asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will introduce measures to strengthen the links between Northern Ireland and the rest of the United Kingdom.

As a constituent part of the United Kingdom, Northern Ireland's links with Great Britain are already strong and close.

In view of the massive effort that the United Kingdom made to secure the position of fewer than 2,000 British citizens some 8,000 miles away, is not anyone who still believes in a united Ireland living in a dream world, the only outcome of which can be tragedy and nightmare? Will my right hon. Friend advise such people that the best thing that they can dc in the circumstances is to make the best of the fact that Northern Ireland is and will remain part of the United Kingdom indefinitely?

The hon. Gentleman is helping the terrorists.

I cannot stop anyone living in a dream world, but all the people of Northern Ireland would do best to take part in the constitutional government of Northern Ireland.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland whether he will make a statement about constitutional developments in Northern Ireland.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will make a statement on progress to date towards the development of cross-community support in the Northern Ireland Assembly.

asked the Secretary of St ate for Northern Ireland whether he is satisfied with the working of the Northern Ireland Assembly.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will make a statement on the progress of constitutional reform in Northern Ireland.

The Northern Ireland Assembly resumed its work after the Christmas Recess on 25 January. As envisaged, a good deal of business is being handled by the six statutory committees corresponding to the Northern Ireland Departments. I welcome the fact that all the parties attending the Assembly are participating in the work of these committees. It remains a matter of regret that the SDLP has not taken its seats. I believe that Northern Ireland's interests would be best served if the elected representatives of all the constitutional parties were to seek agreement on devolution in the Assembly.

Will my right hon. Friend confirm that the internal procedures of the Assembly are not a matter for the British Government and that he will not intervene in disputes between Members of the Assembly and the Speaker?

I can confirm both parts of my hon. Friend's supplementary question. It would be much in the interests of the Assembly if we allowed it to get on with its work.

When will the Secretary of State admit that his Northern Ireland Assembly is an absolute farce because of its inbuilt Unionist majority, which resulted from the gerrymandered division of Ireland more than half a century ago? When will he admit that the only constitutional change that will bring lasting stability to the people of Ireland is the peaceful reunification of Ireland, which is now the official policy of the Labour party?

If the hon. Gentleman believes that that will happen tomorrow, he has a lot to learn about the state of opinion in Northern Ireland.

As, by any standards, Northern Ireland needs a period of constitutional peace and continuity, will my right hon. Friend refrain from encouraging the Prime Minister of the Irish Republic to propose any fresh initiative that might carry the majority of people in Northern Ireland along a road that they do not wish to travel?

It is not for me to restrain the Taoiseach from having views of his own. I am strongly concerned with the future constitutional position of Northern Ireland within the United Kingdom. I hope that all hon. Members will give me what assistance they can to help with that development.

Does the Secretary of State agree that Northern Ireland needs not just constitutional peace but peace, and that the present situation is not conducive to that? How is the Northern Ireland Assembly progressing, since the minority community is not represented because its representatives are not attending the Assembly? Will he make a statement about that, as it is the crux of the matter?

The answer to that, with deep regret, is that one of the minority parties is not attending the Assembly. The Alliance party, however, which has a number of Catholics, is attending the Assembly and is playing a full part in it. I hope that the hon. Gentleman will use his influence to help the SDLP to play a full part, too.

Will the Secretary of State take it from me that, far from being a farce, the Northern Ireland Assembly is already getting down to useful work? Does he appreciate that there is more time in the Assembly than in this House to concentrate on examining Government legislation and proposing changes to it, and that Assembly Members have already seen some fruit from their labours?

Another gravy train.

There is much in what the hon. Member for Belfast, East (Mr. Robinson) says. I believe that the Assembly, even in its present form, is performing a task which the people of Northern Ireland wish to see carried out. The more that it gets on with that task, the better.

Does the Secretary of State agree that after nearly 14 years of murder and carnage the possibility of peaceful reunification suggested by my hon. Friend the Member for West Stirlingshire (Mr. Canavan) does not exist at the present time? Does he further agree that, irrespective of what may be said in Dublin, in this House, in Washington or in the European Community, the only people who can resolve the differences that now divide Northern Ireland are the Protestant and Catholic communities of the north, that that must be the starting point and that every effort should be geared to that?

