asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland whether he will make a further statement on the security situation.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will make a statement on the security situation in Northern Ireland.

Since I last answered questions on 27 May, two members of the security forces and two civilians have died in incidents arising from the security situation. Four members of the security forces have been injured, two of them very seriously. A rather larger number of civilians have been injured—evidence of the criminal, cowardly and indiscriminate nature of the terrorists' attacks. The victims included a boy killed by a bomb on a booby-trapped motor cycle and a retired RUC inspector shot dead in front of his wife. Twenty-six people were injured in Belfast city centre last Friday by a car bomb which exploded while the police were still clearing the area. On Monday, a massive bomb in a van in West Belfast exploded while Army personnel were attempting to neutralise it. Fortunately, no one was seriously hurt but extensive damage was done to homes and property. There have been four other bomb attacks on property and commercial targets. The terrorists have shown once again that they have nothing to offer the people of Northern Ireland but indiscriminate savagery.

The House will have heard those figures with sadness. Will my right hon. Friend confirm that cross-border co-operation remains immensely important in catching these murderous terrorists? Although our relations with the Republic are at present frosty, because of its deplorable behaviour over the Falklands crisis, will my right hon. Friend confirm that this aspect of cross-border co-operation remains pre-eminent?

I am grateful for my hon. Friend's words. Yes, I confirm that cross-border security is of vital importance to us. I am aware that there have been reports of some redeployment of Gardia throughout the Republic, but the RUC is confident that that has had no effect on the joint security effort against terrorism.

As my right hon. Friend's Northern Ireland Bill is likely to pass through both Houses of Parliament, will my right hon. Friend say whether terrorism in Northern Ireland is likely to increase or to diminish?

It would be wrong to speculate on the impact of any legislation on the immediate security problem. Of course, one knows from experience that those who seek to undermine and destroy the constitution of Northern Ireland, and perhaps wider than that, will do anything they can to prevent stability from being established.

it is clear that the terrorists now have access to a greater quantity of explosives than for some time past. Can the right hon. Gentleman tell the House where this explosive is coming from, how it is getting into Northern Ireland, and whether it is commercial explosive or a mixture?

Some of it is commercial explosive and some a mixture of fertiliser and other ingredients. I expect that some of the explosive comes from a large quantity that was stolen in the South and has now found its way to the North.

Will the right hon. Gentleman tell the House what steps he is taking to ensure that these vast quantities of explosives do not come over the border?

Every step that it is physically and humanly possible to take is taken, and will continue to be taken. However, as the hon. Gentleman knows only too well, it is no easy task to protect a boundary of 300 miles, some of which is extremely difficult territory.

asked the Secretary of Slate for Northern Ireland if he remains satisfied with the level of support in Northern Ireland for his constitutional proposals.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what further representations he has received over the proposed Assembly in the Province.

I am confident that the people of Northern Ireland welcome the opportunity of having a greater say in the conduct of the affairs of the Province. Despite reservations, no political party has demonstrated an intention not to take part in elections for the proposed Assembly. I have received only a small trickle of further representations, including a welcome from the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in Ireland for the attempt to fill the political vacuum.

Will my right hon. Friend congratulate the Official Unionist Party on its decision actively to recruit candidates to fight the Assembly elections? Will the SDLP do the same?

I am glad that the Official Unionist Party is recruiting candidates to fight the elections and I hope that they will be determined to make the Assembly work once it is established. The same applies to the SDLP.

We know that the Secretary of State will do his utmost to make the Assembly a success, but if, despite his efforts, it does not succeed, is it likely that the Government will bring forward further constitutional measures for the Province?

I think that "One at a time" is the answer to that.

Will the Assembly elections be fought on the 17 new boundaries or on the existing 12, as the change would provide fairer and better representation for the Ulster people? Is the Secretary of State aware that there is anxiety about the delay in the announcement?

I cannot yet make an announcement on this matter. It depends upon the progress that the Bill makes in the House of Lords. As soon as I can make an announcement, I shall. However, we must bear it in mind that the Boundary Commission has not yet received final representations. It will take some time to consider those representations, and it may be too late for us to move the necessary orders to enable us to hold the elections on the new constituencies.

