asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will publish the cost of the Northern Ireland Assembly from its inception to its suspension.

The cost of the Northern Ireland Assembly for the period November 1982 to 31 May 1986 was £9,317,000. There will be additional costs in respect of Members' salaries and allowances payably from 1 June up to the date of dissolution.

I thank the Minister for his reply. Does he agree that, whatever else may be said, that is a sizeable sum, which shows the strength of our commitment to try to restore local democracy in Northern Ireland? Is it not tragic that it has not been taken that way? Will Stormont now be put on a care-and-maintenance basis?

Various activities take place inside the Parliament buildings on the Stormont estate other than the activities conducted by the Assembly. I share the hon. Gentleman's view. The establishment of the Assembly was amply justified. I am sorry that better use was not made of the opportunity that it provided for local parties in Northern Ireland. I hope that, as soon as possible, the circumstances will be created under which it can be restored.

In the absence of the Assembly, what plans do the Government have to create some form of scrutinising body for Northern Ireland within the House?

Those are matters about which my right hon. Friends the Prime Minister and the Secretary of Slate made it clear they would be anxious to talk to hon. Members of all parties to find out what they think would be most suitable. In the meantime, we shall continue to send to party leaders and others in Northern Ireland proposals for legislation affecting the Province.

Does my hon. Friend agree that this experiment, sadly, has not worked, that it has not exactly been inexpensive to the taxpayer and that before we continue with experiments that can be, and are, expensive we should consider whether there are other ways in which we can continue to have the Province governed in the same way as the rest of the United Kingdom?

For the time being, direct rule will be the vehicle, as it were, by which Northern Ireland is governed. I hold firmly to the view, as does my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State, that the restoration of devolved government provides the best hope for the future government of Northern Ireland. To suggest, as some have, that this means that Northern Ireland is being treated unequally compared with the rest of the United Kingdom is not a sustainable argument. In the meantime, however, if elected representatives wish to come and talk to my right hon. Friend and other Ministers about these matters, we shall listen to what they have to say.

Will the Minister consider enhancing the powers of local government within Northern Ireland and perhaps introducing an elected element into the boards which have been appointed and which administer so many of the functions?

There are elected representatives on the boards who have been appointed by the local authorities. The single most important criterion for any change in the way in which Northern Ireland is governed is that there should be widespread acceptance of it throughout the community there. I do not believe that the restoration of increased powers to local government would achieve that sort of consent at the moment.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will make a statement on the current law and order situation in Northern Ireland.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will make a statement on the latest security situation in Northern Ireland.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will make a statement on the security situation in Northern Ireland.

I join in congratulating my right hon. Friend and the members of the RUC on the success of their clear-up rate. However, does my right hon. Friend agree that it is bad enough leading Members of the Democratic Unionist party threatening the lives of members of the RUC? Does he agree that the clear-up rate for crimes that has been achieved by the RUC makes Northern Ireland the safest part of the United Kingdom, with about 42·8 indictable offences per 100,000, compared with massive figures for the rest of the United Kingdom? Can my right hon. Friend reassure the House that every possible financial aid and means will be given to help the RUC, to give it that protection and to ensure that Northern Ireland remains virtually the safest part of the United Kingdom?

I am grateful to my hon. Friend for the tribute that he has paid to the RUC. In the light of certain difficult charges that have been made and the inquiry, with which the House is familiar, it is important to put on record the outstanding performance of the RUC in impartially seeking to enforce law and order and to protect people while they go about their daily lives. It is worth remembering that the hon. Member of this House who made that disgraceful remark about the police force was then safely protected by members of the same police force as he went home.

The sons of Leicester who are serving in two battalions of the Royal Anglian Regiment in Northern Ireland are daily showing their commitment to the security of the Province. Does my right hon. Friend not feel that their efforts would be helped if those who at present are obstructing the Anglo-Irish agreement withdrew that obstruction?

I take the point that my hon. and learned Friend has made and I pay tribute to the Royal Anglian Regiment and those who serve in it. My hon. and learned Friend will know that, sadly, a major in that regiment lost his life as part of the total commitment of this House and this country to seeking to defeat terrorism in Northern Ireland. I wish that there were greater recognition by some of those who describe themselves as Loyalists of the commitment of us all to the defeat of terrorism and of the support that we give to that commitment.