I endorse all that the hon. Gentleman said. I urge hon. Members in all parts of the House to appreciate the difficulty of the problem and the necessity to seek a solution in the context of the two traditions of Northern Ireland.

Will the Secretary of State take it from me, as one who has tried to be helpful on this and who has spoken to members of the SDLP, that, sadly, there is no possibility of the SDLP taking part in the Assembly, at any rate before the next general election? Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that if he wishes to take the minority community with him he must take its views into account when considering what is said in the Assembly about cross-community support?

I am aware that I must take the views of the SDLP into account, and that factor would always be before this House if any proposals for devolution were put before us. In the meantime, I shall try to give the SDLP as much access as possible to government and to what is happening.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will make a statement about the new Belfast city hospital block and the implications for future financing of the hospital services in Northern Ireland.

Allowing time for its commission, the new Belfast city hospital will come into use in the summer of 1985 at a total estimated capital cost, including equipment and fees, of £62·5 million at December 1982 prices. It will provide greatly enhanced inpatient and outpatient facilities for the Greater Belfast area as well as some specialised regional services.

I welcome that statement, but is the Minister aware of suggestions that it is more economical to delay completion of the project than to try to operate it as a viable economic unit?

I am aware of those suggestions and I should be the first to admit that the saga of the Belfast city hospital has not been entirely happy. We believe, however, that it would be a great mistake to mothball such a splendid new building, which will provide first-class additional facilities for the whole Province and especially for the hon. Gentleman's constituency.

How many extra staff will be employed as a consequence of opening the new block?

There will be a level transfer of staff from the present Belfast city hospital to the new tower block, although there may be changes in numbers above and below establishment in certain nursing specialties.

Will the Minister give an assurance that the escalating costs of the hospital will in no way reduce financial allocations to the Northern board which would prevent work proceeding on the new hospital in Antrim?

We shall be making about £2 million extra available to the Eastern board to help run the Belfast hospital when it is completed and when it is open in 1985. I am well aware of the hon. Gentleman's concern that the proposed Antrim hospital should begin as soon as possible. We hope that it will begin as soon as possible after 1984–85. We have certainly learnt from some of the unfortunate experiences surrounding the building of the tower block in Belfast and we hope that the Antrim project will not suffer from the same problems.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he is satisfied with the powers and responsibilities of the Standing Advisory Commission on Human Rights.

I believe that it is right that the commission's statutory remit should concentrate on political and religious discrimination, but my my right hon. Friend is aware of the commission's concern about its functions and he will be writing to the chairman shortly on that subject.

Does the Minister agree that it would be desirable to widen the remit and powers of the commission and, in particular, to allow it to investigate subjects of its own choosing, an example of considerable concern being the delay in coroners' reports coming forward on the deaths of children as a result of the use of plastic baton rounds?

My right hon. Friend is well aware of the concern already expressed by the commission to have its remit extended beyond straightforward political and religious issues. From time to timeprevious Secretaries of State have referred certain issues to the commission for consultation and my right hon. Friend is certainly not disbarred from referring specific items to it at some future time. He is at present considering the general request and will shortly be writing to the commission and answering exactly the questions that the hon. Gentleman raises.

Does the Minister accept that it is important to increase the investigatory powers which the commission needs to carry out its job effectively, otherwise allegations about organisations and institutions in Northern Ireland will be made, fairly or unfairly, and will never be answered to the satisfaction of the minority community? Does the Minister agree that the investigatory powers of the standing commission are extremely important in that respect?

I am sure that the hon. Gentleman will agree that it is not only the problems of the minority community, but sometimes also those of the majority community, that need to be examined. That having been said, however, the commission is not the only organisation concerned with human rights in the Province. There is also the Equal Opportunities Commission and the Fair Employment Agency. We believe that between the three of them they do an excellent job.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland whether he will make a statement on the progress of the negotiations on the Kinsale gas link.

Negotiations at ministerial level are proceeding between the United Kingdom and Irish Governments about the terms on which natural gas might be made available to Northern Ireland from the Kinsale field. Those negotiations are being pressed forward urgently with a view to reaching an early conclusion, one way or the other.

Is the Minister aware that his reference to urgency will be welcomed by people on both sides of the border in Ireland? In view of the extreme importance of this project to the people of the six counties of the northeast, however, will he tell us more about the funding of the project and when he expects to announce a date for the gas to become available?