During our debate on the Northern Ireland Bill the Secretary of State said that he would order an internal inquiry into the documents so dramatically produced by the right hon. Member for Down, South (Mr. Powell). Can he tell us anything about the authenticity of the documents or the academic researcher? Will he comment on the rumour that the academic researcher is or was a paid or unpaid employee of the Official Unionist Party?

I cannot comment on the latter point, but I have received the letter that the hon. Member for Antrim, South (Mr. Molyneaux) sent to No. 10 Downing Street. I shall consider it properly and carefully. The material comprises no official documents or material authenticated by the civil servant who has been named. The hon. Gentleman gave the name of the person who made the notes, but asked that it should not be disclosed. I and my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister respected that wish. However, I understand that the name has subsequently been published in the Press. I should prefer not to comment on the politics or motives of the author of the document that the right hon. Gentleman believed it right to bring to the attention of the House in the way that he did.

Does the Secretary of State agree that, irrespective of the support that his constitutional proposals enjoy throughout the community, the performance of the Northern Ireland football team in Spain enjoys widespread support throughout the Community? It has performed magnificently during the past few weeks. Will the Secretary of State join me and other Northern Ireland Members in sending them best wishes for the match with Austria this afternoon?

Yes. This proposal enjoys full cross-community support, widespread acceptance throughout the entire Province and deserves the warm congratulations of the United Kingdom and beyond. I shall be there on Sunday to see the team play.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland when next he expects to meet the Taoiseach to discuss cross-border security.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he has any plans to meet the Prime Minister of the Republic of Ireland to discuss cross-border co-operation.

At the moment I have no plans to meet members of the Irish Government. But when a meeting is arranged, I should certainly expect to discuss cross-border co-operation on practical matters of benefit to Northern Ireland, including security co-operation.

Will the Secretary of State assure the House that talks with Taoiseach will continue? Is not such dialogue of mutual benefit to both countries and will it not help to secure peace in the Province? Will the right hon. Gentleman ignore right hon. and hon. Members who believe that such talks are a waste of time?

Of course I wish to see good relations maintained and extended. Matters concerning the Prime Minister of the South are generally dealt with by my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister. We have been disappointed by the Irish Government's attitude in recent weeks, but I see no need to discontinue meetings of benefit to Northern Ireland on such matters as gas supply and many other economic affairs.

Does the Secretary of State accept that many of us are reassured by his statement that whether the discussions are about cross-border co-operation or the many other facets of politics in Northern and Southern Ireland, they must continue, no matter who tries to stop them? Does he agree that the position in Northern Ireland is such that it can only help all of us if the discussions continue and if it is made clear repeatedly that they will continue despite efforts to stop them?

We should also make clear what the discussions are about, so that there can be no reason for anyone in Northern Ireland to doubt the attitude of the British Government. Charges levelled at the Government that are completely untrue can then be strongly refuted.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that extradition, apart from its security implications, is a touchstone to the Unionist community of the attitude of Dublin towards it? While extradition is absent, that will be viewed by Unionists as hostility from the South to the North?

I am aware of my hon. Friend's views, which are widely shared. Our views on extradition are well known in the House and to the Irish Government. Although there has been a considerable improvement in the operation of extra-territorial jurisdiction, we should prefer to have extradition.

When the Secretary of State and the Prime Minister next meet the Taoiseach to discuss cross-border security—it is agreed that security and politics go together—will they emphasise to the Taoiseach that it would be advantageous for the Republic to enter into discussions with the Assembly, in line with our new clause 1, which the House decided to reject?

We have had many discussions about that during the past few days and I do not wish to go further than what I said in the debate.

What hope does the Secretary of State have for successful talks with Mr. Haughey, when his spokesman recently reaffirmed that Britain was the aggressor in the Falklands dispute?

I always hope that any sinner may repent of his manner.

We rejoice at the conversion of the Secretary of State. Is it not a fact that of the nine cases that have been taken by the Government under extra-territorial legislation, six have resulted in convictions, which is a 66⅔ per cent. success rate? Furthermore, is it not a fact that neither Government could be asked to produce the evidence upon which extradition was demanded? That would be the evidence needed for the extra-territorial legislation.

