asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland whether he is satisfied with the degree of co-operation between specialised Army units and the Special Branch of the Royal Ulster Constabulary.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland whether he is satisfied with the co-operation between all branches of the security forces in Northern Ireland; and whether he will make a statement.

Yes, Sir. Cooperation between all branches of the security forces has been, and continues to be, entirely satisfactory at all levels. It fully reflects the policy initiated in 1976, under which the Royal Ulster Constabulary has assumed the leading rôle in countering terrorist activities.

Does the Secretary of State agree that there is now an even greater need to increase the effectiveness of the security forces, in view of the irresponsible encouragement given to terrorists by the Prime Minister of the Irish Republic last weekend?

Irrespective of what Mr. Lynch may or may not have said about this matter, the partnership between the Army and the RUC is well forged and, as the hon. Gentleman knows, the RUC is taking the lead in most of the antiterrorist activities within the Province.

I welcome what the right hon. Gentleman said about co-operation with the Republic, but was not it a very grave breach of diplomatic practice for Mr. Lynch to make these statements without consultation with Her Majesty's Government? Further, was not it most undesirable for him to talk of an amnesty, when he has no responsibility for the position in Northern Ireland and in the circumstances? Therefore, will the right hon. Gentleman invite the Prime Minister to ask Mr. Lynch to set at rest the very serious doubts he has now raised about his own attitude to the Provisional IRA?

At the time of Mr. Lynch's initial statement, the hon. Gentleman, on behalf of his own party, and I, on behalf of Her Majesty's Government, made our views quite clear. Secondly, I am pleased to say that in Mr. Lynch's second statement he removed most of the ambiguity about amnesty, and I think that there is no need, therefore, to make further representations on that matter.

Does my right hon. Friend accept that a lot of artificial hysteria was created in Northern Ireland about the remarks of the Taoiseach, who was restating well-known Fianna Fail policy as it had existed since the foundation of that party? Will he take it from me, if it is necessary to do so, that Mr. Lynch does not in any way give credence or support to the IRA as it is known in Ireland today?

It is also encouraging that in his second statement Mr. Lynch was robust in his desire to deal with subversives and terrorists in the Republic. But the total reiteration of Fianna Fail policy at this time certainly caused many reverberations in the Republic—

Nothing new.

—in the Province, and in Great Britain.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will re-examine the present interpretation of the statutory walking distance for school transport.

No, Sir. I am, however, aware that difficult decisions have sometimes to be made, particularly where the cut-off point on the perimeter of the statutory walking distance means that some children are within the statutory walking distance while others just fall outside it. In general I am satisfied that the decisions made by education and library boards in individual cases are as flexible as can reasonably be expected.

Will the Minister reconsider that reply and assist hard-pressed families with children in Northern Ireland by amending the present statutory walking distance to below two and three miles respectively and, indeed, by calculating the distance to exclude dual carriageways and busy thoroughfares which provide a worry and a threat to parents of children on their way to and from school, especially as this Government, with their predecessors, had helped to make Northern Ireland the region with the highest level of poverty in the United Kingdom, according to the Supplementary Benefits Commission report?

I am always prepared to reconsider any reply that I may give from time to time, but the truth is that in Northern Ireland we are somewhat in advance of the rest of the United Kingdom. However, I should point out that a study group is considering the efficiency of the present system and it may be that, within the context of that approach to the problem, we can improve it.

Whatever the statutory distance may be, may we have an assurance that it will be expressed in miles and not kilometres?

Particularly in Northern Ireland, yes.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland whether he will make a statement on the progress of his talks with political parties in Northern Ireland to lead to constitutional advance.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what plans he has to establish an assembly for local government in Northern Ireland.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland whether he will make a statement on the talks with political leaders on the constitutional future of the Province.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what progress has been made regarding the meeting of political parties in Northern Ireland towards a new political initiative.

