Before we turn to questions, I should say that it is hopeless to try to call every party interested in every question. I can only do my best.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will make a further statement about the progress of the work of the receiver of the De Lorean Motor Company.

I understand that the receivers and managers of De Lorean Motor Cars Limited have continued limited production at the plant in Dunmurry and have pursued their discussions with parties who have exhibited interest in the business with a view to selling it as a going concern.

In the absence of a sale by Sir Kenneth Cork to any other concern, how long will the funds currently in the company continue to pay the wages bill and other operating costs?

My hon. Friend knows that the receiver has particular responsibilities towards the creditors and that it is up to him to decide how long to continue the operation at its present level of activity. I assure my hon. Friend and the House that there is genuine interest at the moment in the purchase of the company, which Sir Kenneth Cork and Mr. Shewell, as receiver managers, continue to pursue.

Will the Minister use his powers to ensure that the company and assets are not sold to any of these interested parties at any knock-down price, and ensure that the assets stay in Northern Ireland in order to preserve jobs? Will he, in view of the controversial record of Mr. John de Lorean, look particularly carefully at any application by a company involving Mr. de Lorean and its advisers or board?

Clearly, it is in the interests of those in Northern Ireland that the plant should continue there and provide employment. Particular points on potential purchasers are very much matters for the receiver.

Is it still the Government's view that this car is a good product? Is not the best way out of this dilemma to sell the car? Do the Government believe that if we harm the individual that harms the product and, once the product is harmed that much, that leads to the closure of the factory and those employed there will fight like mad for redundancy payments.

It is established that the car is a good product. It is also established that the factory and work force at Dunmurry are capable of producing the car. What matters is whether the car can be sold at a price that results in a volume sufficient to allow the plant to operate profitably. Any potential buyer must make that assessment on the available evidence.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland when he expects to introduce firm proposals for devolved government in Northern Ireland.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland whether he will make a statement on future constitutional arrangements for the Province, including setting up any form of Assembly.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will make a statement about the progress of his proposals for a devolved Assembly in Northern Ireland.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will make a statement about his talks with representatives of political parties on his constitutional proposals.

I have had further discussions with the political parties in Northern Ireland with a view to bringing before the House proposals for the restoration of devolved government in Northern Ireland, but no final decisions have yet been taken.

If the present momentum is maintained, does my right hon. Friend believe that the political parties will be prepared to participate in elections for a new Assembly?

My discussions with the political parties are continuing and I have reason to believe that they will take part in an election. I hope that this can be the start of an Assembly, if that is the decision reached by the Government.

rose—

Order. I shall call first those hon. Members whose questions are being answered.

If my right hon. Friend's private soundings suggest that political leaders in the Province are opposed to his proposals, would it not be better to shelve the idea of an initiative? We have had far too many unsuccessful ones in recent years.

One has to bear in mind that simply to do nothing does not mean that the position remains the same or improves. It is the wish of all political parties in Northern Ireland that there should be a devolved Administration. We have to recognise that wish as well.

Can the right hon. Gentleman assure the House that in his proposals there are no suggestions of an institutionalised Irish dimension or enforced power sharing? Does he know that if he goes along that path he is bound to fail?

We are now presuming on what may happen in the future. I should rather wait for these points to be discussed when and if the Government proceed with the proposals.

Is not the best safeguard for the minority in Northern Ireland to be found in this Parliament rather than in an intricate system of checks and balances?

The best safeguard for the minority in Northern Ireland is for it to feel that it can play a full part both in the Government and in an Assembly in Northern Ireland, and also in supporting the forces of law and order. That is the way in which we can obtain peace. It may be a long way off, but it is the right road.

If the Secretary of State is so sure that he knows the wishes of the people of Northern Ireland, why has it been necessary, during the last nine months, for officials of his Department to tamper with individual members of the political parties with a view to manipulating their response; or was that happening without the knowledge of authorisation of his predecessor and himself?

There is no tampering going on. When will the right hon. Gentleman give up these absurd notions on this subject? Why can he not take the same attitude towards the Civil Service as he took when he was a member of a Government?

