to the Government what the House of Commons thinks on any particular subject. It will be of great value to my right hon. and hon. Friends who are members of the European Parliament to know the views of the House of Commons on specific subjects.

    Sometimes one has rather felt that one has not necessarily heard the view of the House on some of the important matters which are discussed. In the European Parliament it is fair to say that if the right hon. Member for Stepney and his right hon. and hon. Friends had not taken that mistaken decision last year not to send a delegation to the European Parliament, he and they would be much better informed now about what goes on in the Community—[Interruption.] There may be laughter concerning this matter, but their absence in Brussels and the committees there, and in the plenary sessions in Luxembourg and Strasbourg, is to the great detriment not only of themselves but also of British politics. It is a loss to this House and to the country.

    Where is the hon. Member for Saffron Walden (Mr. Peter Kirk) tonight?

    In Luxembourg.

    I believe that the right hon. Member for Stepney and his colleagues will change their minds fairly soon. It would be greatly to their advantage if they did so. Theirs was a mistaken decision.

    I congratulate the Select Committee on what has been put forward in its report. I believe that the Government are right in accepting the three points which have been mentioned and that they are correct also in allowing hon. Members to question individual Ministers, once they know what the directives and recommendations are, on an individual basis in the normal way of the House.

    We shall have sufficient and adequate supervision. We shall get sufficient ability to cross-question and to put the point of view of the House of Commons to Ministers before they take their final decision.

    7.18 p.m.

    I agree with the hon. Member for Derbyshire, West (Mr. Scott-Hopkins) that it is difficult for us to keep up with what is happening. This will be at the root of much of the discussion which will take place in this debate. I shall not take up the point about whether it would be a good thing for members of the Labour Party to attend the European Parliament, but I am concerned with the fact that we are faced with a lack of information about what is happening in the European Parliament.

    I entirely agree with my right hon. Friend the Member for Stepney (Mr. Shore) when I say that I wish that the Government had accepted the whole of the Select Committee's Report. I hope that the House will accept it. I shall follow some of my right hon. Friend's arguments about scrutiny.

    We are faced with a problem far Members of this House who wish to follow what is happening in the European Parliament. I am told that the Official Report does not come out until four to six weeks after a session. This means not only that I cannot read it here, but that the hon. Member for Derbyshire, West and his colleagues cannot read it until after the next session. Surely they would want to be able to refer to it the next time they go to Strasbourg.

    It is essential that there should be a daily summary report on the lines of that produced at the Assembly of the Council of Europe. Obviously such a summary report was envisaged, because Rule 18 of the European Parliament provides for it. It would not be a great undertaking. A daily report on the lines of that produced for the Assembly of the Council of Europe would print in full the speeches in one of the official languages and a summary of all the other speeches in their own languages.

    The Council of Europe, with only two official languages, uses six people in the French language section and six people in the English language section. Even with the larger number of languages in the European Parliament, it would not need more than 50 people in such a section, and the Parliament employs more than 1,000 people.

    I want our delegates to the European Parliament to agitate for this. [Interruption.] Is it available? How quickly is it available? I was told that it was not available.

    is available in Strasbourg next day? Arrangements are being made for it to be available in Luxembourg with effect from next September. This is a matter of printing and, up to a point, of translation. If the right hon. Gentleman wants a summary in English, the difficulty probably is financing the salaries of those who are to produce it. If the House were to vote some extra money, no doubt we could provide a special service to help the House of Commons. I do not think that it would necessarily be done by the European Parliament. As soon as there is more agreement about what we should do, presumably extra services can be provided.

    My point is different. I have been as a tourist to the European Parliament this year on one occasion. Next morning no report of the speeches was available. I wanted to follow them and to follow the criticisms which had been made by the Italian Communists of the sugar monopoly. I could not obtain a text in English or French.

    I hope that the British delegation will press for a daily summary service. It is bad enough for Ministers to complain, as they do, about the poor service they get from the staff of the Council of Ministers. That is their problem. As regards Members, whether here or at Strasbourg, it is a problem for this Parliament. I want the service to be available to enable me to follow what is happening.

    My right hon. Friend the Member for Stepney quoted remarks which had been made likening the constitutional position of the United States of America to that of the European Economic Community. We do not seem to have given sufficient thought to this. On 3rd April in another place a Lord in Waiting, speaking for the Government, likened the Council of Ministers to a Cabinet. That is a totally false analogy. It shows that there has not been proper consideration of the facts. If the Council of Ministers is to be likened to anything, I submit that it is to the United States Senate with representatives from each State. That has not been clear in some of the pronouncements that the Government have made. This has had an unfortunate effect in the country and in the House.

    I hope that the Select Committee will consider other points. The most important of its next tasks is to apply itself to the problem which inevitably arises from the fact that we have no standing specialist committees. Every other national Parliament of the Community has such committees. I shall not argue whether it is good to have them. I merely say that we do not have them.

    I hope that the Select Committee will give some attention to the problems which inevitably arise. We must have a special procedure which takes account of our constitutional position and of the fact that we are dealing with documents in so many languages. In particular the Select Committee must consider the problems which arise because we can amend domestic legislation of all sorts but we cannot amend primary Community legislation.

    Opportunities must be given to us to pray against statutory instruments made under primary Community legislation. Whatever the Leader of the House may say, there must be guaranteed time each week or each month for us to consider Community legislation. I want the Select Committee to consider this matter in depth.

    I hope the Select Committee will realise also that, although we have not got the experience of specialist committees that the continental countries have, we have had considerable experience of scrutiny. We have a good and elaborate system of scrutinising statutory instruments to see whether the government have exceeded their powers.

    I ask the Select Committee to consider whether we should have a system by which merit is also considered. Obviously a Standing Committee cannot consider everything. There will have to be an elaborate system of Standing Sub-Committees.

    If we prayed against a statutory instrument made under Section 2 of the European Communities Act, it would have no effect if we were to reject the statutory instrument.

    I want the Select Committee to consider a whole range of points including this.

    We have little to learn from the experience of other national Parliaments. They all have the committee system. But we have something to learn from the German practice. The Germans have specialist committees, but they also have a kind of watchdog committee which might be part of our solution. Our watchdog Standing Committee could farm out to specialist Standing Sub-Committees the question not only of powers but also of merits.

    Whatever the Select Committee does, I ask it to consider the desirability and possibility of setting up a Standing Committee which will deal not only with powers—that is easy; we have a lot of experience there—but with merits.

    7.28 p.m.

    I am very pleased to be able to take part in the debate. Perhaps I look at it from the grass roots of it rather than from the green benches of the House of Commons.

    The Select Committee has omitted from its report one vital middle section of procedures where the House could obtain information. When the Commission thinks that it would like a directive, it makes a proposal for one. If it would like a supplementary regulation, it makes a proposal for one. It makes a proposal for a decision to alter Community rules. Or it might make a proposal to the Council of Ministers. One of those is just coming up about the Community quota for the inter-Community road haulage system.

    When it takes that action, the Commission sends the proposal to a committee. The committee I am interested in—regional policy and transport—deals with lorry quotas, axle weights, shipping and railways.

    We are just beginning to get a regional development fund. We miss our Labour colleagues on these committees. We could use their very useful and detailed expertise. I am sure that they have many views on regional policy.

    There is scrutiny at the committee level. The right hon. Member for Stepney (Mr. Shore) asked how the scrutiny was carried out by democratically-elected Members of this House. Some of us are on the committees and we scrutinise these proposals—not always, perhaps, to the complete benefit of the system the right hon. Gentleman would like to see. Certainly we consider everything on regional policy, and shall continue to scrutinise it in great detail.

    One of the tactics of those who oppose the Common Market is to pretend that there are no democratically-elected Members of the House in Europe. The committees are one source of information. Hon. Members will go to the appropriate committee and explain, almost day by day, what is happening there.

    My hon. Friend has not been elected to the Assembly. It is very important that he should know that he is not elected, that he is merely chosen by the Whips, and that their choice then goes through the machinery of the House. Who does my hon. Friend think he is representing in the Assembly? I do not say this disparagingly.

    The right hon. Member for Stepney spoke about elected members scrutinising proposals. We all know that there are no direct elections at present, so obviously the scrutiny is performed by elected Members of each of the nine national Parliaments. I am safeguarding to the best of my ability, the rights of the voters of the whole United Kingdom. I am sure that my colleagues on the committee view the matter in exactly the same way.

    The procedure in committee is simply that when we receive a proposal from the Commission we must appoint a rapporteur, who prepares a draft report on our deliberations. We have either to adopt that report or to amend it in committee. It then goes to the plenary session. During the whole of that stage the Minister here will not know what is going on, because the committee in the European Parliament does not make detailed written statements day by day. All the proceedings are in secret. Consequently, the only way in which the Minister can obtain information to give hon. Members here during the interim period is by asking the delegates. That is one of the easiest ways for the House to obtain information.

    The Select Committee has asked the Minister who has attended the Council of Ministers to report after the event. That is far too late, whether the subject is driving licences, lorry axle weights—

    The hon. Gentleman must not cast so much doubt upon the wisdom of the Government Whips in making their choice for the Assembly by revealing that he did not know anything about the job for which he was being appointed.

    I should be the last to try to give that impression. All that I am trying to say is that there is an inner layer between the Commission, the Council and the Parliament. That inner layer is the committee work. As that work proceeds we can return to the Committees here and discuss it with them in tota and obtain their views.

    7.34 p.m.

    The main point to emerge from the debate will be that we are talking about this Parliament trying to assert itself not vis-à-vis Europe but vis-à-vis its own executive.

    We are a part of Europe, and therefore we shall inevitably face a long period of adjustment in which for a considerable time there will be a clash between this Parliament and the executive about effective ways of influencing the executive, not just before it becomes involved in bargaining in the Council of Ministers but earlier, during its informal talks with the Commission.

    I believe that the Community will continue only if it develops supra-national powers. The problem is not to say that we reject supra-nationality but to make it accountable. It operates today only in limited fields, in agriculture and trade, but it will ineluctably move on into economic, regional, social and other matters. The problem is to ensure that the people of this country have an effective say in what happens.

    I agree with the right hon. Member for Stepney (Mr. Shore) that we cannot talk exclusively about the Westminster Parliament in this situation but must also refer to the European Parliament. It is there to be used and strengthened or to be spurned.

    I read the right hon. Gentleman's letter which appeared in The Times this morning. It is true that the European Parliament is denied the powers of decision, which still remain with the Council of Ministers. But it cannot be overemphasised that because of the Parliament's legally-established relationship with the Council it possesses a capacity for influence which is real and powerful. Members of the European Parliament have ready access to the Commissioners all the time—there are only 13. They have that access publicly, privately and in committee and can express their point of view. The ability to exert influence is a significant power.

    I admit that, as the right hon. Gentleman said, our advice can be totally ignored. But that can happen here as well. We can make speeches until the cows come home without the Government paying attention, so I am not sure that there is all that much of a distinction.

    The hon. Member for Southampton, Test (Mr. S. James A. Hill) said that much of the secondary legislation with which we are concerned goes through committees of the European Parliament and I shall not labour that point any further. There are representatives there, although they are delegated rather than directly elected, examining these matters.

    The real power of decision, however, will for a long time remain with the Council of Ministers, so the question is "How do we influence them? How can we ensure that our influence is felt before decisions are made?" I should like to make five short points about this.

    First, we should use the Community as a catalyst to think deeply about the rôle of the individual back-bench Members of Parliament in relation to the Government and the Civil Service. We often overrate our powers in this place when we make public speeches about it. A great deal of the work of the back-bench MP represents a ritual dance that he performs after the decision is made. I sometimes think, though the idea is perhaps not practical, that if we spent as long in committee considering a White Paper as we ultimately spend considering a Bill, which represents the Government's considered view, and which they are not likely to change except in small ways, we should have more effective influence. The important point is to discuss matters before they begin to gel and before firm attitudes are taken.

    That means considerably more access to the Civil Service. In this country we have a long tradition whereby civil servants are apart. Ordinary back-bench MPs do not normally go to see them. These things are done through Ministers, and there is a tradition of non-involvement in politics. That is not the case in the Community. This creates the danger of giving certain Community Members of Parliament—our peers so to speak—an advantage. In Germany, for example, there is a much freer relationship between politician and civil servant and very often the civil servant is a politician as well. That gives a German Member of the Bundeshaus an advantage over myself and other backbench Members because the German MP can strike a relationship on an informal level. This is one of the things that we have been finding out. The importance of the informal contact is becoming more and more significant.

    I have not made up my mind whether we should establish a Select Committee. The hon. Member for Saffron Walden (Mr. Kirk), the leader of the British delegation, has suggested a whole plethora of sub-committees. It would be all very well to do that, but that should not be used as an excuse for restricting time for public questioning on the Floor of the House. That is always a danger. If we create a Select Committee the Leader of the House will tend to say that that Committee upstairs is dealing with a particular matter.

