asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland when he expects to announce the allocations for Northern Ireland museums for 1987–88.

I refer my hon. Friend to the announcement that I made on 5 March 1987. The total museums' recurrent grant for 1987–88 has increased by over 8 per cent. to £4·3 million and both purchase grants and capital works allocations have been substantially increased. Further details are available in the Library.

Is my hon. Friend aware that many of us will welcome this increased funding and particularly his announcement about the business sponsorship scheme? Will money from the scheme be available to help museums?

I am grateful to my hon. Friend for his kind words and welcome. I believe that the £100,000 which I was able to announce for the scheme has been welcomed by those in the arts world and those in the museums world. I can confirm that the money will be available to the museums.

Does the Minister intend to establish a maritime museum at Harland and Wolff? If he does not, will he explain what this year's £64 million of subvention to Harland and Wolff is for?

So far as I am aware, I do not have any direct responsibility for establishing museums.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what role the churches play with the Government in seeking to promote good community relations in the Province.

The churches are involved in various education and community work programmes for which they receive Government funding.

Will my hon. Friend ask the churches how we can unite the communities in Northern Ireland so long as the schoolchildren are segregated?

The tradition of church schools is well established. It commands a degree of appreciation by people who live in Northern Ireland. The Government seek to run an education service which is, as far as possible, responsive to parents' wishes, subject, of course, to acceptable academic standards.

Is my hon. Friend aware that the role of the churches in Northern Ireland, and, one would hope, of churches elsewhere in the United Kingdom and throughout the world, is far wider than merely to promote good community relations? Surely their job is to preach the gospel, administer the sacraments and to do all the things to make Christian communities.

As a fellow member of the Synod, my hon. Friend will know that I entirely agree with him and share his views on that. Nevertheless, the churches also have a responsibility to contribute to good community relations. I hope that we can advance along that line, at least in terms of community work. The churches should be able to work together without any theological compromise.

Does the Minister agree that it confuses the debate to think that the problems of Northern Ireland arise from a difference about religion? Does he agree that it arises from a difference about who controls that statelet, the domination that they have over others and the widespread discrimination? Does the hon. Gentleman agree that it confuses the whole debate for people to suggest that all the trouble in Northern Ireland is because of different religious views?

I know that the hon. Lady will understand when I say that I do not accept the designation of an integral part of the United Kingdom as a "statelet". I recognise, as does the hon. Lady, that a variety of pressures contribute to the difficulties in the Province. It would be hard to argue against the point that religion has had and continues to have a role to play as one of the factors. The Government have to bear that in mind in terms of seeking not only to endorse the principle of good community relations, but in seeking to advance that with, as far as possible, the co-operation of the people and organisations in the Province.

Following the question by my hon. Friend the Member for Stockport (Mr. Favell), will my hon. Friend confirm that it is the inalienable right of everybody in this country of all faiths, or no faith, to educate his children in a denominational school of his choice?

I think that I have essentially answered that question in the affirmative in the first reply that I gave.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what discussions he has had with the Foreign Minister of the Republic of Ireland concerning the Anglo-Irish Agreement.

I met the last Foreign Minister of the Republic of Ireland on many occasions, most recently at a meeting of the Intergovernmental Conference on 8 December. I look forward to meeting his successor.

I thank the Secretary of State for that unsurprising answer, but may I ask him whether, when he meets Mr. Lenihan, he will extend good wishes from all parts of the House to him on his difficult but challenging task? Will the Secretary of State also send affectionate valedictions to the retiring Taoiseach? If Mr. Lenihan should inquire of the Secretary of State how the Intergovernmental Conference can best help in improving daily life, in reconciling people and in finding areas of agreement, will he be ready with a list of topics, and what will be in that list?

On the right hon. and learned Gentleman's last point, I refer him to the communiqués which show a continuing programme of work and, obviously, we look forward to continuing it. I certainly join him in the courteous welcome that he gave on behalf of hon. Members to the new Foreign Minister, Mr. Lenihan. We look forward to confirmation about whether he will be the co-chairman of the Anglo-Irish conference. I have already sent valedictory messages of goodwill to the former Taoiseach and to the former Foreign Minister.

Will my right hon. Friend draw the attention of the Foreign Minister to the large number of unemployed families coming to this country from the Republic? This is causing considerable strain on our services. Will my right hon. Friend point out that this shows the mutual interest that both countries have in achieving prosperity in the south of Ireland?

