asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he is satisfied with the security arrangements for women prisoners; and whether he will make a statement.

The security arrangements at Armagh Prison are constantly being reviewed and, where possible, improved, but account has to be taken not only of internal factors but also of the security situation in Northern Ireland generally.

Will the right hon. Gentleman assure us that he has not received any request from the Home Secretary for an imminent transfer of the Price sisters to a prison in Northern Ireland?

The question of the Price sisters is a matter for my right hon. Friend the Home Secretary.

Will the right hon. Gentleman tell us the views of the Secretary of State, who visited Armagh Prison this week, about the state of that prison with regard to adequate security for the type of woman prisoner that we have to deal with in Northern Ireland at present?

We are satisfied about the security at Armagh Prison, particularly in respect of the governor and his staff. In those circumstances, until anything radically changes, we are leaving the matter as it is.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what steps are being taken to separate Loyalist prisoners and detainees from Republican prisoners and detainees by removing the former to Crumlin Road Prison.

In the Maze and Magilligan Prisons Loyalist prisoners and detainees are already housed in compounds separate from Republican prisoners and detainees. As rebuilding of the Maze proceeds, further steps will be taken to ensure the segregation of these different classes of prisoner.

Does the Minister accept that the immediate or early complete separation, in separate prisons, of the prisoners and detainees from the two communities would, first, reduce the understandable agitation of relatives and friends of Loyalist prisoners and, second, increase the discipline in prisons in which Republicans are detained or imprisoned, by making more Army and prison officers available to deal with insurrection?

The problem is not only one of segregation of Republican and Loyalist prisoners. The Government are also under some pressure to segregate different groups within the Loyalist and Republican categories. That in itself creates a major problem for the Government.

Is the Minister satisfied with what seems to some of us the facile practice in Questions of describing people as "Loyalist" or "Republican" prisoners, when both may have committed exactly similar crimes?

I take the point.

Will the Minister do something about the young persons who are in the Maze Prison? I believe that they are too much under the influence of those put there for terrorist offences. Is it possible to put them somewhere else?

The Government are looking at that point.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what criteria he intends to use when deciding the issue of Christmas parole for prisoners and detainees in Northern Ireland prisons.

A Christmas parole scheme for sentenced prisoners has been operated in Northern Ireland since 1948 and will be operated again this year. To be eligible, a prisoner must not have served a previous term of imprisonment, have been committed to prison before 30th September this year, and have served half his effective sentence. My right hon. Friend also takes into account the recommendation of the governor, the conduct of the prisoner while in prison, and other security matters. The scheme does not apply to detainees.

Does the right hon. Gentleman agree that many prisoners and detainees have suffered severe hardships over the past months, as have their families and next-of-kin? Will he give favourable consideration to a request by those prisoners and detainees for a Christmas parole?

I have told the hon. Gentleman that the same rules are to apply this year as applied previously. I have said that the scheme does not apply to detainees. In a sense, detainees have a much more advantageous parole system throughout the year than do normal prisoners.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland whether he will now announce the date for the elections to the Convention.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will make a statement on the date for the election for the Northern Ireland Constitutional Convention.

I have nothing to add to my statement to the House on 20th November—[Vol. 881, c. 1325–7]—that elections for the Convention will take place early next year, and that I shall aim to give about a month's notice of the actual date.

In order to prevent the political scene in Northern Ireland itself from being entirely dominated by self-appointed street leaders, is it not vital to do away with direct rule as soon as possible?

I am aware of the need to have fresh elections for the Convention. It would have been wrong to have them in the months following the break-up of the Executive. I must take into account the plans which have to be made, but, more important, a judgment has to be made about the political situation. Certainly, early in the new year I hope to announce the date for the Convention elections.

One appreciates the Secretary of State's difficulties about a timetable, but will he bear in mind the necessity for holding these elections as early as possible? Does he agree that it is essential that the separate security battle should be won in the meantime, so that these elections can take place in a relatively calm and stable atmosphere?

I am aware of the need to be more precise at the appropriate moment. The hon. Member for Antrim, South (Mr. Molyneaux) is absolutely right: that was the position in April of this year, when some politicians did not want to support the then Assembly and Executive. However, far more important than that was the campaign at that time by the para-militarists, which made political action seem inappropriate to many people in Northern Ireland.