The hon. Gentleman is absolutely right. The uncertainty must be removed as soon as possible. That is why I am working towards a decision in the near future. The total capital cost is likely to be about £150 million. It is difficult to say when the gas will actually be available to consumers, as that depends on the timing of decisions, but it will probably be about two years after the decision date.

Has the Minister a recent estimate of the comparative cost of this project and the project of bringing North sea gas from Great Britain to the Province?

I can certainly supply the figures to the right hon. Gentleman, but this was looked at carefully some little while ago. The capital cost of bringing gas, probably from Scotland, made the likelihood of the project's viability extremely doubtful. He must recognise that the costs which have to be compared are those of bringing gas from Dublin to the border and the relatively long under-sea crossing from the mainland.

Did the Government's consideration of this project have more to do with cross-border relationships than energy or economic advantage? Would it not be to the Province's energy and economic advantage if the Government gave greater consideration to the coal industry?

Of course the project has cross-border implications, but I assure the hon. Gentleman that these are almost entirely commercial. It would be foolish to deny that there are any political overtones, but, equally, I confirm that the project will not go ahead unless it makes commercial sense.

I always believed and understood that there was spare energy capacity in Northern Ireland and would be for some considerable time. Is it not a fact that if a new source of energy is brought into Northern Ireland it can only be at the expense of the forms of energy that are already there, which are already subsidised by the Government?

It is correct that there is today overcapacity in electricity generation, but we are talking about a project which would have a minimum 20-year life. The Government's point of view is that, all things being equal, it is right that the people of Northern Ireland should have the same choice of fuels as others have in the United Kingdom. At the moment they are denied natural gas at reasonable prices.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will make a statement on the Northern Ireland economy.

As in the rest of the United Kingdom, the effects of recession have continued to be felt in Northern Ireland during the past year.

I thank my right hon. Friend for that reply. Does he agree that gunmen in the Province are killing off jobs just as surely as they are killing people? Does he agree also that political intransigence in the Province will effectively discourage the private sector from seeking to move in to replace jobs that have been lost?

Yes, Sir. Nothing is more damaging to the Province than its reputation for violence. That is why it is vital that we do all we can to win the battle against the gunmen and restore political stability.

Is the Secretary of State in a position to make a progress report on the negotiations with the Michelin tyre company on continued production at Mallusk and Ballymena?

No, Sir. I have nothing to add to what I said at the meeting I had with the hon. Gentleman and some of his honourable colleagues a little while ago. I recognise the great anxiety in Northern Ireland about this project. I recognise also the considerable contribution that the hon. Gentleman and other hon. Members have sought to make in helping with this difficult matter. The difficulty is basically one of surplus car and tyre production throughout the United Kingdom and Western Europe.

Does the Minister agree that if some Northern Ireland politicians, including some in the House, spent more time discussing unemployment in the Northern Ireland economy and made fewer sectarian speeches, which frighten off foreign investors, the Northern Ireland economy might be in a better state?

I share some of the feelings behind the hon. Gentleman's remarks. However, I do not want to add fuel to the fire. To do so would not do any good.

Does my right hon. Friend agree that there are some good signs in Northern Ireland, particularly at Short Brothers, which is taking on new men. Does the success of the 330, the 360 and even the Sherpa in world markets prove that a company such as Short Brothers can do well and work with high technology, which can be successful?

Yes, Sir. Short Brothers is the jewel in the crown at the moment. One must remember that, despite all the troubles in Northern Ireland, the quality of its labour force and the lack of industrial strife are important points in Northern Ireland's favour which are not generally recognised in the rest of the United Kingdom and beyond.

Has the Secretary of State given careful consideration to the report issued last week by the Northern Ireland trade unions? Will he pay particular attention to their recommendations on employment grants and on support to the indigenous industries and the house building project?

Of course I shall give careful consideration to this report, although I have only just received it. It involves a considerable increase in public expenditure over and above the increases that have already been allocated to Northern Ireland during the past two years and over and above the considerable extra public expenditure already available to the people of Northern Ireland compared with any other part of the United Kingdom. One must bear all those points in mind, but I welcome any help towards improving the economic position in Northern Ireland.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will make a statement on the current security situation in Northern Ireland.

Since I last answered questions on 23 December eight people have died in incidents arising from the security situation in the Province.