Further exploratory talks with my officials started last month. I can understand that the parties would wish to approach talks with caution and I would not wish to force the pace. I hope that talks within the framework that I have put forward will continue in due course. My door is always open.

Does the Secretary of State realise how understanding we all are of his difficulties arising from the untimely intervention of the Taoiseach, which, in diplomatic terms, has all the finesse of an educationally sub-normal elephant? Will he reflect that there seems to be abroad at present a feeling that when the Secretary of State uses the term "power sharing", he necessarily means exactly the form of power sharing that existed in 1973? Is that the case?

First, I have never used the expression "power sharing"; I have always insisted that it should be a case of partnership and participation in the administration in Northern Ireland. The House will remember that my predecessor, more than 15 months ago, had also dropped the use of that emotive term.

rose—

I propose to call first those hon. Members whose Questions are being answered. Mr. Farr.

I thank the right hon. Gentleman for his reply to my hon. Friend's Question, but is he aware that at times he gives the impression of expecting someone else to come forward with a working plan? Will he immediately look into the possibility of producing, at an early date, what I would call a local government functions plan? That, at least, would be a Government document upon which all parties in Northern Ireland could express views.

I do not see any reason why I should take that sort of initiative at present, when I have already laid before the four major parties of Northern Ireland the framework of a possible interim form of devolution and when talks are going on. The talks have not broken down. Some members of the Northern Ireland political scene have thought that the interjection by the Republican Prime Minister might have caused a setback, but the talks are continuing, and there is no reason why they should not continue. I do not wish to consider any other plan until the discussions are completed.

In commenting with appropriate asperity on Mr. Lynch's incursion into the affairs of the United Kingdom, did not the right hon. Gentleman say that he was not committed to any particular arrangement? Why, then, in the series of answers that he gave hon. Members on 24th November, did he set his face against a restoration of an upper tier of local government?

I recognise the need to try to fill the political gap between the district councils and Westminster. If the hon. Gentleman reads the Macrory Report he will see that it does not want an upper tier of local government, which is generally talked about. It was in favour of the devolution of some powers, and the framework that I have laid before the parties shows how we can devolve the transferred functions to Northern Ireland and that it can be done on a partnership basis. Those talks are continuing.

Will the Secretary of State tell the House precisely what Mr. Lynch said that offends against the traditional support of the Labour Party for a united Ireland? [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh!"] Will he, further, indicate to what extent he welcomes the Unionist Party's use of Mr Lynch's statement as an excuse to torpedo the talks in Northern Ireland, which, according to my right hon. Friend's remarks, are still based on the acceptance of shared power?

I do not think that in making that statement the Taoiseach really had it in mind purposely to jeopardise or sabotage the talks going on in Northern Ireland. He had, of course, to be reminded of the policy of Her Majesty's Government. It is a bipartisan policy, shared by Her Majesty's Opposition, that Northern Ireland remains a part of the United Kingdom as long as the majority of the Province so decree. Therefore, we had politely to remind him that that still is the policy.

Does not the Secretary of State agree that, if the framework to which he has referred were reduced to the essentials, the need for caution, to which he also referred, would be correspondingly decreased?

I do not know exactly the point to which the hon. Gentleman is referring. Once one starts getting into the nitty-gritty of the continuing talks, I do not think it wise to start elaboration in the House. What would, I think, be helpful to the House would be for me, with permission, to circulate in the Official Report the letter that I have sent to the four leaders of the main parties outlining the framework, so that the House may be better informed if we are to have questions on this matter again.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that many of us regard the hysteria following Mr. Lynch's broadcast as being not particularly helpful to reaching any sort of solution to the problems in Northern Ireland, particularly when people in distinguished places seem to be merely re-echoing statements made by intransigent parties in the Six Counties? Therefore, will he read carefully again what the Taoiseach said to see which, if any, part of the transcript suggests that he denies, or says that he denies, the point that my right hon. Friend has just made about the majority of people in Northern Ireland? Also, will my right hon. Friend confirm that it is the policy of Her Majesty's Government to recognise an Irish dimension, participation, community Government or power-sharing—whatever it is—and a solution that comes forward must be acceptable to this Parliament?