Although extra-territorial legislation has taken longer to prove effective than we would have wished, there are signs that that is changing. The hon. Gentleman will have noticed the Gerard Tuite trial that is now taking place. As to the hon. Gentleman's latter point, I must check whether evidence could be given in such terms, but we would provide some evidence if we could obtain extradition.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland on how many occasions he has met representatives of the trade unions in Northern Ireland since he took office.

I have met representatives of the trade unions on 12 occasions.

This may seem a slightly unusual question. Does the Secretary of State appreciate that a large number of Catholic and Protestant workers are demanding that the Northern Ireland trade unions form a Labour Party to represent common interests in the struggle to defend jobs and living standards? Is that not important?

It is hardly for me to pursue the question whether the trade unions should form a Labour Party.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland whether, in view of Her Majesty's Government's policy towards the establishment of a new central body to oversee the financing and the management of higher education outside the universities, he will suspend action on the proposed amalgamation of the New University of Ulster and the Ulster Polytechnic until consideration of the two approaches outlined in the July 1981 consultative document issued by the Secretary of State for Education and Science have been completed.

No, Sir.

Is the Minister aware that senior academics are angry because they suspect certain members of the University Grants Committee of secretly using the proposed amalgamation of the Ulster Polytechnic and the New University to bolster the continuing role of the UGC as the pre-eminent body in higher education?

The proposals for the new institutions to replace the polytechnic and the New University were decided upon by the Government in response to the future higher educational needs of the Province, and for no other reason.

Does the Minister agree that a province the size of Northern Ireland, with a population of its size, needs one good university and one good polytechnic? Is there not a grave danger that with his proposals we shall finish up with two second rate universities?

The point to be drawn from the size of the Province and its higher educational needs is that the binary system makes no sense in the Province. To have two good universities with complementary roles is the real answer to our needs.

Can my hon. Friend say something about the timing of this matter and when he expects to hear from my distinguished constituent Sir Peter Swinnerton-Dyer on the methodology how these institutions can be brought together? In contradiction to the view of the hon. Member for Armagh (Mr. McCusker), will the Minister accept my view, and that of many in the Province, that this amalgamation presents the possibility of having two great universities in Ulster?

I am grateful to my hon. Friend for those remarks, and I agree with the latter part of them. It would be wrong for me to lay down any rigid timetable, because I look forward to receiving sustained advice from the steering group. The most important first task is to examine the staffing implications and the assurances that it can give to the staff and the students of the two institutions concerned.

Can the Minister give any reassurance to the teaching staff and other related staffs in the institutions concerned that there will not be a significant reduction in jobs as a result of the measure? Is the Minister aware that there are real fears that this is cuts in education dressed up as educational progress?

That is not the case. I have now given broad financial guidelines to the steering group, and I look forward to having its advice in the near future on the staffing implications of the merger.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland whether he is satisfied that the Chilver report included accurate figures both as to the scale of provision needed within the Province for higher education and the cost involved in the various institutions and separate disciplines; or whether his Department has made other estimates.

I accept the report's overall assessment of the strengths and weaknesses of the Northern Ireland higher education system and of the need for major changes to match the likely future needs. I have no reason to doubt the general accuracy of the statistics in the report.

Is the Ministr aware that some people challenge some of the statistics? Will he give an assurance that, in implementing whatever recommendatons are made, nothing will be done to impair the high standards of tertiary education in Northern Ireland?

Statistics always lead to arguments between those who produce them. I see that there is a division, but it is not for me to arbitrate. My aim is not simply to maintain but to enhance standards.

I commend the efforts that my hon. Friend is making to meet various interested bodies and discuss the Chilver report, but may I ask him whether he has now succeeded in allaying the fears and misgivings of the Catholic Church in Northern Ireland about the recommendations of the report?

The question asked by the hon. Member for Belfast, South (Rev. Martin Smyth) referred to the main Chilver report about universities. I am still having discussions with those concerned with the interim report on teacher training, but I hope that I have managed to allay any fears of the Catholic Church that the proposals in the interim report or the Government's response to it are in any way designed to interfere with the strong denominational content of teacher training in the Province.