My right hon. Friend will recall that last week he said that he was considering taking the initiative in calling together representatives of the existing parties and groups which might put up candidates to discuss with them the problems that might arise within the Convention and the parameters which Her Majesty's Government have laid down as having to be accepted by the leaders within the Convention. Will my hon. Friend inform the House what progress, if any, he has made?

The Clerk to the Assembly, who, as I said last week and gladly say again, is universally respected in all parts of Northern Ireland, is in touch with party leaders about the running of the Convention. It is appropriate that it should be done in that way. I shall be happy to meet the party leaders in Northern Ireland who are still Members of the Assembly and who are deliberately being paid as such. It was hoped that by taking that course there would still be party leaders to speak to in the intervening period. I should be happy to meet them. This is in no way avoiding the issue that the elections have not yet taken place. I am considering the best way to achieve a meeting.

In regard to the right hon. Gentleman's talks with Mr. Blackburn, the Clerk of the former Stormont Parliament, will he tell us what terms of reference he has asked Mr. Blackburn to observe in his discussions with the various party leaders whom he has contacted?

It has been agreed with the Speaker of the Assembly that Mr. Blackburn, the Clerk to the Assembly—I wish to make it clear that I have no power over the Clerk to the Assembly—will begin work on the planning that has to take place in the early days of the Convention, when these matters are in my control. That in no way alters the fact that the running of the Convention after the first few days will be a matter for the Convention itself. There are a number of matters to decide—for example, small matters such as the question of notepaper for the Convention, and many other practical matters. The example I have given is the smallest matter I could think of. These matters have to be decided, and I thought it a good idea that the party leaders should be consulted on such issues.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland whether he will instruct the Ulster Department of Commerce to drop claims for compensation from firms forced to cease trading through intimidation and terrorist activities.

No, Sir. The Department of Commerce gives assistance to firms under the Industries Development Acts (Northern Ireland) 1966 and 1971 on conditions which may include a commitment to maintain employment for a specific period. If a firm closes during that period it may be right for it to be required to repay all or part of the assistance received.

I thank the Minister for his answer. Further, I thank him for having seen me personally over the case that I have in mind. Does he agree that firms which were attracted to Northern Ireland on the favourable terms offered to them in years gone by and which have had to cease their activities largely because of intimidation or terrorist activities will now be faced with substantial claims, running into many thousands of pounds, under the terms of the leases into which they entered? Surely in all the circumstances that will be an unfair burden on the firms involved.

I thank the hon. Gentleman for what he said, but I must state that it was not through terrorism that the firm that he has in mind withdrew. It was because of other difficulties, not least labour relations. In our opinion that difficulty could have been resolved much more readily and much earlier if the firm had recognised trade unions in the way which is normally accepted in 1974. Unfortunately, it did not do so and it has now withdrawn. The Government have a responsibility to protect Government money in those circumstances.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he is satisfied with the current levels of house building; and if he will make a statement.

Like other public works, house building has been adversely affected by the troubled conditions in Northern Ireland. Strenuous efforts are being made to build more houses in the public sector. This should be reflected in future completion figures.

I am grateful to my hon. Friend for that reply. Will he give an assurance that in the allocation of houses there will be no discrimination of any kind?

I think that I can give that assurance.

Does the Minister accept that the house building record of the Housing Executive has been deplorable over the past two years? Does he accept that there is general criticism of the executive by all the political parties—criticism regarding allocation and general maladministration? Will the Minister give an assurance that he will do all in his power to restore some sense of local identity and to rebuild confidence in the Housing Executive?

The Housing Executive has unfortunately become a political football. It has had some difficulty with its reorganisation. With the present troubled times it is trying to perform an impossible task in Northern Ireland. However, bearing all those matters in mind, I would like to give the assurance that the hon. Gentleman seeks.

Does my hon. Friend agree that the extension of private house ownership in Ireland could bring a little more stability into that troubled area? What are the Government thinking of doing to bring the extension of private ownership into the hands of some of the poor within the community who wish to own their own homes as much as do the more affluent?

I am considering all aspects of house building in Northern Ireland. The Housing Executive's housing survey is due out next week. I assure my hon. Friend that we have certain ideas in the pipeline to help the stock of house building in Northern Ireland.

What is the position of the tenants of public housing who have refused to pay their rents and rates?

