To ask the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what recent actions have been undertaken by his Department to challenge the endorsement of the MacBride principles in the United States of America.

The Government's approach to achieving fair employment, set out in the Fair Employment (Northern Ireland) Bill, is clearly much more appropriate than the MacBride principles, which do nothing to create equality or new job opportunties.

Is the Minister aware that, following the Government's consistent refusal to give the House the full cost of the campaign against the MacBride principles, the American press now estimates that the Government are spending £15 million per year to defeat MacBride, which works out at £10 per head for every man, woman and child in Northern Ireland and if invested in job creation could create 1,500 new jobs per year? Is it not now counterproductive to carry on with the campaign?

The hon. Gentleman's question would be amusing if the subject were not so serious. It is most irresponsible of him to ask such a question when in answer to a written question from him on 22 July 1988 I said:

"Since June 1985 to date the overall cost of assistance to individuals to give evidence has been £86,856."[0fficial Report, 22 July 1988; Vol. 137, c. 859.]

Is not the truth of the matter that the MacBride principles campaign, which is organised in the United States by people who are in cahoots with the IRA, has effectively denied many jobs in Northern Ireland to Catholics as well as to Protestants? Is the Minister aware that caring people in Northern Ireland, regardless of their political and religious views, thank him for countering this vicious campaign and for doing his best to get jobs for people in Northern Ireland, particularly in the black spots?

The hon. Gentleman is absolutely right. The way ahead is not to browbeat and hassle companies which provide much-needed employment in Northern Ireland, but to promote further investment in jobs within the much tougher law on fair employment that we are now introducing.

Does not the Minister understand that the MacBride principles are based on the Sullivan principles, which were devised in the United States to try to get American companies to use their influence to extend equal opportunities in South Africa? The alliance of people in the United States who back the MacBride principles includes the trades unions, the black community and the Irish community. It is a lie to suggest that it is some kind of Noraid fund. [Interruption.] It is a simple lie. The object is to put pressure on the British Government to do something about discrimination in Northern Ireland. My view is that the Government acted, however inadequately, largely because of that pressure.

The hon. Lady is quite right when she says that the McBride principles were shaped in America with a view to pressurising American companies. In my experience, though, American companies which employ people in Northern Ireland are very good employers and are fully aware of their responsibilities. If the hon. Lady wants to assist the promotion of jobs and fair employment in Northern Ireland, I recommend that she study very carefully the Fair Employment (Northern Ireland) Bill which has now emerged from Committee and will shortly be having its Report stage. I assure her that it will go a long way towards promoting fair employment and assisting in the creation of jobs in Northern Ireland.

I am sure that no one in the House would want disinvestment in Northern Ireland nor any curtailment of proper flows of investment. Nevertheless, I am sure that the Minister will agree that investors have a legitimate concern as to the eventual circumstances in which their money is used. Therefore, if an agreed Bill passes through the House does the Minister agree that its enforcement will be vital and that investors will still have a legitimate interest in examining the performances of the firms in which they have placed their money? Does he believe that the Bill provides adequate means for monitoring that?

The hon. Gentleman's contribution to the Bill in Committee has been extremely helpful. I believe that the Bill which has emerged from Committee will be welcomed by good employers as promoting good personnel practice.

To ask the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will give the figures for the total amounts of weapons, ammunition and explosives recovered in the last 12 months in Northern Ireland.

To ask the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland whether he will make a statement on the current security situation.

Since 20 April, the Provisional IRA has murdered three people in Northern Ireland and the UVF has claimed responsibility for one other murder. The victims were a taxi driver, a hospital officer in the prison service, a regular solider and a building worker.

Having had a cache of weapons and ammunition found in my constituency, may I express my admiration for the skill and courage of all those involved in locating and capturing such murderous items? Whenever possible, will my hon. Friend draw the facts, statistics and pictures to the attention of people in America and other parts of the world so that they can see how their money is being used to kill and maim men, women and children in Northern Ireland and throughout the United Kingdom?

I entirely endorse what my hon. Friend has said. The House, as well as many people in Northern Ireland and in other parts of the United Kingdom, will be grateful to the security forces who have been so successful in finding substantial hoards of weapons and explosives, but there is much more still to find and any information that anyone can provide to assist the security forces will go a long way to help in the campaign against terrorism. Conversely, anyone who thinks that funds might be used by paramilitaries to acquire explosives, ammunition or weapons should realise the terrible harvest of murder and destruction that they reap.

