If he will make a statement about his Department's actions this year to combat the drugs trade. [95030]

This year, the Foreign and Commonwealth Office has continued to co-ordinate the international elements of the United Kingdom's national drugs strategy. With other Departments, our efforts are primarily targeted at reducing the production and trafficking of class A drugs to the UK, and at increasing the effectiveness of other countries' anti-drugs efforts.

I thank my hon. Friend the Minister for that reply, and welcome him to his position; I wish him well with his new portfolio.

I thank my hon. Friend for the way in which he has raised this matter. It is now one that none of us, as constituency Members of Parliament, can ignore. In the Foreign Office, for our part, we have already contributed about £5.9 million this year to anti-drugs measures that support practical international projects to tackle the problem in the transit countries and to break off the supply lines of heroin and cocaine. Yes it is important, as my hon. Friend suggests, that we tackle the source and supply of drugs, but we must also address the money laundering that rides on the back of that.

Is the Minister aware of the astonishing growth in the drugs trans-shipment trade through the Caribbean? It was recently estimated that the amount of drugs being trafficked through the West Indian islands and Guyana is equivalent to the gross domestic product of all the English-speaking territories in the Caribbean—the implication being that that hugely undermines good governance in those countries. Will the Minister tell us why he is withdrawing British technical officials from the police forces and Customs services of the dependent territories, thus not supporting the islands sufficiently to enable them to retain their alternative employment based on bananas?

I know that the hon. Gentleman takes a great interest in development matters and is holding conversations about the budget of the Department for International Development, to which the special projects refer. I can only say that, as far as I am aware, within the budget of the Foreign Office there are collaborative, co-operative projects—especially in the transit countries and in countries such as Colombia—to tackle the problems and to work with the local authorities and security services to do what we can.

My hon. Friend will be aware that, last week, one of my constituents was released from prison in Goa on a drugs charge of which he was not guilty. I thank the Foreign Office for the support that was given. However, although we are rightly keeping up a drive against the supply of drugs, can we continue to give support to our citizens abroad when they are wrongly charged in such incidents?

Again, basic justice is precisely the point for the staff of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office abroad; they offer support and consider the justice of particular cases. There will be occasions when people are wrongly charged.

If he will make a statement on British relations with Pakistan. [95031]

Britain is a friend of Pakistan, with which we have many historic, family and commercial ties. We have followed with concern events in Pakistan over the past year, and are dismayed by last month's military coup. We will work closely with our colleagues in the Commonwealth to press for an early and credible timetable for the restoration of democracy to the people of Pakistan. It is important also to many of our other friends around the world that the international community does not provide any signal that it is willing to condone the military overthrow of a constitutional Government.

Is it not true that the right hon. Gentleman's claim to be a friend of Pakistan will ring hollow because he has rushed to judgment without a full appreciation of the circumstances? Will he please bear in mind the interests of the people of Pakistan? Is it not a fact that the impoverishment of Pakistan has been at the heart of that country's political problems? Will not Pakistan be further impoverished by the arbitrary cut-off of British development aid? If Pakistan were suspended from the Commonwealth, as Her Majesty' Government seem to want, how would that improve relations with India? How will it affect the situation of Pakistanis in this country, who owe their ability to vote in elections and to join the civil service, the armed forces or the police to their Commonwealth nationality?

The decision that has been taken is not to suspend Pakistan's membership of the Commonwealth, but to suspend it from the councils of the Commonwealth. The hon. Gentleman should reflect on the final point I made. Far from our being alone on the issue, the attitude of most other Commonwealth countries was far more vigorous than ours precisely because they do not want to give the signal—which the hon. Gentleman is in danger of providing—that military coups are acceptable in certain circumstances.

Does my right hon. Friend agree that there is considerable support among Pakistanis for the change in Pakistan and that that feeling is the result of the failure of Pakistan's elected Governments to provide transparent and good governance? Does he also agree that the imposition of sanctions, the withdrawal of aid and the isolation of Pakistan will not help to restore democracy in Pakistan, but will ensure that people who already face misery will have to endure greater hardship?

Of course it is the case that politicians in Pakistan have badly let down the people who elected them. [Interruption.] I am glad that I have the support of the hon. Member for Buckingham (Mr. Bercow).

The Foreign Secretary will be aware that the Sharif Government removed the President of Pakistan, deposed the chief justice and kicked out the army chief; and Sharif then appointed cronies to be judges and provincial governors and to other positions of power—he even had his thugs storm the Supreme Court to prevent it from hearing corruption charges against him. Why did the Foreign Secretary take an immediate decision to remove from the Musharraf regime support that he had provided to Prime Minister Sharif's corrupt and dishonest regime?

The principle at stake is that it is for the people of Pakistan to make up their own mind, and the place to do that is at the ballot box. There will be many friends of Britain throughout Africa and Asia who are dismayed to learn that the modern Tory party endorses a military coup.