As the Minister's proposals will merely end up with providing Ulster with a talking shop Assembly, would not a better initiative be to establish a Northern Ireland Select Committee, which would give responsibility and some power to Ulster Members of Parliament?

The proposals that are being discussed with the political parties involve the setting up of an Assembly, which could lead to a devolved Administration in Northern Ireland. It would be for the Assembly to decide what powers should be transferred to it and to make recommendations to the House. This is the right way forward. It would have that opportunity from day one, but until that time was reached it would have important work to do as an Assembly.

When, or if, the Secretary of State comes forward with this legislation, I assume that there will be a White Paper and a Bill. The Opposition would like to be assured that proper debating time will be given to the House. One assurance that we wish is that in any devolving of power the House will have the last say in whatever is devolved.

I am certain that on the last point the House would in no way be prepared to give up its authority and right to make final decisions about any transfer of powers. If the Government decide to proceed with the policy that we have been discussing with the political parties it will be necessary for a White Paper and a Bill to be presented to Parliament. At this stage I want to make it clear that the Government have reached no decision. Until we do there is nothing further for me to say.

Does my right hon. Friend agree that those who are seeking to thwart his proposals, without advancing any constructive alternative that seeks to recognise that there are two communities in Northern Ireland, are doing a disservice to the people of Northern Ireland and may be damaging even further both its security and its economy?

One has carefully to consider all the points made by my hon. Friend, and to recognise that stable and durable political arrangements can be achieved only on the basis of general consent. That is what I am seeking.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland when he plans to meet representatives of the Government of the Republic of Ireland to discuss co-operation between Northern Ireland and the Republic.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what plans he has for an early meeting with the Prime Minister of the Republic of Ireland; and what subjects he intends to raise.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland when he next expects to meet the Prime Minister of the Republic of Ireland to discuss future political developments in both parts of Ireland.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he has any plans to meet the new Prime Minister of the Republic of Ireland to discuss the new Government's policy towards Northern Ireland.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland when he expects to meet the new Prime Minister of the Republic of Ireland to discuss cross-border security.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he has any plans to meet the Taoiseach to discuss the new Government's policy towards Northern Ireland.

I have no immediate plans to do so, but I look forward to meeting members of the new Government of the Republic of Ireland shortly, within the framework of the Anglo-Irish Intergovernmental Council, to discuss matters of mutual interest, including economic co-operation and security matters. I shall at an appropriate moment explain to the new Irish Government our present approach to political development in Northern Ireland.

rose—

Order. I propose to call first the six hon. Members whose questions are being answered.

Can the Secretary of State confirm that it is still his intention to work for closer co-operation between Northern Ireland and the Government of the Republic, and that, in addition to economic matters, this co-operation will cover social and political issues?

I confirm the first part of what the hon. Gentleman said on security and economic co-operation. The other matters must be conducted through the Governments of the United Kingdom and the Republic. That is an important process and as long is it is done in a way that is seen to be perfectly open and straightforward, more confidence and respect will be carried to other parts.

Does my right hon. Friend agree that the best way to establish improved co-operation with the Republic and with Prime Minister Haughey is to establish a proper extradition agreement between the United Kingdom Government and the Irish Republic? Further, will my right hon. Friend inform Mr. Haughey, when he first meets him, now that Mr. Haughey has assumed the Irish premiership, that Ulster is part of the United Kingdom, not as long as the people of Ulster want it, but is part of the United Kingdom just as much as Wales and Scotland are and will long remain so?

Successive Irish Governments have never been left in any doubt about the importance that we attach to the problem of fugitive offenders. We believe that a workable extradition arrangement offers the best way of dealing with it and of ensuring that terrorists are brought to justice. We shall continue to make our concern abundantly clear, and when I next see Mr. Haughey I shall do so again.

Will my right hon. Friend tell Mr. Haughey when he sees him that whatever benefits he might accrue domestically, demands for the reunification of Ireland cause grave problems for Irish-United Kingdom relations and have a destabilising effect in Northern Ireland, leading to increased violence and more hope for the IRA?