Is my hon. Friend aware of the revulsion felt by decent people in Britain and Northern Ireland at the statements made by apologists for the IRA such as Mr. Gerry Adams who talk about "mistakes" being made when innocent people or members of the security forces are killed? Does he agree that the best way for the people of Northern Ireland to show their revulsion for such acts and for the apologists in Sinn Fein is to ensure that decent, moderate candidates are elected to represent them in the European Parliament?

I agree with my hon. Friend. I am sure that the great majority of people in Northern Ireland are sickened by the apologies put forward by the IRA and its sympathisers. The murder and wounding of civilians is part and parcel of the IRA campaign. In those circumstances, it is no use members of the IRA offering apologies because they do not give a damn whether civilians are killed—they are worried only about the bad publicity for their politics.

As the Secretary of State has been responsible for security in Northern Ireland for almost four years now, what real comfort or reassurance can we draw from the figures behind the smokescreen that the Minister has just put up?

During my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State's distinguished tenure of office, among other things there has been a great improvement in the number of finds of weaponry and explosives in Northern Ireland and in the Republic of Ireland. In my experience, which is much shorter than that of my right hon. Friend, the efforts of the security forces in the Province have been absolutely outstanding. But for their remarkable efforts and dedication, a great deal more misery would have been caused by the terrorists.

We are all delighted when arms caches belonging to paramilitaries on whichever side are found, but is the Minister of State aware that the last annual report of the Chief Constable of the Royal Ulster Constabulary referred worryingly to increasing amounts of ammunition, particularly rocket-propelled grenades and Kalashnikovs, falling into the hands of Loyalist paramilitaries? In that context, can the Minister give a categorical assurance that the December 1987 arms shipment to Northern Ireland, whatever its source, was not organised, subsidised or facilitated by South African sources?

I cannot comment in detail on arms shipments that have been delivered for paramilitaries, but the RUC is right to recognises that it is dangerous for such shipments to fall into the hands of people on either side who might use them.

Is my hon. Friend satisfied that compensation to those whose houses and businesses have been blasted by IRA violence is being paid as promptly as we should expect in view of the fact that those people are trying to keep their businesses together even though the premises have been destroyed?

I accept my hon. Friend's point. We do what we can to ensure that these claims are dealt with properly and without undue delay. Unfortunately, one of the significant and common causes for delay is the difficulty of assembling all the information necessary to assess the claims properly. I appreciate the importance of the matter that my hon. Friend has raised.

To ask the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what recent meetings he has held with education groups.

To ask the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he has received representations recently from education groups.

During the past three months I have met representatives from a wide range of education groups on such matters as education reform, school development proposals and the public library service.

Is the Minister aware of the overwhelming opposition to the proposals contained in the document "Education Reform in Northern Ireland: The Way Forward"? Will he tell the House whether the proposals are any more or less unpopular than the Government's plan for National Health Service reforms in the Province?

I have to tell the hon. Gentleman that his information is very poor. Contrary to what he says, there is broad acceptance of the need to improve standards in schools in Northern Ireland and a wide welcome is being given to greater parental choice and involvement in the education of children.

Has the Minister recently met groups campaigning for integrated education? If so, does he believe that the establishment of non-denominational teacher training colleges would greatly assist such aims? If he believes that, why is there no mention of it in the White Paper on education reform in Northern Ireland?

I have met those involved in integrated education. This week I officially opened the latest integrated school, in Newcastle. The "Way Forward" document was not about teacher training, as the hon. Gentleman may well know—that matter was dealt with in an earlier report. The situation in Northern Ireland is generally believed not to have changed since that report was issued, but we are seeking to find ways in which teachers may be trained together more effectively, especially in terms of education for mutual understanding.

Further to that last answer, may I ask what encouragement is being given to the development of more integrated education in the Province? Does my hon. Friend agree that such schools would do much to bridge the sectarian divide?

When the draft Order in Council is available, for public consultation—next month, I hope —it will include legislation to permit parents democratically to choose to opt their schools out of existing structures and into an integrated structure. It will also enable us to make money available to help those who want to start new integrated schools, and will lay on the Department of Education a statutory responsibility to foster and encourage the development of integrated education. All of that will be subject to the choice of parents for their own children.