The Chilver report at least had the merit that it envisaged the continuation of non-sectarian teacher training in a university setting. Will the Minister give an assurance that there will not be a reduction in nonsectarian teacher training places?

I can see nothing in the suggestions or proposals that would bring that about.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will make a statement about the current state of employment in the Province.

The latest available employment figures are for December 1981. At that time there were 464,050 employees in employment in Northern Ireland. At June 1981, a further 72,950 persons were self-employed.

May we be assured that the percentage of Northern Ireland public expenditure given to industrial development is more than being maintained? Will the Minister assure us that EEC money will not, in this distressed region, be the victim of the Treasury rules about additionality?

I assure my hon. Friend that the proportion of public spending in Northern Ireland given to industrial development will be maintained. It is running at a higher percentage than under the previous Administration and is a priority for spending. As to additionality, the Treasury would argue that as public expenditure as a whole takes into account receipts from the Common Market, in theory, if the rule were not applied, there would be no net benefit to the Province.

As circumstances in Northern Ireland are so grave, and as the possibility of employing people in construction is probably the best way, for a relatively low sum per head, of getting jobs, will the Ministers from Northern Ireland again represent to the Treasury that in this case additionality should not be applied?

The additionality rule is not being applied to the £16 million for housing. Representations continue to be made through the Council of Ministers to remove the block on that money so that it can be spent where it is most deserved.

In view of these devastating figures, will the Secretary of State give an explanation to the House, either now or in the near future, of why he started the small engineering investment scheme in March of this year and cancelled it in June, on the apparently incredible basis that there were too many applications costing too much money?

The hon. Gentleman is demonstrating, as he frequently does, his complete lack of appreciation of what public expenditure is about. The Government decided that £20 million would be made available to the scheme throughout the United Kingdom. It was increased to £30 million and it was decided in the interests of public expenditure as a whole that that was all that could be awarded for the scheme at the moment.

As the borough of Carrickfergus has been hardest hit by unemployment in the east of the Province, will the Minister tell us whether there are any prospects of new jobs in that area?

I cannot specify any new jobs, but the hon. Gentleman is well aware that Carrickfergus has a higher grant eligibility, which recognises the serious problem there. I commend the efforts of the Industrial Development Organisation, in particular, and the work that it is doing to attract jobs to the area.

Does the Minister accept that one of the great hopes for the new Assembly, which I very much support, is that it will create more employment in the Province, because those in the Province—politicians who are nearest to the work force and who know the area best—can often take initiatives which people in Whitehall and Stormont cannot do?

The Assembly, which represents a first step towards devolved government, will provide greater confidence that the present political instability in the Province will be overcome. That will have an important effect. Moreover, the presence of the Select Committees, as they come face to face with the industrial realities, will develop a greater responsibility among local politicians. That, too, will be of benefit.

Is it not a fact that the disgracefully high unemployment in Northern Ireland is now so severe—even worse than elsewhere, as far as I know—that it is undoubtedly eroding the very industrial base of the community? Is not the Minister deeply worried that if there is an upswing that erosion will have been so severe that industry in Northern Ireland will not be in a position to fulfil the commitments that will arise in such an upswing?

I do not believe that. The economy of the Province has depended on that of Great Britain for a long time, and I believe that it will respond to an upturn in the United Kingdom economy as a whole. Nevertheless, when employment in manufacturing is as low as 105,000, it shows, as I said in my original answer, how narrow that base is.

Will my hon. Friend say to what extent the Belfast enterprise zone is helping to generate employment opportunities?

I shall certainly give my hon. Friend details, but it is correct to say that it is attracting both new businesses and relocated businesses, and therefore is of considerable help. It is too early to say whether the experiment is something that we should build on in the future.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what is the latest position concerning the De Lorean sports car company.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will make a statement on the De Lorean Car Co. Ltd. at Dunmurry.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will make a further statement about the receivership of the De Lorean Car Company.

On 31 May 1982, production ceased at Dunmurry and almost all of the employees were made redundant. The joint receivers and managers continue in discussion with a United Kingdom consortium and with De Lorean Motor Company Inc. about the acquisition of the business and the eventual resumption of production at Dunmurry. If these discussions should fail and no other firm proposals come forward, the liquidation of the company would be inevitable. The prospects of a favourable outcome are not enhanced by the prolongation of the sit-in and picket of the company's premises conducted by former employees.