Order. I had hoped to call a number of hon. Members on this Question, but if supplementary questions are as long as that it will be quite impossible.

Just to inform my hon. Friend—he must know, and I have reiterated it many times—any moves to devolve Government in Northern Ireland most be based on partnership between the two communities. As regards his first question, my hon. Friend must have been aware that, when the Taoiseach made that long broadcast and it then appeared in cold print, there certainly would be a Unionist reaction, because Mr. Lynch indicated that there was the possibility of an amnesty for criminals and terrorists, and that was bound to cause a major reaction in the North and even in my own mind. I clearly state that Her Majesty's Opposition and Her Majesty's Government will not allow an amnesty for those criminals who have been sentenced, who are in gaol in Northern Ireland and who have been responsible for deaths, murders and bombings in Northern Ireland.

As the Secretary of State mentioned in his initial reply that some consultation on legislative matters was envisaged, can he describe in a little more detail the extent to which he has reached any preliminary conclusions on the discussion by any future devolved Assembly of matters falling before Westminster, either in a pre-legislative form or during the course of the passage of that legislation through this House?

Not yet, and it is not possible to give a reply to that question yet because we are in the midst of the talks. We have had one ministerial round. We have had a round of bilateral talks between the four parties and officials, and I hope that those will continue. It is not possible to give an indication just yet.

My right hon. Friend has restated the Government's policy that any political structures which are created in Northern Ireland must have the participation and the partnership of both communities, but will he understand that what is now being demanded by Unionist members in Northern Ireland is a return of local authority functions to the local authorities in Northern Ireland? Will he be ever mindful of the work of the committee set up under the chairmanship of the hon. Member for Wokingham (Mr van Straubenzee), which led to the setting up of the Fair Employment Agency, whose latest report was published yesterday and which highlighted all the dangers that were brought about by one-party government in Northern Ireland? Will he once again assure the House that in no circumstances will he bow to Unionist pressure for a restoration of a one-party political State in Northern Ireland?

I have already said it twice at Question Time. I often have to repeat it and I repeat it again for the people of the Province and for the sake of my hon. Friend. I have said quite emphatically that we are looking forward to a partnership administration reflecting the interests of both communities. We want an administration where the minority and the majority can participate.

Does the right hon. Gentleman agree that the plan which he proposes is for an administrative council in which there would be partnership, as he has just said, but it would mean that local people were being used as natives to bolster up a colonial type of direct rule?

The hon. Gentleman has got it completely wrong once again. We are trying through this series of talks and by way of this form of devolution to transfer most of the powers back to the people of Northern Ireland—not all the powers, but a lot of them.

Does my right hon. Friend agree—I think he has already done so—that the premature suggestion of an amnesty is likely to be much less helpful than his pursuit of participation? Will he, in that regard, encourage and emphasise the commendable achievements of the public education bodies in Northern Ireland over the past few years?

We have been going through a series of major talks with the education bodies, especially during the past 18 months, under the guidance of Lord Melchett. We are making good progress both in the transition from grammar schools and in the abolition of the 11-plus examination. That will take a little time and we cannot be hasty, because it is a major change. In spite of seven troubled years, schools have managed, pro rata with Great Britain, to get more pupils through with GCE and "A" level certificates.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what new and improved plans he proposes to protect prison officers in Northern Ireland on and off duty.

Comprehensive procedures and instructions have been drawn up to ensure the safety and protection of members of the Northern Ireland Prison Service, both at home and at work. It would not be in the public interest to divulge such arrangements, but the safety and protection of such individuals is a matter of very considerable concern to the Government.

Does the Minister appreciate that Northern Ireland's 1,500 prison officers still regard themselves as being very much at risk, and can he assure the House that neither ingenuity nor money will be spared to give them the best possible protection?