    I agree with the right hon. Member for Stepney in his strictures on the Government concerning the questioning of a Minister on the agenda of the Council of Ministers before the meeting takes place. I do not mind if the Minister does not come back afterwards to tell us what he has done because after that the matter is fixed, done and finished. We should undoubtedly have opportunities to remind him of his errors, if error he has committed. However, I want to get at him before he commits any error.

    If we are to consider Select Committees we must also consider the workload on hon. Members. It is becoming an increasingly serious question. I know that this runs into questions of servicing and so on which are beyond the scope of the debate, but we in this House are moving into the European situation and are becoming increasingly in danger of being so swamped by the volume of work that in the end our capacity effectively to look, scrutinise and judge is impaired. This was the point mentioned by the right hon. Member for Kettering (Sir G. de Freitas).

    The hon. Member's point about the House and its machinery creaking and collapsing under the load being thrust upon it creates a problem which might be resolved if the two-thirds of the Members of Parliament who do not do a full-time job in this House were to do so. The workload could be more equitably shared and the House could take on more work than it does currently

    I am tempted to be led in that direction. I do not think unfortunately that we will get round it in that way, because the individual Member's workload is often related to the safeness of his seat and the kind of activity in his constituency. I get so many letters a day that I get dizzy. Some hon. Members get hardly any. It is impossible to regulate that sort of thing.

    I am also very concerned that the nations and regions of the United Kingdom should be given opportunities to air their case effectively because in the new situation that power has been weakened. This is a wide subject and I shall not go into it in detail but if the people of Scotland, for example, are to have a real voice in the EEC there must be a change in the institutions. Take the British Farm Price Review, for example. The Department of Agriculture in Scotland makes representations in conjunction with the Ministry of Agriculture. The further away from the point of decision, the less the extent of influence, it seems. I believe that the Kilbrandon Report will be very important in this regard.

    Finally, however, it is our relationship with our own executive which is presently important. It is in this respect that I have doubts about the splendid speeches of the hon. Member for Ebbw Vale (Mr. Michael Foot) concerning the democratic traditions of the House. We must face the fact that if we devise a truly effective method of scrutinising the Brussels regulations we shall in effect be increasing the power of Parliament vis-à-vis our own executive to a greater extent than before. I hope we do, but if the Government's instinctive desire to avoid control is asserted as we saw with the Leader of the House today—and I quite understand that Ministers do not like being belaboured in public—and if the right hon. Member for Stepney and his friends, who are against the Market, prefer to bewail and complain that it is all very sad and disgraceful instead of seeking to improve the regulations, there is a danger that the House will end up by conceding the same degree of immunity to the EEC bureaucracy that we often extend to Whitehall.

    7.47 p.m.

    I hope that the hon. Member for Inverness (Mr. Russell Johnston) will forgive me if I do not take up his enchanting speech because with great respect to you, Mr. Deputy Speaker, he was dealing not with the First Report of the Select Committee but with what I hope will be the Second Report which will deal with the subjects he raised.

    I wish to take up one point raised by the right hon. Member for Stepney (Mr, Shore) about the GATT negotiations. I mentioned previously the Norwegian negotiations. The GATT negotiating position will be formulated in July by the EEC. When I was in Konigswinter a fortnight ago I saw Mr. George Thomson, one of our Commissioners, and asked him whether the Commission's proposals and position for the GATT negotiations had been published. He told me that they had. I asked whether they were public and he said that they certainly were. Yet I put down a Question to my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster asking him to publish the information and the answer was "No". That is one of the things we must overcome. We must know what the Commission is saying and putting forward and I hope that on the basis of what it says, before the Ministers go ahead, we can have a debate on it and express our opinion. That is the essence of what the debate should be about in that area.

    Broadly, and curiously enough, I want to keep to the report we are debating. The first point I want to drive home, and I shall drive it home frequently, is that all this Community draft legislation will be our domestic law and we must never forget that. It has nothing to do with foreign affairs. It is a group of people in what we are told is a happy Community all working together, trying to talk with one voice, as we have seen in the case of the agricultural price review, and basically it is our domestic law. When a regulation is given the approval of the Council of Ministers, that is our domestic law. Let us not be told that it is anything to do with foreign affairs because it is not.

    As a result of our going into the EEC, it is obvious that we shall have more work to do on the Floor of the House. Therefore, the Government must make time for us to discuss all this domestic law which emanates in Brussels. Time must be found to discuss that legislation. It may have to be done by dropping other legislation, but it is important that it is taken on the Floor of the House and not upstairs in Committee.

    On the topic of ministerial statements, I accept what the Leader of the House said that if a statement is sufficiently important the Government will ask the Minister responsible to come to the House and make a statement. Equally, the Opposition may feel that the Government are trying to hide something and they can approach the Leader of the House to ask for a statement. If the Minister concerned will not make a statement, the Opposition can approach Mr. Speaker and table a Private Notice Question and obtain a reply in that way.

    When a statement is made about the agenda for the meetings of the Council of Ministers, I hope that it will not be regarded as a sort of business-of-the-week statement on which discussion is restricted. I hope it will be regarded as a statement on which hon. Members can roam fairly widely. Those statements should be made in such a way that the Minister concerned can answer a wide range of questions.

    I come to the practical aspects of the report. I and other hon. Members have now adopted the practice of taking from the Vote Office all documents emanating from the EEC. In this way I have acquired an engaging tonnage of paper on the shelves of my office in the House of Commons. I should like my right hon. Friend to note that I look at it all. Therefore, my remarks are "nuts and bolts" comments which I hope will help my right hon. Friend to make life easier for those who take an interest in these topics.

    In terms of the domestic law which is produced by what might be called the other British Government which operates in Brussels, we receive what I may call the yellow paper, a document for which we are thankful. Unfortunately that document tends to become hidden inside various amendments to committees. I suggest that it should be clipped on to the front of the Vote so that it should not become hidden. The Government should not be shy about that document and it should be clearly displayed.

    Each week I complete an order form and sign it. On the front page of that order form are the words
    "Please send to the addressee below the papers indicated",
    to which I add the word "all". I am wondering why I cannot do this by standing order. When I asked my right hon. Friend originally about this he replied that it would entail the work of one other man, but now that we are faced with this enormous volume of paper surely we should be allowed to put in a standing order for all these documents. Some of these yellow papers are difficult to find and it would be a tragedy if we did not have before us 50 or 60 bits of paper a week.

    I have also raised with my right hon. Friend the point about explanatory statements being pinned to the front of draft regulations. I appreciate that there is a certain amount of difficulty in this respect because, as my hon. and learned Friend the Member for Northwich (Sir J. Foster) said, when the draft regulation is published officials need to have a little time to work it out. However, I hope that the difficulties will be overcome and that these documents will be dealt wih more expeditiously. At the moment there are about six explanatory memoranda and it is a little difficult to relate them to the great pile of paper and to find what one is looking for.

    On 13th March my right hon. Friend said—I think he must have got the wrong end of the stick when referring to explanatory memoranda—
    "…the relevant documents should be followed by explanatory memoranda."— [OFFICIAL REPORT, 13th March 1973; Vol. 852, c. 1115.]
    In other words, he was saying that draft directives should be followed by explanatory memoranda, but nowhere in the report of the Committee did I see the words "followed by". The implication in the Committee report was that they should arrive together with draft directives.

    If they cannot, we should devise machinery so that they are attached to the relevant draft directives.

    In the report we left open the question whether it was possible for explanatory memoranda to accompany a directive immediately or to come later. I do not think it is possible to accompany it immediately. We may have to re-issue the documents with the memoranda clipped to them.

    I agree that it will no doubt be necessary to reissue the document with the explanatory memoranda clipped to the front.

    The documents which we receive from the European Assembly are largely incomprehensible. They have no HANSARD as we know it. I receive a document called "Debates: Report of Proceedings." What happens is that the remarks of the British representative are printed in English and then the remarks of the Dutch representative who follows him are printed in Dutch—and I cannot read Dutch. Therefore, it does not follow that the document is easy to read. There is a curious situation in regard to the tabling of parliamentary questions in that Assembly because, although one sees in print the questions, the parliamentary answers are not set out. What happens is that the answers come through months later. It is difficult to marry the one with the other Perhaps our delegates or representatives at the Assembly could do something to assist those of us who wish to read their words of wisdom and to ensure that we see these documents smartly, and preferably in English.

    I wish to take up the point made by the right hon. Member for Kettering (Sir G. de Freitas) about the Council of Ministers. That Council is the law-making body in the Common Market— indeed, there is no other law-making body in the Community. We in this Parliament are the law-making body of this country and when we make our laws our debates are fully reported and everybody can see what we say. Over there, however, the law-making body sits in secret and no proceedings are published of the debates in the Council in Ministers which lead to the decisions which eventually become our domestic law. I regard this as a mild form of scandal. We should have a full HANSARD-type report of what the Ministers of Agriculture have been saying. I want to see what arguments have been advanced and to see the various balances, but I have no way of finding out. We must remember that when decisions are made over there, they will become the law of this country.

    We are told all about the work of the committees in the Community and it has been emphasised that people are properly elected here and then go to Brussels to do their work. But when we come to the real work of the committees we see that they meet in secret. We have not only the parliamentary committees sitting in secret, as do some local urban district councils, and greatly offending the Press by not letting in its representatives, but the one law-making body sits in secret and nothing of its deliberations is published.

    I hope the Government will bear in mind that we want, as well as the documents mentioned in the excellent report of the Select Committee, the documents which I have mentioned to be brought forward so that we have open government in the Community. That is absolutely essential. Three and a half months have passed since we joined the Community and we have not had one debate in Government time on European Community matters. That is not good enough. Regulations, draft regulations and directives are rolling by. Last week we had about 35 draft directives. I agree that a lot of them were on agricultural matters, but hidden among them were about six directives which were important. We have not debated them.

    The Government led us into the Common Market and it is their duty to provide time to debate these matters. Other business should be dropped, if necessary, because we are here concerned with our domestic law and we must insist that it is debated in this Chamber so that we may express our views before we are committed to decisions of the secret Council of Ministers.

    8.3 p.m.

    The hon. Member for Banbury (Mr. Marten) made a very important point at the end of his speech. It will be interesting to hear the Minister's reply to it.

    As a comparatively new Member, I am struck by the fact that we often debate important issues either on peculiar occasions—and certainly there is no more peculiar occasion to debate this matter than the day before we adjourn for our Easter holidays when most people have already gone home—or on the basis of seemingly innocuous motions and amendments. What could be more innocuous than the Government's motion and, indeed, the Opposition's amendment? Yet we are debating some very serious and weighty issues, cloaked, as they may be, in the guise of acceptance or otherwise of the report of a rather obscure Select Committee.

    I wish first to outline what in my view is one of the most important features in the debate. We are discussing the question of influence and control by this House. I make a distinction between influence and control. There are many ways in which individuals outside the House and individual Members in it and organisations can bring influence and pressure to bear on Government Departments, civil servants, politicians and Ministers, whether it be by quiet chats in the corridors of power or by mass lobbies outside.

    Influence is difficult to define. It is a nebulous quantity. What we are concerned about is, not that sort of influence, but the question of control, because the control exercised by this House over what goes on, and particularly over the executive and the Government, is well defined in terms of our legislative procedures and constitutional conventions. The House of Commons and individual Members of it may often be mistaken about when they are exercising influence on the Government or on their colleagues, but there can be no doubt when the House and its Members are exercising control because we have some precise procedures for exercising control. That is the crux of this debate.

    Things are rather different in the Common Market. The Commission, which is a very important body, exercises great influence on the affairs of the European Community and a certain degree of control, but that control is extremely limited both by the terms of the basic treaties of the European Communities and by the fiat of the Council of Ministers. Basically it is the Commission which proposes and the Council which disposes. In the Common Market control lies in the Council of Ministers. The Council makes the decisions and the law in the Community. Ministers of this country attend the Council of Ministers. They do not go to the Commission. They vote at the Council and take part in its decisions.

    What we are concerned about is the way in which we can exercise control over what the Ministers do. The House of Commons, at least in theory, still controls its Ministers, even when they are abroad but acting in their ministerial capacity, as they certainly are when they attend official meetings of the Council. Our Ministers abroad are still responsible to the House of Commons and not to any other body. They are certainly not responsible to the European Assembly or to the European Commission, or even to their colleagues on the Council of Ministers, least of all to other national parliaments.

    This debate is on the subject of the interim report of the Select Committee. Basically the report is about providing information to the House of Commons and giving Members opportunities to question Ministers before and after meetings of the Council of Ministers, which take place regularly. I do not wish to say much about the question of statements afterwards because it has been well covered by my right hon. Friend the Member for Stepney (Mr. Shore) and by other hon. Members. I wish to concentrate attention on the need for statements before meetings of the Council of Ministers. I should have thought that it was plain that we needed such statements so that hon. Members could exert influence on those agenda items which appeared in the monthly statement and on whether additional items should be included.

    That is not the end of the story because if, as a result of such statements and questioning afterwards, ministerial replies were considered to be unsatisfactory by hon. Members or, more probably, by the opposition party, whichever party it was, the House of Commons could have the opportunity of exercising control over Ministers before they attended the Council of Ministers by having a debate before the date of the Council meeting. But that could not be done until hon. Members knew what the attitude of Ministers would be and what was going on.