It would not be interference in the affairs of a foreign country to say that we were all aware of the great concern during the election campaign over the issues of unemployment and emigration. Quite clearly, that is an illustration of aspects in which we have a clear interest, because a number of people who have emigrated from the Republic of Ireland are in this country.

What odds on the implementation of the European convention against terrorism by the Irish Republic is the Secretary of State now prepared to offer?

I do not think that betting is permitted in this Chamber. I note that the measures to enable the convention to be ratified have passed through both Houses in the Republic of Ireland and will come into effect on 1 December.

Will my right hon. Friend confirm that the Anglo-Irish Agreement was negotiated between two sovereign states, and that any question of changing the agreement would also involve the British Government? Certainly, it cannot unilaterally be done by an incoming Irish Government.

The point at issue is that if either party wishes to raise matters in connection with the agreement that is provided for in the agreement in relation to the operation of the conference. I note that Mr. Haughey was reported in an interview published in The Irish Times on 7 March as saying that he accepted that the Anglo-Irish Agreement was an accord that had been entered into by an Irish Government and therefore had to be accepted as binding.

In his discussions did the Secretary of State mention that a recent poll in the Daily Express said that more than 60 per cent. of the British people want to see the troops out of Northern Ireland? Although not many hon. Members voted against the Anglo-Irish Agreement when it went through the House, if the Secretary of State has kept his eyes and ears open he will have noticed that a growing number of hon. Members are against that agreement because, like all its predecessors, it is bound to fail.

I had not appreciated before how strongly the hon. Gentleman is against the agreement. There must be more to it than I realised, and that gives me some real comfort. In the poll in the Daily Express, the question was "over a period", and a considerable number of people would hope to see an improvement in security that would enable the withdrawal of significant numbers of the British Army over a period.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what plans he has to meet the new Taoiseach to discuss the Anglo-Irish Agreement.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he has any plans to meet the new Prime Minister of the Republic of Ireland to discuss Anglo-Irish relations.

I know that the House will join me in congratulating Mr. Haughey on his election as Taoiseach. Although I have no plans at present to meet Mr. Haughey, I look forward to doing so before long.

If Her Majesty's Government are to sustain their policy on the Anglo-Irish Agreement, is it not of great importance that we have urgent talks with the Taoiseach to see whether the continuity of the Republic's policy is sustained?

I accept that. The reality which is reflected in the Anglo-Irish Agreement is still valid. All the evidence of the damage that is being done by terrorism in Northern Ireland, in terms of physical outrage and terror and in terms of economic damage to the Republic, make it clearly of mutual interest to both our countries that there is the most vigorous possible attack against terrorism.

Is it not right that when Mr. Haughey was leader of the Opposition in the Republic he had grave reservations about the Anglo-Irish Agreement and made them obvious in the Dail? Does the Secretary of State remember that in particular he had reservations about what is called the veto of the majority of Northern Ireland? When he sees Mr. Haughey, will he explore this issue?

No. I make it clear that I note the comments that Mr. Haughey made to the political editor of The Irish Times, in which he accepted that the Anglo-Irish Agreement was an accord, and therefore had to be accepted as binding because it had been entered into by an Irish Government. I also note that he said:

"We will endeavour to contribute to the restoration of peace and stability in Northern Ireland in any way which may appear possible and feasible."

How many items typically did the last Irish premier put on the agenda of the conference? Does my right hon. Friend intend to raise this question with the new Prime Minister and does he expect that number to increase?

:I do not know whether I fully grasp the point of my hon. Friend's question. The items that we have discussed are in the communiqués and I expect that programme of work to continue.

Is it not the case that the one thing that unites extreme opinion on both sides of the Irish sea is opposition to the Anglo-Irish Agreement, and that anything that is done to dilute the commitment of the House or the Dail to the agreement would be playing into the hands of extremist opinion? Is not one of the best things that could happen for progress to be made on the creation of an Anglo-Irish parliamentary tier, which was envisaged in the signing of the original Hillsborough report?

The hon. Member knows that that matter is more for hon. Members and the House than for me. I see the merits in it. There is no question but that the most violent opposition of all to the Anglo-Irish Agreement comes from the IRA.

When it becomes clear to my right hon. Friend that the Anglo-Irish Agreement cannot achieve its declared purpose of peace, stability and reconciliation, will my right hon. Friend propose to the Irish Government a renegotiation of that agreement?

I hope that I have made clear to the House my commitment to the agreement and my belief that it offers the best prospect for a way forward in the difficult problems of Northern Ireland. I do not seek a renegotiation of it.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland when his Department last reviewed its community relations policy; and if he will make a statement.