I take that question with the supplementary question asked by my hon. Friend the Member for Macclesfield (Mr. Winterton). It is recognised and accepted by Mr. Haughey, and before him by Dr. FitzGerald, that no change to the constitution of Northern Ireland can be made without the consent of the people of Northern Ireland. That consent is not forthcoming. There must be self-determination at all times and we fully respect that. I hope that all the people of Northern Ireland will work for the peace and prosperity of the Province and will accept that there are many advantages in being part of the United Kingdom.

Will the Minister realise that there are still powerful voices among the Unionists leadership who want only to return to the same Stormont that produced the anti-democracy that caused all the troubles in Northern Ireland, including the melancholy killings, even those that have happened today? The right hon. Member must not allow himself to be diverted from peaceful discussions with the leadership in the Republic with the idea of ultimately securing peace and prosperity for the whole of Ireland, North and South.

I must make it abundantly clear that I believe that if any government in Northern Ireland is to be stable it must recognise that there are two communities and must seek to involve both communities in some sense in any devolved Assembly. Otherwise, I do not believe that it would have the stability that is required.

When my right hon. Friend meets the leader of the South, will he congratulate that whole country on its splendid record in the apprehension and suppression of terrorism South of the border, which has occurred at a very difficult time for that country? Will he also ask the new leader whether the Republic of Ireland is prepared to consider once again becoming a signatory to the Council of Europe treaty on the suppression of terrorism?

Certainly I could look at the latter point that my hon. Friend has raised. I am grateful to him for his first point, as co-operation on security matters in the past year or so has greatly improved, to the advantage of all the people of the whole of Ireland. Moreover, although we would of course wish to see extradition, we note that the effectiveness of extra-territorial legislation has much improved in recent months, and we hope that that will continue.

Does the Secretary of State accept that future meetings with the Taoiseach must include the subject of Irish unity and that this will be a continuing dialogue? Will he treat with contempt or ignore hon. Members who are trying to sabotage such talks?

I shall so long as both present and former Taoiseachs recognise that the important word is "consent". I understand that that is the position of the Opposition as well as of the Government.

The original question referred to co-operation. Will the Secretary of State confirm that there has never been any reluctance on the part of the people of Northern Ireland to co-operate with the people of the Republic, to their mutual advantage? But will he remind Mr. Haughey that if the Republic removed the offensive articles 2 and 3 of its constitution, which lay claim to our territory, there would be even greater scope for cooperation?

Just as I am intent upon the future of Northern Ireland being the responsibility of this House, so it would be wrong for me to start telling other Governments what they should do, although one recognises the hon. Gentleman's point. I believe that it is important for us to make certain that in any connections between North and South the people of the North should feel that they are making the decisions, as they did before on economic matters when there was far more cooperation between North and South than has been possible in the past few years. That owes something to the suspicions in the North about what goes on in London.

Will the Secretary of State take it from me that the people of Northern Ireland do not expect him to take a neutral attitude when their constitution is being discussed? Will he tell the Taoiseach the next time he meets him face to face that his clumsy and insensitive comments are doing great harm in Northern Ireland, and will he tell him where the Northern Ireland border is?

"Neutrality" must be a subjective word. I am seeking to work for the good of all the people of Northern Ireland. I believe that it is greatly to the advantage of the United Kingdom that there should be friendly and good co-operation between the United Kingdom and the Republic. If that helps to solve some of the security and economic problems of Northern Ireland, that is a bonus.

Leaving aside the sectarian bigots on the Government Benches and the terrorists who continue to glory in murder, is it not a fact that the co-operation and indeed the approval of the Irish Government is necessary before a political solution can be found to the crisis in Northern Ireland?

I should like to think that we can discuss these matters across the Floor of the House without using extravagant language which does nothing to help solve what is a terribly difficult problem for both sides. Therefore, let us try to get going something that can be supported by all the people of Northern Ireland as well as by the people of the United Kingdom and the Republic.

When my right hon. Friend next meets the Taoiseach, will he ask him to elaborate on his comments that the present plans for a devolved Assembly are unworkable?