The Minister will know that it was widely reported in the press recently that Mr. De Lorean himself was intending to restart production. Does he have priority over the other interests? What is his present interest in the factory?

We understand that Mr. De Lorean is a small shareholder in the newly registered company, De Lorean Motor Company Inc., to which I referred. A letter of intent was signed to the effect that that company would purchase the shares of De Lorean Motor Cars (1982) Ltd. from the receivers, effective on or before 1 September 1982. The agreement is subject to contract and provides that the receivers might, on or before 31 July 1982, enter into an agreement with another party if, in their judgment, the other party offered greater security for the continuance of the business.

Can the Minister assure the House that in any dealings with the receiver, his main priority will be security of jobs in Northern Ireland? In particular, will he be very guarded about any front organisation that has John Z. De Lorean behind it, and thus ensure that the assets remain in Northern Ireland to secure jobs there, rather than being removed to establish jobs in, say, Puerto Rico? Does the Minister accept that the sit-in is a desperate attempt to preserve jobs by workers who realise that for a long time in this company they have been the pawns between the Government and Mr. De Lorean?

There is no doubt that the receivers know that any proposition that they put to the Government would have to involve a continuation of production at Dunmurry.

Will my hon. Friend say whether, in discussions with the possible consortium, there has been any suggestion that the Government should give some financial assistance to enable the consortium to take over De Lorean?

The negotiations with the consortium are between the receivers and managers and the consortium. The Government are not a party in them. The receivers and managers are well aware of the Government's views on the matter.

As many subcontractors were encouraged by the Labour Government to believe that the company was a Government-backed concern, will the Minister and the Government do everything in their power to protect the interests of those creditors, for whom the consequences could be disastrous?

I am aware of the serious position of the creditors and of what a final collapse of the company would mean. The best thing for the Government to do, and what they are doing, is to encourage the receivers and managers in their efforts to come to an agreement with the consortium or with any other party that can provide a viable future. Therein lie the best prospects for the creditors.

Can my hon. Friend assure us that the discussions between the receivers and the consortium, and perhaps De Lorean, are not exclusive of efforts to find alternative uses for the plant in the event of those discussions not being successful?

Certainly, the discussions are not exclusive. The responsibilities of the receivers and managers are well defined. At present, only the United Kingdom consortium and the De Lorean interest, the new registered company, are on the scene. If other proposals are made during the comparatively short time that is left, I know that the receivers will take them seriously.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will, pursuant to his reply to the hon. Member for West Stirlingshire (Mr. Canavan) on 27 May, Official Report, column 1043, make a further statement on the use of plastic bullets by the security forces.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland how many people in Northern Ireland have died and how many have been injured by rubber or plastic bullets.

Although not all inquiries into recent incidents have yet been completed and a number of inquests have yet to be held, I believe that since 22 April 1972, when the first such death occurred, 13 people may have died from injuries caused by baton rounds. Since 17 March 1981, when we began to keep records of such injuries, 203 people have received some form of hospital treatment for injuries thought to have been caused by plastic baton rounds. Information from the police is not readily available as to how many people sustained injuries before this date.

I thank my right hon. Friend for that answer, particularly his last remarks. Does he recall that the last time he answered questions on Northern Ireland he was subjected to considerable personal attack over the use of baton rounds by the security forces? Does he agree that the use of such bullets is an example of restraint in the face of almost intolerable provocation, in contra-distinction to what is happening in the Lebanon at the moment? Does he not further agree that most nations, faced with insurrections such as we face in Northern Ireland, would use real bullets?

My hon. Friend's last remark is correct. Baton rounds should be used only as a last resort. I am satisfied that that is the view of the force commanders. The obvious answer is for us not to have riots.

Will the Secretary of State confirm that about half of the fatal casualties were children? Will he investigate reports that in some cases the bullets had been doctored by the insertion of blades, nails and electric torch batteries? Is it not high time that the Government, once and for all, implemented a complete ban on the use of those lethal weapons, which have been used to murder innocent children?