I am currently reviewing the community policy for which my Department has a statutory responsibility.

Does my hon. Friend accept that many hon. Members on both sides of the House will welcome this review, and will urge him to continue to take a lead on the matter?

I am grateful to my hon. Friend for his encouragement. The Government recognise that it is important to do all that lies within their power to promote good community relations. That is the end that I should like to see achieved as a consequence of the review.

Does the Minister realise that one of the matters that is disturbing community relations in Northern Ireland concerns the extremely serious allegations being made by the Chinese Chamber of Commerce in Northern Ireland, myself and other persons, against RUC officers, civilian employees of the RUC arid solicitors, who are alleged to be involved in an immigration racket? Why has the RUC detective at the centre of these allegations not been suspended while inquiries are made? When will Mr. Chan Hok-Chun, a victim of this immigration racket, be allowed to return to London and rejoin his wife? He is now in detention in Belfast. When will the Minister bust this immigration racket, about which I told him in January and February this year?

I am not at all clear what that question has to do with my responsibilities for community relations. If the hon. Gentleman is saying that he has written to me in that capacity, I shall have to ask my Department what has happened to his letter. If, on the other hand, he has not written to me in my community relations role, which is what I understood him to say, then no doubt, if he feels so strongly, he will write to me.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he has completed his investigation into the raid on the local Ulster Defence Regiment headquarters in Coleraine, Co. Derry on 22 February; and if he will make a statement.

RUC investigations into the raid are continuing. Four men have been charged with serious offences; two are part-time members of the Ulster Defence Regiment. I understand that the Ministry of Defence has convened its own internal board of inquiry, which has reported its findings and those are now being studied. A review of security at all UDR bases and establishments is being carried out. In the meantime, the Ministry of Defence has put into effect a number of measures to improve security at the Coleraine UDR base.

Does the Secretary of State recall the concern that has repeatedly been expressed in the House about the role and integrity of the UDR? What reassurance does he envisage offering to hon. Member's when a Loyalist gang can still get into UDR barracks, round up the entire arsenal, load it into a UDR vehicle, and get away, but for the RUC?

The answer to that is on the basis of information that was provided by a UDR member. As the House may know, I take an extremely serious view of this incident, which could have had the gravest consequences. I pay tribute to the action of the RUC, which so quickly repossessed a substantial number of weapons and an amount of ammunition. Obviously, this is a matter of great concern. I do not wish to anticipate the outcome of the inquiry, but that is a matter which the UDR takes very seriously..

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what conditions are imposed by the European Community on the use of community funds for ACE projects.

The European Community does not impose any specific conditions on ACE projects in Northern Ireland. The entire Northern Ireland ACE programme qualifies for support from the European social fund on the basis that it meets the eligibility criteria laid down in the social fund guidelines.

It seems from that answer that the six ACE workers at St. Mathew's, who were so wrongly threatened with dismissal on unspecified security grounds—which led to the closure of the only Irish language nursery in Northern Ireland—have no hope of justice from the EEC. Has the Minister, since the issue was last raised, looked into the threatened closure of that project and can he give us any more welcome news today?

The decision was made in compliance with the terms of the answer, with which the hon. Lady will be familiar, by my right hon.Friend the Home Secretary when he was Secretary of State for Northern Ireland. On at least one occasion where a grant had been denied on the basis of that parliamentary answer, it was possible for the organisation concerned so to reorganise its affairs that ultimately it became eligible for grant.

Does the Minister of State appreciate that the withdrawal of funding, without assigning any reason which can be challenged or argued, can have a devastating effect on the community and on the employees, and that it can operate unjustly. Does he realise that there is a genuine problem which should be discussed?

Certainly, as has been shown in the past, we are willing to discuss these matters, but the terms of my right hon. Friend's parliamentary answer, that it is important that where public funds are concerned there should be minimal risk of those funds ending up in the hands of paramilitary organisations, is a principle with which the House will agree.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what discussions have taken place with the newly elected Government of the Irish Republic regarding the Anglo-Irish Agreement.

There have not yet been any discussions with the new Irish Government, but we look forward to full co-operation with them in operating the Anglo-Irish Agreement.