If by the "position" the hon. Gentleman means the number of tenants who are still on rent strike, as at 31st October there are 5,247 still on strike.

Will my hon. Friend indicate whether there have been any delays in planning procedures due to people taking an irresponsible attitude towards the creation of new housing developments and new estates in various parts of Ireland?

I would not say that there has been any delay or irresponsible action. I have asked for consultation with just about everyone to whom I could talk so as to achieve a basis of agreement. I am following that consultation procedure and at the moment it is proceeding pretty well.

I believe that the recent report of the Northern Ireland Housing Executive indicated that about half the occupied houses in Northern Ireland are below an acceptable standard. Does the Minister appreciate that in my constituency of Down, North there is additional hardship because of the thousands of people who are on the waiting list, including young married couples and elderly people? Will the Minister give an assurance that despite the economic difficulties of the present time priority will be given to a crash building programme in Northern Ireland, and in particular in Down, North?

Many people are awaiting finance for housing, but it is a difficult situation and will remain so for some time. If the hon. Gentleman has problems with the housing list in his constituency, I can assure him that on 21st September there were over 33,000 people on waiting lists in Northern Ireland. The housing survey that is coming out next week will set out the position. We should not blame the Housing Executive for the problems of Northern Ireland. A lot of people who had responsibility for these matters at an earlier stage have much to be sorry about.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he is aware of the growing disquiet among the legal professions in Northern Ireland because of the inadequacies of the legal system and in particular the lengthy delays in getting cases heard both in the civil and criminal jurisdiction; and if he will make a statement on the Government's plans to improve the situation.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland whether he will now publish the report of the Jones Committee.

There has in recent years been a fundamental review of the jurisdiction and organisation of the courts in Northern Ireland by three broadly based committees. My right hon. Friend is considering urgently what legislative and other steps are now necessary in the light of the MacDermott and Lowry Reports to relieve the exceptional pressure on the courts, and it is hoped that the Jones Report will be published soon. In the meantime, additional appointments have been made to the county court bench and the courts dealing with non-jury trials have been increased from three to five, and in the new year a sixth court will be sitting for these cases.

I thank the Minister for his reply, but he must be aware that it will hardly give satisfaction. A civil action takes from 18 months to two years to work through the list. On average, people are remanded in custody for eight months in criminal cases. By any standards that is deplorable. The Minister must be aware that in 1970 the committee recommended the establishment of a central criminal court and an increase in the jurisdiction of county courts. Both measures would have helped considerably in alleviating the delays. I ask the Minister to ensure that something is done very soon in this respect.

I do not seek to deny the general figures given by the right hon. Gentleman, but we should give credit to the courts for the way in which they are handling the vast increase in cases in Northern Ireland. For example, in 1968 the number of people tried for indictable offences at assizes and county courts was 696, whereas up to 19th November this year 1,654 cases had been dealt with. This shows that, in general, the courts are taking steps to handle with efficiency the greatly increased number of cases. We shall do our best to expedite a review of the matter and these problems.

It has taken nearly a year to get the Jones Report published. Surely a relatively simple increase in the financial jurisdiction of county courts is only what would be in line with inflation, and could be carried out quickly. Is the hon. Gentleman aware that great personal hardship is caused to many people by this long delay?

There will be an announcement soon about the Jones Report, but I remind the hon. Gentleman that many of its provisions are interlocked with the MacDermott and Lowry Reports which have gone before it. All three have to be considered together.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that long delays in trying remand prisoners are causing great concern? A young man called Jess was in prison for 11 months on remand, the Director of Public Prosecutions refused any consideration of bail in the courts, but when the case came up for trial he refused to present evidence and the young man was released.

Matters relating to the Director of Public Prosecutions are not within my responsibility. They are kept clear of any Executive influence, and rightly so.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland how many sectarian murders were committed in Northern Ireland in November; and whether he will make a statement.

Twenty-six murders were committed from 1st to 28th November, but it is impossible to say which were of a sectarian nature. With regard to the second part of the Question, I refer my hon. Friend to the answer to the Private Notice Question by the hon. Member for Antrim, North (Rev. Ian Paisley) on 25th November.—[Vol. 882, c. 29–30.]

Has my right hon. Friend noticed how many of these murders appear to have been committed this month on a tit-for-tat basis? Will he assure us that where those involved are known to his forces they will be pulled in and that no manpower shortages will affect patrols in high-risk areas? Will my right hon. Friend give the latest information?