No, Sir. I am not prepared to place the forces of law and order at risk in the manner that the hon.

What is the logic of the argument against the use of baton rounds? Is it that live rounds should be used or that there should be a surrender to anarchy?

I agree with my hon. Friend. The right answer is to reduce the tensions and rioting in Northern Ireland so that we do not have to use such weapons, so that there would be none of the consequences that their use has at times resulted in.

Does the Secretary of State agree that security forces in Northern Ireland have used baton rounds when they would have been within their rights, according to the yellow card provisions, to use conventional weapons? However, there is some disquiet—I put it no higher than that—that the strict criteria, equivalent to that imposed by the yellow card on the use of lead bullets, have on some occasions been relaxed. I am not saying that that is happening now, but will the Secretary of State give the assurance, implicit in his statement, that the number of occasions on which baton rounds have been used has continue to decrease since the peak during the hunger strike riots last year and that the strict criteria for the use of baton rounds are being followed?

Yes, Sir. I can give the assurance asked for by the right hon. Gentleman and the House. Of course I am worried, because I know the effect that the use of baton rounds can have on the general population. However, I am not prepared to leave the forces unprotected by the withdrawal of a weapon which they may need and the use of which I know the right hon. Gentleman respects.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will make a statement on the co-operation with the Republic of Ireland over security in the border region.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will make a statement on frontier security.

I know from my regular discussions with the Chief Constable that the close and professional relationship between the Royal Ulster Constabulary and the Garda Siochana continues to be of great importance in the prevention and detection of terrorist activity on both sides of the border.

Is there sufficient will power in the Republic for such a relationship to continue and has it increased recently? How many people have been apprehended on the Irish side of the border since Mr. Haughey became Prime Minister again?

I cannot give the figure for which my hon. Friend asks. I am not even certain that it is in our possession. However, I shall see what figures can be given, although they are not our responsibility. I am satisfied and confident that the joint security effort against terrorism continues at the same level as before.

Does the Secretary of State accept that approximately 40 per cent. of terrorist attacks originate in the Irish Republic and that most are directed against targets within 10 miles of the frontier? Despite the attitude of the Government of the Irish Republic towards the Falkland's war, does he argue that they should do their plain duty with regard to the invasion nearer home?

I sincerely hope that that will be the case; that they will recognise the importance to them as well as to Northern Ireland of fighting terrorism by every means in their power. Many attacks are launched across the border, although I do not have the exact percentage. The remarks of the hon. Member for Armagh (Mr. McCusker) in the House yesterday will have drawn attention to those terrible crimes once more.

asked the Prime Minister what reply she has made to the letter addressed to her from Mr. Copley of the boilermakers union regarding the consequences of redundancy at GEC Large Machines Ltd., in the constituency of the hon. Member for Bradford, North.

I replied on 30 June to Mr. Copley and I have sent the hon. Gentleman a copy of my reply.

May I acknowledge the Prime Minister's courtesy in sending me a copy of the letter. Does she agree that large industrial organisations owe a social obligation to the community in which they operate and that if they have any liquid assets they should be invested at home rather than abroad? Will the Prime Minister say what positive steps the Government are taking to deal with unemployment, rather than sitting back and negatively waiting for all good things to flow from the drop in inflation?

I know that people who have worked for a company in the hon. Gentleman's constituency for a long time have been made redundant. From the notices issued the hon. Gentleman will know that the costs of that company exceeded the revenue from sales and that it could have produced its turnover in only half the space being used at present. On commercial grounds, it could have closed down with the loss of all the jobs, but, because it realised the effect that that would have on the area, about 350 jobs were kept in Thornbury.

asked the Prime Minister if she will list her official engagements for 1 July.

This morning I presided at a meeting of the Cabinet and had meetings with ministerial colleagues and others. In addition to my duties in the House, I shall be having further meetings later today.

I thank my right hon. Friend for that full and interesting reply. What is the Prime Minister's view, bearing in mind her words in the House last Tuesday concerning the NUR dispute, on the possibility of a strike being called for this weekend by ASLEF? What advice would she give to ASLEF members?