The Anglo-Irish Agreement was not apparently an issue in the recent Irish elections, but would it not be true to say from surveys and various opinion polls that that agreement has as much broadly based support in the Irish Republic as it certainly has in the United Kingdom? Bearing in mind that the Provisional Sinn Fein received less than 2 per cent. of the vote in the Irish election, where is its mandate, can I ask, as I asked the hon. Member for Belfast, West (Mr. Adams) and his colleagues in Northern Ireland directly in 1983, for the continuing campaign of killings and terrorism by the Provisional IRA? How can that organisation say that it is acting in the traditions of 1798 and 1916 with a mandate from the Irish people?

I rarely agree with what the hon. Gentleman says in the House, but I entirely endorse and applaud what he has just said. Whatever views and judgments one draws from the outcome of the election in the Republic, the one absolutely clear conclusion to be drawn from the humiliating derisory vote for Sinn Fein is that it represents nobody in what it claims to be its attempt to represent some great Irish aspiration. That development was most encouraging and it completely removes any conceivable justification, were there ever to be one, for its intolerable campaign of violence in the north.

What specific benefits does my right hon. Friend claim have accrued to Northern Ireland since the conclusion of the Anglo-Irish Agreement?

There certainly have been benefits, as was shown in the by-elections, for a start. Part of the concern of the Anglo-Irish Agreement is not merely that the majority, but the minority, should feel that their traditions and aspirations are respected. Anybody, above all Unionists, who cares about Northern Ireland must be concerned about the attitude of the minority, not just that of the majority. The most significant single factor was, perhaps, in the early stage, the significant switch of voting from Sinn Fein to the constitutional democratic parties.

Further to the question posed by my hon. Friend the Member for Walsall, North (Mr. Winnick), I hope that the Secretary of State will discuss with the Taoiseach the fact that people in the north have now become wise to the Provisional Sinn Fein's bomb and bullet campaign? Will he also note that the hon. Member for Belfast, West (Mr. Adams) is scurrying around Britain trying to rally support for his party? The Provisional Sinn Fein got a black eye in the southern Republican elections and I hope that the Secretary of State and the Taoiseach will now raise their profile politically and defeat the Provisional Sinn Fein still further.

I certainly would like to see that happen and I am grateful to the right hon. Gentleman for his support. It is undoubtedly true that, as I said earlier, while the IRA may conduct its violence in the north, the violent damage that it does to the economy of the south is all too clear, and it is the godfather of the appalling unemployment level through the island of Ireland.

Before, quite properly, seeking to establish relations with the new Government, will my right hon. Friend take this opportunity to thank Dr. FitzGerald for what he did during his period of leadership of his party and his country?

I think that the whole House will have noted the universal tributes that have been paid throughout the British press following the announcement, by Dr. FitzGerald, of his retirement from the leadership of Fine Gael. I would certainly like to put on record the admiration and respect of myself, my colleagues serving in the Northern Ireland Office, and indeed, the House for someone who has been an outstanding representative of this country.

In relation to the question put by my hon. Friend the Member for Walsall North, (Mr. Winnick), the response given by the Secretary of State, and given the rather peculiar attitude and outburst of some members of the Government Back Benches, can it be made clear that, at all times in the past and at all times in the future, a Labour Administration and a Labour Opposition condemn, totally and outrightly, the use of the ballot paper in the one hand and the Armalite in the other? This House associates itself absolutely and categorically with the total condemnation of Provisional Sinn Fein and states that the only route for those in Northern Ireland in the majority and minority communities is that of constitutional nationalism. That must be in the interests of all the people of the island of Ireland.

I am very grateful to the hon. Gentleman for the way he has spoken with the authority of the Front Bench on behalf of his right hon. and hon. Friends. I believe that the firmness of the House in the rejection of violence and terrorism are reinforced by events, especially the derisory vote for Sinn Fein. That shows that we are absolutely right in our determination to stand against it.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will make a statement about the working of the Anglo-Irish Agreement with specific reference to cross-border co-operation on security.

Progress has been made since the signing of the Anglo-Irish Agreement in developing further cross-border security co-operation. There has been increased contact at all levels between the Royal Ulster Constabulary and the Garda Siochana. The programme of work agreed by the two police forces is now being implemented.

With regard to security matters and assessing the Anglo-Irish Agreement will not the Parliament of the United Kingdom greatly miss the counsel and border experience of the late Lord Brookeborough? Do we not salute and grieve with the family of the right hon. and noble Viscount?

I certainly echo those sentiments and pay tribute to the contribution that Lord Brookeborough made on behalf of his community in Northern Ireland, on behalf of Northern Ireland as a whole, and to the way that he enabled the voice of his beliefs to be heard in this Parliament.