I meet representatives of the Prison Officers' Association very often, and we discuss all such matters. I can give the hon. Gentleman the assurance for which he has asked.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what representations he has received about his proposal to make the wearing of seat belts compulsory in the Province; and if he will make a statement.

The proposal that power should be sought to make the wearing of seat belts mandatory in Northern Ireland was announced in September 1977, following a recommendation to that effect from a study group on road casualties. That recommendation and the proposal based upon it have since been supported by the Northern Ireland Road Safety Council, and a number of district council road safety committees. In September I received a petition signed by 82 surgeons in Northern Ireland urging the need for compulsory seat belt wearing. There have also been representations from the hon. Member for Antrim, South (Mr. Molyneaux) on behalf of his colleagues in the Ulster Unionist Party, the hon. Member for Abingdon (Mr. Neave) and the Secretary of the Democratic Unionist Party expressing concern about the substance, timing or proposed method of implementing the recommendation.

Does the Minister understand that there is a widespread objection in the House to legislating by Statutory Instrument on an issue of this importance for a part of the United Kingdom only, and that that objection is greatly increased by the draft Statutory Instrument, now obtainable at the Vote Office, which shows that, in addition to the issue of seat belts, we shall, for example, be invited to approve an order dealing with the control and removal of builders' skips? Will he please look at this again?

Whether or not provisions about scat belts were in the Statutory Instrument, skips would have been there. The method of passing legislation on this matter for Northern Ireland is no different from what it would be for any other matter. What the hon. Gentleman must bear in mind is that this proposal stemmed from an internal request flowing from a Northern Ireland study group, which knows—and knew then—that the accident rate in Northern Ireland is totally different from and much worse than in any other part of the United Kingdom.

Without prejudice to the substantive issue, will the Government consider seriously whether it would assist the House in having this matter properly debated and decided if this proposal were presented in a separate order from the other and uncontroversial proposals? That would involve no loss of time, and would meet the desire generally in the House that the matter should be properly considered.

No, Sir. In any event, as we heard from the hon. Member for Eastbourne (Mr. Gow), it is not the only controversial matter in this order. If we were to concede this one, where would we end?

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the Opposition fully associate themselves with what the right hon. Member for Down, South (Mr. Powell) has just said? This is a highly controversial article in the order. It should be made a separate order. Will he not take it back so that we can debate it properly on the Floor of the House?

No, we shall not take it back. The hon. Member must know and fully understand that if it is the wish of the House that this order shall not pass, it can be voted down.

On a point of order, Mr. Speaker. In view of the unreasonable intransigence of the Government I beg to give notice that I shall seek to raise this matter on the Adjournment.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland whether he will indicate the rate of progress during each of the past two years in bringing additional cellular accommodation into use in Her Majesty's prisons in Northern Ireland; and what is his estimate of the rate of progress during the next two years, showing in each case the number of special category prisoners who have been or, as the case may be, will be, undergoing imprisonment.

In 1976 two new cell blocks, each with 100 cells, were completed at Maze Prison, and another 20 cells at Armagh Prison. In the course of 1977 another six cell blocks of 100 cells each became available at Maze Prison, together with 54 places for borstal trainees, at Her Majesty's borstal, Millisle. A new establishment for young offenders, with 300 cells, should be ready before the end of 1978. The need for additional cell blocks is under review.

I thank the right hon. Gentleman for that information. May I express to him the satisfaction of my colleagues and myself that we address him now as "right honourable"—something which we regard as only deserved by the attention which he has given to the interests of Northern Ireland within his province? May I also ask the right hon. Gentleman whether he is aware that my hon. Friends and I will support him in endeavouring to bring forward as rapidly as possible the provision of cellular accommodation and the final termination of the special category, since this is the only way in which long-stay prisoners can receive proper rehabilitation, which is one of the purposes of their imprisonment?