I have no arrangements at present to meet the Taoiseach, but when I do those points are bound to arise. I hope that I shall have the chance to meet the Taoiseach and perhaps the Irish Foreign Minister before long, as I believe that nothing but good can come out of a full explanation.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland whether he will make a statement on the security situation in Northern Ireland.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will make a statement on the security situation in Northern Ireland.

Since I last answered questions, on 25 February, three civilians and three members of the security forces have been murdered by terrorists. That includes the serious incident this morning in which three soldiers were shot dead outside Springfield Road police station, Belfast. Of the other murders, one—that of an 11-year-old boy on 15 March—was caused in the Provisional IRA's bombing attack in Banbridge, Armagh, Newry, Newtownstewart and Belfast. The bomb in Banbridge went off without warning and 23 persons were also injured there. On 5 March a man was found shot dead near the border, the Provisional IRA claiming, without foundation, that he was an informer. On 12 March, a man who had left the Ulster Defence Regiment more than six years ago was shot dead by the Provisional IRA in front of his wife and child as he arrived for his day's work. In their different ways, those six killings sum up the horror and shocking futility of the terrorists' business in Northern Ireland today.

Following the dastardly killing of three soldiers in Belfast this morning, does the Secretary of State agree that it is highly dangerous for people to assert that terrorist agencies have been seriously damaged or broken by the activities of informers? Does he also share our grave concern at the failure in Fermanagh, at the other end of the Province, to bring to justice the murderers of 50 law-abiding citizens of that county? Will he assure the House that everything possible will be done to bring the murderers of those people to justice?

On the hon. Gentleman's latter point, certainly everything possible will be done to bring murderers to justice. On his earlier point, today's events are a timely reminder of the present position, the need for vigilance and the fact that violence is never far removed from the Northern Ireland scene.

Is it not an appalling stain on the honour of a civilised country that it can allow the perpetrators of such crimes refuge and refuse to extradite them to face courts and trial? Is my right hon. Friend aware that the arrangements for extra-territorial jurisdiction are inadequate and will not succeed in returning most of those criminals to Northern Ireland for trial? Will he therefore tell the Irish Republic that it should do the decent thing and drop its bogus excuses for not signing the European convention on the suppression of terrorism, and sign that convention?

I have already made my views plain on that matter. The House is worried about that point. What is more, I am certain that the Irish Government are under no illusions as to what we think.

Is the Secretary of State aware that the Opposition wish to join him in offering our respects and condolences to the families of those who have suffered from the dastardly deeds that took place this morning, when three more of our young soldiers died while carrying out their duty on behalf of this country? In the past week I have read the newspapers and listened to the television comments, so this morning's killings seemed to me only another predictable response by the IRA. Those killings were due in part to all the loose talk about the demise of the IRA. People should not engage in loose talk about the demise of the IRA, because the IRA's response to that is predictable. Such a response leads to the death not only of those three young soldiers but of others. I share the Secretary of State's view that sometimes the loose talk would be better not engaged in.

I am grateful for the right hon. Gentleman's comments. Every time anyone in the press or elsewhere talks about the demise of the IRA, that is an open invitation for it to reappear. Therefore, the less said about those things, the better. We can rejoice privately when we think that we are doing a little better than we were, but we should all realise the dangers.

Does the right hon. Gentleman accept that all right-thinking people in Northern Ireland will fully endorse what he said today in sympathy to those recent victims of IRA atrocities and all victims in Northern Ireland? Will he assure us that there shall be no large payment or amnesty to IRA murderers, no matter what information they are prepared to sell to the Royal Ulster Constabulary? Has he any information, as has been made clear by the hon. Member for Antrim, South (Mr. Molyneaux), that the CIA is engaged in murderous practices in Northern Ireland and Great Britain?

The Chief Constable of the RUC has made it clear that people have not been offered large sums of money. The police offer a safe haven to people who give evidence on which terrorists can be brought to justice. The police provide them with assistance to start a new life. They are not bribed or threatened. The information that we have been receiving is of great importance. We must protect the people who give us that information and their families. I know of no such evidence about the CIA as the hon. Gentleman mentions. When President Reagan is going out of his way to be helpful to us, especially in the St. Patrick's Day speech, there should be more recognition of the real help that we are getting from some of our friends.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what steps he is taking to publicise the effects of terrorism within the Province.