    I appreciate the theory about the House of Commons acting as a corporate body, but the reality is that it is the Government and the Opposition. It is not true to say that the Opposition have control over Ministers.

    No. But all decisions— and I am not a constitutional expert— taken in this way are taken in the name, not of the Conservative Party, the Labour Party or of the Government, but of the House of Commons. Our Acts, although we may refer to them outside, for party political purposes, as Acts of the Conservative Government, are Acts passed by the whole of Parliament. I wish to concentrate on the theory because We are endeavouring to see what is the right set of circumstances in which we can continue to exercise such control as is presently available to us.

    Surely it is much more important and much easier for the House to exercise control over Ministers to prevent a bad decision from being taken in the Council of Ministers than it is to take action after a decision has been taken in the Council with which perhaps the majority of Members of this House would have disagreed had they known that it was to be taken.

    We have had the Government's view on the Select Committee from the Leader of the House. I am concentrating on what he called the mild controversy but which is of fundamental importance about the provision of a list of items as a substitute for the Committee's unanimous recommendation that we should have a statement.

    I do not regard this Government's attitude as good enough, for three reasons. First of all, if we are not to have a statement in advance of the Council meetings, the House of Commons collectively will have no chance to comment, to influence, and, if necessary, to control the actions of the Minister before he goes off to the Council of Ministers. A statement would at least allow the Minister to gauge the feeling of the House, and that is important even if the House does not want to exercise control by passing a resolution. Such testing of the temperature of the House cannot be done on the basis of written or oral Questions which are merely individual efforts by individual Members of Parliament to influence Ministers. We surely want a collective oportunity to do this.

    My second reason for being rather annoyed at the Government's rejection of this recommendation is that the House cannot, without this statement before the monthly Council meetings, exert collective influence on what is going on because it cannot exert influence unless it has some idea of what the Government's attitude will be to the various items on the Council's agenda. A statement with questioning afterwards is the usual parliamentary method of finding out what is the Government's attitude to a subject. My third reason is that the House, without such a statement before the monthly Council meetings, will have no means of exerting control because the House will collectively have no means of deciding whether it is necessary to exercise such control—except it has a previous statement, and series of questions.

    The Committee's recommendations have a number of virtues. I may be biassed, but, I hope, not too much so. They are simple; they are justifiable; they are in the true traditions of this place, of Parliament; last, but by no means least, they are unanimous. I would have thought these four reasons to be sufficiently good for the Government to take more note of them than to reject what I regard as one of the most important of our interim recommendations.

    Surely we must have this statement before the monthly Council meetings as a necessary step to restoring parliamentary control over the executive, which has been lost to the Common Market. It is surely not much to ask. Government legislation would have been debated in the House and would have been controlled by the House previously through our normal procedures on Bills, affirmative orders, and so on. In the Common Market we have no opportunity of debating that.

    Now we are told that we are not even to have a statement in advance of the monthly meetings, though they are to discuss and decide the legislation of this country—and that is basically what this discussion is about. The Committee's proposals for a statement before the monthly meetings is a very modest recommendation. After all, the Committee could have recommended a three-day debate, or a day's debate in Government time before every Council meeting. What the Committee did unanimously decide to recommend is self-evidently practicable and desirable, and I think it came as a complete shock to the members of the Committee, without regard to party, to find the Government had rejected this recommendation.

    The Government have told us that they have rejected it. Why? Is it just reluctance to make a very minor constitutional, procedural innovation in the work of the House? That would be incredible. That would be straining at the gnat of a short statement after swallowing the camel of major constitutional changes brought about by our membership of the Common Market. That cannot be the Government's reason.

    Is it perhaps that the Government are short of time? We all know that all Governments are always short of time, and it cannot honestly be argued by anybody in this Chamber that 45 minutes, approximately the usual time for a ministerial statement with questions following, once a month would be too much time to find or too much adaptation of our procedures. It cannot be shortage of time.

    Perhaps the reason is deeper. I sincerely hope that it is not contempt for the House or a desire further to restrict the opportunities which we have for controlling Ministers, regardless of party.

    I want to take up four or five reasons the right hon. Gentleman gave at the start of the debate for rejecting this recommendation about having a statement before the monthly meetings of the Council. He said first of all that there would be too many subjects for one Minister to deal with. I might have agreed that that could be a valid objection, but unfortunately for him the ground was shifted from underneath his feet in December 1972 when the Chancellor of the Duchy—some of us complained about it at the time—made a long statement covering three major Government Departments completely unrelated to one another as—perhaps not very adequately, although he sought to do so adequately —he dealt with questions which followed from all parts of the House.

    The fact that there are too many subjects cannot be the reason, because there is already a precedent. When subsequently I asked the Prime Minister about it by a Written Question—I always put Written Questions to the Prime Minister because I think that is the best way of getting information—he said that he would not ensure that in future necessarily departmental Ministers made statements. He said that on occasions it might be necessary for one Minister to make a statement covering several matters. That goes against what the Leader of the House said today.

    The second reason he gave was that such a statement would be incomplete. That is certain. I do not think that anyone could object to that reason. But, of course, some information is always better than no information, and the fact that a statement might not cover every subject to be discussed does not mean that we should not know about subjects which will be discussed.

    The third reason which he gave was that Ministers might be tempted to give very guarded replies to questions following a statement. Guarded replies are not unknown to back benchers who are constantly asking Oral and Written Questios of Ministers. Since guarded replies are given even in our normal Question Time and question procedures, that seems hardly a good enough reason. The reductio ad absurdum of that is that we should do away with our normal Question Time, because we often get guarded replies then. Therefore that cannot be the real reason.

    His fourth point was that the Members could raise matters at an earlier stage than that of publication of the agenda. Indeed they can, and indeed they should, but, of course, further questioning of Ministers after a statement, and near to the time of a meeting, is still essential. We are not saying that we should drop one practice and add another. What we are saying is that we want as many opportunities as possible for influence and control.

    The final point—and I think that this is the real reason why the right hon. Gentleman did not want what he called any public questioning of Ministers before the monthly meetings—was that it would put at risk our capacity for effective negotiation. That, I think, is the real reason. In saying that, the Minister is denying effective parliamentary control of the actions of our Ministers when they go overseas to the Common Market. It seems to me that although the House on most occasions would not want to exercise such control, to deny it the right to exercise such control is going far beyond what we were told during the debates on the Common Market.

    Hon. Members on both sides, and whatever their views on the Common Market, will not want to see this recommendation rejected out of hand, and I hope that the Government will take note of all the feelings expressed here today. We are dealing only with an interim report of the Committee, and if the official recommendation should be radical in recommending a statement and urging time for debates, I hope that the Minister will take note of the feeling of the House and of the Select Committee of the House and see that it is not denigrated and that we are not to be pushed on one side.

    We will not allow Ministers a completely free hand when they go to the meetings of the Council. We intend to do to the best of our ability—perhaps it is not always that we do it well—the job we were sent here by our constituents to do—to exercise influence and control over the actions of our Ministers in the Common Market.

    8.20 p.m.

    The hon. Member for Walthamstow. West (Mr. Deakin) had two main themes— control and influence, the more important being control. In the context of the Common Market, my view is that influence is perhaps the more significant and rewarding.

    I am not sure how to describe the position of a Minister who attends a meeting of the Council of Ministers. The hon. Member for Walthamstow, West is clear that he is responsible solely to the House. Might he not more properly be described as being responsible to the Government, with the Government being responsible to the House? Inevitably, the Government of the day must instruct that Minister on the range of his mandate to negotiate and to agree, although the House may criticise as much as it likes.

    That is the decisive factor in my preference not to have an hour's questioning on merits when the agenda is announced for a meeting of the Council of Ministers. I feel that the Government are right not to start in that way. The Select Committee as it continues its investigations may not persist in that suggestion. The one hour or three-quarters-of-an-hours of parliamentary time taken up in that way might be to little useful purpose. I do not think that a series of questions on the lines of business questions would get us very far on a long agenda, nor do I think the true feeling of the House would be revealed.

    My main criticism of the debate so far is that the time scale is wrong, as my hon. Friend the Member for Southampton, Test (Mr. S. James A. Hill) said. Hon. Gentlemen on the Opposition benches are tending to say that the House of Commons should be able to put its thoughts into the Minister's mind. But it is far too late to do that. The process of trying to achieve not the certain decision of a Government over an Opposition in a two-party legislature but the slow evolution of a consensus between nine Ministers with national points of view is a long slow process. Therefore, our arguments in support of our own procedures may be misleading in the unique circumstances of the set of institutions which has been established under the Treaty of Rome.

    It is difficult at this stage to be sure that the European Community is working in anything like normal circumstances Enlargement has been accompanied by a series of crises, notably the monetary crisis, and a new Commission. There are many technical difficulties which I hope will be short-lived but which make it harder for the House to follow the proceedings in Europe. It is rather like boarding a moving bus. The agenda will be coming forward to us quickly although it may have been in the European pipeline for five or six years. That is surprising, but it has happened with certain directives which have come forward during the three months of our membership. There are difficulties with translation and there is much criticism about lack of information, and this I regret.

    One difficulty arises with the all-important committees. To say that they meet in secret is to give a wrong impression. The public, as far as I am aware, have never asked to be admitted. There is a shortage of translation facilities and minutes are not yet published in the six official languages. It is, therefore, not easy to find out what is happening in each committee. The minutes are available only in the original language of the minute-taker. Reasonably soon, when the backlog of translation has been dealt with, the European Parliament will be able to authorise its committees to produce full minutes and members of the European Parliament and their colleagues here will have a better record of the evolution of the consensus.

    What I hope the Select Committee will do is to find opportunities for Parliament to debate European topics that are important and relevant to Parliament. I am not sure that a sifting committee could necessarily do this. A particular regulation or draft directive may be of great importance only to one hon. Member because it affects his constituency, and there must be an opportunity for him to raise it.

    When we get into the swing, hon. Members on the European committees, through our party organisations within the House, will be able to tell their colleagues what is happening. We in the European Parliament value the views of our colleagues, as I am sure we would value the views of the House—but at a much earlier stage in the proceedings.

    The right hon. Member for Kettering (Sir G. de Freitas) said that he would like to have more information about what has happened, and I entirely agree with him. The European Parliament has just set up a new committee with the specific remit of information policy. A statement of policy which was in draft for the Six is being brought up to date in the light of enlargement. The views which have been expressed today will be of great help to me because I serve on that committee, especially the suggestion that we should follow the useful practice of the Council of Europe of providing a summary in two main languages.

    With six official languages, there is difficulty in deciding which are the two main ones. The alternative is to spend more money to enable the House to be better served. It would be perfectly possible for minutes provided by British representatives to be made available to the House on an unofficial basis, and that would be useful to us.

    Since my hon. Friend is a member of this committee to which he has referred, may I ask whether, as a Member of this House, he can give us the assurance that he will press on our behalf for the proceedings of the Council of Ministers to be made public and published in a sort of HANSARD?

    That raises far wider issues. My hon. Friend is far too old a parliamentarian not to know that that was a gigantic fly which he was casting. If a body of people is trying to reach a consensus and seeking to avoid imposing the will of a Government upon an Opposition, it is better to give them as much advice as possible but to let them get on with things in private. Otherwise it will be far harder to achieve consensus.

    Unless a series of decisions acceptable to all members are arrived at, the Community cannot make progress. It is essential that it should make progress because its development, now that we are in it, is the most significant factor in achieving a higher degree of prosperity for our people.

    8.30 p.m.

    The hon. Member for Norfolk. South (Mr. John E. B. Hill) has unwittingly written an epitaph for parliamentary democracy if he seriously thinks that it can be subordinated to the slow evolution of consensus among nine nations using different languages.

    I have sensed in this debate some complacency about the functions of the European Assembly, in particular about the measure of democratic influence or control that it is able to effect. It is timely that the representatives of this Parliament who attend the European Assembly should take note of the danger of a creeping treason against real parliamentary democracy, implied in calling the European Assembly the European Parliament. In the treaty rules it is a European Assembly. To slide over from that to the concept of a European Parliament before any democratic control is effectively operated from it is basically disloyal to our parliamentary tradition.

    My right hon. Friend the Member for Stepney (Mr. Shore) spoke about the democratic deficit. It is an overdraft which we are piling up at a time when the interest on overdrafts is as high as it has ever been. It is not merely that we are running into democratic debt, amassing an enormous debit. It is also that the rate of interest is increasing and the total sum due may be too high to meet unless we take stock now. Nothing has yet been achieved on the credit side. We are concerned here with the democratic credit.

    The Select Committee has the hope of achieving, in a sense, some measure of credible democratic control from this House if from nowhere else. I hope that our representatives in the European Assembly are dissatisfied with its democratic control and not complacent, as they appear to be. If they are not dissatisfied, they are not representative of this House. The Select Committee is trying, seriously and unanimously, to swell the credit side of the account. I regret, not with the divine anger of my hon. Friend the Member for Walthamstow, West (Mr. Deakins) but rather more in sorrow, that the Government have not accepted the whole of this interim report. As my hon. Friend pointed out, the reasons adduced are not convincing. They will not bear careful scrutiny.