Will my right hon. Friend continue to emphasise that it is the overwhelming wish of the House that the Government should maintain their commitment to the Anglo-Irish agreement, providing as it does for further cross-border co-operation? Does he agree that the IRA's wholehearted opposition to the agreement stems from its recognition that it is likely to be the true loser from this agreement, and not others?

I am grateful to my hon. Friend for what she has said. It is true that the IRA greatly fears the agreement, because it provides the best hope that we have had of the start of the co-operation that will be the only effective and lasting way to deal with terrorism. Perhaps I should add in reply to my hon. Friend the Member for Leicester, East (Mr. Bruinvels) that when one refers to Northern Ireland as being basically a law-abiding place, one should not underestimate the continuing threat that terrorism poses. That is why we need to use every endeavour, particularly in co-operation with the Government of the Republic of Ireland, to defeat this curse.

Does the Secretary of State remember that one of the reasons that we were given for the Anglo-Irish agreement was the need to reduce the alienation of the Nationalist population of Northern Ireland? We know that supergrass trials are one of the factors that alienate that community from any belief in justice in the criminal justice system. We in Britain now face the horrifying reality that probably the wrong people have been locked up for the Birmingham and Guildford bombings. Does this not make the Secretary of State worry more about the use of supergrass trials without even juries in Northern Ireland? When will he give us some progress on this issue?

The hon. Lady may recognise that concern about supergrass trials has not been exclusive to the Nationalist minority community. There is concern because of the real problems that are posed in a society where terrorist intimidation is rife. There are problems in having jury trials, including the problems that they pose for an extremely brave and committed judiciary in Northern Ireland, the members of which have discharged their responsibilities with amazing courage and dedication. It is right that the House should recognise that. We are aware of some of these concerns and these are some of the matters that we are considering.

Does my right hon. Friend agree that the conduct of the UDR men who have recently been convicted was appalling and a disgrace to that fine regiment? Does he agree also that that outrage should be seen in the light of the fact that tens of thousands of first-class men and officers have served in the UDR since the troubles began? Will he confirm to the House that he still has complete confidence in the regiment?

I can give that assurance absolutely unequivocally to my hon. Friend. I am glad that he has put matters in perspective. The charges were serious on which members of the UDR were found guilty, but that must be put in the context that 33,000 men have served in the UDR. Some of the bravest people in the whole of the United Kingdom are part-time members of the UDR. The House will have noted that, sadly, one of the murders that occurred only this week was of a part-time member of the regiment. The part-time members serve with great courage and dedication. It is particularly because of their courage and dedication that one so much regrets the occasional incidents, such as we have had, that involve UDR men. If such incidents occur, those concerned will be brought to justice.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what recent discussions he has had with representatives of the Royal Ulster Constabulary concerning policing in the Province.

My right hon. Friend and I have regular meetings with the Chief Constable and the General Officer Commanding in Northern Ireland to discuss security policy issues.

Will the Minister accept that a prolonged period of government of Northern Ireland without the consent of the people of Northern Ireland, which is apparently what we face, puts intolerable pressures on the police, who see themselves having to fulfil more than their proper role of upholding the rule of law? They see themselves, in addition, as the defenders of an unpopular Government. Is the Minister conscious of the criticisms that are now being made within the police force of this role?

I believe that the Government's policies in Northern Ireland are correct. The job of Ministers is to win the consent of the majority of the population there for these policies. I am well aware of the pressures that are faced by the RUC. I am probably more aware than anyone in the House of the pressures on the RUC and its members and of some of the disgraceful attacks that have been launched against them and their families. The Government, the Police Authority for Northern Ireland and the Chief Constable have been at pains to ensure that the pressures are ameliorated in so far as that is possible. I am confident that the RUC will do its job on behalf of the entire community in Northern Ireland.

Does my hon. Friend consider that the degree of consent of the people of Northern Ireland to be governed under the terms of the Anglo-Irish agreement is greater on 3 July 1986 than it was on 15 November 1985?

I do not accept the terms of my hon. Friend's question. Northern Ireland has been governed in exactly the same way since 15 November 1985. All that has happened is that institutional arrangements have been made so that Irish Ministers can reflect the views of the Nationalist community in Northern Ireland. The government of the Province is on precisely the same terms now as it was before 15 November 1985.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if there has been any change in the terms of reference of the Stalker inquiry following the appointment of Mr. Sampson.

The terms of reference of the inquiry are a matter for the Chief Constable of the Royal Ulster Constabulary. I understand, however, that there has been no change following the appointment of Mr. Sampson.