I thank my right hon. Friend for that reply. Is he aware that the thanks of the House go out to those security forces who are doing such a splendid job in difficult circumstances? Can he assure the House that cross-border co-operation with the Republic is continuing? Can he comment on last night's stealing of Shergar and the fact that it is reported that the horse is in Northern Ireland and has been abducted by the Provisional IRA?

It is still too early to say what lies behind the kidnapping of Shergar, but I understand that the Republic's police have not yet ruled out terrorist involvement. It has been discovered that the horse-box that was used was stolen from South Armagh, so it is possible that the horse is in Northern Ireland. Neither I nor anyone else knows at this stage. We are satisfied that cross-border security co-operation is continuing at a high level.

We all rejoice in Northern Ireland at the increasing strength of the RUC. However, how many of the extra men who have been recruited over the past few years are now carrying out duties formerly performed by Army personnel?

I cannot give the exact details of strength requested by the hon. Gentleman. I am not certain that it would be in the interests of the security operation to do so. It is part of the Government's policy that, as the strength of the police force increases, that of the Army should be reduced wherever possible. That is absolutely right both for Northern Ireland and for the Army.

In view of the ghastly murder of Judge Doyle, should not those who administer justice in Northern Ireland be given protection if they so require? Is it not vital that, even if they request not to be given that protection, it should be given anyway?

I urge all those who are offered protection and who are considered to be risks to accept that protection. They have a duty to society to put up with that protection, however onerous it may be from time to time. The RUC is available to give advice to anyone who believes that he requires it.

Will my right hon. Friend enlighten the House on the personal background of the two who were involved in the clash with the Army in Londonderry on 2 February, one of whom was killed and the other of whom was wounded? Is there any sign of progress in getting extradition of wanted criminals from the Republic of Ireland to stand trial in Northern Ireland?

I again drew the latter point to the attention of the Government of the Republic when the Foreign Minister came to see me the other day. It was claimed that one of the two shot in Londonderry a little while ago was a member of the INLA on active service. I have no further information that I can give to the House, but a report is being prepared and will be considered in due course both by the RUC and the Director of Public Prosecutions.

Has it been drawn to the Secretary of State's attention that in the week following the brutal murder of Judge William Doyle it was reported in the Republican newspaper The Republican News, that the IRA claimed responsibility and boasted how its men were dressed in the appropriate gear to go to that chapel in a middle class area and carry out that atrocious murder? Has it been drawn to the Secretary of State's attention that since then, on television, one of the IRA's spokesmen who was elected to Stormont in the recent Assembly elections said that Judge William Doyle was a legitimate target on the ground that he supported the police, the UDR, the Army and the judicial system? If we are to follow that line of reasoning, the majority community and a large section of the Catholic community in Northern Ireland will fear that they are legitimate targets.

That illustrates the problem in Northern Ireland of dealing with a small number of terrorists who are out to murder. Reports reached me that after the murder of Judge Doyle there were celebration parties in parts of west Belfast that night. How can one have anything more barbaric and disgraceful than that?

Does the Secretary of State accept that there is still widespread dissatisfaction with his security policy for Northern Ireland? Is he aware that that widespread dissatisfaction has reached such a level that the Police Federation of Northern Ireland is examining whether to put a case before the European Court of Human Rights against the policy because it is endangering; the lives of its members?

That has not been drawn to my attention. I hope that the Police Federation will consider its attitude carefully before it takes such action, because I do not believe that that would be consistent with loyalty to the police force, to the Government, or to the task that it is asked to perform. However, no one will be satisfied with security in Northern Ireland until all terrorism has ended. We shall continue every effort to reach that conclusion.

Is the Secretary of State aware that the Opposition deplore deaths in Northern Ireland, however they happen? They are a sheer waste of human life and are unnecessary. Will the Secretary of State give us the figures for the use of baton rounds in the past week or month? Is their use under political control? Is their lack of use due to political intervention or to the fact that, purely and simply, there have not been riots on the streets of Belfast or Londonderry—riots that have much more sinister connotations than riots in the rest of the United Kingdom? If there are no riots, the baton rounds do not have to be used.