I warmly congratulate the Minister and the Government on their work with integrated schools, but one issue remains unresolved—that of day one start-up funding, which is to be resolved in forthcoming legislation. Is the Minister aware that two more integrated schools, one in Ballymena and the other in Enniskillen, are being held up because of the lack of resolution on that issue? Will he consider allowing those schools to go ahead with day one start-up funding in advance of legislation, which will be coming in due course anyway?

My understanding is that I do not have the ability to meet the right hon. Gentleman's request. We need the legislation so that what he refers to as day one start-up funding can take place. We have recognised the importance of that. That is why we hope, subject to the will of both Houses, to change the legislation so that the change will be possible. It is up to people in Ballymena and Enniskillen to judge as others have done, whether they want to start the process ahead of the legislation. That is a matter for them, not for me. I thank the right hon. Gentleman for his personal words.

The Minister has told the House that there is a wide welcome for the education reform proposals. Does he agree with a senior official from his Department, Mr. Billy Burnison, who recently stated that the reform proposals will not meet the needs of all pupils in Northern Ireland?

The hon. Lady should read the letter which Mr. Burnison subsequently sent to the Belfast Telegraph, which gave a more accurate account of what he said than that which was originally recorded.

To ask the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland when he expects to announce the completion of the review of the operation of the Anglo-Irish Agreement.

To ask the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland when he expects to make a statement on the outcome of the review of the Anglo-Irish Agreement.

I expect to announce the completion of the review of the working of the Intergovernmental Conference under the Anglo-Irish Agreement and to make a statement, following the next meeting of the conference, which will take place shortly.

We have just had local government elections in Northern Ireland and local authorities have very limited powers there. What is happening about moves towards democratic and devolved government throughout the Province, which were aims of the Anglo-Irish Agreement? Will practical steps be taken towards that, inside or outside the agreement?

We have made absolutely clear our interest in trying to encourage elected people in the Province to take greater responsibility for their own affairs. We are seeing whether there is an opportunity for some dialogue to commence. The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, my hon. Friend the Member for Peterborough (Dr. Mawhinney), is engaged in discussions with a wide cross-section of different interests and bodies to discover where opportunities for progress exist in that respect.

Does the Secretary of State accept that one of the problems about the agreement is that it operates in so-called secrecy? Subject to normal security requirements, will he take steps to open up the process so that interested parties can play some part in the process? Can he tell the House today of his firm proposals to activate the parliamentary tier of the agreement, for which there is wide cross-party support in the House?

The parliamentary tier is not a matter for me —it is a matter for the House. I know that my right hon. Friend the Lord President of the Council is involved in that. It is hoped that it can go forward, and I would welcome that. The hon. Gentleman's comments about the agreement being operated in secrecy were not fair. I have made clear my readiness to brief all political parties in Northern Ireland regularly on proceedings in the conferences. One political party avails itself of that opportunity, but the others do not. After every meeting a communiqué is placed in the Library of the House. I am also very willing to respond to any questions or other queries which may arise about the proceedings. Certain matters concerning security are confidential, but otherwise I endorse what the hon. Gentleman has said.

Following the reference to local government elections in Northern Ireland, does my right hon. Friend agree that congratulations are due to Mr. Kennedy, the successful candidate in the North Down local election, who stood as a Conservative?

As the jury is still out and counting, as it were, I do not think that anyone should risk commenting at this stage on the local government elections. I shall not comment until I see the results.

Does my right hon. Friend agree that although good relations with the Republic are clearly essential there is nothing in the performance of the Anglo-Irish Agreement so far to suggest that any dramatic new initiatives are called for at this time?

I hope to put before the House a record of the work of the conference over the past three years. The House will then be able to see the steady progress that has been made in developing co-operation where that is useful and beneficial. The House has just heard my right hon. Friend the Minister of State recounting the Garda Siochana's substantial arms finds. Quite apart from the other issues to which we attach importance, that is one obvious area where co-operation has been extremely helpful.

Does the Secretary of State agree with the Irish Government that the dates of the Anglo-Irish Inter-Governmental Conference should be fixed and published in advance, preferably with the agenda, so that ordinary people and organisations from both parts of Ireland, especially the North, have an opportunity to make an input?

I agree with that and I want to see how, within any security considerations, we can move towards that. As the hon. Gentleman knows, recent communiqués have contained information about the next meeting's agenda, or items that would be covered within it. I would be pleased to see people play a bigger part and make some input if they wish to do so.