The Secretary of State will be aware of the exceptionally high regard in which Mr. Colin Sampson is held in West Yorkshire and that no involvement of his could ever be regarded as malign. Can the Secretary of State tell the House what the thinking was behind appointing Mr. Sampson to carry out both inquiries simultaneously? Is it possible to hold up the continuation of the Stalker inquiry pending the resolution of the inquiry into Mr. Stalker's involvement in Manchester? Is it possible that Mr. Stalker could be put back on to the inquiry in Northern Ireland once the question of the disciplinary action in Manchester is resolved?

I note the hon. Gentleman's tribute to Mr. Sampson. I think the House is aware that the decision to appoint Mr. Sampson was taken by the Chief Constable of the RUC, but only after consultation with Her Majesty's Chief Inspector of Constabulary and the Attorney-General. Part of the answer may lie in the further question that the hon. Gentleman asked, which is that he was advocating delay. My concern is that the matter should be pursued as vigorously as possible, the facts established, and if charges are to be brought, they should be brought at the earliest possible date.

Does my right hon. Friend agree that we should be making inquiries to ascertain whether anybody in the Province was in any way responsible for the lodging of complaints against Mr. Stalker? If my right hon. Friend agrees that inquiries should be made, what steps is he taking to ascertain the facts?

I have no evidence to suggest that that is the case. The inquiry conducted by Mr. Stalker relating to the RUC is a matter not for me, but for the Chief Constable, as is Mr. Sampson's appointment. As I said in reply to the hon. Member for Leeds, West (Mr. Meadowcroft), the matter will be pursued diligently and vigorously.

As inquests into the deaths of six people in Northern Ireland in 1982 have not been held, four years after their deaths, does the Secretary of State accept that the appointment of Mr. Sampson to continue the Stalker inquiry in Northern Ireland, and to inquire into the Stalker affair in Britain, must inevitably cause further delay? Will the Secretary of State accede to the request by the Greater Manchester police authority to meet it so he can hear the authority express its views and disquiet about these delays?

The House may be aware that Mr. Stalker was not acting alone. He had a team working with him. The whole team has remained in place and is now reporting to Mr. Sampson. The matter is being carried forward by the same investigating team, without delay. As I said to the hon. Member for Leeds, West it is unsatisfactory to suggest that the inquiry should be delayed. I believe that it is necessary for the matter to be carried through as promptly as possible.

Does my right hon. Friend accept that it is just not possible to isolate the Stalker inquiry in Northern Ireland from the current inquiry into Mr. Stalker himself, and that the current inquiry inevitably inhibits comment on the Stalker inquiry and what is supposed to be contained in the interim report? Does my right hon. Friend have any indication from the West Yorkshire police of how long its inquiries into Mr. Stalker will continue? Does he share with me, and I am sure all hon. Members, the desire that the inquiry into Mr. Stalker should be concluded before the House begins the summer recess?

I cannot comment on the interim report that Mr. Stalker submitted to the Chief Constable and which is now in the hands of the Director of Public Prosecutions of Northern Ireland with a view to considering whether charges should be brought. As my hon. Friend knows, the matters affecting Mr. Stalker in respect of the Manchester situation are not matters for me.

Does the right hon. Gentleman recall that I have written to him asking a number of questions about this subject which are being widely canvassed? I appreciate that he has not yet had time to reply. However, has the right hon. Gentleman not agreed that there has been widespread and damaging speculation? If no answers are given to those questions, are not people hound to guess at the answers? In particular, why was it announced that Mr. Stalker had been removed from the RUC inquiry, before the complaints against him had been investigated, and presumably irrespective of the outcome?

The right hon. and learned Gentleman has returned to the interesting point put by the hon. Member for Leeds, West, who suggested that the Stalker inquiry should be suspended while investigations were carried out. It is important that the matter is pursued, for reasons which the House understands. Everyone has paid tribute to the independence and quality of Mr. Sampson. I think that the House can be confident that he will seek to pursue the matter in a vigorous and effective manner.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will make a statement on cross-border security.

Cross-border security co-operation plays a vital part in combating terrorist activity. The last meeting of the Anglo-Irish Inter governmental Conference welcomed the completion of a report by a joint Royal Ulster Constabulary-Garda working party on measures to improve arrangements for the exchange of information and the development of liaison structures. I look forward to receiving progress reports on the implementation of the proposed measures and to seeing the results of other joint Royal Ulster Constabulary-Garda studies which have been commissioned.