If there are no riots there is no need to use baton rounds. However, one must remember that in the Northern Ireland context rioting is often used as a means of protecting men who are armed and shooting at the security forces. Therefore, the problem in Northern Ireland is different from those in the rest of the United Kingdom. So far we have not found a suitable alternative to the plastic baton round, but I repeat that if there are no riots, there is no need for baton rounds. In fact, since 1 September last year, in other words for over four and a half months, only 19 baton rounds have been fired. I think that I am right in saying that only one has been fired since the beginning of this year.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will make a statement on the latest unemployment figures for Northern Ireland.

At 13 January 1983 there were 116,200 persons unemployed in Northern Ireland. The rate of unemployment was 20·8 per cent. A breakdown of these figures demonstrates the particularly severe level of unemployment in certain areas of the Province. The Government are persevering with their industrial development drive in the face of a continuing worldwide recession and with their comprehensive range of special measures to provide training for young people and to alleviate unemployment in the shorter term.

Are not those figures disgraceful, as are the figures for the rest of the United Kingdom? Recently the Home Secretary accepted in the House that there was a link between rising crime and high unemployment. Does not that also apply to the Province, particularly to young people? What positive steps do the Government intend to take to reduce unemployment, instead of making sympathetic statements and excuses?

I agree with the hon. Gentleman that that level of unemployment is far too high. The Government are taking, and have been taking for some months, a number of steps to help. I have outlined those steps to the House in the past. The hon. Gentleman referred to the link between criminal activity and unemployment. We agree with him, in the context of the Province. Already this afternoon my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State has illustrated the important link between overcoming terrorism, political stability and the level of unemployment.

Does the Minister recall the letter sent to all Members of Parliament by the Secretary of State for Employment, the compliment slip attached to which said:

"For information only. The scheme does not apply to Northern Ireland."

I am glad that the hon. Gentleman told me what the scheme was at the end of his question. The community programme equivalent has been operating with the greatest success in Northern Ireland. It is called "Action for Community Employment". The terms are slightly different, but essentially the scheme is the same. Only recently the number of places on it has been expanded from 1,200 full-time places to 3,500 full-time and part-time places.

Will the Minister tell us whether it is intended to increase employment in Northern Ireland by increasing the number of judges so that at least one might be released to look into the workings of the emergency provisons legislation? Or is it impossible for the Government to find a judicial person of sufficient seniority to look into the workings of that Act, either because they dislike the whole status of the Act, or because they might be persuaded to extend its provisions to the whole of the United Kingdom—

Order. This question is on unemployemt in Northern Ireland.

Do not the figures show the wisdom of the proposals put to the Minister by the trade unions in Northern Ireland? To dismiss them as an increase in public expenditure, as the Secretary of State did, is totally unacceptable, when everyone knows that one reason why the Government cannot get public expenditure down is the consequence of mass unemployment?

My right hon. Friend has not turned down the report out of hand. He said that he had only just received it. He properly draws attention to the fact that the Northern Ireland committee of the Irish congress of trade unions is calling for additional public expenditure. That itself has its consequences on interest rates, probably on inflation, and therefore ultimately on unemployment. That runs contrary to the policy that the Government are pursuing.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what is the number of overseas companies that have set up in business in the Province during the past three years.

During the three years ending December 1982, 10 overseas companies have established plants in Northern Ireland.

Has my hon. Friend been able to assess the cost of attracting those jobs to the Province? Is he satisfied that the financial benefits available to would-be investors in Northern Ireland are at least on a par with what is available south of the border?

We believe that the package of Government incentives available in Northern Ireland, taken overall, is as good as what is on offer in the south. However, some features of the package from the Republic seem to be more attractive to would-be investors, and we are looking into that matter. I come back to one fundamental point: what is most off-putting to would-be investors in the Province is the image that they have of security and the political situation.

How many new jobs from overseas came to Northern Ireland last year?

The figure for last year was very small indeed, reflecting the fact that in North America, as in Europe, the recession has virtually cut off all investment intentions. Perhaps I may tell the hon. Gentleman that in 1982 the number of jobs promoted, at 5,600, was greater than, or at least equal to, the number of jobs promoted in 1975, 1976 and 1977.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland when he expects to lay a draft order extending the national type approval scheme to Ulster.

I plan to publish a proposal for public consultation later this year. The draft order would then be laid as quickly as possible after the six-week consultation period.

Is the Minister aware of the anxiety with which this legislation is awaited by the motor trade in Northern Ireland, which believes that it would do much to relieve it from the threat of unfair importation? Will the Minister endeavour to cut down the causes of delay which are still preventing him from forecasting an early date for the presentation of the proposals?