Is not the Anglo-Irish Agreement gravely jeopardised by the unanswered allegations of Wallace and Holroyd? Now that the Taoiseach, Mr. Haughey, has said that he intends to carry out an inquiry into the allegations and, in particular, the alleged attempt to destabilise the Government of the Republic in the 1970s, surely the British Government should respond likewise. Surely Parliament is entitled to know whether Mr. Wallace and Mr. Holroyd are lying or whether they are telling the truth?

As my hon. Friend the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for the Armed Forces said in a parliamentary answer the other day, there has been no evidence whatsoever advanced in support of the allegations made by Messrs. Holroyd and Wallace.

Before my hon. Friend leaves the subject of the expression of appreciation to the outgoing Prime Minister, does he not agree with me that that man has stood out among his contemporary rivals as the only real statesman among them?

I will not get into that territory, but I certainly echo the compliments that my right hon. Friend paid to Dr. FitzGerald for the role that he has played in Ireland and in the European Community during his time as Taoiseach. Obviously, we look forward to working with whoever is Head of Government in the Irish Republic.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland on what recent talks he has had with representatives of the Government of the Republic of Ireland through the Intergovernmental Conference.

Our most recent discussions with Irish Government representatives took place at the meeting of the Intergovernmental Conference on 8 December. The statement issued after the meeting sets out the subjects discussed. A copy has been placed in the Library.

Now that the new Government are in place in the Republic can we see to it that an early meeting of the Intergovernmental Conference is convened? Can we also see more economic progress and more economic items on the agenda so that the people of Northern Ireland and the people in the island of Ireland as a whole can see some benefit from the economy improving as a result of the Anglo-Irish Agreement?

The hon. Gentleman knows that we never announce the dates of meetings of the Intergovernmental Conference in advance. It is too early to say when one might be likely to take place. We want the work of the conference to be sustained. We have had some discussions on economic matters already, and I am sure that we shalll continue to do so.

In any talks that the Government may have with the new Government of the Republic, will Ministers make it clear that the co-operation of the Republic will be judged by the amount of assistance that is given directly to security forces of Her Majesty's Government in pursuing terrorists, and that we would expect the south to desist from arresting British soldiers who inadvertently stray over the border in the course of their dangerous duties?

I am sure that we shall look forward to cross-border co-operation with the new Administration in Dublin. Any Irish Government must understand that the activities of terrorist organisations in Northern Ireland present a threat to democracy throughout the island of Ireland, and they will be as concerned as we are to further develop cross-border co-operation.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what steps he is taking to promote the Anglo-Irish Agreement in the Province.

Ministers take every opportunity to explain why the agreement is of benefit to everyone in Northern Ireland, and to remove misapprehensions about it.

I am grateful to my right hon. Friend for his answer, but he may be aware that there is an impression that since the Anglo-Irish Agreement was passed by the House and by another place with overwhelming majorities, the Government have been inclined to sit on their hands and not go out to the people of Northern Ireland to explain the benefits of the agreement. How many public meetings have he and his Ministers addressed in the Province? What sort of advertising campaign has been carried out? Has an attempt been made to send a leaflet to every household in the north explaining the benefits of the agreement?

I am grateful to my hon. Friend for his suggestions. We do not believe that a massive advertising campaign would be helpful, although we have placed certain advertisements to deal with clear misapprehensions. We have sought to discuss the concerns of political leaders and unfortunately, as my hon. Friend will know, they have felt unwilling to discuss them with us.

Does my right hon. Friend accept that advertisements must be based on fact, that it is a fact that over the months since the introduction of the agreement the majority of the population of Northern Ireland has seen little in it, and that, therefore, advertising would do little to promote it?

The agreement will not produce benefits that will lead to instant improvement. We are tackling difficulties and problems that have lasted over decades. I am certain that the population of Northern Ireland, especially the majority community, will regard a real improvement in security as a benefit stemming from the agreement, but my hon. Friend knows well that that is not something that we shall achieve overnight.

Is it not true that if the Secretary of State wishes successfully to promote the agreement in the Province, it must be understood that the most crucial aspect of it concerns security, including security for the Province as a whole and border security? What examples can the right hon. Gentleman give to the House or the Taoiseach, when he next meets him, that the agreement has worked in that regard? Can he prove to us that cross-border security has been improved?