When my right hon. Friend is considering the form and structure of democratic institutions in Northern Ireland, will he make sure that he has read the speech made by my right hon. and learned Friend the Secretary of State for Scotland to the Scottish Conservative party in which he said clearly that devolution and the creation of assemblies in any territories within the United Kingdom would be bad for the Union if it was done unilaterally and bad for this unitary Parliament? Will my right hon. Friend bear that in mind in view of the impact that his proposals may have in Scotland?

I shall take note of the points made by my right hon. and learned Friend the Secretary of State for Scotland. I also have a note of one or two rather unusual suggestions in a speech that my hon. Friend made with which I cannot readily agree.

Is the Secretary of State aware that the Opposition welcome his statement that he hopes to see an opening and widening of the operation of the Anglo-Irish Agreement so that more people can be aware of what is taking place and make an important input into its proceedings, if only through the correspondence columns of the Belfast Telegraph, because in that way we could have a real sense of what is being achieved there?

The hon. Gentleman knows that we have already been giving that matter some considerable attention. We are actively involved in ensuring that everybody in Northern Ireland is aware of the implications of 1992. We have had conferences and discussions with Irish representatives and Ministers so that, where there is scope for co-operation, opportunities can be taken.

To ask the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what is the current pupil-teacher ratio in all schools; what it was five, 10 and 20 years ago; and if he will make a statement.

The 1988 pupil-teacher ratio is 18·4 to one, which is the lowest on record. The comparable figures for five, 10 and 20 years ago are 18·7, 19·5 and 24·3, respectively.

Is it not clear that there has been remarkable progress under the present Government in the provision of teachers for Northern Ireland? How are the additional teachers being deployed? Are they being deployed to split pupils into smaller groups for teaching, or to widen the curriculum, or both?

My hon. Friend will be pleased to know that they are being deployed in both areas. We shall have to give further thought to that deployment as education reform proposals are implemented in the Province.

Is it the Government's intention that integrated schools will enjoy the same pupil-teacher ratio as the present system of education or a better one? How will it be possible for parents of pupils in Church-owned schools to opt out into the integrated sector?

We have not drawn any distinctions, in terms of PTRs, between integrated schools and other types. As to Church-owned schools, the proposals will apply to all schools, which will be subject to the democratic votes of parents.

To ask the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he has met with representatives from pressure groups working on behalf of women.

My right hon. Friend the Secretary of State met representatives of the women's information group last year. I had an opportunity recently to discuss employment issues affecting women at a meeting with representatives of the Equal Opportunities Commission for Northern Ireland.

Is the Minister aware that the working women of Northern Ireland have a crying need for the provision of better child care? Northern Ireland fares worse than the United Kingdom in terms of nursery provision and education. What will the Minister do to ensure that the situation in Northern Ireland at least replicates that in the rest of the United Kingdom—even though it makes the poorest provision for such facilities in the whole of Europe?

I sit as a member of the ministerial group on women's issues, which considers such matters. We will of course deal with any specific questions about nursery education or creche facilities that the hon. Lady asks. I assure her that the Civil Service as an employer seeks to set its own standards in equal opportunities, but I take note of the hon. Lady's points.

Does my hon. Friend agree that there could be no better representation of the interests of the women of Northern Ireland than the photograph in The Times today of Mrs. Breige Morgan holding her three-year-old daughter, who was maimed by a bomb in a telegraph pole that was detonated by the IRA, and who cannot have the shrapnel removed from the calf of her leg in case it does permanent damage? Will my hon. Friend join right hon. and hon. Members on this side of the House in condemning such revolting acts of terrorism?

The act of terrorism to which my hon. Friend refers, will, I am sure, disgust the entire House. That photograph will be seen around the world, and will illustrate the impact of terrorism in Northern Ireland.

To ask the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what is the policy of Her Majesty's Government in order to bring to the Province peace, stability and reconciliation.

We are giving particular emphasis to strengthening the economy, improving the prospects for jobs, encouraging better community relations, and giving additional help to areas of particular need. At the same time we maintain the most determined efforts to de feat terrorism, and to encourage a more constructive approach to political development.

Is it not true that the Anglo-Irish Agreement has alienated the majority without reconciling the minority? Will my right hon. Friend follow a policy whereby the Province is governed as closely as may be to the way in which the rest of the United Kingdom is governed?