We shall proceed as quickly as possible with the preparation of the draft order. The purpose of this order is not in any way to be a restraint on trade. It is not designed to block out imports. It is designed merely to ensure that the imports that come into the country comply with the proper regulations.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland how much has been paid to the Gaelic Athletic Association in each of the past three years.

The Sports Council for Northern Ireland has made grants of £13,000, £9,000 and £6,000 to the Gaelic Athletic Association over the past three years.

In view of the fact that, overall, about £6,000 has been given to the GAA, a body that discriminates against the security forces, will the Minister say what legal or moral justification there can be for giving money to such a body?

Grants to voluntary sporting bodies in Northern Ireland with an open membership run at 50 per cent. of approved costs. For those that restrict their membership in any way it is 33⅓ per cent., and that covers the GAA.

Does the Minister accept that the Gaelic Athletic Association is representative of the minority community in Northern Ireland? If the Government can see fit to give money—and a lot of money—to the Linfield football club for it to build a new stand, is it not just as well that they should give money to the other side?

Perhaps I should make it clear in the first place that no money has gone to the Linfield football club to build a new stand. Secondly, I recognise, of course, the role of the GAA in supplying sport for the minority tradition. On the other hand, I still find repugnant rule 15 of that association.

asked the Prime Minister if she will list her official engagements for 10 February.

This morning I presided at a meeting of the Cabinet and had meetings with ministerial colleagues and others. In addition to my duties in the House I shall be having further meetings later today. This evening I shall be attending a reception at Buckingham Palace for the Queen's Awards to Industry.

What does the Prime Minister say to people who have been made redundant, such as, for example, one of my constituents, who wrote to me yesterday saying that he had gone to the bank for a loan to set up a small business—he had been redundant for two and a half years—and he was shown the door by the bank manager? How is it that at the same time Argentina can apply for three loans from the British Government and British banks, complete with tax relief on the Prime Minister's approval—a medium-term loan, a bridging loan, and an International Monetary Fund loan? Does that not show the utter hypocrisy of this Government? Is it not an indictment of this Tory "Yosser-land" Britain?

I do not know the precise circumstances in which the hon. Gentlemans's constituent asked for a loan, and of course one would need to know those circumstances. Perhaps the hon. Gentleman will write to my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Industry. There is a loans guarantee scheme for small manufacturing business. That scheme was brought in by this Government, and it aids many people who want to start up on their own. Perhaps the hon. Gentleman will pursue the matter with my right hon. Friend.

Will the Prime Minister clear up a confusion? She said on Tuesday that the only route out of unemployment was to get our inflation down to, or below, the level of Germany, among other countries. She also said that German unemployment was now increasing faster than ours. How does she reconcile those two statements?

If the right hon. Gentleman thinks a little further he will realise that if we are to have more jobs and compete in the wider world we musk be able to compete with efficient industries. There are efficient industries in Britain and in Germany and ours will be the more able to compete when our level of inflation is down to theirs and lower. There is no difficulty, except in the right hon. Gentleman's mind.

As, last year, we enjoyed a balance of payments surplus of £4,500 million, of which £2,000 million was in manufactured goods, does my right hon. Friend agree that in many parts of the economy we are extremely competitive and that British exporters should be congratulated on their achievements in a world recession? Is that not further proof that the Government's economic strategy is being rewarded?

I entirely agree with my hon. Friend. The balance of payments surplus was excellent last year and was £1 billion higher than forecast. Quite apart from oil, the volume of manufactured exports held up well despite a declining world trade. The performance of manufactured exports was very good indeed.

May I ask the right hon. Lady about her talks with Vice-President Bush? Labour Members are strongly opposed to the deployment of SS20s and to the deployment of cruise and Pershing missiles in western Europe. We would be eager, as we have mentioned before, to have a debate on the subject. Did the right hon. Lady discuss with the Vice-President any possibility other than the zero option as defined by him? Is she aware that there ate other proposals from the other side of the Atlantic which might have a better chance of bringing about successful negotiations? Did the right hon. Lady reopen the question of the dual key and seek to rectify the agreement that her Government apparently made on this subject in December 1979?