My hon. Friend is right about the tit-for-tat nature of the matter. In investigating these cases, one finds that inevitably reports in newspapers or on television of killings in one part of the community undoubtedly play a part in bringing about a very quick response.

The whole House congratulates the Royal Ulster Constabulary on its activities. In view of the tit-for-tat nature of the killings, and that some of them are not sectarian, in that both victim and murderer belong to the same community, will not the Secretary of State do something to see that the religion of victims is not publicised, either in official statements or elsewhere, or at least is publicised as little as possible elsewhere?

This is an extremely difficult matter. It would be invidious for me to mention any particular case known to me, but in many parts of Northern Ireland, particularly away from Belfast, which is more closely knit, when a murder takes place it is at once clear what the religion of the victim is. It is just not possible to keep that knowledge absolutely quiet in the area involved, because it soon gets round the local grapevine. In my investigations into this problem, I have found that sometimes there is a response many miles away in another area, where people could not possibly have known the religion of the victim except by reports which had appeared, but there is no doubt that in an individual area the religion of those concerned is known at once by the very nature of that area.

Does not my right hon. Friend agree that people are running round the Province more dangerously armed than people were in the old Wild West? Does he recall that when the Labour Party was in Opposition my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister asked the then Government about the possibility of calling all arms in and re issuing guns only to those in danger of attack? Has my right hon. Friend considered that proposition?

We have indeed looked most carefully at this matter—very much so at the prompting of my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister. The whole question of guns is being looked at. My hon. Friend is right about the increased number of arms, but the fact is that the murders are committed not with legal arms but with illegal arms. There are people in different parts of the world who provide money and guns. As fast as we pick up illegal guns, new weapons enter the Province. If we could deal with that traffic we should have done something to deal with the situation.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will introduce legislation for a scheme to have an adequate system of compensation for dependants of Royal Ulster Constabulary men murdered by the IRA.

Arrangements already exist for providing compensation to the dependants of RUC men who are murdered.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware of the case of the son of one of my constituents, Constable David Houston, who was murdered by the IRA? In an agreed settlement, his young daughter had apportioned to her the meagre, mean sum of £750. Does not the hon. Gentleman agree that this sum is totally inadequate? Would he be prepared to look into the matter and consider whether a regular scheme of compensation could be arranged for the dependants of RUC men murdered by the IRA?

I would not want to take issue with the hon. Gentleman across the Floor of the House on this case, but I must tell him that the facts I have about it do not accord with those he has stated. This was an agreed settlement. If it had not been, the court would have been called upon to adjudicate. The facts I have about the case are substantially different from those of the hon. Gentleman. Perhaps he and I can discuss the case outside rather than across the Floor of the House. I think that would be the better course to pursue.

I thank the hon. Gentleman.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what was the net increase in the strength of the regular and reserve Royal Ulster Constabulary, respectively, in the present year to the latest available date.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland whether he will make a statement on the progress which is being made in strengthening the Royal Ulster Constabulary.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will make a statement about the expansion of the RUC Reserve.

Between 1st January and 19th November of the present year, the net increase in the strength of the RUC was 127, of whom 45 were women; the net increase in the part-time reserve was 574, of whom 125 were women; and the net increase in the full-time reserve was 196, of whom 8 were women.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that there has been and still continues to be a marked improvement in the morale of the RUC, and that this is not unconnected with the increase in strength and with the recent initiative to which the hon. Gentleman referred? Does he recognise that there is still a very long way indeed to go before the strength either of the regular or of the reserve RUC can be regarded as in any sense adequate?

My right hon. Friend and I would regard policing as the key to the situation in Northern Ireland. I thank the right hon. Gentleman for his favourable remarks about the morale of the RUC, which, as a result of visiting the RUC in a number of its units recently, I endorse. We have increased the establishment both of the RUC and of the RUC Reserve, but there is a long way to go in recruiting.

Will the hon. Gentleman say what is the present establishment for the RUC, and how far short of that establishment are the figures he has just given the House?

The Royal Ulster Constabulary establishment, which was increased on 2nd September 1974 as a result of the announcement by my right hon. Friend, to which I have referred is now 6,500. The total strength of the RUC, including women, up to 19th November 1974 is 4,518.