    The Government's attitude reminds me of the Victorian father. True to the Victorian dictum that children should be seen and not heard, he refused to allow his children to have any voice in family affairs. He said "Wait until you are 21". When they were 21 and asked "What about our democratic voice?" the father said "You are old enough to fend for yourselves. Out you go." When we seek to influence the Government, it is said that our representations are premature. When the Council of Ministers has reached a conclusion, it is too late because the decision is irreversible. We want to get away from that. For all that, half a loaf is better than no bread, especially if the other half is likely to be made of denatured wheat—

    The problem faced by the Select Committee is that of forging new and novel lines of communication. It has produced a unanimous report dealing with this. We are trying to plug into the European network so that we may hear what is going on and voice our democratic influence to try to change it if we are not satisfied with it, or at least to be heard. If we cannot plug in legitimately it is obvious that the lines may be tapped and that we may get a "bug" in Brussels. If people cannot get legitimate information, they will try to get it illegitimately and secretly—

    I do not know whether there is a Watergate in Brussels. If it has not yet been invented, I am fairly sure that it soon will be.

    It is correct to try to forge open means of communication rather than try to advance the present policy of secrecy which seems to surround proceedings in Brussels. Forging these new democratic lines of communication is no easy task, especially when it involves a constitutional clash between different traditions.

    The interim report makes no more than a first stab at this difficult task, and the members of the Select Committee are under no illusions about the difficulties which will be involved in presenting their final report. Indeed, there is a sense in which there can be no final report. We shall have to learn from experience, and it is very important that that point should be made now because we have to recognise from the outset that we shall learn from experience or not succeed at all.

    My sincere plea to the Government is to reconsider the attitude that they have taken in their motion. The Opposition ask them to accept the report in its entirety. I quite understand that it will be difficult for the Government to do that today. But I ask them seriously to reconsider their attitude, and perhaps I might present my reasons for doing so.

    Conveniently set out in paragraphs (A), (B), (C) and (D) in page x of the report are the four main recommendations of the Select Committee. The Government have accepted (A) and (D) and, in a sense, an expurgated or denatured version of (B). They have accepted the idea that there should be a preliminary statement relating to the agenda, but they have not accepted that it should be made orally. As a result there will be no opportunity for hon. Members to ask questions about it. I accept and adopt the criticism already of that by others of my hon. Friends, especially my hon. Friend the Member for Waltham-stow, West.

    Perhaps I might concentrate for a moment on the difficulty which arises out of the Government's rejection of recommendation (C). It seems to me that it would be desirable to have a regular periodic statement from the Government about how matters are progressing in the Community. I put it no higher than that.

    I shall not go into the detailed criticisms which other hon. Members have levelled at the Government's attitude to this part of the report. I simply make one general point which is difficult to resist. It is that in the new relationship into which we are obviously entering with the European institutions there is a need for continuity, for periodical reports and for sweeping up where something has occurred which does not merit a specific statement in the House. The force of the unanimous interim report of the Select Committee is precisely there. It may be that recommendation (C) was not very happily worded. There may be ambiguities about it. That may explain why the Leader of the House was in some difficulty when he was pressed about it on a previous occasion. But the spirit of recommendation (C) is a matter that the Government cannot resist.

    There should be regular and periodic opportunities for the House to be told about developments in the Community. There should be a regular state of the Community message to this House on which the Government would tell the House their thinking and on which hon. Members would have the opportunity to put their views to the Government. That minimum of two-way communication is a "must". I want to thrust that point home and make a strong plea to the Government to reconsider their position on it.

    It is the kind of adjustment which we shall have to make, willy-nilly in Western Europe as we are, on the basis of empirical testing. I suggest that the best way to get experience whether this kind of proposal will work is to try it now on the basis of the interim report. If it was a failure we would see it in a matter of months. If it was a success the Government would have something positive on which to build. How can they lose by reconsidering the matter and undertaking at least to give a fair trial to proposal (C) in the interim report?

    I recommend the Government at least to give an undertaking that they will reconsider the points which have been made in the debate, and that point in particular.

    8.41 p.m.

    I hope that the hon. and learned Member for Edinburgh, Leith (Mr. Ronald King Murray) will forgive me if I do not follow him along the paths that he has traversed. Both he and I have the honour to be members of the Select Committee. Other members of it have already spoken. All the speeches have demonstrated, as mine will further demonstrate, how people can arrive at the same conclusions and adhere to them, but for different reasons. I should like to dwell on mine rather than enter into controversy about others.

    There are three matters on which I wish to comment. First, I was glad to hear my right hon. Friend the Leader of the House say that the Government accept in full our first recommendation. Doing the best I could to consider the substantial number of memoranda which have so far come out, it seems that we have not yet got them quite right. A great deal has been done in the short time since the report came out—I am not denigrating that—but it is a big task to comply in full with our first recommendation much bigger, than it seems at first sight, and more important.

    I rather deprecate the use of the words "Explanatory Memorandum". That is some little thing at the end of a statutory instrument which is there stated to be of no force and effect. However, as the Government fully realise, the memoranda that we are talking about are of great effect and importance. They are ministerial statements, albeit in a different form from that to which we are accustomed. It is right that we should not call them ministerial statements. That would lead to confusion between this kind of statement and the ministerial statement with which we are fully conversant. But it does not alter the fact that they are statements by Ministers for which, as Ministers, they have personal responsibility and for which the Government have corporate responsibility.

    I assume that in due course, when we have settled down more to the system, these statements will not be so varied as they are at the moment. I notice that in the bottom left-hand corner of some there is "Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food", on others we have a department within a department, like the "Board of Inland Revenue", whilst at the foot of others there is nothing to indicate from where they came. I hope that in due course these statements will be signed by the Ministers responsible for them. That would seem to be the only way of giving full effect to the recommendation.

    Furthermore—of course, I have no direct information—it does seem that that part of the statement dealing with the impact on United Kingdom law has perhaps not yet been dealt with by the Law Officers in accordance with the recommendation. I guess this to be the case because so many different formulae are used in dealing with that part of the recommendation. Some are complete, some are not, and they differ in the way in which they are set out. But it is early days yet. My right hon. Friend has put my mind at rest on this, because it is important that the recommendations are implemented in full. It is not just any old statement that will do. What is needed is the kind of statement that we particularise in our report containing all the ingredients there referred to.

    The second matter to which I propose to refer is that of oral statements in the House. I do not adhere quite so rigidly as some others wish to do to the terms of our recommendation. I do not think that that is necessarily the only way in which to do it, but I do adhere to the principle of what we propose. I adhere to the desire which has been expressed of having the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster as the Minister with overall responsibility, or a particular Minister if an important subject is his concern, coming to the Dispatch Box and telling us about what is happening, and I do so for a totally different reason from those so far advanced which seem to be based so largely on hostility and, to a considerable extent, on suspicion.

    My basic reason is different. Whether or not we agree with them happening, the fact is that great and exciting things are going on in Europe which are of enormous importance to us, and I hope that the Government will find a way of carrying out what we suggest. We should, at fairly frequent intervals, if not regularly once a month, have a Minister coming to the Dispatch Box to tell hon. Members what is going on, what the difficulties are and what his plans are so that we can share in what is happening.

    They would be fascinating parliamentary occasions and would bring back a little life to the House which, in some respects, has got a little dull and become a bit of a ritual dance. I am as great a lover of the House as is any hon. Member, and nothing that I say it intended to run it down, but if there were that kind of occasion it would add to the occasions which we have and would increase the interest and purpose of the House.

    My other reason is of an entirely different nature. I fear that if some sort of proposal such as we have suggested is not adopted it will merely breed suspicion. It will make those who approach the whole matter with an unfavourable view of it, and who are already full of suspicion about what is not being told to the House, even more suspicious than they would ever have been, and I suggest to my right hon. Friend that, in the interests of the House and of the country at large, we ought to consider every way of removing those suspicions, however ill-founded they may be.

    The more our proceedings are coloured by feelings of suspicion, the less useful they will be to us and to everyone else. I feel that the rug would often be pulled from under the feet of those who entertain unworthy suspicions if the Minister were to come to the Dispatch Box and show how totally unworthy they were.

    Lastly I echo the sentiments expressed by the hon. Member for Inverness (Mr. Russell Johnston) and by my hon Friend the Member for Banbury (Mr. Marten) who stressed that we must remember that what we are talking about is the making of our own domestic law. To be even more explicit, we are talking about the method of the making of a substantial part of our own law by a body other than this House. We must never shrink from realising that. I voted all the way through for what we have done in this full realisation and I do not shrink from the consequences, and it is absolutely vital for all of us, whether for or against, to consider unblinkingly what we are talking about. This is no mere procedural matter. We are talking about a whole new method of the making of law. The one thing that cuts right across party in this House always has been the fact that what we are here for is to have some say, and as much say as possible, in the making of the law, because that, above and as well as all the other things, is what we are elected to do.

    We are a legislature. We make the law. We have the whole elaborate process of passing statutes—a most elaborate process giving Members maximum rights to speak on those laws. For purely practical reasons we now have to make a great many laws by delegated legislation, but even so we have always guarded most jealously the preservation of some rights of hon. Members to speak on delegated legislation.

    One of the matters that has been under urgent consideration by both parties ever since I have been in the House has been the finding of time to debate those statutory instruments which call for debate, and the processes by which the right should be given to hon. Members to have such legislation debated here. The debate on that urgent consideration continues today, and it is still an urgent topic. What we are talking about in this debate is how we can preserve or afford such rights in relation to that part of the law which will now be made by a method quite different from that which we have hitherto employed.

    The matter goes even deeper than that. The law exists and is used for two totally different and fundamentally opposed purposes. One of the purposes for which it is used is as the instrument of authority, as an instrument for implementing policy. The other purpose for which it is used is to protect the rights of the individual. These two purposes are utterly inconsistent the one with the other. They are both useful, they are both absolutely necessary, but they are at war with one another all the time.

    One of the most serious considerations in our debate is that all the laws about which we are here talking are laws made for the first of those purposes—the implementing of policy. That is what they are all about.

    In this House we have various checks and balances. For years, perhaps for centuries, the Law Officers have by tradition had a general duty to this House— not merely to the Government—in connection with the safeguarding of the rights of the subject, the infringement of those rights and the like. We have to find some similar method of ensuring that that side of these laws is looked at at some stage in this new method of the making of the law.

    What it boils down to is that what the House needs is the earliest and the maximum advice and assistance about the new law which will be made by each instrument the minute that it gets through all its processes, and about the new laws which we should have to pass here in consequence of those instruments in order to give effect to them in our law in so far as that effect was not automatically the result of the passing of the instrument itself. There are those two considerations.

    That is why the Committee made the express recommendation that it did about what was to be said in the memorandum about the impact of the instruments upon United Kingdom law and that it should be the Law Officers of the Crown who should advise the House, in the manner in which we have traditionally come to expect them to advise us as servants of the House and not merely of the Government, upon those two aspects of the matter.

    I was pleased that it was the layman on the Committee who initiated that idea. As a lawyer, I support it wholeheartedly. One of the things that we should treasure is the way in which this House accepts the view of Law Officers, from whichever side of the House, as the view of people who know that they have a duty to the whole House and are prepared to carry it out. I hope that these points will be borne in mind and that full use will be made of the Law Officers, in what is ideally work in which they can serve this House in the great traditions in which they have served it for so long.

    8.58 p.m.

    My intervention will be brief because, unlike most of those who have taken part in the debate, I was neither a member of the Committee nor am I a member of the European Parliament. However, like many other hon. Members I have read the report with considerable interest and I shall be interested in the remarks of the hon. and learned Member for North-wich (Sir J. Foster). He and his Committee have been most imaginative in interpreting their terms of reference.

    What we are considering tonight is not the report of a Select Committee on European secondary legislation but a very important report on the relations between the executive and the legislature in this country against the background of our membership of the EEC. I am delighted that the Select Committee stretched its terms of reference as widely as it did.

    As my right hon. Friend the Member for Stepney (Mr. Shore) said, we have to face the serious problem of the democratic deficit in our relations with the Community. Whatever we are to call the body which meets in Strasbourg and Luxembourg—I do not want to get involved in an argument about parliaments at the moment—it is clear that for the moment it is not a legislature. Also, although the Council of Ministers is a legislature, it is not a democratic body. It is only at the second degree democratically controlled, and that is the burden of our debate. In a sense the European Parliament or Assembly is a joint select committee of Parliaments of Europe. It examines legislation rather like one of our Joint Select Committees. That is what we have achieved up to now.

    I should, of course, like the democratic deficit filled in two ways: first, by strengthening the powers of the European Parliament in the immediate future; and secondly, by taking up the point in the Vedel Commission's report in the longer-term future by moving on to direct elections, perhaps in the way suggested by my right hon. Friend the Member for Fulham (Mr. Michael Stewart), but we have not time to develop that point tonight.