Foundations have been laid, undoubtedly, for much closer co-operation. I think that the right hon. Gentleman will be aware of the joint threat assessment, for the first time ever, agreed between the Royal Ulster Constabulary and the Garda Siochana, the agreement on the need for close co-operation and the meetings that are taking place between senior police officers and police officers at all levels. There have been a number of individual successes. I accept entirely, however, that there have been outrages committed across the border, and it is our continuing ambition to improve our record in that respect.

Does my right hon. Friend agree that there has been an increase in the campaign of terror, especially by the IRA, and that in 1986, 61 people lost their lives and 1,450 were injured, including 622 policemen? Does he agree that it is most important to bring in more regular border patrols? If there is to be any cross-border incursions, does he agree that there should be give and take on both sides.

I certainly agree with the last point that my hon. Friend raised. On the matter of violence, it is not all IRA violence to which he referred.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will make a statement on the current situation regarding the boycott of local councils by certain members.

I deprecate the actions of some district councillors in Northern Ireland who have failed to discharge their responsibilities to their ratepayers. I very much hope that they will return to the council chamber to represent their constituents. In the meantime, the Government will continue to take such action as is necessary to ensure that essential services and jobs are not put at risk.

I accept and sympathise with the genuine dilemma faced by many Unionist councillors as between their deep loyalty to local government and their commitment to their party. I note that some of them have returned to their duties. Does the Secretary of State accept that it is an interesting point that the apparent solidarity of Unionist representation here does not reflect the differences between different parts of the Unionist cause in the north of Ireland?

I hope that the hon. Gentleman will agree with me that, whatever the depth of feeling that Unionist councillors may have, there is no excuse for not looking after their constituents, not attending councils and not abiding by the law of the land.

Does my hon. Friend agree that if Unionists are as divided as they clearly are in the Province of Northern Ireland, it does not help those of us who would like to see some degree of devolution in local government as well as in the more general political sense in Northern Ireland?

I agree with my hon. Friend. The sooner that Unionist councillors go back to their councils—many of them have done so—the better it will be for everybody.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland when he last met the Foreign Minister of the Republic of Ireland.

I refer the hon. Gentleman to the reply that my right hon. Friend gave to a question by the right hon. and learned Member for Warley, West (Mr. Archer) earlier today.

In discussions with the Irish Government about the Anglo-Irish Agreement, will the Minister make it clear that, although improved security must be an important objective, the nationalist population of the six counties would be let down badly if it were to be seen by them as the only objective? Is he aware that they will quite rightly wish to see further progress in other areas?

I agree with the point made by the hon. Gentleman. Indeed, reassurance of the nationalist community can be a help to the activities of the security forces in Northern Ireland.

As part of the Anglo-Irish Agreement includes a £50 million donation to this country from America, will my hon. Friend say whether we have yet received the £50 million, and, if so, how has it been spent?

Legislation has been passed to establish the international fund for Ireland, representing both parts of Ireland. The board has already had a number of meetings to consider how the money might most sensibly be disbursed.

When the Minister meets the Foreign Secretary, might it help to persuade him that the Anglo-Irish Agreement has been of some value if he points out that what it has really achieved is to expose the people of Britain to the unreasonableness and intransigence of unionism in Northern Ireland? Will he also point out that, according to the Daily Express poll, a majority of people in Britain want to withdraw from Northern Ireland and that more people in Britain think that the hon. Member for Antrim, North (Rev. Ian Paisley) is an evil presence than there are people who think that the hon. Member for Belfast, West (Mr. Adams) is an evil presence?

We so operate the Anglo-Irish Agreement with the Administration in Dublin that the benefits become manifest to all the people in Northern Ireland.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will make a statement on the latest security position in Northern Ireland.

Since I last reported to the House on 15 January, six people-a major in the Ulster Defence Regiment, a Royal Ulster Constabulary reserve constable and four civilians—have died as a result of the security situation. Three of the civilian deaths are believed to have been as a result of the Irish National Liberation Army feud. The efforts of the security forces are continuing to yield results. Since the beginning of the year, a total of 72 people have beeen charged with serious offences, 47 weapons, 810 rounds of ammunition and 1,617lbs of explosives have been recovered in Northern Ireland. In addition to those finds in Northern Ireland, there was a significant find of arms, ammunition and explosives by the Garda Siochana in the border region on 27 January.

Does my right hon. Friend agree that even minor acts of violence by prominent elected figures undermine the position of the security forces and needlessly make their task more difficult?

Certainly I deplore any public protest activities that distract the security forces from their overwhelming and clear responsibility, for which they should have the support of the whole population, and that is the fight against terrorism.

asked the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will make a statement on the current security situation in Northern Ireland.