Will the hon. Gentleman confirm that it is a fact that in the police reserve no applicant can be considered if he is aged over 57 years? Will he also confirm that if a person has already been accepted into the force he can serve until he is 60? Is the hon. Gentleman not prepared to raise the age limit for recruitment to the police reserve to 60?

It is a question of making the best use of available manpower. We have to bear in mind that after assimilation and some form of training, someone aged 57 would not be able to give a substantial period of service to the reserve. But I shall look into the matter.

I can give testimony to the excellent work of the RUC. Does not my hon. Friend agree that it is essential that both communities are represented in this valuable force? Can he tell the House, or give any encouragement to the supposition, that members of the Roman Catholic population of Northern Ireland are recruited to the same extent as others in the Province?

I entirely agree with the statement of principle made by my hon. Friend but I regret to say that although we do not keep figures regarding recruitment from the various communities in Northern Ireland we are very disappointed at the response of the Roman Catholic population. We understand their difficulties, of course. As far as we are concerned there are no obstacles in the way of Roman Catholics joining the force.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he is reviewing his policy of internment; and if he will make a statement.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will now take steps to end internment without trial in Northern Ireland.

There is no change in Government policy, which is to end detention as soon as the security situation permits. My right hon. Friend will give due weight to any recommendations which Lord Gardiner's committee may make on this matter.

Will my right hon. Friend tell the House whether he intends to renew the present emergency legislation when it expires in December? Will he make it absolutely clear to all parties in Northern Ireland that a peaceful political solution is required as a matter of urgency and that the people of this country will not continue indefinitely to tolerate the military and economic burden without such a peaceful solution being achieved?

With regard to the second part of my hon. Friend's supplementary question, I certainly endorse what he said. The Government are striving for a political solution. We have said time and time again that there can be no military solution to the problem. There must be a political solution, and it depends on both communities to create a position in which this can be achieved.

Does my right hon. Friend now accept that the first step towards a peaceful solution in Northern Ireland will be the ending of internment without trial? Does he further accept that the repressive legislation that is to come before the House today is a direct result of the abysmal failure of this Government and previous Governments to seek a political solution to the Northern Ireland problem?

I say to my hon. Friend that nobody wants to see the Government get rid of detention more than I do. But we must address this question to those people who are at present perpetrating violence not only in Northern Ireland but in the rest of the United Kingdom. These people know very well that the Government want to end detention. We are committed to this policy, but in our opinion some of these people want us to maintain detention for their own odd political point of view and their own political advancement, whatever that may be. I assure my hon. Friend that the Government do not want to see the detention powers remain on the statute book a day longer than is necessary.

In the present mood of the British people, would not the right hon. Gentleman do well to give the House an unequivocal assurance that if he has any well-founded suspicion of a terrorist being about to operate and murder he will continue without compunction, scruple and delay to intern immediately?

As the hon. Gentleman knows, the Government have powers to deal with the situation which appertains in Northern Ireland. My right hon. Friend the Home Secretary will be dealing later today with this situation in regard to the rest of the United Kingdom. We believe that the powers that we have are adequate in regard to Northern Ireland.

Will the right hon. Gentleman note that although the difficulties regarding an immediate end to internment are well understood, it remains a propaganda weapon in the hands of the IRA in the Roman Catholic community? It is no use looking to the IRA to take the initiative in scaling down violence on which the ending of internment depends, because it does not see it as being in its interests to do so.

I take the hon. Gentleman's point. It is a valuable and important one. When the Government look at the issue of violence—at the moment we have been dealing with the Provisional IRA—they see that violence also comes from certain sections of the para-military force on the Protestant side. Therefore, the Government and the security forces are at times in a difficult situation. We understand the propaganda weapon. As I have already stated this afternoon, we want to get rid of internment as soon as practicable. The Gardiner Committee is examining the point which the hon. Gentleman made.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he is satisfied with the level of security in all departments at the offices of the Ministry of Health and Social Services in Crown Buildings, Asylum Road, Londonderry.

Bearing in mind the inherent difficulties of security in a building which is open to the public, I am satisfied that all reasonable measures have been taken, or are in hand, in order to protect the building and its occupants.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that I received a note from this building some time ago, which states:

"Anything the Government can do, the Provos can do better. D.T.B."