    We have to consider what we can do here. I very much support not only the hon. and learned Member for Southport (Mr. Percival) but also my right hon. and hon. Friends in pressing Ministers to accept to the full the proposals of the Select Committee. It is important that before Ministers attend the Council of Ministers there should be an opportunity for the House to hear from them and to question them. I have not time to develop the point, but I am not sure whether the idea of imposing individual vetoes upon them on specific matters is a particularly useful way for the House to proceed in general. There may be instances when that would be right. But the whole technique of Community operation in the Council of Ministers is one of bargaining, with one item being traded off against another. Ministers must be given a certain amount of freedom. A series of detailed controls from the House of Commons might not be the best way to achieve that. Nevertheless the House ought to have a chance, before Ministers go to the Council of Ministers, to put its point of view and to make it clear so that Ministers know what it is.

    I should like to raise a specific point with the Leader of the House on secondary legislation. I have written to him about this matter previously. We do not need to think only of the draft directives issued since 1st January—and there are enough of those. The Community is also considering at present an enormous number of draft directives issued before 1st January, of which we do not have copies available in the House in English. I would have hoped that there would be translations made available to us, not necessarily for all of them but for those which are still live as distinct from those fortunately forgotten about. There should also be, in the same way, what I must not call explanatory memoranda, but notes from Ministers on these directives as well as those now being issued and discussed.

    I hope that the Government will consider the possibility of giving us that sort of information about draft directives which are very much in play within the Community institutions.

    The Select Committee has gone a long way in its report, but I hope that we shall soon have its final report. It is extremely important not only that we should talk about how we monitor and control this secondary legislation but also that we should start, as a House, to get it.

    9.3 p.m.

    On the specific point referred to by the hon. Member for Farnworth (Mr. Roper), I think that the members of the Committee will agree that we considered this. The Library will have a translation of all the proposals which are in the pipeline and which will be adopted by the Council. That point has been taken care of, but it takes some time to get translations. My right hon. Friend the Leader of the House will confirm that.

    I remind the House that the terms of reference of the Committee state:
    "to consider procedures for scrutiny of proposals for European Community Secondary Legislation and to make recommendations."
    I agree with the hon. Member for Walthamstow, West (Mr. Deakins) that "scrutiny" in this context obviously entails something more than just scrutiny. In other words, it is not enough that the House is just informed about secondary legislation. It is also intended by the terms of reference that Members of Parliament should be able to do something with that scrutiny.

    Some of the consequences of the recommendations of the Committee have been extended to show, perhaps, in the opinion of some speakers, that the Common Market just will not work. I regret that the Government did not accept the two recommendations about having a regular statement about the agenda of the Council of Ministers and that a statement should be made about what happened in the Council. I see the difficulties of which the Government have spoken. It may well be that when the Select Committee makes its next recommendations that interim recommendation will be dropped.

    Hon. Members who are anti-Marketeers have drawn consequences which are much too wide. We knew when we joined the Common Market that we were confiding to the Council of Ministers the right to make legislation. We knew also that the Council of Ministers was not democratically elected in any sense of being European democratically elected. Therefore, I cannot agree with my hon. Friend the Member for Banbury (Mr. Marten) that all the debates in the Council of Ministers, all the arguments and all the negotiations must be reproduced in a Council of Ministers HANSARD. That is unrealistic, because Ministers who go from the United Kingdom to what may be three or four meetings of the Council of Ministers in a month go there charged by the Government and the executive to advance certain points of view and to get an agreement.

    I hold a view which is unpopular amongst anti-Marketeers and amongst pro-Marketeers. I think that in time we should have a council which is a kind of European government. That view is very unpopular with most people in the United Kingdom.

    I do not think that there is much future in the concept of direct election to the European Assembly. It is a useful step forward, but it would not overcome the difficulty which criticis of the present setup argue now exists, namely, that the Council of Ministers is a denial of democratic control.

    It is not a valid argument that the democratic control has disappeared because we are in the Common Market. The Parliament of the United Kingdom has confided to its executive the task of agreeing to a certain amount of European legislation. It did this in exercise of its sovereignty, and the sovereignty of Parliament remains untouched.

    Many who were in favour of the Common Market have accepted the premise that the sovereignty of Parliament should not be eroded and they have gone on to argue that the sovereignty of Parliament is maintained by the fact that the recommendations of the Commission will be scrutinised.

    That argument is not the right one. The right argument is that Members of Parliament should be entitled to bring to bear what the hon. Member for Waltham-stow, West, described as influence on Ministers. The best we could think of at the time quickly, to get an agreement amongst pro-Marketeers and anti-Marketeers, was to suggest a monthly statement. We may well find later that we have set up some other form of organisation to deal with the problems arising in Europe.

    I agree with my hon. Friend the Member for Banbury that, because we are now part of a much larger organisation which I hope will make great progress, we shall have to reform the procedures of the House to enable European matters to be discussed more frequently.

    Will my hon. and learned Friend—no one is better qualified to do so—clarify one point to which he referred? Did his Committee, in making recommendation (C) about the monthly statement after the meeting of the Council of Ministers, envisage continuance of the confidentiality or secrecy of the Council of Ministers, or did it make the recommendation on the basis that there would be an adapatation of those procedures, which would make an oral statement a good deal franker and less open to the objections that have been taken to it?

    Has my hon. and learned Friend reconsidered the recommendation?

    I do not think that we considered the recommendation on either basis. We took it literally. I thought that, as the Committee was charged with scrutiny of secondary legislation, the statement would allude to those proposals that had not yet become legislation. It obviously went beyond the terms of reference for our Committee to make recommendations as to which objections or political arguments should be raised to legislation that had been enacted by the Council of Ministers.

    Our terms of reference have been extended. My right hon. Friend the former Leader of the House, now Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, said when giving evidence to the Select Committee on Procedure that to some extent we should have the power to make recommendations about legislation. It is not very clear in the report, but we have undoubtedly gone a little beyond our strict terms of reference.

    I was referring to the suggestion of my hon. Friend the Member for Banbury. There seems to be no doubt that we should drastically reform our procedure so as to relieve the House of discussing Bills that are not of the first importance, such as the Fire Precautions Bill. We have done a bit of such trimming in our Second Reading Standing Committee, but we must do more. We must have opportunities to influence Ministers.

    I am not so enamoured with the argument of the hon. Member for Waltham-stow, West about control. There is a practical difficulty. So long as they have the support of their Members, the Government control what Ministers say or do. The advantage of debates is to show the Government that there are strong arguments for the Ministers taking a particular course, or sometimes to warn the Government that the Opposition can make such a fuss that they will gain a great deal of support in the country, or might even win the next General Election if the Government go on taking a particular line.

    I appreciate the Government's difficulties, but I believe that the ordinary method of Written and Oral Questions, Private Notice Question and Adjournment debate is not enough to bring home the feeling of the House about a particular kind of policy. I would much rather that the Government had accepted recommendation (B). To my mind, recommendation (C) was very much watered down. It is much less important that the Government have not accepted it, because, keeping within the terms of reference, we should be recommending only a statement by the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster about the result of a meeting of the Council of Ministers on legislation that has been enacted and proposals that are still proposals. That would be another opportunty for those Members who feel strongly about a particular aspect of the proposal to press their views again.

    The memorandum, the written statement, could perhaps be attached to the next batch of proposals for legislation from the Commission and it would also be possible to get English translations of the proposals themselves much more quickly. But it all comes down to the fact that we have entered a Community and that is an act of tremendous importance. It changes, or it should change, our attitudes to our domestic legislation because, in order to become one of a Community and to work in harmony as far as possible with eight other sovereign national Governments, there must be a good deal of give and take. In that give and take we have to recognise, which I think those who oppose the Common Market still do not accept, that the Council of Ministers has been entrusted by the sovereign British Parliament with the task of making laws for this country. I do not shrink from that because I am basically a federalist and I consider it a useful step forward. We could not jump from our present position into having a European national government and assemblies elected. There must be a half-way house, or even a quarter-way house, and that stage is where the nine Governments of the EEC will try to agree as much as possible on legislation which is acceptable to them all.

    I wish that the Government had accepted our recommendations in toto. I would have liked them to see how they worked. I am prepared to see how their refusal to accept them works the other way.

    9.18 p.m.

    I want to be brief because much of what I wish to say has been said by several of my hon. Friends, although that is not always an absolute deterrent to utterances in this House. However, my hon. Friend the Member for Walthamstow, West (Mr. Deakins) and others of my hon. Friends have put the case so effectively that there is very little left for me to add to what they have said.

    The debate has shown how necessary it is, as some of my hon. Friends have indicated, that we should have had many more debates on these subjects in time provided by the Government. The de-debate we have had this evening has touched on a whole range of matters which are not directly covered by the report of the Select Committee. It has touched on the relationships between this Parliament and the Assembly, it has touched on the question of secrecy in the Council of Ministers and it has touched on the question of how we might be able to intervene at a much earlier stage in the whole operation of the production of laws in the Community. That whole series of constitutional questions has burst out in the debate. It is an illustration of the case some of us have constantly put. Some of us wanted to get all these matters settled before we entered the Community. We think that there should have been discussion about the way in which the Council of Ministers works.

    The hon. and learned Member for Northwich (Sir J. Foster) raised the question of the secrecy of the Council of Ministers. Some of us have always thought that as a legislative body the Council of Ministers is extremely defective—a body which we would never tolerate in this country. The hon. and learned Gentleman played a distinguished part in trying to get these matters debated earlier and it was not his fault that we were unable to discuss this matter until now. My prophecy— this may be one of the reasons why the Government have not been eager to have this debate—is that again and again we shall be forced back to many of the debates which we should have had before we were forced into the Common Market on the terms which were laid down, and in particular that we shall be forced to debate all the constitutional questions which have not been resolved by our interim report.

    I emphasise that the report is an interim one. We were trying to deal with the immediate flood of instruments and regulations pouring out of the Community. We have not proposed a system which we put forward as necessarily the final arrangement.

    The proposals put forward by the hon. Member for Saffron Walden (Mr. Kirk) will be discussed in our next report and will relate to the proposals for the establishment of a Select Committee. I do not wish to discuss the merits of those measures but I wish to use this argument as an illustration to reveal the problems which entry into the Common Market means for the House of Commons since our problems are quite different from those which confront other Governments in the Community.

    The proposal which the hon. Member for Saffron Walden put to the House of Lords Select Committee was that we should transform a large part of House of Commons procedures to accomodate ourselves to the institutions of Europe —after we are in. But surely this is a matter which should have been discussed beforehand. The hon. Member for Saffron Walden has proposed a series of committees covering a range of matters and has suggested that Members should be elected to go to Europe and that they would have special rights in those Committees. This would be a transformation of the present methods of operation in the House of Commons. It is proposed to deal with a situation which has now become a fait accompli. These are matters which should have been discussed long ago.

    The Government must recognise— criticisms have come from both sides of the House—that they must provide much more time for us to discuss the detailed proposals which come from the Common Market and the way in which the whole apparatus is working. This is one of the reasons why we find the Government's attitude so disappointing on this first interim report. When we try to produce a report to provide some immediate stopgap measures, the Government show a lack of sympathy for a considerable number of our recommendations and apparently have not studied the grounds on which we have presented them.

    We have had this debate tonight only because we demanded it, because the first reaction of the Leader of the House was that it was not necessary to have a debate at all.

    That was the impression I received. I am sure that if the right hon. Gentleman had been eager for a debate he would have shown it. He certainly concealed his thoughts in a manner which is not always apparent in the way in which he treats the House. Let us say that he did not exactly jump at the possibility of having a debate. He felt that it was not necessary for us to debate the matter.

    There are a whole range of ramifications involved in these measures which must be discussed. The Government will have to provide time if they wish to maintain their claim that they are interested in protecting the rights of the House.

    We are deeply dissatisfied not only with the Minister's reaction to the unanimous report of the Select Committee, but with the way in which Common Market matters are being dealt with. We are deeply dissatisfied with the Government's attitude on steel prices. We had a discussion yesterday about steel prices only because one of my hon. Friends tabled a Private Notice Question. Even then he had difficulty because the Chair ruled that there was some restriction on the way in which the Question could be put. It had to be put not to enable us directly to discuss the decision made in Europe but in a roundabout way so that we could discuss the consequences of the increase in steel prices on other prices in this country. Some constitutional implications were involved in the proposition.

    We have always argued that one of the dangers of the transference of power was that this House would be deprived of the capacity to debate these matters in the way in which it had debated them before. What is happening before our eyes is what many of us on this side of the House prophesied during the debates on the Common Market Bill. It is being illustrated much more graphically and speedily than even we imagined. We said that it was not merely a question of entry to the Common Market but that we were discussing a major transference of power from the legislature to the executive. Control of a whole area of legislation transferred to the Common Market has been taken away from Parliament and placed in the hands of the executive. That is the first claim which we made and its accuracy has been illustrated time and again.

    We also said that at the same time as more power was being given to the executive the responsibility of Ministers about the way in which they should deal with that power was being blurred. That has also occurred. The steel example comes immediately to mind, although there have been several other instances.