I thank the right hon. Gentleman for his kind words at the beginning of his supplementary question. The problem of the special category arouses deep emotions in Northern Ireland. At this stage there are no plans for transferring the rest of these prisoners into the cellular accommodation. The deployment of prisoners is, however, a matter that is kept under continuous review—as it has to be—by the security forces.

Is it intended that there will now be a change in the categories of prisoners housed at Magilligan, in view of the recent removal of a large number of IRA men from that prison?

The use to which we shall now put Magilligan is under review. I am glad that the hon. Gentleman has mentioned that point. With the falling numbers of special category prisoners we can now house them all together in the compounds at Maze and have them all in one spot. The question of what we are to do with the prison at Magilligan is under review.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland how much has been spent on housing maintenance in Northern Ireland over the past year; and how much is proposed to be spent in the forthcoming year.

In the financial year 1976–77 the Northern Ireland Housing Executive spent almost £19 million on the maintenance of its houses and estates, and for the current financial year, 1977–78, the Executive has an approved budget of almost £20 million. A budget for 1978–79 has not yet been agreed between the Department and the Executive.

Does the Under-Secretary of State accept that all those figures could be greatly reduced if the repair work could be undertaken without months of delay and, secondly, if it were carried out by contractors who did not hold the Housing Executive to ransom by charging exorbitant prices which could not be subject to real competition? Does he further accept that if the repair work were properly inspected after completion, and before payments were made, money could be saved?

I am well aware, as is the Housing Executive, of our failings in the maintenance sector. It is, frankly, not good enough. As the hon. Gentleman and his right hon. and hon. Friends will know, there is currently a DOCS investigation into the efficiency of these operations and other aspects of the Housing Executive.

Will my hon. Friend confirm that it is now the case that there is a surplus of housing in Northern Ireland—perhaps a crude surplus—which will enable him to spend more funds on such matters as repair and maintenance? Does he anticipate that there will be a major improvement in this area if the diminution of the troubles in the Province continues?

I hope it will be the case that, as a result of the decline in the security problem, we can improve the housing situation. But that is by no means certain, because, as my hon. Friend and others will know, there are attendant problems. It is true that, roughly speaking, there is a sufficiency of housing units in Northern Ireland; the trouble is that they do not always happen to be in the right places.

Shall we soon be informed of the terms of reference of the public inquiry, which the Housing Executive itself asked for, into certain very serious allegations about money going astray and even passing into the hands of the Irish Republican Army? Will Ministers now acknowledge the service of my hon. Friend the Member for Birmingham, Edgbaston (Mrs. Knight), who was among those who brought these allegations to public notice?

The hon. Member for Birmingham, Edgbaston (Mrs. Knight) has made no more than allegations, in company with a number of other people. These allegations, however, have now convinced my right hon. Friend that an early announcement should be made about the form of inquiry that should take place to ascertain the validity of the allegations.

Can my hon. Friend say how much of the £19 million to which he referred was due to normal wear and tear maintenance and how much of it was due to the violence at present existing in the Province?

I could not give my right hon. Friend a specific or definitive answer, but I shall certainly let him know. My impression is that the majority of it—perhaps 99·99 per cent.—was due to normal wear and tear and had nothing what-so ever to do with violence.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what steps he took to make available in the Library on Tuesday, 13th December 1977 copies of the report of the cross-border communications study between Northern Ireland and County Donegal.

In accordance with normal practice, copies of the report were placed in the Library on Tuesday, 13th December.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that, despite his efforts, the Library could not find a copy of the report? 1s he also aware that it is very difficult for hon. Members to comment upon a report that is not available? Will he therefore make efforts to improve upon this performance in the future, because although this report was very largely a bucket of whitewash, there might some day be one that is important?