I hope and know that my hon. Friend will have listened to my original answer, and I trust that he found it entirely acceptable as the policy that we seek to pursue. That is the foundation on which we strive to address the governance of Northern Ireland.

Does the Secretary of State agree that one of the principles of governing Northern Ireland in exactly the same way as the rest of the United Kingdom should be to adopt exactly the same electoral process in the Province as that which is enjoyed by the electorate in the rest of the United Kingdom? Will the right hon. Gentleman also bear in mind that the methods used for identification at polling stations are inadequate, as was proved to be true yesterday, when people apparently turned up with forged medical cards? Would not the solution be a single proper identity card for the entire population?

There are strong arguments in favour of the hon. Gentleman's latter suggestion, provided that one can ensure that it operates in a way that is not itself open to abuse. One of the problems of personation in Northern Ireland is the determined efforts made by people to falsify their identity, even when required to produce proof of it. The authorities take as effective steps as they can against forgery and other activities.

To ask the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will make a statement on privatisation of Short Brothers and the implications for defence sales.

Proposals for the acquisition of Short Brothers plc have now been received from Bombardier and GEC-Fokker and they are being carefully assessed. There will be no change in the relationship between the Ministry of Defence as customer and Shorts as contractor consequent upon the sale of the Government's shareholding.

Although Short Brothers is still over-manned, will my hon. Friend congratulate the company on its recent improvement in productivity? Bearing in mind the importance of the Paris air show next month as a shop window for the aerospace industry, can my hon. Friend assure the House that Short Brothers will be able to exhibit at that show knowing who are its new owners?

The Government are seeking urgently to finalise the arrangements for the move of Shorts o 'the private sector as a single unit, which is our preferred option, but it is not possible at this point to put a specific timetable on that programme. I agree completely with my hon. Friend that the long-term future of Shorts will lie with those who work there. High productivity and competitiveness will be crucial.

Thank you, Mr. Speaker, for calling me twice. May I impress upon the Minister the need to make an urgent decision on the privatisation of Shorts? The Minister will be aware that only some two weeks ago the company—[Interruption.]

Order.

I did not know that they made umbrella material into jackets.

I thought that my hon. Friend the Member for Bradford, South (Mr. Cryer) was in the umbrella business.

What I can say is that no decision has been made. I give the hon. Gentleman an assurance that we are pursuing the matter with all possible urgency.

To ask the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what was discussed at the recent meeting with Bombardier's in Canada; and if he will make a statement.

The visit by my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State to Bombardier Ltd. in Montreal on 2 May was at the invitation of its chairman and took place during his recent programme of commitments in north America. As to the discussions about the bids received for Shorts from Bombardier and GEC/Fokker, they are commercial and confidential.

Following the Minister's previous answers, I must press him further. Does he realise that there is now—[Interruption.] I long ago learnt to ignore those hooligans masquerading as hon. Members on the Conservative side. [Interruption.]

Order.

Is the Minister aware that there is now a very serious haemorrhaging of the kind of skilled labour on which Shorts depends as a result of the uncertainty now hanging over the company? Some are going to South Africa, some to the United States and some to Canada. It is true to say that Shorts has put forward its proposals for privatisation and Bombardier has accepted them. What is the delay and does the Minister realise that if the dark cloud of uncertainty hanging over Shorts is not cleared away by the time of the Paris air show the consequence will be a loss of orders and an even more substantial loss of skilled manpower?

All those companies which entered into the negotiations for the possible acquistion of Shorts did so on the basis that the discussions would be handled in a confidential manner, and they must be. I reiterate the assurance that I gave in answer to the previous question. We are closely in touch with the company in question and with the other companies which have indicated an interest in making the acquisition. We will pursue the matter with all possible urgency.

To ask the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he has any plans to change local government structures and powers in Northern Ireland to bring them into line with the rest of the United Kingdom.

No, Sir. We do, however, want to see elected representatives more fully involved in the arrangements for governing Northern Ireland. We have therefore been stressing the need for the constitutional political parties in Northern Ireland to talk together, and with us, about such issues.

I thank my right hon. Friend for that reply and I am flattered that he does read my speeches. Can my right hon. Friend confirm that when he is considering the aspects of the structure and the merger he will bear in mind the fact that I represent a minority of a minority? I am a Scottish Conservative Member of Parliament and the Scots are a minority in the United Kingdom. Therefore we understand the position of minorities but we do not expect power sharing at local government level or any other level in Scotland because we recognise that the cornerstone of parliamentary democracy is that the majority will prevails.