Will the Minister take this opportunity to pay tribute to the Garda for its success this year in seizing large quantities of arms, ammunition and explosives on its side of the border? While noting with interest the Minister's comments on the report, may I ask whether he is confident that the report will lead to a real and continuing improvement in cross-border security?

I certainly pay tribute to the Garda for its success with a number of operations on the other side of the border. I also pay the warmest possible tribute to members of the RUC serving on the northern side of the border, to whose bravery and commitment my right hon. Friend has already paid tribute.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will make a statement on his Department's most recent discussions in the United States of America on the position concerning the extradition of Irish Republican Army terrorists from the United States of America.

As I told the House on 5 June, this was one of a number of topics which I discussed in the United States in May with leading Americans who take a close interest in Northern Ireland affairs.

I thank my right hon. Friend for that reply. While having just minor reservations about the tendency towards ethnic politics in the way in which the matter has been handled, may I nevertheless offer my right hon. Friend congratulations on the skilful way in which he has handled a difficult situation?

I am grateful for those remarks. It was not possible for me to say very much after my return from Washington. I felt that there was a real commitment in America to get the treaty established on a sensible basis. This is an encouraging start and yet another demonstration of the United States' willingness now to stand against terrorism. In the context of Northern Ireland, the United States is an important ally.

Will it be necessary for the original agreement between the British and American Governments to be altered?

Yes, Sir.

Is not a great weakness of the revised draft extradition treaty the fact that it no longer includes the offence of conspiracy to commit murder and other violent crimes? As the people we are after are often the godfathers of crime in Northern Ireland, should not that weakness be remedied?

I think that people who look fairly at this matter recognise that it is a great improvement on the previous arrangements. People who have committed crimes will now find, as I said in my original answer, that they no longer have the political defence open to them. One problem is that crimes in this country, such as crimes of intent — carrying a weapon with intent or or possession with intent, but where a crime is not actually commited—are not crimes in the United States. It is therefore difficult to have such aspects incorporated in the treaty. I am concerned that people who commit murder or other crimes should find that they cannot use the political defence. That is what we sought to achieve and what has been achieved.

Does the right hon. Gentleman accept that another point of view prevails, which suggests that the only reason why the treaty was accepted was that many Senators and others were able to put an altogether different construction on it? As far as they were concerned, the small print of this new so-called extradition policy is about as worthless as a Slater Walker unit trust policy of the early 1970s.

I am sure that the hon. Gentleman is thrilled with the cleverness of that supplementary question. Recent Sinn Fein literature makes it clear that Sinn Fein regards it as a major setback.

What progress is my right hon. Friend making with the extradition of IRA terrorists from countries other than the United States of America, for example, the Netherlands?

My hon. Friend will have seen the recent judgments on this matter, which may have to go through one further stage. I should like to put on record our gratitude to the Netherlands authorities for the thorough way in which these matters have been investigated. Obviously they are matters for the courts, but we have sought to give all possible evidence to the Dutch authorities. We are grateful for their approach in this matter.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that one factor in the debate has been the fairness of the legal system in Northern Ireland? Has he grasped that it would greatly help those in the United States who argue for effective extradition if the Government were at least seen to be implementing the Baker recommendations with enthusiasm and if the supergrass trials were discontinued?

I think that the right hon. and learned Gentleman will be aware that there has been one hearing in connection with extradition, in which, under the previous rules, the Government were not successful. The fairness of the courts in Northern Ireland came under judicial review. The right hon and learned gentleman may be aware that Judge Sprizzo made it absolutely clear in his finding that, in his judgment and to the satisfaction of the court, there was no question but that if the gentleman concerned had been extradited he would have received a fair trial in Northern Ireland.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what steps he proposes to take to seek to improve relations between the Royal Ulster Constabulary and the Nationalist community in Northern Ireland.

The Chief Constable, Police Authority and Government give a high priority to the improvement of relations between the RUC and the community in Northern Ireland. The Chief Constable has taken various measures designed to improve relations between the police and all sections of the community. The Government have put forward proposals for changes to the police complaints system.

How many of the three senior assistant chief constables, the eight assistant senior chief constables and the officers of the RUC are members of the Catholic community? Does the hon. Gentleman agree that it is more difficult to attract people from the minority community into the RUC because of the Government's handling of the Stalker inquiry?