The hon. Gentleman must understand that this was not my report. In effect, I did not officially receive this report. I was given the report in the city of Londonderry at 12 noon on the day that I visited the city. I had arranged for a copy to be delivered, and I am assured that it was delivered at 12 noon on that day. I am sorry that the hon. Gentleman could not find it. He should have accepted my invitation to come to Londonderry, when he could have been presented with the report.

Will the right hon. Gentleman ensure that, when the Fair Employment Agency, which is the responsibility of his right hon. Friend publishes significant reports on Northern Ireland, it at least makes an effort to ensure that copies are available not only in the Library but in the Northern Ireland Office in London?

This is a report from, I believe, an individual in the Agency. I have not yet seen a copy of it, so I do not wish to comment on it now.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland when he last met the Chairman of Harland and Wolff Ltd.

Excluding purely social occasions, my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State's last meeting with Sir Brian Morton took place on 27th April 1977. As the Minister responsible for commerce, I am in regular contact with and meet the chairman as and when necessary.

Can the Minister of State say whether, in any of his recent meetings, he has discussed the possibility of any part of the Polish order coming to Belfast? Will he say whether, if the Government are able to negotiate a similar contract with the Indian Government, the Belfast yard will be given due consideration?

With regard to the Polish order, because of its existing commitments and the short delivery times demanded, Harland and Wolff would not have been in a position to accept any of the construction work. I assure the hon. Gentleman that we shall be in the field for any type of order that we can secure for Harland and Wolff.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that I should also like to congratulate him on his recent honour, which is very well deserved for his work in Northern Ireland? However, will he say what progress has been made with the diversification of engineering and other work in Harland and Wolff—a question which I have put forward several times in the House?

I thank the hon. Gentleman for his kind remarks. The company is investigating, and has been for some considerable time, several possibilities for diversification. Currently, it is developing plans for entry into the medium-speed diesel engine market. It is particularly active in seeking alternative work for its modern steel-making facilities, including barge construction, floating plant, car ferry loading ramps, offshore oil work and structural steel work for bridges. Recently, a subsidiary company has been established for the production and marketing of motor-cycle accessories. It is, however, too early to assess the impact in employment terms of the company's efforts on the diversification front.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland why it has been decided to facilitate by a change in the law the sale and consumption of alcoholic beverages at sport and leisure centres without reference to and in advance of a review of the licensing laws currently being made by a committee which he appointed.

The proposed amendments to the Northern Ireland licensing law dealing with multi-activity purpose-built district council leisure centres follow the recommendations of a 1975 joint working party report on the provision of recreational and community facilities by district councils.

Is the Minister aware that there is considerable anxiety amongst the community that drinking facilities should be provided in leisure centres extensively used by very young people? They feel that greater opportunity should have been given to allow representations to be considered by the review body. The decision taken by the Department has created the impression that the matter is over and done with. Will he reconsider inviting representations from the community in this respect?

I assure the right hon. Gentleman that the normal licensing law will apply to all persons, and those under age according to the present legislation will not be admitted to the licensed portion of the premises. I give that categoric assurance. Every effort will be made to ensure that the new centres operate under that scheme.

Will the Government ensure that these powers can be used only upon the affirmative request of the democratically elected local government bodies in the respective areas and that the most stringent requirements are placed upon the licensing of such premises?

I can give the right hon. Gentleman the assurance that the most stringent conditions will be attached to any application that is made, and those applications can come through only by and on behalf of the district councils in which the leisure centre is situated.

Does the hon. Gentleman agree with his hon. Friend who is responsible for the Department of the Environment in Northern Ireland that excessive drinking has contributed to the terrible accident statistics that we have, and also to some of the worst excesses of the present terrorist violence? Therefore, there is no necessity to provide these facilities in leisure centres.

I agree that there is anxiety and there is need for anxiety about alcoholism. I do not agree, however, with the last part of the hon. Gentleman's question. Indeed, if we were to agree, there would be no alcohol licence right throughout the United Kingdom.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland how many officials in his Department are engaged in industrial promotion work outside Northern Ireland; where they are based; and if he is satisfied that his team is adequate for the task of attracting foreign investments to the Province.