I refer my hon. Friend to the answer I have just given to a question by the hon. and learned Member for Leicester, South (Mr. Spencer).

What evidence does my hon. Friend have of any new sources of supply of terrorist arms from overseas to Northern Ireland, and in particular what importance does he attach to the threat by colonel Gaddafi to supply the IRA?

The House will be aware of earlier attempts some years ago to obtain arms from Libya. We are under no illusions about terrorist attempts to secure arms from a number of sources. We are grateful that the assistance of the intelligence and security services of a number of other countries has successfully prevented the supply of such weapons.

asked the Prime Minister if she will list her official engagements for Thursday 12 March.

This morning I presided at a meeting of the Cabinet and had meetings with ministerial colleagues and others. In addition to my duties in this House, I shall be having further meetings later today, including one with the Prime Minister of Thailand.

During her busy day will my right hon. Friend find time to consider the action that is being taken by some teaching unions? Does she not find it strange that they took action to get a pay rise, that they have now been awarded a pay rise, and that they are taking action again? Is it not true that the only people who will suffer as a result are the teaching professions and those in state education?

My hon. Friend makes his own point very effectively. The disruption in our schools is now totally unjustified, and I think it is absolutely appalling that some teachers pursue their own interests by damaging the education of the children in their care.

As information about an illegal concert party operating in the shares of Westland plc has been available to the Government for some months, what action have the Government taken to establish who precisely was involved with the nominee companies and what measures can be taken against such persons?

My right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Trade and Industry made it quite clear some time ago that he was not taking any further action on this matter. I believe that that was announced some time in August.

Does that answer come from the Secretary of State and the Prime Minister because they are certain that no one who is involved in this operation falls within United Kingdom jurisdiction? If they are certain, can they tell us how they know that?

I am not quite certain whether the right hon. Gentleman is referring to something that has come to light in recent times. That, of course, will be considered in the appropriate way.

I was trying to clarify the basis upon which the Secretary of State for Trade and Industry and now the Prime Minister have taken their view. That is especially necessary, is it not, because 12 months ago the Prime Minister said that decisions about Westland plc should be in the hands of the shareholders. When, so obviously, a concert party was operating that had a major effect on the outcome, does the Prime Minister not think that she ought to pursue the matter further?

I understand that on 28 August 1986, following receipt of advice from the Attorney-General, the Secretary of State decided, finally, not to appoint inspectors. Westland, the solicitors of Societe Nationale Industrielle Aerospatiale, the Takeover Panel and the Stock Exchange were all informed on 10 September. There has been no reaction from any of these parties.

Will my right hon. Friend, during the day, give instructions to those who may be accompanying her to Moscow to the effect that, for the defence of Europe, it is imperative that any agreement on disarmament should cover not only intermediate-range nuclear weapons but the shorter-range weapons, which may be no danger to the United States but are a major danger to European defence?

I am grateful to my hon. Friend. This is a highly complicated matter, as he knows. As I have made clear in the House on several occasions, we cannot look at any single aspect of arms control in isolation. An INF agreement must provide for restraints on those shorter-range systems which could be used to circumvent an INF agreement. These are the longer-range SRINF; in practice it means the Soviet SS12, SS22 and SS23. I believe that the draft treaty tabled by the United States will do that effectively. At the same time, there must be provision for follow-on negotiations to deal further with those systems and to rectify the imbalance in shorter-range systems, comprising shorter range INF and SNF with a range of less than 500 kilometres. We also need to tackle the conventional imbalance: as nuclear weapons are reduced, measures to deal with disparities in conventional forces become even more important. [Interruption.] Yes, it is a very important question. Because of its complexity I thought it right to get the position absolutely clear.

In view of the judgment in the House of Lords this afternoon disqualifying 47 councillors in Liverpool, will the Prime Minister recognise that the financial damage that they have left behind will require united action in the city and co-operation from the Government to rectify it? Will she, therefore, agree to meet next week a broadly based deputation of the political, church and industrial leaders from the city?

No, Mr. Speaker. Liverpool council was democratically elected. The decision which has been taken today has been reached properly in accordance with the law. There will be local elections and by-elections, I expect, on 7 May, when the council will be reconstituted. Those democratically elected must learn to take responsibility for their actions.

Will my right hon. Friend take time during her busy day to consider the very serious concern expressed by many sections of the community about the possession of chemical weapons by the Soviet Union? Will she discuss the matter with Mr. Gorbachev during her forthcoming visit?