I cannot produce the precise figures. It is more important that we have good policemen in the higher ranks of the RUC than a balance between the communities. However, a disproportionately high level of the senior ranks are Catholics compared with lower down the force. The real threat and inhibition to the recruitment of Catholics to the RUC is the threat that they would be murdered by the IRA, which could then claim that the RUC is a sectarian force, which it is not. It is manifestly a professional police force.

Does my hon. Friend agree that the past few months have confirmed that the RUC carries out its duties under difficult circumstances in a thoroughly impartial way, which should reassure all communities in Northern Ireland? Will he take this opportunity of expressing to the Chief Constable of the RUC the esteem in which the British people hold the RUC on account of the way in which it carries out its job?

I can do nothing but say that I will draw the attention of the Chief Constable to the remarks of my hon. Friend, which are wholeheartedly endorsed by all the Ministers in the Northern Ireland Office.

Will the Minister explain why the minority Catholic community so widely distrusts the RUC? Has he done any research into that, and can he give us any reasons why members of the Catholic community do not want to join the RUC? In fact it is very similar to black people in certain sections— [Interruption.] The Minister will notice where the noise is coming from. It is similar, is it not?

Having been responsible for policing matters in Northern Ireland for rather more than three years, I have been struck by the increasing confidence of the Nationalist community which has been won by the RUC. The Chief Constable is determined to work and develop that work in the future, but the RUC is making good progress and I have already drawn the attention of the House to the real inhibition to the recruitment of Catholics to the RUC.

Does my hon. Friend agree that the extravagant language recently used by the hon. Member for Antrim. North (Rev. Ian Paisley) has undermined the authority of the Royal Ulster Constabulary, the British Army and jobs and investment in Northern Ireland? Does the Minister feel that the very good and sterling work undertaken by the Northern Ireland Office has been completely undermined by one hon. Member who should be in his place today to answer for his call to mobilise the Loyalists in Northern Ireland?

I share my hon. Friend's view that the utterances of the hon. Member for Antrim, North (Rev. Ian Paisley) and some other Unionist Members have damaged job prospects in Northern Ireland in a severe way. However, it is not within the capacity of the hon. Member for Antrim, North to damage or undermine the morale of the Royal Ulster Constabulary.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what steps have been taken during the past three months to promote religious equality of opportunity in promotion and employment within Government training centres in Northern Ireland.

Having collected figures for the religious composition of the existing staff of Government training centres, the results have been collated over the past three months and will be published very shortly in the first report of the Equal Opportunities Unit. Monitoring has been introduced for recruitment and promotion procedures in order to confirm that appointments are made on merit alone.

I thank the Minister for that reply. May I ask that he pays special attention to the figures produced by the Fair Employment Agency some three months ago in the case brought by Mr. Sloan against his own Department? Will he assure, not just me, but the House and everybody concerned, that the absolute imbalance which exists within the Government training centres will be put right at the earliest possible opportunity?

I have read the report on Mr. Sloan to which the hon. Gentleman referred. I assure him that our concern in government is that recruitment to the Government training centres and to any form of Government employment in Northern Ireland should be based on merit alone and not on which community someone comes from. I would welcome a discussion with the hon. Gentleman soon after the figures are published, as they will be within a month.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland when he will next meet the Chief Constable of the Royal Ulster Constabulary to discuss security in Northern Ireland.

While it is not my practice to give details of timing or content, I can confirm that I do have regular meetings both with the Chief Constable and the General Officer Commanding on security matters.

At the forthcoming meeting with the police in Northern Ireland, will the Secretary of State discuss the problems caused by so-called Loyalist marches, which deliberately and provocatively seek to go through Nationalist areas? Will he comment on the implication of those marches in the forthcoming months?

The hon. Gentleman will know that marches are taking place at this very moment. Marches called the "mini-12th" took place on Tuesday. The vast majority of those marches passed off peacefully. There are further marches, such as one on Sunday in Portadown, and others. Those are matters for the Chief Constable. Obviously they are matters to which he gives careful consideration. In that regard, I am absolutely satisfied that he will seek to exercise his responsibilities, as he has over the years, in the interests of law and order.

Does my right hon. Friend think that it is wise to continue to arrange for the Chief Constable of the RUC to be present at meetings of the Intergovernmental Conference at ministerial level? Is it not possible to secure that excellent co-operation that we all seek between the Garda and the RUC without the attendance of the Chief Constable of the RUC at meetings of the conference?