"Ministry of Health and Social Services, Crown Buildings, Asylum Road, Londonderry."

I assume that the hon. Gentleman has handed the package to the local RUC to enable it to prosecute its investigations. I am grateful to him for drawing my attention to the point. The ingenuity of letter bombers and people of that sort is often considerable. We must watch them closely. I shall look into the matter and pursue it further.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will make a statement on security arrangements in Northern Ireland.

The security forces continue to work for the suppression of terrorism and the maintenance of law and order.

Does not the transfer of the IRA bombing from Northern Ireland to England partly reflect the growing success of the security forces in Ulster, and should they not be congratulated by the House on this success? Since the problem and the danger are common to the whole of the British Isles, will early talks be held with Dublin about a co-ordinated defence plan for the whole of the British Isles?

An estimate of the question why the Provisional IRA has brought violence to this part of the United Kingdom is probably wider than the point the hon. Gentleman has made. The hon. Gentleman is absolutely right. The number of shootings, explosions, deaths and injuries is down in the first three-quarters of this year compared with last year. That may have a bearing on what the hon. Gentleman said. We engage in discussions of a security nature with the Government of Eire. It is as well to realise that in many of the discussions about the political aspects of Northern Ireland, successive Governments in the South of Ireland have been and are utterly opposed to the Provisional IRA and that the Provisional IRA does not speak for the people of Ireland.

Is not the general situation in Northern Ireland much worse now than it was five years ago, before the British troops moved in? Is my right hon. Friend prepared to draw any inference from that state of affairs.

My hon. Friend is right to say that the situation is worse than it was when the British troops went in five years ago, but it does not follow that the British troops are the causative factor. If they were not in Belfast, the Catholic community in West Belfast would be at the severest risk. That is a fact that I have to take into account. If my hon. Friend cared to visit the Falls area and ask the Catholic population there what they think, I think that he would find their advice on the matter worth while.

Does the right hon. Gentleman agree that the Royal Military Police has a particularly important role in helping the local police force? If he does, will he do all he can to persuade his right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Defence not to reduce its numbers in his defence review?

The Royal Military Police performs a valuable task in Northern Ireland but, as much as that is true, it is most important that we have normal policing in Northern Ireland, because it is only then that law and order will be achieved. It is a matter for all the population in Northern Ireland. The answer comes best from the people themselves and their police.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will, as a matter of urgency, extend the services provided by the Bangor Hospital.

No, Sir. It is Government policy to concentrate hospital specialist services in major centres so as to make the best possible use of manpower, equipment and finance. Perhaps to anticipate the hon. Gentleman I would add that full emergency and accident services are available at the Ards Hospital.

I am not satisfied with that reply. Does the hon. Gentleman agree that Bangor is an area of high-density population, with a big percentage of elderly people, and that for those who have a heart attack or an accident in the streets there is no casualty department in the Bangor hospital, and no resident doctor there? Is that not a disgrace? Will the Minister take action to remedy this grave situation?

I visited the Bangor Hospital only a few days ago and found it very cheerful, happy and efficient for the rôle that it undertakes. Accident facilities are available at the Ards Hospital, only six miles away, and at the Ulster Hospital, only 11 miles away. I may have an opportunity to reconsider the position when the working party reports on the Bangor hospital and the facilities in the North Down area, but I am not persuaded of the hon. Gentleman's point of view.

On a point of order, Mr. Speaker, I beg to give notice that in view of the unsatisfactory nature of the reply, I intend to seek leave to raise the matter on the Adjournment?

asked the Prime Minister if he will list his official engagements on 10th November.

No, Sir. It is not my practice to list my official engagements. My public engagements are, of course, regularly reported in the Press.

I am sure the Prime Minister recalls that his public engagements included a visit to the Cenotaph on Remembrance Sunday. Even accepting that his lack of military experience—[Interruption.]—perhaps precludes him from understanding the feelings of the country's fighting men, does he not feel that there is an anomaly at that ceremony—[An HON. MEMBER: "Get back to the gutter."] There is not room while the hon. Gentleman is there.

I would take the last part of the hon. Gentleman's question more seriously but for the first part. I am sure that the hon. Gentleman, on consideration, as he is not really like this—[Interruption.]—he is not really like this. I am sure that on consideration the hon. Gentleman will feel that the occasion of a national act of remembrance is not an appropriate vehicle for making party points or smears.