The Government make every effort to bring home to people the appalling personal and economic tragedies caused by terrorist activities and to make it absolutely clear that those who use violence in pursuit of their political aims will not achieve those aims.

Is my hon. Friend aware of the congratulations and warm response being given to the film that has been produced by his Department, which is perhaps a little overdue, but is none the less welcome in the attempts that it makes to convey the revulsion and disgust felt by many people in the face of terrorism? Will he continue to build on the attempts already being made in the United States to convey to the people in that country the effects of the fund-raising by Noraid? Will he continue to press strongly his Department's case, in the face of the activities of these terrorist groups?

I am grateful to my hon. Friend for his comments about the film. If other hon. Members would like to see it, I can make arrangements for that. I shall draw the attention of the Central Office of Information to my hon. Friend's remarks. In co-operation with my noble Friend the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs we have recently been reviewing the arrangements for presenting our case in the United States and elsewhere. We shall pursue that presentation with vigour.

Is my hon. Friend aware that one of the best ways to counteract terrorism and the difficulties in the Province in the long term is by the extension of education, particularly higher education? Will he accept that the decision of the Government two days ago relating to the new Ulster university represents a considerable step forward and should receive the support not only of the House but of all who are genuinely concerned about the future of Northern Ireland?

I am grateful to my hon. Friend for his remarks. I am not sure how they arise out of the main question, but that does not diminish my gratitude. That new institution can make a substantial contribution to the future of education in the Province.

Will the Government extend an invitation to President Reagan—who has shown such good common sense in rebuffing IRA sympathisers in the United States—to visit Northern Ireland in June, where he would be heartily welcomed, so that he can see at first hand the agony that the Ulster people have suffered for more than 13 years as a result of the murder and mutilation caused by the Provisional IRA, which has received so much financial and propaganda support in the United States?

We have a continuous stream of visitors, journalistic and otherwise, from the United States to the Province. There is a high level of diplomatic representation there. I am sure that President Reagan is kept fully in touch with the developments. We are all grateful for the remarks that he made in his St. Patrick's Day speech.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what progress has been made in bringing to justice those responsible for the murder of the late Rev. Robert Bradford.

Extensive police inquiries are continuing into the murders of the Rev. Robert Bradford and Mr. Campbell, who was killed with him. No one has been charged so far. The Royal Ulster Constabulary will continue its investigations until the guilty are brought to justice and punished.

Why did the Secretary of State, on the day after Robert Bradford's funeral, use in the presence of my hon. Friend the Member for Antrim, South (Mr. Molyneux), and others, the words: "We were not expecting Robert Bradford to be murdered"? Who were they expecting would be murdered, and will the Secretary of State invite his officials to explain to him what he meant?

I do not need officials to explain to me what I meant. What I meant was what I said. I stick to that.

Trying, perhaps, to defuse a difficult situation—[Interruption.]— I understand the view expressed by the right hon. Member for Down, South (Mr. Powell). May I ask my right hon. Friend how Robert Bradford, who was a personal friend of many of us in the House, was murdered? Is it not right that people in the situation of the late Robert Bradford should receive more adequate security cover because of their sensitive position? Will my right hon. Friend assure us that hon. Members who represent Northern Ireland constituencies are adequately protected so that they can carry out their difficult job as Members of Parliament representing the people of Ulster?

I am always grateful to my hon. Friend if he feels that he can defuse any situation. That is an unlikely role for him to adopt. Robert Bradford was receiving protection. It is a difficult matter ever to decide what is adequate protection. Those are the real difficulties from which we all suffer. One cannot even stop President Reagan, who is surrounded by vast numbers of people, from being the victim of an assassin's bullet. We are taking all the precautions that we can. We try to give all the help that we can to those whom we think are in any danger, and we shall continue to do so. The system is not perfect. There is always room for improvement. I believe that the RUC does a remarkable job and is a remarkable police force. Nothing that has been said should in any way detract from the marvellous work that it is doing.