I think that my hon. Friend is aware that the Chief Constable has a particular interest in closer cooperation on cross-border security. I do not think that it is any secret that the RUC sees, in the structure that we have now established, of conference and discussion on cross-border security, the best opportunity yet for tackling the problem of terrorism, so much of which is closely border-related. The Chief Constable is very keen to play his part, and does not want not to play any part in that important co-operation.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what recent studies his Department has made into the pollution of the Northern Ireland coastline by Sellafield.

There has been regular monitoring since 1977 and the levels found have been of negligible radiological significance to the Northern Ireland public. Since October 1985 Northern Ireland has been included in a United Kingdom-wide research programme, which will also provide information on the levels of radioactivity along the Northern Ireland coastline.

I am grateful to the Minister for that response. I am pleased to hear that monitoring has taken place. He will be aware that in the Republic of Ireland there is considerable anxiety and concern about pollution caused by discharges from Sellafield. Now that Sellafield has an open house policy, will the Minister take the opportunity at the next meeting of Anglo-Irish Ministers to invite politicians from the Republic of Ireland to visit Sellafield and see the reprocessing plant for themselves?

No, Sir. The problems of Sellafield have nothing whatsoever to do with me. However, I shall bring the hon. Gentleman's points to the attention of the responsible Minister. As I said, we have three different ways of going about monitoring in Northern Ireland. There is no significant pollution of any sort.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will make a statement on the current security situation.

I refer my hon. Friend to the reply that I gave to a question by my hon. Friend the Member for Leicester, East (Mr. Bruinvels) earlier today.

I thank my right hon. Friend for that reply. In that connection, will he confirm that the brutal attacks on the homes and families of RUC members in the north are being curbed?

The scale of attacks is much less, but there have been further isolated incidents. I know that the whole House will join me in deploring the way in which people have sought to intimidate both members of the RUC and prison officers in their own homes.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what measures have been taken to promote Energy Efficiency Year in Northern Ireland.

Northern Ireland is playing its full part in Energy Efficiency Year through intensive advertising campaigns, seminars, exhibitions, domestic competitions, presentations to schoolchildren and energy saving demonstrations for both the domestic and industrial consumer.

What is the total level of energy efficiency savings from specific measures run by my hon. Friend's Department? How far does he expect those savings to increase during Energy Efficiency Year? Perhaps my hon. Friend can also comment on the development of lignite as a contribution to energy efficiency.

Figures show that the investment on energy saving is repaid within three or four years. That is one of the best investments that can he made. Similarly, Government money is helping with insulation in domestic housing. There is no doubt that if we can get lignite at the right price and generate electricity from it, we should be able to reduce the price of electricity in Northern Ireland, to the benefit of domestic consumers. It would also lower the cost of industrial production.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will make a statement about inward investment into the Province.

In the year ended 31 March 1986 the Industrial Development Board promoted 1,482 new jobs in Northern Ireland in companies owned outside the Province. This represents just over 50 per cent. of the total number of new jobs promoted in Northern Ireland in that year, and total investment of £98 million.

Can my hon. Friend comment on the package of financial assistance which the United States Government is proposing to give to Northern Ireland? Will he agree with me that there should be more companies such as Hughes and Dupont, rather than financial assistance?

We would welcome both. We do not mind money coming into the Province which can be used for infrastructure and other purposes. We would also welcome more American investment. I remind my hon. Friend that some 27,000 people in Northern Ireland are employed in 27 firms already owned by American industrialists.

asked the Prime Minister, if she will list her official engagements for Thursday 3 July.

This morning I presided at a meeting of the Cabinet and had meetings with ministerial colleagues and others. In addition to my duties in this House I shall be having further meetings later today. This evening I shall attend a dinner given by the President of the Federal Republic of Germany.

How does the Prime Minister account for the massive gap between what she says heir Government are doing for education and the National Health Service and what the public say is really happening?

It is up to us to get the facts over more effectively than we have. I shall try to do that now. As the hon. Gentleman knows, more in real terms is being spent per pupil in the education system than ever before and there is a bigger proportion of teachers to pupils —[HON. MEMBERS: "Answer the question."] I am answering the question. Hon Gentlemen might not like the answer. More money is being spent than ever before. That also applies to the National Health Service. That has resulted in more patients being treated, and being treated better than before.

In view of the outcome of the referendum last Sunday in the Irish Republic, does the Prime Minister recognise that the Irish Prime Minister is no longer in a position to deliver any commitment that he may have made or suggested to secure an amendment of articles 2 and 3 of the constitution of the Republic?