I regret that ASLEF has not shown the good sense and consideration for travellers that the NUR has shown. Flexible rostering, which I understand is the breaking point with ASLEF, has been discussed by the Railway Staff National Tribunal, by Lord McCarthy, by ACAS—by almost everyone. There is not much more room for further discussion. The issues are clear, and I hope that ASLEF will realise that, consider the travellers and the customers—those who wish to go on holiday and who have to travel to work—and refrain from striking next week.

Since it is clear that a railway strike next week would be disastrous for the railway industry and for the country as a whole, does the right hon. Lady agree that we should all approve of the fact that there is at least a glimmer of light? In the past few hours the possibility has arisen of fresh discussions at ACAS, and they might succeed if everyone works towards that end. Cannot the Government encourage British Rail to contribute to a settlement, just as Mr. Len Murray has helped, by encouraging the unions to reach a settlement? Is that not the best way forward, and should we not encourage that possibility of a settlement?

British Rail has done almost everything possible—indeed, it has done everything possible—on flexible rostering. The issue has been referred to the Railway Staff National Tribunal and has already been considered by ACAS. After all, British Rail paid in advance for productivity that the unions promised to deliver. British Rail has played its part, and so has Lord McCarthy. Therefore, I hope that there will not be a strike on Monday.

Will the right hon. Lady give her encouragement to this latest attempt to stop the strike?

I have already said that I hope that there will not be a strike on Monday and that the productivity, for which money has already been paid, will be forthcoming in the interests of those who work in the industry, of the railways, and of the travellers.

Can my right hon. Friend confirm that about 2·5 million Afghans have now left their unfortunate country and that they represent about one-seventh of the population? Could not the British Government take the initiative within the international community—just as we did over the Vietnamese boat people—and obtain better conditions for those refugees, who are the latest victims of Soviet colonial policy?

The number of refugees who have left Afghanistan for Pakistan must be at least 2 million, and the figure is probably nearer 2·5 million. We have made separate efforts to help and have given money towards maintaining those people. Through the United Nations Commissioner for Refugees, who is doing a superb job of caring for those people, we are helping the refugees. In addition, the Government of Pakistan and its people are doing very well in looking after the tremendous number of refugees who have suddenly crossed their borders. We shall certainly see whether there is anything more that we can do.

Will the Prime Minister urgently discuss with the appropriate Ministers the findings of the Select Committee on Energy, which were published this morning, and which state that cost-effective savings of 30 per cent. in energy consumption could be made? Will she consider the criticisms of fragmentation of responsibility among Government bodies and of a lack of political will at the heart of Government? There could be a lot of jobs in this.

There is no lack of political will on the Government's part to reduce energy costs and to make energy savings, whether they are made through insulation, or better systems. Much is already being done. We shall, of course, reply to the report, but the best way to reduce the cost of electricity is to keep down the cost of coal.

asked the Prime Minister if she will list her official engagements for Thursday 1 July.

I refer my hon. Friend to the reply that I gave some moments ago.

Has my right hon. Friend seen the report in today's edition of The Times stating that there is to be "no question" of a parade by returning units of the task force prior to the thanksgiving service in St. Paul's, although that has been the tradition when commemorating such victories? Has my right hon. Friend also noticed that the service is to contain passages in Spanish, as a gesture to the people of the Argentine? Will she at least congratulate the lord mayor of Plymouth, whose city is to have a proper victory parade and whose service, in St. Andrew's church, will be in the old form and in the English language?

I confirm that there will be a thanksgiving service in St. Paul's cathedral on Monday, 26 July for the liberation of the Falkland Islands and in remembrance of those who fell in the campaign. As a considerable number of the task force will still be in the Falklands area and in the South Atlantic, we thought that that form of thanksgiving would be better than a victory parade. Nevertheless, victory parades can be held in other parts of the country and I congratulate the lord mayor of Plymouth on his initiative. It has not yet been decided whether there will be a final victory parade, but if there is one, it will have to be delayed for some time. My hon. Friend mentioned the report in The Times. The order of service has not yet been decided. I can understand the parts of the report that gave rise to concern. I share that concern and I hope that there is no truth in it.