Does my right hon. Friend recognise that when he attends the memorial service at the Cenotaph as Prime Minister or Leader of the Opposition he represents millions of working-class men and women who gave their youth and their lives in the service of this country? Will he join the rest of the House in repudiating the scurrilous and despicable comments of the hon. Member for Chingford (Mr. Tebbit)?

I think that the House has shown what it feels about the hon. Gentleman's supplementary question.

Does the Prime Minister recognise that the Secretary of State for Defence, in an answer earlier this week, has now ruled that the important question raised by my hon. Friend the Member for Chingford (Mr. Tebbit) is a matter for the authorities concerned with each war memorial? I think that it would be the wish of most right hon. and hon. Members that local authorities should look favourably upon the question of inscribing such names, considering the conditions in which Her Majesty's Forces are operating in Ulster.

I absolutely agree with the right hon. Gentleman. That is the answer I would have given if the hon. Gentleman's supplementary question had been put in different circumstances. As the right hon. Gentleman correctly says, the Government have made their position clear. I am sure that it would be the wish of all of us that in all the circumstances local authorities and others responsible for war memorials should act in the way the right hon. Gentleman described.

asked the Prime Minister whether the broadcast by the Chancellor of the Exchequer on 12th November on the subject of his Budget represents Government policy.

asked the Prime Minister if the Chancellor of the Exchequer's ministerial broadcast on the Budget on 12th November represents Government policy.

asked the Prime Minister if the public speech on the Budget by Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer on television on the evening of Tuesday 12th November represents the policy of Her Majesty's Government.

Yes, Sir.

The Prime Minister will recall that that broadcast contained an eloquent appeal for the support of the social contract, which he himself underlined this morning in his speech at his party conference. Does he accept that in fairness to working men and women he should set a time limit during which the pay obligations imposed by the social contract should be seen to apply, before bringing into operation his threatened cuts in public expenditure or increases in taxation?

I do not think that is the way to look at this matter. There were no threats of the kind described by the hon. Gentleman. I pointed out this morning—I have already placed a copy of the speech in the Library, anticipating quite a number of questions from hon. Members on both sides of the House—that this is a matter for Government policy, but if such a situation developed, for whatever reason, any Government would have to take appropriate action in relation to taxation, or whatever it might be. But I do not think there is any suggestion of a time limit or clear moment when one can say that a threshold has been passed.

When my right hon. Friend next has discussions with the Chancellor of the Exchequer, will he ask him to draw up the limits of the wealth tax proposals in such a way that they include those people who are presently engaged in hoarding large stocks of food, such as the middle-aged female pretender to the Tory crown, who, hour after hour, day after day, during the last several months has apparently been filching small tins of salmon from the supermarkets, thus taking it out of the pensioners' mouths?

There is no ministerial responsibility for pretenders, be they female or otherwise, to certain crowns. I thought that this matter was fairly covered in my speech this morning when I talked about people doing a speculative commodity hedge against inflation.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer said that he wanted to see a vigorous, alert and profitable private industry. With that end in view, does not the Prime Minister think that it would be wise to renegotiate the social contract with a view to bringing in more useful people, such as employers and investors, and putting the matter on a proper White Paper basis, as my right hon. Friend the Leader of the Opposition has suggested?

I am sorry to say that when my right hon. Friend the Chancellor used those words they were not original. They were taken from our White Paper on the regeneration of industry. However, this matter has been discussed almost incessantly with employers, with management, and with useful people of all kinds. With regard to investors, as I said at some length this morning, what has been suggested would be very useful, if by investment the hon. Gentleman means injecting capital into industry where it is most needed and not using it for speculative purposes.

asked the Prime Minister on what subjects he proposes to give evidence to the Royal Commission on the Press.

My evidence will be relevant to a number of the matters covered in the Royal Commission's terms of reference.

The Prime Minister will recall that on 12th November he told the House that he would be giving evidence to the Royal Commission about the allegations he made against the Press and journalists during the election campaign. He said at that time that many of the facts were being inquired into by the police. Will he specify what incidents are being inquired into by the police?

I said—indeed, I volunteered it before the House met after the election—that I would provide for the Royal Commission all the evidence at my disposal. It would not be appropriate to say exactly what the police are inquiring into, but there is a considerable amount of information which will be made available to the Royal Commission at the right time.