Seven staff from the Department of Commerce are engaged in industrial promotion work outside Northern Ireland. Three are based in New York, one in Stuttgart, one in Brussels, one in the Ulster Office in London and one, based in Belfast, covers Japan.

Is my right hon. Friend satisfied that the money that we are spending for these teams abroad is bringing in sufficient investments from EEC countries and especially the United States of America? Also, could he say something about industrial training? Is he happy about the amount of training that is done in Northern Ireland, especially when one compares it with what is happening in the Republic of Ireland?

On industrial training, we have a very good record. In no part of Northern Ireland is anyone more than 25 miles from a Government training centre, and the level of training is 10 times that in the rest of the United Kingdom. Regarding new investment, especially from the United States of America, I returned from there only this morning and I can tell my hon. Friend and others hon. Members that as the security situation improves and the political situation seems to have taken Northern Ireland off the front pages of the newspapers and off television it makes our task a little easier, as the Americans said to me, in "talking turkey" on the subject of investment.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that he is to be congratulated not only on his new honour but on the great amount of work that he has done on behalf of industry and job creation and maintenance in Northern Ireland? Can he expand more on his activities in the New World and the degree of future investment that he thinks will be coming from that quarter to Northern Ireland?

I was received better than I was on my previous investment tours in the United States. I could not say at the moment what has been brought back in terms of employment. I saw this trip as more or less sowing the seeds and telling people about the new investment package in Northern Ireland. I was received very well, and the news that is coming out of Northern Ireland was received much better in the United States than was the case on previous occasions.

The right hon. Gentleman has the sincere congratulations of us all on his new appellation. As regards European investment, when will the European Community's office be established in Belfast? It already has offices both in Wales and in Scotland.

It sounds like a "love Don Concannon" day today. The EEC office is a matter for the Commission, and I understand that it is actively concerned in making sure that the office is opened as soon as possible.

Is there any hope of persuading the American Administration to change their mind about waiting for peace before giving financial help to Northern Ireland?

I think that the American Administration has been particularly helpful to us over the past year, especially in its attitude towards cutting off some of the funds to the terrorist organisations.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what measures have been taken to prevent the smuggling of livestock from Northern Ireland to the Republic of Ireland; and if he will give an estimate of the number currently involved.

Officers of Her Majesty's Customs and Excise, during 1977, increased their land border surveillance activities and their efforts to prevent smuggling of livestock from Northern Ireland to the Irish Republic. There has not been a worthwhile incentive to smuggling cattle since the suspension of monetary compensatory amounts on live cattle in trade between Northern Ireland and the Republic as from the 15th June 1977. Furthermore, the payments made under the Meat Industry Employment Scheme in respect of fat cattle slaughtered in Northern Ireland ensure that there is normally not much to gain by taking live cattle to the Republic.

That detailed information is obviously welcome and most reassuring, but does my hon. Friend agree that the smugglers' routes, if not now so heavily used, are deeply trod as a result of ancient activity, and therefore they are easily detectable to the point when smuggling could be even further discouraged, as apprehension should be quite possible?

I assure my hon. Friend that every endeavour will be made to search, seek and find those who are smuggling, but I remind him that the land border between Northern Ireland and the Republic is 300 miles long. That is a tremendous landscape to put under continuous surveillance. Resources are just not available to do it every minute of the day and for every mile.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware, however, that not only cattle are smuggled and that recently there have been indications of fraud in the smuggling of bacon? Will he go further and tell us what he intends to do about the movement of lamb southwards, in view of the agreement on lamb between the Irish Republic and France?

Every effort will be made to apprehend those who smuggle. The hon. Gentleman brings to my attention a case that has just been decided by a court. There has been a conviction, and there are penalties for the offence. I hope that the severity of those penalties will act as a deterrent to those who may pursue what is an age-old pastime between the North and the South.