In the discussions that we are seeking to initiate we make it clear that we do not wish to set out a prearranged formula on any particular basis. As my hon. Friend knows, however, the position in Northern Ireland is very different from that in Scotland in that there is very little power in local government, and I should like to see people in Northern Ireland taking more responsibility for their own administration and government.

To ask the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland when he expects the review of the operation of the Anglo-Irish Agreement to be completed.

I refer the hon. Gentleman to the answer that I gave to the hon. Member for Derbyshire, North-East (Mr. Barnes).

When the review is completed, instead of just a statement followed by the customary 30 or 45 minutes of questions could we have a debate on the operation of the Anglo-Irish Agreement?

I would certainly welcome that, and I take note of the hon. Gentleman's suggestion. It is, however, a matter for my right hon. Friend the Leader of the House, and I shall ensure that he is made aware of the hon. Gentleman's request.

To ask the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will make a statement about the work of the International Fund for Ireland.

The international fund is making good progress in fulfilling its objectives of promoting economic and social development in those areas of Ireland north and south which have suffered most in recent years, and of encouraging contact, dialogue and reconciliation. I pay tribute to the board of the fund for the way in which it has approached this important task.

What does it feel like, as a member of a Government who put such a premium on hard work, self-reliance and thrift, to be the recipient of Third world aid from the United States of America?

The hon. Gentleman makes an extraordinary point if he is criticising the suggestion that the United States and other contributors to the international fund should make their own contribution to economic and social development in Northern Ireland. I should have thought that, as he represents constituents in Northern Ireland, the hon. Gentleman would welcome the contribution that the fund has made.

My hon. Friend's point is that he believes that there are places in Great Britain that would benefit from the international fund. I think that I heard him suggest Brixton.

I did not hear that comment, but any suggestion that the fund's resources are not welcome for desirable purposes in Northern Ireland strikes me as extraordinary.

To ask the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland if he will make a statement on the recent use of plastic bullets in Northern Ireland.

In the first four months of the year the security forces have fired 182 plastic baton rounds. The vast majority of these were fired in north and west Belfast during incidents of serious street disorder. In certain circumstances, particularly during vicious and widespread rioting when lives are put seriously at risk, the use of plastic baton rounds is the most effective way of restoring order.

Will the Minister confirm that there are proposals for a different type of plastic baton round, which appears to be rather more lethal than the present type? Will he make it clear that he has no intention of changing the type now in use, and that real progress could be made if we were able to phase out the use of all plastic bullets?

The use of baton rounds is, I think, likely to remain necessary in Northern Ireland for as long as serious disorder of this kind occurs. Changes have been made in types of baton round in the past to ensure that they performed their task more effectively—that task being to restore order without causing serious damage or injury—and that may happen again in the future. Such bullets should always be used with care and restraint, and, like the hon. Gentleman, I look forward to the time when they are no longer needed.

To ask the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland what action he intends to take to reduce the delay for National Health Service operations.

The Department of Health and Social Services is currently addressing hospital in-patient waiting lists through the accountability reviews by ensuring that action to reduce waiting times for operations is accorded a high priority.

Is the Minister aware that many patients, relatives and general practitioners, particularly in my constituency of North Down, are extremely worried about the delay in some operations? Will he consider the matter again?

I assure the hon. Gentleman that we keep the matter under close observation. As he will know, the key indicator is waiting times rather than waiting lists. The waiting lists in Northern Ireland amount to 32 per cent. of in-patients, which is exactly the same percentage as before. Of course, we will continue to watch the position closely which is why in the accountability reviews with the boards we are making certain that all the statistics available are checked to see what we can do to reduce waiting lists as quickly as possible.

To ask the Prime Minister if she will list her official engagements for Thursday 18 May.

This morning I presided at a meeting of the Cabinet and had meetings with ministerial colleagues and others. In addition to my duties in the House, I shall be having further meetings later today.

No doubt the Prime Minister is aware that Guy's hospital is appealing to the public to sponsor cots financially so that the lives of tiny babies who have to undergo heart operations can be saved. Would the Prime Minister care to consider the advice of St. Francis of Assisi —if that great man were alive today to give that advice to grandmothers such as her? Does she think that he would advise that adequate funding is important so that each and every operation is given priority and babies' lives can be saved? Does she agree that that would be better than the begging bowl approach that is adopted now, or does she not care?