Despite what the hon. Member for Blackpool, South (Mr. Blaker) has said, the Royal Commission was set up to deal with many important matters affecting the organisation and variety of newspapers in this country. Will my right hon. Friend give some indication whether a preliminary report will be made available, because the full report will take a considerable time?

This matter was discussed during our debate on the Press six or seven months ago. We felt that it was for the Royal Commission to decide whether, in view of the urgency of many problems affecting the Press, it should produce a fairly speedy report on at least a certain part of its field. But during the debate on the Press, which was extremely constructive, the principal problems affecting the Press in the minds of right hon. and hon. Members on both sides of the House were outlined.

The Prime Minister said that he would make the information available "at the right time". What makes now the wrong time?

The right time will be agreed between the Royal Commission and myself. It has asked to be presented by the end of the year or shortly afterwards with the evidence of all people who have evidence to give. However, as I have made clear, there are certain inquiries going on which may make the evidence which I had in mind even more valuable to the Royal Commission. I am sure that the right hon. Gentleman cannot wait to see it.

asked the Prime Minister whether the public speech of the Secretary of State for the Environment on housing problems to the annual conference of the National Housing and Town Planning Council in Brighton on 30th October represents the policy of Her Majesty's Government.

Yes, Sir.

Since private housing starts in the third quarter of this year were 8 per cent. below those of the second quarter of this year and 55 per cent. below those of the third quarter of last year, is it the considered view of Labour Ministers, as the Secretary of State suggested in his Speech, that a solution to the problem lies in a reduction of housing standards?

No, Sir. I notice that the hon. Gentleman has omitted to indicate the very big increase in public housing starts since the present Government came to office. But he will realise the difficulty. One cannot get houses on the ground in a matter of days, weeks or months. When we came to office, housing completions in the public sector were the lowest since 1947, starts were the lowest of any time since the war despite the great immediate post-war difficulties, and the number put into new contracts was the lowest since records were started in 1951. We have brought about a significant improvement in public sector starts and future plans, and we have also considerably eased the mortgage position compared with the disastrous situation with which we were faced when we came into office.

Will my right hon. Friend turn his attention to the problems facing local authorities, which, it seems, will have to increase to 12 per cent. their interest charges to owner-occupiers? The Government have kept down to 11 per cent. the rate of interest charged by building societies. Is it possible to give a subsidy to local Labour councils so that they may do the same?

Irrespective of the party in office in a particular council, naturally all of us would be greatly concerned if local authority mortgagors had to pay high interest rates. Only a minority of them are paying rates in excess of 11 per cent. But the situation is still serious, and that is why the Government have made clear that we intend to study urgently the question of local authority mortgage rates as part of the wider examination of housing finance.

asked the Prime Minister if he will discuss the world food crisis at his meeting next April with the Commonwealth Heads of Government.

I would refer my hon. Friend to the reply which I gave on 26th November to my hon. Friend the Member for Ealing, North (Mr. Molloy).—[Vol. 882, c. 113.]

Is my right hon. Friend aware that the Minister of Overseas Development made a constructive contribution to the World Food Conference and many Members are most grateful for that? But is he also aware that it is highly regrettable that the European Community should have largely excluded India, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka from aid in the past? As those are the poorest of the poor nations, does my right hon. Friend agree that they should be assisted first by the Community?

I understand my hon. Friend's anxiety in this matter, which I share, although I believe I have better news for him today. I have paid tribute to my right hon. Friend the Minister of Overseas Development for the negotiations which she carried out not so much in Rome as within Protocol 22 and associated questions on behalf of Commonwealth and other countries in Africa and the Caribbean.

Even so, does the Prime Minister recognise the widespread concern about the slow response of Governments to the growing world food shortage? Is he aware of the authoritative evidence of increasing malnutrition and rising death rates in at least 12 developing countries? Will he undertake to arrange for an early ministerial statement in the House on what the Government are doing about the situation, so that the matter may be debated?

I entirely agree with the hon. Gentleman. Many years ago he and I used to exchange from opposite sides of the House agreement, not disagreement, on this question. Some of the countries which are hardest hit by the oil crisis and the shortage of food are those which are already suffering deprivation and premature deaths, on the one hand by drought and on the other hand, tragically, by floods. We have been going into this very fully, and I will consider the question of a ministerial statement.