Will the Secretary of State note that the people of Northern Ireland will be alarmed by his statement today at the Dispatch Box that he was not aware of the serious threat to the life of the late Rev. Robert Bradford?

He did not say that.

Perhaps he will explain what he did say. I gather that he said that he was not expecting it. Is it not a fact that the Special Branch had visited the late Mr. Bradford a few days before he was killed and warned him that he was on a death list?

These matters are not easy to discuss across the Floor of the House, and are best not discussed. All I said was—and I repeat it now—that at that time we were going through a difficult and worrying period. We may go through such periods again. Certain information is received about certain people, while other information which we might like to receive we do not receive. At that time, although we were very worried about a number of VIPs, there was no more concern about Robert Bradford than there was about a number of others. I repeat that he was having protection. He did have protection at that time. Like all VIPs in Northern Ireland, he had been warned, as other are today, day in and day out, about the dangers. All that I regret, and I regret it bitterly, is that the murder took place. We all know how much we have suffered as a result of that.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will make a statement on housing conditions in the Greater Belfast area.

Housing conditions in Greater Belfast are among the worst in the United Kingdom. Accordingly, the Housing Executive is giving highest priority to Belfast and it plans to commit about half of its total programme for the coming year in the city.

I thank the Minister for that information. In view of the state of the construction industry in Northern Ireland, is he aware that there is plenty of work that could be usefully done? Is he prepared to outline plans and specify dates for the completion of the redevelopment of the Donegall Pass, Lower Woodstock and Ravenhill areas, bearing in mind that the long delay is reducing the quality of life there and making it impracticable for shops to be viable?

It is not possible to give precise dates for the completion of the three redevelopment areas that the hon. Gentleman mentioned. Much depends on the willingness of tenants to move. The decant problem has a major slowing-down effect on the programme itself. However, I shall write to the hon. Gentleman and give him full details of the executive's proposals in those areas.

When will the Government put the money into housing in Belfast and the surrounding areas that they deserve? We all know that 47·5 per cent. of the construction workers in Northern Ireland are unemployed and that the Province has some of the worst housing in Western Europe? When will there be more money to make up for the cuts that the Government have imposed?

The hon. Gentleman will be pleased to know that not only have we embarked on the largest house building programme in Belfast since the age of Queen Victoria, but that we are spending considerably more money than was the case when his Government were in office.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he is satisfied with the firearms at present issued to the Royal Ulster Constabulary.

Yes, Sir.

The Minister is aware that the full measure of the weapons from America have not yet been delivered. If they have not yet been delivered and they are not now needed, why is the order still there?

The order from the Royal Ulster Constabulary is under review by our friends and allies in the United States. We try to understand why they chose not to supply us with hand guns, but we remain disappointed that they continue not to do so.

Does my hon. Friend agree that it is ironic that the American Government are prepared to sell us Trident at a very good rate but are not prepared to provide hand guns for the Royal Ulster Constabulary?

I entirely take my hon. Friend's point. It is a point that he put very forcefully in exactly the same terms a month ago. I shall answer in exactly the same way as I did then and assure the House that the Royal Ulster Constabulary has adequate and sufficient weapons, and that any request from the Chief Constable and the Police Authority for more weapons or weapons of a different sort will, of course, be sympathetically considered.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will introduce a Bill of Rights for Ulster based on the constitution of the United States of America.

I recognise the importance that many people in Northern Ireland attach to the protection of human rights there. I have at present no plans to introduce a Bill of Rights for Northern Ireland, but I keep the whole question of human rights under careful review.

As the question of human rights in Northern Ireland is a sensitive and vital issue, will the right hon. Gentleman reconsider his decision and urgently bring forward a Bill of Rights based on the constitution of the United States, which is the greatest multi-religious and multi-racial democracy in the world, and thus guarantee that everyone in the Province, Protestant and Roman Catholic, Republican and Loyalist, would have the same rights and protections as those enjoyed in the United States?

I know that the hon. Gentleman feels very strongly on this issue. I cannot see any prospect of early legislation. These are highly contentious matters in the House. A Bill of Rights for the whole United Kingdom—that is what could well be involved here—is a matter that is more appropriate to my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for the Home Department.