With regard to cots for tiny children, the hon. Gentleman will be aware that there are many more intensive care units now than there were 10 years ago, many more specialised nurses attending those cots and many more consultant specialists to see that the children get the attention and care that they need. They have far more now than children had 10 years ago, and further progress will continue.

Will my right hon. Friend take time today to consider the one-day strikes that are taking place, causing maximum hardship and disruption for the general public and with minimum cost to the union members involved? Is it not time that we moved towards continental practices where in Germany and Italy—[Interruption.]

Order.

This is very topical. In Germany and Italy strikes are illegal and in France they are unlawful in the public sector.

I join my hon. Friend in condemning the strikes. The strikers show no concern whatever for the public whom they are intended to serve.

Is the Prime Minister aware that, according to The Daily Telegraph this morning, support among doctors for her new National Health Service proposals has risen to a new high of 1 per cent? What are her plans to double that support?

If the right hon. Gentleman had read other polls he would have noticed that at least 25 per cent. of doctors have shown interest—[Interruption.]—in taking their own practice budgets which is very different from the figure he gave. We have indications that many hospitals are showing interest in becoming self-governing hospitals in the Health Service. Under the White Paper the purpose is better service for patients and an opportunity for doctors to choose whether they have their own practice budgets and for hospitals to choose whether they will become self-governing. I am well aware that choice plays no part in Socialist policies.

During the course of her busy day, will my right hon. Friend take time to consider why a number of local authorities are spending so much money trying to spread falsehoods about the community charge? Does she agree that the authorities which tend to do that usually turn out to be the high-spending authorities? Does she further agree that under the community charge, high-spending authorities will have high community charges and that that is why they are so concerned about the matter, because for the first time they will be accountable to the people who have to pay the money?

Yes, I agree with my hon. Friend, and I am pleased that my right hon. Friend's community charge leaflet was fully cleared by their Lordships for distribution and that, at the same time, Greenwich council was caught out in sending out false propaganda and insinuating that if one did not fill in the community charge form, somewhow one would be deprived of one's vote. That was totally wrong. I agree with my hon. Friend that the Labour party does not want the community charge to come in because it will show up which are the high spending, extravagant authorities, which are mainly Labour.

To ask the Prime Minister if she will list her official engagements for Thursday 18 May.

I refer the hon. Gentleman to the reply that I gave some moments ago.

Will the Prime Minister note that I have received in recent weeks several hundred letters from constituents who are anxious about the NHS, showing that their concern is as much about the Government's apparently dogmatic attempts to destabilise the service as about the inadequacy of resources? Does the right hon. Lady appreciate that many parts of these islands did not give much support to her party at the last general election —[Interruption.]—and that it is about time that the 24 million people who did not vote Conservative then, and who will not vote for her next time, had some consideration, and rather more than they have received in recent years?

Whether or not they voted Conservative, they have done very much better under this Government than they ever did under Labour, not only in terms of the standard of living but in terms of the standard of health care under the NHS, with far more resources for the Health Service, far more doctors, far more nurses, far more treatment for far more patients and far better treatment than ever before.

To ask the Prime Minister is she will list her official engagements for Thursday 18 May.

I refer my hon. Friend to the reply that I gave some moments ago.

Looking ahead from my right hon. Friend's splendidly robust recent statements on EEC matters towards the practical implementation of her words at the forthcoming Madrid summit, may I ask her to say whether she agrees that the most explosive flashpoints on the Madrid agenda are likely to be the Delors report on economic and monetary union and the social charter? Is it her view that the British Government have a legal right to exercise a veto on these misguided proposals, and will she be prepared to use it?

I think that my hon. Friend has correctly identified what will be the two main issues at the Madrid summit—the Delors report and the social charter. From all the accounts that I have received about the social charter, it is more like a Socialist charter—[Interruption.] —of unnecessary controls and regulations which would tie up industry, which would put many more costs on industry, which would make industry uncompetitive and which would therefore increase unemployment and mean that we could not compete with the rest of the world for the trade that we so sorely need.