Since Lord Carrington resigned—presumably as a matter of honour—with two of his colleagues, is it not of some interest that the Head of Government, who wrote on 3 February that there was a sufficient force in the Falklands to deter any possible form of aggression, should have a somewhat different concept of honour or responsibility? Or does the right hon. Lady take the view that any one else in her Administration can take the blame for errors or misjudgments—and the Falkland Islands were a costly error for Britain in terms of blood and money—as long as she can keep her job?

I have already replied to that point. The Government's decisions, supported by the House—in the main—and by the people, to recover the Falkland Islands were excellently taken, and the islands have been liberated. I believe that the inquiry will show that anything sent to the Falkland Islands would have been insufficient to deter an invasion, but could have led to many casualties without ships or facilities being available to pick up the soldiers and sailors. However, I have seen the leaders of the Opposition parties and I hope to be in a position next week to make an anouncement about a full—indeed very full—inquiry.

Has my right hon. Friend read the report in today's edition of The Times to the effect that Guatemala does not recognise the independence of Belize? Will she ensure that little Sate's independence?

Belize is, of course, fully independent. At the moment we have a garrison and a number of Harrier aircraft there. They will stay there, at any rate for the time being.

Is the Prime Minister aware that 600 more jobs will be lost from three British Steel Corporation factories in Sheffield in the next few weeks, despite the fact that they are three of the most modern factories in the world? Does she appreciate that the world recession, the Government's strict cash limits, and cheap imports from Europe—which heavily subsidises energy costs—mean that every time there is a recession the British Steel industry suffers more than any other industry? When will the Government attack growing unemployment as energetically as they prosecuted the war in the Falkland Islands?

In Europe and throughout the world there is great over-production of steel. For that reason, Europe came to an agreement that each country would produce a certain amount of steel. We are trying to ensure that that agreement is honoured. As the hon. Lady knows, we have also made representations to the United States of America about the countervailing duties that have been imposed, because they have been wrongly imposed on steel products from Britain. British steel was once heavily subsidised, and coal is still subsidised. Indeed, coal is one of the main factors in the price of electricity.

My right hon. Friend just said that she hoped to make a statement next week about an inquiry into the Falkland Islands conflict. If the reports that have appeared in the press are correct and she wishes to institute an inquiry that predates the recent incidence, there are five former Prime Ministers alive who have an equal right to take part in the decision about an inquiry. Indeed, they have just as equal a right as the leaders of the Opposition parties. By what constitutional right does my right hon. Friend presume to institute an inquiry into the policies and management of previous Administrations—[Interruption.] What is more, may I ask my right hon. Friend what consultations have taken place with the previous Heads of Administration? As far as I am concerned, there have been none.

Scandalous.

I have no objection to the record of my Administration being examined. However, I have not been asked to give authority for the release of papers from 1970 to 1974, which are still covered by the 30-year rule. May I also ask the Prime Minister whether she recognises that those of us who have experienced the treatment of a previous Administration by herself and her advisers can have no confidence whatever in an inquiry set up without consultation or consideration with the previous Heads of Administration?

With regard to going back over the records of previous Administrations, it is necessary to adjudge our intelligence and defence assessments by the side of previous intelligence messages and defence assessments. I am sure that my right hon. Friend would not in any way wish to prejudice a judgment made on a very distinguished Foreign Secretary by withholding that or by withholding the documents. With regard to permission to consult Cabinet papers, I am advised that I do not necessarily have to ask for that. Nevertheless, I have made it known that it would be my intention to ask each and every previous Prime Minister, as a matter of courtesy, whatever the constitutional position, if he would agree that the appropriate Cabinet minutes and committees can be looked at. At present the rule is that they can be looked at only by those who were involved. They have a right to look at anything in which they personally were involved. I shall, of course, therefore consult previous Prime Ministers—[HON. MEMBERS: "Ah".]—about whether they will agree to the papers connected with their Administration being put at the disposal of the inquiry. That will be the right way to proceed. I shall be astonished if there are any difficulties.

On a point of order, Mr. Speaker. In reply to questions the Prime Minister said that she would make an announcement on the Falkland Islands inquiry next week. Can it be made indelibly clear that that announcement will be in the form of a statement to the House, which is absolutely necessary, in view of the previous exchanges?

I confirm that.