    Because of the major fresh transference of power to the executive, and because the responsibility of Ministers is becoming much less clear, this House, if it is to rescue anything from the operation and to save any of its effective powers, will have to devise new protections, procedures and possibilities of access to it. What distinguishes this House from most of the other Parliaments in Western Europe and in the world is that those bodies believe in the process whereby Parliament is split into committees, many of which sit in secret. We do not believe in that.

    I agree that the Minister and the Government have every right to reject the report of the Select Committee but, in order to provide protections against what is happening in the Common Market, Members of Parliament must not merely serve on committees in some other part of the building or in Brussels but have access to this place, and that means time. They must have time to get at the Ministers and to pin their responsibilities on them, despite all the Ministers' efforts to escape those responsibilities. That is what the House of Commons is about.

    If the proposals of the hon. Member for Saffron Walden were carried in the form he has recommended, they would destroy that possibility. Incidentally, it is extremely regrettable that, on the first occasion when we debate the way in which the House is to retain its power over Ministers and the operation of the Common Market, the hon. Member for Saffron Walden has not troubled to attend. I think it is a real discourtesy to the House because, after all, we are discussing a matter about which he is prepared to go along to give evidence, apparently, to a House of Lords Committee although he has not troubled to come along to listen to this debate.

    We are glad that the Minister has accepted some parts of the Select Committee's Report, but we are extremely disappointed that he has rejected other parts. If he had accepted the lot he would not have been going very far. He would have been making a minimum response to what we have had to put forward to deal with the immediate situation. There are some people—there are some people in this House, I am sorry to say, and it appears that the hon. Member for Saffron Walden is one of them, from the evidence he has given to these committees—

    Is the hon. Member sure that the hon. Member for Saffron Walden (Mr. Kirk) is not attending a committee in Brussels as is required of him?

    I understand that that may very well be so, but that is a perfect illustration of what I said. He was elected by his constituents not to go there but to be here to attend to his business in this House. This is one of the sorts of matters which should have been debated properly before we ever arrived at the situation of saying that Members of Parliament who were elected to serve this House should put their service in some other body in some other place before their first responsibility here on matters in which the hon. Member for Saffron Walden is supposed to be primarily concerned and interested. This is extremely important to the House. If it is not to be done by some hon. Members on the Government side it will certainly be the duty of us on this side to assert, as it is necessary to assert, the rights of the House of Commons in these matters.

    I quote from an article which appeared under the name of Mr. David Wood in The Times of Monday this week:
    "As the United Kingdom begins to face the first practical problems of Community membership, like the dear-food system of agricultural pricing and the ludicrous Butter Mountain, Labour's voice is irrelevant"—

    He goes on to say:

    "simply because it is raised in the wrong place, at Westminster."
    I do not know whether the hon. Member who cheered just now so prematurely thinks that Westminster is the wrong place. Evidently the hon. Member for Saffron Walden thinks Westminster is the wrong place. I dare say Mr. David Wood thinks it is the wrong place. I hope he will transfer his interests to Brussels or Luxembourg. It may be that we have seen the last of him. Maybe it is the last appearance of Mr. David Wood in our affairs. Why should he report or concern himself with what happens here when he tells us that on such matters of major importance Westminster is the wrong place? But some of us in this House think that Westminster is the right place to discuss these matters. It is the right place for Ministers to have to come to answer. It is the right place for Ministers to be responsible to before they go to Brussels. It is the right place for them to come back to and to report to after they have been to Brussels.

    If, as I hope, we produce further reports of ways whereby we can discover how we can get at the system much earlier—and I agree about that view— we must see how we can intervene in the operations of the Commission itself by rescuing some democratic power. A reputable Lobby correspondent thinks now that Westminster is the wrong place. That is not the view of the Select Committee. We have put forward immediate practical ways whereby Westminster can prove that we are determined to keep as many powers as possible in spite of the wanton way in which a year ago Parliament was prepared to cast away so many of them. We are prepared to recapture as many of these powers as we can. We still believe that Westminster is the right place, and I am very sorry to see that the Government are not prepared to accept the unanimous report presented to the House in that spirit.

    9.35 p.m.

    With the permission of the House I should like to reply to the debate reasonably briefly but at the same time reasonably fully.

    The hon. Member for Ebbw Vale (Mr. Michael Foot) has been extremely ungenerous in his remarks about my hon. Friend the Member for Saffron Walden (Mr. Kirk). Many of my hon. Friends have reason to be extremely grateful for what my hon. Friend the Member for Saffron Walden and his colleagues have done in the past three months and for the considerable influence they are having on the Community. I hope that before long the Opposition will take the same view about the influence they can have on the community by becoming members of the European Parliament.

    It is not good enough for the hon. Member for Ebbw Vale to stand at the Box and criticise my hon. Friend for not being here tonight and to say that the House of Commons must have more influence when he is helping to thwart any influence that the Labour Party might have in the European Parliament and on the whole structure of the Community.

    It is an important place but not by any means the only place. We must remember that our own legislation is not always influenced only by what happens here.

    This has been an extremely good debate and I am glad that it lasted for longer than two hours. I hope that all hon. Members who are not present will read the report of the debate. It has gone much further than the first report of the Select Committee. It has ranged over all our procedures and the type of Chamber we are to have in the years to come.

    I recognise that in time there will have to be considerable changes in our procedures because of the importance of EEC legislation. Some of our legislation will not be of such great importance and therefore the balance will alter. Hon. Members will want more time to discuss EEC matters on the Floor of the Chamber, and perhaps other legislation may be conducted in Committee. The Government will consider all these matters as they evolve.

    Although the Government have been unable to accept all the recommendations contained in the first report, we shall see how things go and shall be prepared to make changes if necessary. I shall, of course, consult my colleagues on the various points that have been raised.

    My hon. and learned Friend the Member for Southport (Mr. Percival) said that we must seek to retain interest and excitement and to relieve suspicion. He was backed by the hon. and learned Member for Edinburgh, Leith (Mr. Ronald King Murray) who also thought that a periodical "State of the Community" message might be helpful to the House. As is well known, I am very much a pro-European and I want the House and the country to be given the maximum amount of information. I want everything possible to be done to allay the suspicions in the minds of certain anti-Marketeers which some hon. Gentlemen on the Opposition benches do their best to cultivate.

    We have to accept that our method of making a substantial part of our own law involves others. My hon. Friend the Member for Banbury (Mr. Marten) made the same point.

    Let me quote a short statement.
    "It would be necessary to pass legislation giving the force of law to those provisions of the Treaties and of Community instruments which are intended to take direct internal effect within the Member States. The legislation would have to cover provisions in force when we joined and those coming into force subsequently as a result of instruments issued by the Community institutions."
    That extract came from the White Paper of 1967. All those who voted on the principle of entry in 1971 did so in the full knowledge that we would have to accept those laws and that they would become part of our domestic law. None of us who accepted that then is trying to get out of our responsibilities now.

    My hon. and learned Friend the Member for Northwich (Sir J. Foster) said that we should need considerably to reform our procedures and that we should have changed attitudes towards our domestic legislation. He said that in the long run we would come to a federalist approach. That is certainly some way off. What we are concerned to do is to see how much influence we can have on the Community and its laws at as early a stage as possible.

    The legislative structure of the Community makes it essential that the influence of this House is brought to bear effectively on Community proposals before they reach the Council of Ministers. This is what the work of the Select Committee is all about. For Parliament to be able to exert its proper influence it must know as soon as possible what Community proposals are coming forward to the Council of Ministers, what the Community intends to do and which United Kingdom Minister is responsible.

    This has been borne out by the Committee's First Report. No doubt when the Second Report is published it will deal more fully with the sort of procedures we need, such as whether there should be a sifting committee and then a Standing Committee and what should come to the Floor of the House. No doubt these matters will be discussed and recommendations made to us.

    The hon. Member for Farnworth (Mr. Roper) and my hon. Friend the Member for Banbury raised the question of the forms. I will have another look at this. There are difficulties here, not least the difficulty of expense. I will see whether there are further improvements we can make. All of the draft regulations which were lying on the table before 1st January, which are live and have not fallen by the wayside, will be translated. We shall see that the explanatory memoranda are either attached to them or issued separately. I give that undertaking in respect of the draft regulations likely to come up for debate or to go to the Council of Ministers.

    I hope that the House will approve this motion. I put it forward in the spirit that the Government will take careful note of all that has been said on both sides of the House. I want to see hon. Members having full discussions on all these matters. I hope perhaps that the Procedure Committee will read this debate carefully, because I think that it will be involved a good deal in the coming years.

    Here the hon. Member for Ebbw Vale will take a different view from that of other right hon. and hon. Members, perhaps on his own side of the House and certainly on the Government benches. He has always believed that the Chamber is the basis of our Parliament. Other hon. Members now believe that the Select Committee system and certainly the Committee system will play a much more important part. These are all matters that we shall have to thrash out in the course of time.

    All that I say at the moment is that we have tried to make a start and that we shall learn from experience. I am not trying to be dogmatic about the way in which we should conduct our business in relation to EEC matters in the future. On that note of general good will, I hope that the House will now agree to the motion.

    Question, That the amendment be made, put and negatived.

    Main Question put and agreed to.

    Resolved,

    That this House takes note of the First Report from the Select Committee on European Community Secondary Legislation endorses the Committee's view that Members are entitled to have early information about proposals for such legislation; accordingly welcomes the arrangments made for the issue of explanatory Departmental memoranda and the assurance given that Ministerial oral statements will be made whenever the substance of meetings of the Council of Ministers has warranted it; and will give a fair trial to the arrangements made with regard to monthly estimates of Council business.

    Orders Of The Day

    Overseas Pensions Bill

    [ Lords]

    As amended (in the Standing Committee), considered.

    Clause 2

    SUPERANNUATION SCHEMES AS RESPECTS CERTAIN OVERSEAS SERVICE AND SERVICE WITH THE CENTRAL OFFICE OF THE OVERSEAS AUDIT DEPARTMENT

    9.47 p.m.

    I beg to move Amendment No 1, in page 3, line 7, leave out paragraph (e).

    In Committee on 13th March I moved a similar amendment to delete Clause 2(2)(e). On that occasion the Committee refused to agree to that amendment because I was not able to state the attitude that the Government were taking to the purpose behind the new subsection. As hon. Members will remember, the subsection had attracted fairly wide support both in this House and in another place. I undertook on that occasion to report the Government's decision on this important matter before this House was asked to part with the Bill.

    The Government have now completed their consideration of this complicated and difficult question and they have decided that they should be prepared, on the grounds of hardship, to make the same arrangements for the former members of the South Arabian Security Forces as already exist for civil pensioners of the former South Arabian Services. That means, in other words, that we are prepared to make ex gratia loan advances with effect from 1st April 1973 to bring payments up to the level of pensions due for service given up to 30th November 1967.

    The Government have taken this step to try to alleviate the hardship suffered by individual pensioners. It in no way changes the Government's view that responsibility for these pensions rests properly with the Government of the People's Democratic Republic of the Yemen.

    I expect the annual cost to be between £100,000 and £200,000, and a Supplementary Estimate will be presented later.

    In general these arrangements will apply to all entitled officers. But I must make it clear that the Government reserve the right to deny a loan advance in any case where we are satisfied that there was disloyalty to the former British administration.

    I am confident that the announcement I have made will be gladly received by all those who have given support to the amendment which was made in another place. For reasons that I have given to the House on earlier occasions, the Government have the power, without the inclusion of this subsection, to make loan advances to these people. Therefore, the subsection is, and in my opinion always has been, unnecessary. If it were kept in the Bill it would breach the principle that the legal responsibility for these pensions rests with the Government of the People's Democratic Republic of the Yemen, not with Her Majesty's Government.

    Therefore, in view of the Government's willingness to make these loan advances, I ask the House to agree to the amendment and to delete the subsection.

    In moving the amendment the Minister has made a statement which I believe will commend itself to the House generally. The object of the words which he now seeks to delete was to right an obvious and long-standing injustice to a number of officers who served this country and, indeed, Southern Arabia with loyalty and devotion before the transfer of power.

    Without retaining the subsection the Minister accepts the argument on merit and undertakes to extend to these officers "similar arrangements" as exist for civil pensioners, as we call them. The amendment which was carried in the other place and confirmed in Committee upstairs was declaratory, and no one would pretend that its drafting was perfect. Granted that there is no likelihood of a change of policy concerning civilian pensioners, I agree that the insertion of these words might have created fresh anomalies if they had been retained in the Bill.

    It is enough that the Minister has deferred generously and graciously to the remarkable consensus of view on both sides of the House on Second Reading of the Bill and throughout its different stages in both Houses and has undertaken that the pre-independence military personnel will be treated in the same way as civilian pensioners.