Will the Prime Minister take time in the course of her busy day to visit Northern Ireland, where she could observe at first hand, either today or even tomorrow, the tedious and complicated procedure of count which must follow proportional representation elections, a system of election which makes it easy for parties such as Sinn Fein to be elected? Why does she deny to her own constituents in Finchley, who are at least as British as those in Northern Ireland, the opportunity to vote for and elect members of Sinn Fein, the National Front and so on?

I am very satisfied with the election system that we have in Great Britain, and hope and believe that it will continue.

To ask the Prime Minister if she will list her official engagements for Thursday 18 May.

I refer my hon. and learned Friend to the reply that I gave some moments ago.

Will my right hon. Friend welcome recent developments in the Soviet Union, where candidates for the Soviet parliament are no longer imposed upon the electorate by the central party organisation in the Kremlin? [Interruption.]

Yes, we are very glad to note that the Soviet Union is well ahead of the Labour party, judging from what is happening at Vauxhall in this country.

Can the Prime Minister explain why she has set her face so strongly against the Lingua programme, when her own Department was fiercely in support of it initially, and when reassurances are given in the programme that it will have no legislative effect on the curriculum or anything else? It will simply offer opportunities for our young people and teachers to be involved in exchange programmes to improve their modern language facilities.

We support the teacher part, but not the whole programme as operated from Europe because £160 million—[Interruption.) Perhaps Opposition Members would listen before they pass judgment. We do not support the £160 million programme because we could do better for our own pupils and teachers with expenditure of less money. The Labour party used to believe in value for money, but that was long ago.

To ask the Prime Minister if she will list her official engagements for Thursday 18 May.

I refer my hon. Friend to the reply that I gave some moments ago.

Will my right hon. Friend reinforce her notable victory in Brussels yesterday and ensure that zero-rated VAT for children's clothes, food and books will remain in this country by continuing her robust and successful efforts to prevent unhelpful attempts by the Commission to interfere in our taxation matters?

Yes. The continuation of zero rating is a major vindication of the United Kingdom's firm stance on this matter—a stance to which we have always adhered—[Interruption.] We have always adhered to it very firmly indeed. I also welcome the fact that the Commission's latest ideas appear to involve the continuation of those rates. We need to study the small print of the Commission's communication very carefully because we believe that there are some conditional factors, and that they propose some requirements for tax approximation, which we do not believe are at all necessary or, indeed, advisable.

Did the Prime Minister say on Tuesday that the United Kingdom is paying £2 billion net to the Common Market for which we get no tangible return? Why on earth should we do that?

Because, as the hon. Gentleman is aware, that is the net contribution that falls to us this year for being in Europe, receiving all the inward investment that we obtain as members of the EC, being able to negotiate on trade as part of the European Community, and gaining all the other benefits which flow from that. Had it not been for the negotiation which took place at Fontainebleau, when we gained a good deal of rebate, we would not pay a £2 billion net contribution, but about £3·5 billion.

To ask the Prime Minister if she will list her official engagements for Thursday 18 May.

I refer my hon. Friend to the reply that I gave some moments ago.

In her busy day, has my right hon. Friend had a chance to see that the Greenwich borough council has had to withdraw 85,000 copies of the Greenwich Times because it contained a misleading and factually incorrect statement—[Interruption.] The paper incorrectly stated that those who did not put their names down for the community charge would lose their democratic right to vote. Does my right hon. Friend agree that it is hypocritical and abominable for a council that has constantly bombarded the Government with charges of promoting inaccurate material to the public to then be guilty of doing so itself?

Yes, I agree with my hon. Friend. I have seen that Greenwich council has withdrawn its false statement that failure to pay the charge may deprive people of their right to vote. This will be interesting, because Greenwich council ratepayers will have to pay the costs of Greenwich, which fought the Government over an accurate leaflet that we wished to distribute.

To ask the Prime Minister if she will list her official engagements for Thursday 18 May.

I refer my hon. Friend to the reply that I gave some moments ago.

When considering the most recent pronouncements by the doctors, is it not relevant to recall that they have opposed every reform to the Health Service that has been mooted in the past 40 years? Does my right hon. Friend recall that in. June 1955, when the Government wished to stop the spread of drug addiction and sought to ban the use and manufacture of heroin in Britain, the British Medical Association behaved in exactly the same way as it is behaving today—worrying patients and sending furious letters to Members of Parliament?

As my hon. Friend says, it is true that the BMA has tended to oppose many of the major reforms of the Health Service; many of us remember the limited list, for instance.