The right hon. Gentleman will know that a referendum in the Irish Republic is not a matter for me. He will also be the first to know that agreements are made between the Government of the United Kingdom and the Government of the Republic of Ireland, and not between persons.

asked the Prime Minister if she will list her official engagements for Thursday 3 July.

I refer my hon. Friend to the reply that I gave some moments ago.

While regretting the necessity, is my right hon. Friend aware that all law-abiding citizens who live and work in London, especially those who live in Tottenham and Brixton and who were subjected to tyranny last year, will support the measures announced by the Home Secretary last night?

I agree that all on the Government side will support the measures proposed by the Home Secretary. The Government have consistently given the police the extra support that they need, whether in manpower, resources or equipment. That has been our policy, and it will continue to be our policy.

Will the Prime Minister make a statement today on the fact that one of her Cabinet Ministers has asked all members of the Conservative party to complain continually about Left-wing bias on the BBC? Does she think that the BBC is there simply as a propaganda tool of the Government, or does she believe in its impartiality and integrity?

My right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster has asked for a monitoring system to find out the facts. I believe that that is the right way to go about it.

asked the Prime Minister if she will list her official engagements for Thursday 3 July.

I refer my hon. Friend to the reply that I gave some moments ago.

In the light of the Peacock report, and notwithstanding that a statement is to he made shortly, will my right hon. Friend, especially in view of chapter 8, please give a categorical assurance that her Government have no intention of seeking to introduce any legislation to put advertising on the BBC?

I give a categorical assurance that the Government which I lead will study very thoroughly the plan, about which we shall hear later this afternoon.

The Prime Minister has recently received most readily rings of roses and sycophantic posies from her Republican puppet-masters. Will she call to mind today the efforts of the same paymasters to foster destabilisation in areas such as Chile, Nicaragua, Libya, Cuba and more recently the United Nations, from which they are withholding financial support? Bearing that in mind and putting it together with her recent standing in the opinion polls, will she tell the House what she knows of the activities in this country of certain individuals anonymously—that is, C for certain, I for individuals and A for anonymously who seek to foster and foment the organisation, the financing—

Order. This is not an Adjournment debate, come on.

—and the political direction of some destabilised pseudo-politicians. That is, S for some, D for destabilised, P for pseudo-politicians

Order. It is unfair to take as long as that.

I answer for this Government, and in terms of Nicaragua we note that the International Court of Justice called on both parties to co-operate with the efforts of the Contadora Group and to seek a lasting peace in Central America. That is our policy. On Chile, we deeply regret the deaths that have recently occurred and condemn violence from whatever quarter. We take every opportunity to urge the Chilean Government to take early steps to ensure the orderly and peaceful restoration of democracy in Chile.

Has the First Lord of the Treasury seen today's judgment of the European Court of Justice? That judgment has just been published and holds that the European Community's 1986 budget is not legal but that payments have been made under it. Will my right hon. Friend take steps to claw back this amount through reduced expenditure by the Community in future? More fundamentally, will she take steps to ensure that in future the amount of revenue that is approved restricts expenditure rather than allows profligate expenditure to go on unabated?

We wholeheartedly welcome the judgment of the European Court of Justice. It vindicates the Council's contention that the European Assembly's President acted illegally in adopting the 1986 budget without the Council's agreement. As my right hon. Friend knows, there are certain provisions under which payments to the Community go on, in accordance with the due proportion of last year's budget, which, I believe, is legal. Of course we will look at the full implications of the judgment and find a way to let my right hon. Friend know our decisions.

Is not the real lesson of the CPSA ballot that workplace balloting is always open to serious objection? Would not the Prime Minister have been better advised to put the onus of proof on those who wished to depart from postal balloting? Does she agree that the norm should be postal balloting?

As the right hon. Gentleman is aware, there are two arguments about ballots. One is the argument that he has effectively advanced, that it is argued by some that postal ballots seem to provide the least scope for manipulation. That is why we enourage unions to make use of them through our ballot fund scheme, and unions can always do that if they wish. The other argument is that the number of people voting tends to be higher in ballots held at the workplace, and that is an important factor to consider. It is not easy to come down on one side or the other, but all unions that wish to have postal ballots can have finance for them.

asked the Prime Minister if she will list her official engagements for Thursday 3 July.

I refer my hon. Friend to the reply that I gave some moments ago.