    I shall not detain the House longer than to welcome the Minister's statement. In the absence of my hon. and learned Friend the Member for Barons Court (Mr. Richard), who regrets that he cannot be here this evening, especially to hear the statement which has just been made, I should like to quote what he said in the closing stages of the discussion in Committee so that the House may hear from this Front Bench that the Minister has met precisely what my hon. and learned Friend suggested:
    "If the right hon. Gentleman and the Government would say that they accept the merits, as far as I am concerned, the right hon. Gentleman can have his amendment; he can delete Clause 2(2)(e); he can do it by means of ex gratia loans; I do not mind how he does it. The right hon. Gentleman is an honourable man. If he says that he accepts the merits, and will see that these people are paid, I am happy to leave the matter in his capable hands."— [OFFICIAL REPORT, 13th March 1973, Standing Committee F; c. 23–4.]
    It is clear, therefore, that the Minister has met in detail the spirit and intention of what was said by my hon. and learned Friend the Member for Barons Court and, indeed, the consensus of both Houses on this matter. I am grateful to the right hon. Gentleman for his statement. It makes the Bill even better than it was when first presented.

    As one of the many hon. Members on both sides of the House who have been pressing the Government to honour what was clearly an obligation to indigenous former officers serving the British Government and the Aden Government before independence, I am delighted to be able to support what was said by my right hon. Friend, on the understanding that he will fulfil the obligation and, by means of ex gratia loans, pay pensions to those retired officers who were in the various forces in Aden before 1967. Everyone, not only hon. Members but serving British officers who knew and worked with these people in Aden, and in particular the officers who have been advocating this step, will be grateful to my right hon. Friend and to the Government for what they have done.

    This is undoubtedly one of the many legacies of our Empire. I understand that there are about 300 of these ex-officers, the vast majority of whom have served the British people with the greatest loyalty. There was never a shadow of doubt in my mind that we should have fulfilled this obligation. There was only one honourable course of action to take and I am delighted that my right hon. Friend has announced that we are to take it. I hope very much that our friends in the Arab world—and we have many friends there— will recognise that we have decided to do and will recognise, too, that ours is a country which honours is obligations.

    I have two brief points to put to my right hon. Friend. I accept that he may not be able to answer them tonight but perhaps he will consider them. The first is about the timing of the payment of these ex gratia loans. Perhaps I did not hear my right hon. Friend when he was dealing with this, but it is the case that when, in 1970 we undertook to fulfil the obligation to the indigenous civil servants we paid them as from 1st April of that year. I very much hope that my right hon. Friend will think around the possibility of making these loans retrospective and paying them as from that date.

    The second matter is that of the treatment of those—if it is possible to detect them—who were disloyal to the Aden Government at the time and, indeed, to the British Government. I think that my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Aberdeenshire, West (Lt.-Col. Colin Mitchell) was right in an earlier debate to draw attention to the fact that there had been a mutiny and that a number of officers had been disloyal, but I think he was wrong to say that because a small minority had been disloyal we should penalise the vast majority who had remained loyal to the British Government. I am sure that on reflection my hon. and gallant Friend will reconsider that, but it is important to meet his challenge and not pay pensions to those who were responsible for or played a part in killing British soldiers during that mutiny.

    I hope that, however difficult it may be, my right hon. Friend will find a means of vetting and picking out those who were disloyal. There were a number of forces in Aden which were not in any way involved in the mutiny. I suppose that in respect of the Hadhrami Beduin Legion the pension can be paid automatically, but I suggest that where forces such as the Armed Police were involved we should give careful consideration to inviting them to put in an application for pensions, stating where they were at the time of the mutiny, what they were doing and where they were serving. On that basis it might be possible to sift out those who were disloyal.

    My right hon. Friend might consider setting up—

    It being Ten o'clock, the debate stood adjourned.

    Business Of The House

    Ordered,

    That the Overseas Pensions Bill [Lords] and the Motion relating to the Northern Ireland (Emergency Provisions) Bill may be proceeded with at this day's Sitting, though opposed, until any hour.—[Mr. Fox.]

    Overseas Pensions Bill

    [ Lords]

    Question again proposed, That the amendment be made.

    Perhaps my right hon. Friend might, if it were possible, set up some kind of vetting committee, with serving on it, for example, the former Director of Establishments at the time of the mutiny, the former Advocate-General, perhaps the former head of the Aden forces, a representative of the GOC at the time, and perhaps one or two Arabs who were serving as officers and who could serve as witnesses. I hope that my right hon. Friend will consider some such vetting system to meet this very important point which my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Aberdeenshire, West has made about the minority of men who were disloyal to the British Government, so that we can give due justice to the vast majority who served the British people so well.

    I feel that on this occasion the British Government have shown great generosity of spirit, and along with those of my hon. Friends who have been so strongly advocating some action in this direction, I am delighted to support the amendment.

    I congratulate my right hon. Friend on coming to a satisfactory solution of the problem, and I am glad that the British Government are gradually taking over responsibilities that properly fall on the Governments of the South Yemen and Zanzibar, both of which have gone back on their own proper obligations. Here I quarrel with my hon. Friend the Member for Arundel and Shoreham (Mr. Luce) who spoke of out fulfilling our obligations. In this case we are fulfilling the obligations of the South Yemen Government.

    I had the privilege of seeing some of the soldiers in action in Aden alongside our own forces so I know what excellent service they gave—or some of them, at any rate. But there are other people in either South Yemen or Zanzibar who should be receiving a pension from their Government but are not getting it. I know that my right hon. Friend is pressing hard to help all those categories who should have been helped by their own Governments.

    I welcome my right hon. Friend's statement and assurances. I am one of only a very few hon. Members present this evening, perhaps the only one, who served on the Standing Committee which considered the Bill. On that occasion I found it impossible to support my right hon. Friend because I believed that the British Government were continuing an injustice and I wanted to see that injustice put right. The assurances which my right hon. Friend has just given fully meet the reservations I held on that former occasion, and I very much welcome the statement which rights a wrong and honours commitments we have to those many people who served Great Britain faithfully in South Arabia.

    With leave of the House, may I reply very briefly?

    I am grateful to the right hon. Member for Caernarvon (Mr. Goronwy Roberts) and to my hon. Friends for what they said.

    My hon. Friend the Member for Arundel (Mr. Luce) raised two questions. The first was the timing of the payments. He pleaded for retrospection. I must tell him clearly that I am afraid that I can give him no encouragement. I said that the date which the Government have decided was 1st April 1973, and we must remain quite firm about this, particularly because these payments, as I made clear earlier, are on hardship grounds and are therefore designed to meet the needs of the present and, as far as is necessary, of the future.

    On the question of loyalty, my hon. Friend will no doubt be studying very carefully my words on this matter. I will certainly study his words, but I would not want to commit myself to any particular means of satisfying myself about loyalty or disloyalty. I would merely like to leave it that I will try to reach my own judgment in as effective a way as I possibly can. I hope that my hon. Friend will therefore study that part of what I have said, while I will study what he has said, without being able to commit myself to any means of reaching this kind of decision.

    Amendment agreed to.

    Question, That the Bill be now read the Third time, put forthwith pursuant to Standing Order No. 56 (Third Reading), and agreed to.

    Bill accordingly read the Third time and passed, with amendments.

    Agriculture

    Resolved,

    That the Cereals (Guarantee Payments) (Amendment) Order 1973 (S.I., 1973, No. 501), a copy of which was laid before this House on 28th March, be approved.—[Mr. Peter Mills.]

    Resolved,

    That the Cereals (Protection of Guarantees) (Amendment) Order 1973 (S.I., 1973, No. 502), a copy of which was laid before this House on 28th March, be approved.—[Mr. Peter Mills.]

    Resolved,

    That the Eggs (Protection of Guarantees) Order 1973 (S.I., 1973, No. 591), a copy of which was laid before this House on 30th March, be approved.—[Mr. Peter Mills.]

    Horticulture

    Resolved,

    That the Horticulture (Increase in Aggregate Amount of Grants) Order 1973. a draft of which was laid before this House on 2nd April, be approved.—[Mr. Peter Mills.]

    Northern Ireland (Emergency Provisions) Bill

    Ordered,

    That any new Clause relating to punishment for murder of which notice may be given not later than 2nd May in respect of the Northern Ireland (Emergency Provisions) Bill be committed to a Committee of the whole House; and that, when the Committee of the whole House have reported with respect to any such new Clause and the Standing Committee on the Bill have reported the Bill, the Bill be proceeded with as if it had been reported as a whole from the Standing Committee.—[Mr. Peter Mills.]

    Northern Ireland (Oaths And Declarations)

    Resolved,

    That the Oaths and Declarations (Repeals) (Northern Ireland) Order 1973 (S.I., 1973, No. 603), a copy of which was laid before this House on 4th April, be approved.—[Mr. Peter Mills.]

    ADJOURNMENT

    Motion made and Question proposed, That this House do now adjourn.—[ Mr. Weatherill.]

    Scotland (Government Offices)

    10.8 p.m.

    I thank Mr. Speaker sincerely for this opportunity to debate the dispersal of Civil Service jobs from London to Glasgow and the West of Scotland.

    This subject is vitally important to my area when one considers that in Glasgow alone male unemployment is as high as 10T per cent., which must be wholly unacceptable to any Government with a social conscience. I must also tell the House—alas, not for the first time—that the West of Scotland is more than fed up with always being regarded as the industrial dormitory of the South, enjoying industrial expansion last, yet suffering industrial contraction always first.

    The greatest investment that any nation can make must be in the education of its young people, yet this precious asset is being destroyed. In the city of Glasgow alone we have more than 2,000 school leavers wholly unemployed. Within the figure of 10·1 per cent. male unemployed in the city, there are, regretfully, many university graduates. Therefore, is it any wonder that so many of our brightest young people have to leave home, many to go to London, to attain that basic human dignity, the right to work?

    It is also important that I should state that in our claim for a fair share of these jobs our arguments are not just economic. Before I come to that matter, however, it is only fair to pay tribute to the many people in the West of Scotland who have played a part in this campaign to get the jobs, not least the Lord Provost of the city of Glasgow, Mr. William Gray, who has led this campaign with splendid imagination and energy. This is not just a city of Glasgow exercise. The exercise concerns the whole of the West of Scotland. Indeed, the support of the four counties, the new towns and everyone concerned within industry, commerce and the trade unions should ensure that we get our rightful share of any dispersal recommended by the Hardman Committee's Report.

    Coming to the other arguments, it is worth recording that the Civil Service Commission's Report published on 10th April states that in spite of every effort made by the Civil Service 400 jobs in the higher executive grade are still unfilled in the London area.

    The cost of office accommodation in London is prohibitively high. When one compares rents in London of, for instance, from £6 to £12 per sq. ft. with rents in the West of Scotland as low as £1 per sq. ft. one can see the decided commercial attraction for coming to that part of the world.

    On the subject of building costs, the new Post Office Savings Bank in Cowglen, custom-built for a staff of 6,000, cost about £7 million and provided 700,000 sq. ft. of accommodation. That should be compared with the recent acquisition at Whittington House in London occupied by the Home Office. Here, we have a building at a cost of £9·6 million, yet it provides only 71,000 sq. ft. as against the 700,000 sq. ft. in Cowglen.

    Those figures prove conclusively that Glasgow can provide 10 times the amount of accommodation at two-thirds of the cost of such accommodation in London. This must be a compelling argument, especially as I can record tonight that in the city centre of Glasgow we have about 500,000 sq. ft. of new accommodation lying empty and ready for letting, and another 500,000 to 600,000 sq. ft. under construction or in the pipeline.

    A very important aspect for any family involved in dispersal is the quality of life. One can state, with a certain guarantee, that people can purchase a house in the West of Scotland for half the price, or less, of a house in London of comparable size.

    Regarding education, families which have moved to Cowglen and other Civil Service establishments will testify that the educational facilities are superior to those in the South. Apart from the many colleges of further education, there are two universities in the city of Glasgow and a total of five universities within a radius of 45 miles of the city.

    As for recreational facilities, our Scottish National Orchestra is equal to the best in Europe, and our Scottish opera and ballet companies bear similar comparison. The facilities for golf, fishing, sailing and other outdoor participation sports are worth recording. The countryside is about half-an-hour's journey by car from the city centre.

    The problem of dispersal is being tackled in many countries. In West Germany, the Anti-trust Corporation is in Berlin, the Statistical Office is in Wiesbaden and the Employment Agency is near Nuremburg.

    It is worth recalling that in France decentralisation has taken place to the extent that the computer operations for the Statistical Office are being carried on at Bordeaux and part of the Foreign Ministry has been dispersed to Brittany. Holland, Eire, Sweden and nearly every other European country are going through or have gone through an exercise in dispersal. Much could be learned by the Government if they made a study of what is happening in those countries.

    It is worth recalling some facts from the excellent Tavistock's Institute report on dispersal. Of the male higher executive officers and higher grades in group one departments, 89 per cent. in general terms would accept dispersal. This is a high figure, and it points to a much wider acceptance of the principle of dispersal than many would imagine. The greater the distance from London the dispersal location is, the more willing are people to elect to go there.

    The report analyses four dispersals which have taken place in recent years— the Savings Certificate office to Durham; the National Savings Bank to Glasgow; the Stationery Office to Norwich; and the Civil Service Commission to Basingstoke. It is important to recall that in all these dispersals not one compulsory transfer was made of a Civil Service officer. It is vitaly important to the Government that any dispersal should be carried out on a voluntary basis as far as possible. This belies the fears of many Londoners that dispersal will be compulsory.