I note that the right hon. Gentleman is against the deployment of SS20s, but the fact is that they are deployed, have been deployed for six years, and that deployment has increased over that period. If they are taken down there will be no need to deploy cruise and Pershing missiles. Therefore, I take it that the right hon. Gentleman's first objective is the zero option, which was approved by President Reagan, because that is the way to prevent the deployment of cruise and Pershing missiles.

Did the right hon. Lady discuss with the Vice-President the proposals that have been made by Mr. Paul Warnke, the previous negotiator on behalf of the United States at the SALT 2 talks—proposals that many would think had a better chance of resulting in negotiations? Did she discuss that at all, because that would be a real alternative, a real flexible response?

Missiles must be stationed somewhere and the arrangements that we have are those that were approved in the days of Attlee, Truman and Churchill. They are the arrangements that have been agreed by all Governments, which have been honoured and which are identical to a joint decision.

Does the right hon. Lady's reply mean that she is confirming the answer that the Foreign Secretary gave on this matter just before Christmas?

No. My reply means what I said—that the present arrangements are for joint decision on the use of American bases, which were started in the days of Attlee, Truman and Churchill.

asked the Prime Minister whether she has any plans to re-visit the Falkland Islands.

I have no present plans to do so.

Has the right hon. Lady seen the recent Gallup poll in The Daily Telegraph, which shows that two thirds of those questioned were extremely sceptical about the costly "Fortress Falklands" policy? Why did the Government turn down Lord Shackleton's proposal to distribute absentee owners' land to the islanders if they still believe in a property-owning democracy?

The policy of putting large defence garrisons in the Falkland Islands has been forced upon us by Argentina. At present there is no alternative if we are properly to defend the rights of the Falkland Islanders to remain British under British sovereignty and administration. It has always been the view of the vast majority of hon. Members that the Falkland Islanders' wishes should be paramount.

asked the Prime Minister if she will list her official engagements for 10 February.

I refer my hon. Friend to the reply that I gave some moments ago.

Is my right hon. Friend aware that many people are becoming gravely concerned about the level of violent crime, particularly that of murder? Therefore, will my right hon. Friend confirm to the House that in a new Parliament, in which she is Prime Minister, Government time will be given for a debate on the reintroduction of capital punishment, and will she allow a free vote afterwards?

We are all gravely concerned about increasing crime, which is one of the reasons why my right hon. Friend the Home Secretary has put at the top of his priorities the need to increase the number of police, because the greatest deterrent to crime is the certainty of detection. The Criminal Justice Act 1982 strengthened the powers of the courts and provided an opportunity—the second in this Parliament—for a debate on capital punishment. I have no doubt at all that there will be another such opportunity in another Parliament. Of course, there is plenty of time remaining in this Parliament for private Members to raise the subject. I have no doubt that it will be raised again in the next Parliament and it is customary on such occasions to have a free vote.

In view of the regrettable decision by the Home Office to place a contract for a communications antenna with America, will the Prime Minister consider today why that folly is about to be compounded by the Ministry of Defence in placing a further contract for antennae with the Americans for RAF Oakhanger, which is worth three times as much as that placed by the Home Office?

I am not at all certain of the details of this, whether it comes under NATO arrangements or elsewhere. If my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Defence has placed contracts with America, it will have been done after careful consideration and only on the basis that it can fulfil the precise requirements at a competitive price.

asked the Prime Minister what is the latest available information on the rates of unemployment for single men, and married men with (a) no dependent children, (b) one child, (c) two children and (d) three children.

The latest information comes from the 1981 labour force survey. About one in six single men was unemployed. The rate for married men with two or fewer dependent children was one in 16 compared with about one in nine for men with three or more dependent children.

Recognising, perhaps, the different age groups of people without children, does my right hon. Friend accept that the relatively low level of child benefit now compared with 25 years ago may be a partial explanation of the higher unemployment figures for people with more children? Does she recognise that increasing child benefit is a more cost-effective way of helping families with children than raising the married man's tax allowance or giving pay increases at work? If my right hon. Friend has any hang-up about increasing child benefit, will she share it with the House so that people such as myself can help to convince her that an increase in child benefit is highly desirable?

As my hon. Friend knows, in November 1980 the Government gave an undertaking to maintain the November 1980 value of child benefit. That undertaking has been honoured. I know my hon. Friend's strength of feeling on this matter. He knows that these matters are dealt with in the Budget. I should also point out that increasing the thresholds is very important as well.