Will my right hon. Friend take time later today to consider the depressing news that most of our so-called EEC partners have decided against following our lead and against effective liberalisation of the European airline market? Will this not result in unnecessary extra costs on both consumers and businesses, and is it not ironic that those who are often fastest in deploying European rhetoric are often the slowest to act when the interests of their inefficient, state-run airlines are at stake?

My hon. Friend has made his point very effectively. It is, of course, quite true that the European Council is a long way short of agreement on worthwhile liberalisation of European air services. Britain and the Netherlands have led the way. We hope to pursue this very much more during our presidency and the Commission has said that, in the absence of agreement in the Council, it may begin independent action under article 89 of the treaty against airline cartels. In the meantime, we shall do our best to take the matter forward. Our record is excellent.

Has the Prime Minister seen the admission made yesterday by the Secretary of State for Employment that shortages of specialist teachers are the major constraint on technical education? Is she aware that the shortage of specialist teachers in mathematics, science and technology subjects and languages is serious and widespread in secondary schools? What will she do to ensure that the shortages in those vital subjects are overcome by the beginning of the new term in September?

As the right hon. Gentleman is aware, this is one matter that is being considered by ACAS in the discussions that it is having on teachers' pay and on much wider matters. May I point out that specialist teaching is also being studied in an inquiry in Scotland as part of the wider matter of teachers' pay and the possible new structures for teachers' pay. The Government would like, if need be, to get the extra teachers by paying them extra on the grounds that we cannot get mathematics and physics teachers at the present rates of pay, because the demand for them in industry is so great. We have a duty to children to try to obtain those teachers, but the objections to that come not from the Government but from the National Union of Teachers.

Does the Prime Minister imagine for one moment, as a former Secretary of State for Education and Science, that the allocation of premiums to teachers in shortage subjects would be satisfactory as a way of rewarding teachers, with the present general feeling among teachers in all subjects, and in primary schools, that they are undervalued and underpaid in our society?

What the right hon. Gentleman is saying is that he absolutely refuses to give permission to the way to get extra mathematics and physics teachers to teach our children. Children, too, have rights.

May I ask the right hon. Lady to take the advice of Her Majesty's inspectors, who have a non-partisan interest in these matters, and to inquire of them whether they believe that the way to repair the grave shortages in the education system is to pay premiums to some teachers, with all the consequences of demoralisation that will occur—[Interruption.] that is the reality, I give fair warning—in other areas of the curriculum that are vital, although not so subject to shortages at present?

The right hon. Gentleman asked about getting specialist teachers in mathematics and physics. Therefore, he accepts that children need extra teachers. I am saying that one way of getting them— possibly the only effective way— is to pay a premium. He is saying that he would rather we did not have teachers and that the children did not get them.

asked the Prime Minister if she will list her official engagements for Thursday 3 July.

I refer my hon. Friend to the reply that I gave some moments ago.

Is my right hon. Friend aware of the concern felt by Conservative Members about the allegations concerning the election of a Militant supporter to the leadership of a Civil Service union? Is it not true that, despite the words of the Leader of the Opposition, neither Militant nor its methods have been brought to an end?

My hon. Friend is right in the conclusions that he reaches. The elections in that union are a matter for the union itself, or, if any member is aggrieved, for the courts to resolve.

What action does the Prime Minister intend to take in the light of the clear evidence that racial discrimination is practised in the British Army?

I know of no such evidence and no such practice. I believe it is totally untrue.

asked the Prime Minister if she has any plans to make an official visit to Dunchurch near Rugby.

At present I have no plans to do so.

My right hon. Friend will understand that my constituents living in Dunchurch and Rugby will naturally be disappointed at that reply. Will she consider a question which they would have asked her, had she visited Dunchurch, about the effect that Greek dumping of cheap cement would have on Rugby Portland Cement? Is she aware that the dumping of that cheap cement will undermine the cement industry in the United Kingdom? Will she bear in mind that that cement is cheap because it enjoys a subsidy from the Greek Government of some 18 per cent.? Will she say what action her Administration will take to repair matters?

I am grateful to my hon. Friend for giving me notice of a matter which is of considerable importance to his constituents. My hon. Friend is right. The silo of Greek cement arrived at Tilbury on 18 June, and the United Kingdom industry fears that it will be the start of regular shipments. It has made representations about the fact that the cement is subsidised by the Greek Government. My hon. Friend the Minister of State, Department of the Environment, will be discussing the matter with the industry's representatives shortly, but I am not over-optimistic about the result because, as my hon.