    This leads me to my conviction that, given the right inducement, many civil servants would volunteer to come to the West of Scotland. I have no doubt that many expatriates would welcome the chance to return.

    One cannot fail to appreciate the difficulties of this Government, or indeed of any Government, in attempting an exercise of this nature. Nor can one fail to appreciate the fears and apprehensions of many families which might be dispersed from London.

    Nevertheless, for the Government not to act in a bold and decisive manner, especially in an area of such high unemployment as Glasgow, not only would be an act of political folly but would provide those apostles of separatism in Scotland, of whom we still have a number, with an even greater harvest of discontent than they at present enjoy through the failure of many of the Government's policies.

    It is perhaps important to quote from a recent statement made by the Prime Minister, who is, after all, also chief Minister for the Civil Service:
    "We refuse to condemn large parts of the country to slow decline and decay—to dereliction and to persistent unemployment in pursuit of old-fangled 19th century doctrines of laisse faire. We shall act to bring new life to these areas suffering from high unemployment or depopulation."
    That is an exact description of the problem facing Glasgow and the West of Scotland.

    If the Government lack the political will to honour the pledge made by the Prime Minister or to make the necessary decisions, the long-term effects will be morally damaging, disastrous and serious for the people of Scotland. They will be even more disastrous and serious for the country as a whole.

    The Minister will know that I have produced a plan which I think is worthy of consideration. I have given him a copy. I will not delay the House at this late hour by going into my plan in great detail. I will state a number of points briefly for the record and ask the Minister to give them serious consideration. Perhaps some time after the Easter Recess I shall have the opportunity of further discussions on the practicality on some of them.

    We have been assured that housing will be provided not only in the cities but in the counties, and especially in the new towns. The Lord Provost has told me that he is prepared to support a plan for 100 per cent. loans for the executive officers required in Scotland if they need them. Civil Service representatives will be invited to the West of Scotland when we identify which Departments might be dispersed. It is important that those who might come, and certainly their families, should see what we have to offer.

    We also intend to get together a team to come to London for at least a week to provide an exhibition and film shows. I hope that the Minister will assist us so that we may bring at least five or six civil servants who have settled in Scotland. They are the best testimony—far better than a thousand leaflets or a hundred speeches. Many people from the metropolis have settled down very well in Scotland and will never return. If some of them can speak to their counterparts in London, that will be the best advertisement we can have in a campaign to induce jobs to come to my part of the world.

    I also intend to approach the media, especially television, to make sure that the families are aware of what we have to offer.

    I have several somewhat novel points which I should like the Minister to consider seriously. First, I should like the Government to consider a weighting allowance on the salaries of civil servants who come to Glasgow or West Central Scotland—a London allowance in reverse. I can see no case against that. I have been told by senior civil servants that they are prepared to move voluntarily if the Government give certain inducements. If the Government will not give such London allowance in reverse, they could give an ex gratia or severance payment, much akin to the payment made in the dockers' redundancy scheme. If we are to bring people to the regions from London, inducements will have to be given, and in some cases they will have to be financial.

    Another important point for consideration by the Government is in-service retraining for those who might volunteer for the regions but do not come from the Departments concerned. There would be no great difficulty, especially with administrative jobs.

    I am making my speech brief because the Minister wants sufficient time to reply to the case, which I believe to be unanswerable, for a substantial number of jobs that might be dispersed from London going to Glasgow and the West of Scotland because of the high rate of unemployment that still exists there.

    10.23 p.m.

    I congratulate the hon. Member for Glasgow, Gorbals (Mr. McElhone) on raising this important subject and on the splendid way in which he has presented the case for Glasgow.

    So that all Ministers and hon. Members may examine all the facts, will my hon. Friend the Minister consider publishing the numbers of candidates who are successful in Civil Service examinations, the numbers who opt for jobs in particular areas, and the numbers who are successfully placed? I ask because a number of us in Glasgow come across Glasgow and West Scotland youngsters, graduates and others, who have been successful in Civil Service examinations but have been unable to find a Civil Service job in the locality and have been offered jobs elsewhere.

    I hope that my hon. Friend will consider publishing such figures to give us a picture of the availability of suitable personnel for Civil Service jobs.

    10.24 p.m.

    I should like briefly to reinforce what my hon. Friend the Member for Glasgow, Gorbals (Mr. McElhone) said, and to congratulate him on the facts and figures he gave.

    My hon. Friend spoke tonight for West Central Scotland, but he was also speaking for many other parts of the country which want Civil Service offices situated locally rather than in London. There are many indications of stronger pressures yet to come. If their object is to be achieved, a strong lead from the Government will be required, and that is what we look for.

    I would refer briefly to two problems which are bound to arise if such a policy is advocated. One is a genuine anxiety by the staff. I inherited as Postmaster-General the decision to move the Post Office Savings Bank to Cowglen. The staff had not been consulted. I remember one big meeting which I organised in the Albert Hall, at which the Glasgow authorities put on a film. There was a great deal of anxiety at that time, but in fairness, if the staff are fully consulted there will be no problems provided that there is full discussion with the responsible trade union officials, and provided that people are treated sensitively.

    The other problem is opposition from senior civil servants who will argue that they must be close to the Minister and that, therefore, all the offices must be located in London. I believe that this argument should be looked at much more critically, because if large bodies of civil servants are to be retained in London simply so that those in charge of them can pop in and out of the Minister's office the operation will never be carried through sensibly. Therefore, I hope that tonight we shall have some indication from the Minister of the Government's thinking. The Opposition will be watching to see how active a policy the Government intend to pursue.

    10.25 p.m.

    I add my congratulations to those offered by other hon. Members to the hon. Member for Glasgow, Gorbals (Mr. McElhone) for raising this important subject this evening. Not only is it important. We had a short, interesting debate which is something in the nature of being an historic one in that this is the first occasion on which I have been able to find any record of a general debate on the dispersal of Civil Service jobs. There have been many questions but no debate, so a niche is somewhere being kept warm for the hon. Member for Gorbals.

    The hon. Member was kind enough to give me his seven proposals before I entered the Chamber, and I assure him that I shall study them carefully. If he would like to see me after the recess I shall be only too pleased to discuss them with him in detail. He has made a powerful case for the dispersal of more office jobs, especially clerical work, to West Central Scotland. I appreciate his concern, and I appreciate also the concern of my hon. Friend the Member for Glasgow, Cathcart (Mr. Edward Taylor). I can assure them both that the Government are also equally concerned. We are very well aware of the seriousness of the lack of employment opportunities, particularly for young people, in West Central Scotland and in many other areas. We appreciate the tensions and frustrations over the lack of jobs which well qualified people leaving school experience. The Secretary of State, as the House will know, is constantly seeking solutions to these problems. The House will also be aware that in October 1970 we commissioned the Hardman Review on the Dispersal of the Civil Service.

    Areas like Glasgow should not regard dispersal of Government work as a panacea, because the supply of Government jobs is limited. Hardman has been looking at headquarters offices. The number of civil servants employed in headquarters offices would be about 150,000 for the whole of the country, of which 57,000 are already outside London and the South-East. The great bulk of civil servants do not work in London. Only three out of 10 of the people in the Civil Service work there. Of these three, one works in local offices of the Department of Employment or the Department of Health and Social Security, and two are employed on headquarters work.

    So, Hardman has been reviewing a group which amounts now to some 86,000 posts. We are determined to disperse a sensible proportion but it would be wrong to suggest that it could be a major proportion. The scope for Civil Service dispersal alone overcoming employment problems in the regions, is, therefore, restricted. As regards the general campaign for West Central Scotland, I am glad to see that the authorities there are not pinning all their hopes on one employer. This must be the right course. Efforts must be made by Government, development councils and local authorities to attract new jobs from a wide range of sources in both the private and the public sector.

    West Central Scotland is well placed. It is a special development area, manpower resources are there, and there are financial incentives. The very attractive countryside is there, and a well-developed social infrastructure exists. The idea can exploit these advantages, and I am glad to have this opportunity to congratulate the local authorities on the presentation they made on 28th March in London on commercial and industrial relocation, and the Scottish new towns on their initiative in opening a promotion office in Regent Street just a few hundred yards from my constituency.

    It is fair to present the Government record and the record of previous Governments on dispersal. A previous Conservative Government set up a review under Sir Gilbert Flemming in 1963, and my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Scotland, then a junior Minister, was instrumental in getting that review off the ground. The recommendations of the review have resulted in 23,000 civil servants already being dispersed from London. Another 8,000 are due to go, and some 20,000 jobs have been established in new organisations of government outside London or are waiting to be established. Three quarters of the jobs dispersed since 1963 have been outside the "golden triangle" of the South-East and the South-West. That is an impressive achievement by any standard, and Scotland has not been forgotten in this dispersal. There are some 42,000 civil servants in Scotland, 8·6 per cent. of the total non-industrial Civil Service. They are in roughly the same proportion to the total Civil Service as the population of Scotland is to the population of Great Britain as a whole.

    Apart from London, there are four cities in the United Kingdom with more than 10,000 civil servants, and two of them are Glasgow and Edinburgh. Scotland's share of dispersed work has been substantial. Already 4,700 jobs have been provided, and 3,500 more are planned. A total of 1,800 have been created in new organisations, and 1,000 will be created over the next few years, bringing Scotland's share since 1963 to some 11,000— one fifth of the total. In spite of this fine record, the Government believe that more can be done, as does my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister. The hon. Member for Gorbals referred to a speech that my right hon. Friend made, and I can assure the hon. Member that we intend to disperse more.

    Perhaps I may answer the point about the nature of the work. By and large, the work that has been dispersed so far is essentially of a non-policy kind—for example, the National Savings Bank Savings Certificate Division to Durham, and the Teachers Salaries, Qualifications and Pensions Branch to Darlington. Although these branches have daily contact with the public they do not have much contact with the rest of Whitehall. They are not policy units. What Hardman has been looking at now is the policy "heartland" of Government. It follows from that that if this is to be dispersed some of the civil servants who work in that heartland will have to go as well. What Hardman has been doing in his study has been balancing on the one side the efficiency and economy of Government against the gain to the regions on the other. That is indeed a crucial balance for that sort of exercise. The House will also know that we have received the Hardman Report as a basis for discussion. It raises complex issues, and these must be considered carefully over the next few months. It will involve consultation with the national and departmental staff sides. We consider that to be essential. Our aim is to announce decisions as soon as possible after this full consultation.

    I would also emphasise the point raised by the right hon. Member for Bristol, South-East (Mr. Benn) about the importance of consultations with the staff side. Some people say that civil servants do not want to go and that there is a sort of conspiracy amongst them not to leave London. I have not found this, but one must accept that civil servants faced with dispersal have a natural concern for the work they are doing. They have a pride in their work and the efficiency of it, and they are concerned for fair treatment for themselves and also about the effect on their wives and families. All these factors have to be taken into account.

    Previous dispersal exercises have been handled extremely well, and we are proud of our record. Many of those who have gone certainly do not want to come back after they have settled in and done their work. When I visited Cowglen I asked many Londoners whether they would like to return to the South, to "the Smoke". I did not have one taker.

    I assure the House that we are well aware of the claims of Scotland in general and of West Central Scotland in particular. Representations have been received by my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Scotland and myself far in excess of representations from other areas. In recent months I have talked to Glasgow Members in the House; I have travelled to Glasgow to meet the Lord Provost; I have visited Cowglen. My right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Scotland recently received a deputation.

    But it would be disingenuous of me to sound too optimistic about the degree to which West Central Scotland's claims can be met. Glasgow alone repeatedly bids for 20,000 posts. I cannot anticipate the review's outcome, but I take this opportunity to draw attention to one factor which is something of an inhibition. It is the policy heartland of the work we are looking at. We need to avoid reducing the effectiveness of that work. I am not saying that the work will be done less well outside London. In all cases we expect it to be done as well and in some cases better. I take my hon. Friend's point about the many qualified school leavers who cannot find jobs. I shall consider whether I can give him the information for which he asks.

    The effectiveness of the various departmental machines depends on a series of formal and informal face-to-face contacts. This is a complicated pattern of communications in the policy area of Whitehall. It has developed in London because all the other interests historically have been in London—trade union associations, employer associations, cultural associations, business associations. I am not saying that those are the best in the country but they are the most concentrated. When we start disturbing this pattern of communication, this web, we must make sure that we do not upset and destroy the effectiveness of the machine. Dispersal imposes its price as well as bringing its dividend.

    I recognise the force of many of the points raised by the hon. Member for Gorbals. I fully appreciate the importance of the problems facing the West Central Scotland area. But they must be seen against the general background which I have described regarding the limitations and constraints on dispersal and the many competing claims for, comparatively speaking, a small number of jobs. But I assure him and my hon. Friend that the claims of Scotland will be considered by the Government as thoroughly as they have presented them.

    Question put and agreed to.

    Adjourned accordingly at twenty-two minutes to Eleven o'clock.