We have been gravely concerned about chemical weapons and we have been active in trying to secure disarmament in these weapons, as we gave them up a considerable time ago. I expect that that matter will come up during the deliberations.

asked the Prime Minister if she will list her official engagements for Thursday 12 March.

I refer the hon. Gentleman to the reply that I gave some moments ago.

Is the Prime Minister aware of the outrage felt throughout the northern region over the switch by the BBC of the transmission of programmes for Cumbria from Newcastle to Manchester? Is the Prime Minister aware— [Interruption.] Is is a very important distinction. Is the Prime Minister aware that despite a poll of 6,042 people carried out by Cumbrian Newspapers in which 96·8 per cent. of the respondents opposed the switch, and a poll that I carried out in the Grasslot miners' welfare in Maryport, where only two of 260 people I consulted agreed with the switch—

Order. This does not relate to the Prime Minister's responsibility.

The BBC insists—

Order. Come to the question. Opinion polls are not a matter for the Prime Minister.

The BBC insists on this decision— [Interruption.]

Order. The hon. Gentleman must relate his question to the Prime Minister's responsibility. I think the hon. Gentleman has asked his question. Opinion polls are not a matter for the Prime Minister.

Does the Prime Minister believe that the BBC should respond to what the people want and not take arbitrary decisions on its own behalf, without consulting the people?

I am aware of the hon. Gentleman's concern because he has written to me extensively about this matter. I believe my right hon. Friend the Home Secretary has explained to him that the reorganisation of television services by the BBC is wholly a matter for the BBC and the Government have no power to intervene in the regional organisation of BBC services. I am sure the hon. Gentleman will have put his own protests through to the relevant Committee, but by drawing attention to this matter in the House he has demonstrated his concern to the BBC.

asked the Prime Minister if she will list her official engagements for Thursday 12 March.

I refer my hon. Friend to the reply that I gave some moments ago.

Will the Prime Minister urgently send President Reagan a copy of Monday's Hansard to remind him, prior to his meeting with the Leader of the Opposition, that successive Governments of all parties, and all sensible people, support effective defence policies?

I entirely agree with my hon. Friend that the defence policies of the Opposition would gravely endanger, the NATO Alliance, which is the cornerstone of our security. We cannot claim to be a loyal member of that Alliance while disassociating ourselves from its strategy, based on nuclear deterrence. My hon. Friend is quite correct.

Is the right hon. Lady aware that the so-called irresponsible council of Liverpool in the last three years has built 4,600 houses, put 11,600 people into work in the construction industry, built sports centres and nursing schools, kept down the rents of people living in council houses, and at the same time has kept down rates to 5 per cent.? If that is irresponsible, what about the actions of the Secretary of State for the Environment, who has broken the law five times and has had to come to this House in order to get legislation to put it right? It is a scandal.

Liverpool city council is responsible for running its financial affairs prudently. Three separate courts—the High Court, the Court of Appeal and the House of Lords—have now confirmed the district auditors' view that Liverpool councillors incurred losses for the city council by deliberately delaying the setting of a rate for 1985–86. The courts found that they acted wilfully or at best with disregard for the legality of their actions.

asked the Prime Minister if she will list her official engagements for Thursday 12 March.

I refer my hon. Friend to the reply that I gave some moments ago.

Will my right hon. Friend find time to consider the relative merits of public expenditure and tax cuts? In doing so will she reject the advice of those, like the Leader of the Opposition, who have substantial incomes, and consider instead the needs of families on average incomes who need large tax cuts to meet excessive rate increases imposed by local authorities?

I agree with my hon. Friend. As he knows, our aim has been, and will continue to be, to reduce the burden of income tax when it is prudent to do so, particularly to help those on modest incomes. He knows some of the examples which I have frequently used which demonstrate the point. A nurse on earnings of £155 a week pays £43 of that gross pay in income tax and national insurance contributions. A primary school teacher pays, out of a weekly salary of £205, some £61 in tax and national insurance contributions. Both of those figures make the case for reductions in income tax.

In the little time left to the right hon. Lady before her defeat in the next general election, what does she intend to do to repair the damage to personal freedoms, to reverse the trend towards centralisation of power and to restore some regard for truth in public affairs?

On the first part of the hon. Gentleman's question, I would not deny him the pleasure of whistling in the dark. On the second part, I point out the steps that the Government have taken to enlarge freedom by the number of controls that we have cut and by taking away from trade union bosses practically the government of this country as well as the power to dictate to their members.