Does my right hon. Friend accept that, although none of us condones or approves of the way in which the government of Pakistan was changed, it is essential that we help the people of Pakistan to achieve a democratic Government, free from the corruption and intolerance that characterised their previous Government? We must not penalise the people of Pakistan, but positively support their efforts to achieve the democracy that I know my right hon. Friend wants.

I assure my hon. Friend that we are maintaining humanitarian aid, which can be channelled through non-governmental organisations, and that much of our aid to Pakistan falls into that category. We cannot do business as normal with a military regime, but we are certainly willing to work with its leaders to restore democracy. The Commonwealth mission made it clear that help would be available, and the regime's leaders will be judged on whether they take advantage of the assistance, guidance and funding that will be provided to help to restore democracy.

If he will make a statement on Her Majesty's Government's policy on the supply of arms to Jordan. [95032]

We have a close and positive relationship with Jordan and admire the way in which King Abdullah has conducted the first months of his reign. Britain has long been a traditional supplier of arms and military training to the Jordanian armed forces.

The Minister will know that the tank refurbishment facility in my constituency is currently refurbishing Challenger tanks, which were probably built in Leeds, for sale to Jordan. I do not object to that, but what assurances has he received that those tanks will not be passed to Iraq? We know that British armaments were passed to Iraq via Jordan during the Iraqi war.

Up to 288 Challenger tanks have been offered to the Jordanians, who have long been allies and a force for stability and moderation in the region. Some 14 of the tanks have been handed over by my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for Defence who is in the region at the moment. We are absolutely certain that the tanks will not be passed to the Iraqi regime—although such things occurred under the previous Conservative Government.

If he will make a statement on the current state of the middle east peace process. [95033]

I visited both Israel and the Palestinian Authority last week. I was encouraged by the evidence of progress in implementing the Sharm el-Sheikh agreement, such as the opening of the southern safe passage from Gaza to the west bank on which I travelled during my visit. Many serious issues remain to be resolved if both parties are to fulfil the ambitious timetable of concluding final status talks within a year, but I was impressed that this time the Israeli leadership as well as the Palestinian Authority want to make a success of the peace process.

I thank my right hon. Friend for that reply. Following the sixth anniversary of the signing of the Oslo agreement and my right hon. Friend's successful visit to Israel last week, does he agree that if the final status talks falter in the run-up to next September's deadline, Britain is uniquely placed to act as an honest broker in those talks? In the words of The Times editorial of last week, London could be a very effective back channel for Israeli-Palestinian negotiations.

Both parties whom I met in the middle east recognise that Britain is a friend of the peace process and a natural voice of the peace process within the wider European Union. Both parties are anxious that the peace process should be paralleled with opening trade links with the European Union in order to secure a real economic peace dividend for the citizens of the Palestinian Authority.

Is it the Government's view that a successful outcome of the middle east peace process will be the creation of an independent Palestinian state?

Along with our partners in the European Union, we stand ready to consider recognising a Palestinian state. As the hon. Gentleman may be aware, the Berlin declaration made clear the Palestinian people's right to an independent state. The picture painted by both sides of the likely outcome could be recognised only as creating a Palestinian state. We will certainly ensure that the Palestinian Authority has the necessary institutions and is ready to take over and run any such entity.

Following his successful visit, can my right hon. Friend assure the House that, on a day when the parties are again assembling in Oslo, the plight of the Palestinian refugees who are based mainly in Lebanon will not be forgotten? Will my right hon. Friend and his colleagues do what they can to ensure that, while we do not seek a long agenda for the final status negotiations, we do not forget the role and the plight of the Palestinian refugees?

I visited one of the camps of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency while I was in Gaza. I was moved by the conditions in the camp and by the enormously strong spirit of the children and their hopes for the future. UNRWA particularly appreciates the fact that Britain has accelerated its donations this year in order to avert the financial crisis that it would otherwise have faced. My hon. Friend is right to say that the position of the refugees must be included in any final status agreement, and particular attention should be given to refugees in Lebanon who have suffered most from being the least integrated into the local economy.

What discussions he has held with the President of the European Commission on proposals for reforms to EU institutions and decision—making procedures. [95034]

I regularly discuss institutional reform with colleagues both in the Commission and in other member states. In all these discussions, Britain has argued that the forthcoming intergovernmental conference should be focused on the issues that must be resolved before the next enlargement can take place. Britain has a clear national interest in securing a shift in the weighting of votes in the Council of Ministers more fairly to represent population.

With which of the recent pronouncements by the President of the Commission on institutional and decision-making reform does the Foreign Secretary disagree?

It is perfectly clear that in the intergovernmental conference, the framing of the treaty and the framework of the discussions will be run by member states. Before every IGC there is a proposal by the President of the Commission, but it does not shape what comes afterwards. I look forward with interest to what Commissioner Prodi has to say, but that will not deflect me from pursuing the British national interest.

Is it not clear that institutions devised more than 50 years ago for a small group of six countries are not working today for 15 countries and that they will certainly not work when, as we hope, the European Union is enlarged to 20? They would result only in gridlock or immobilism, which is what the enemies of Europe want. Can my right hon. Friend say, in response to the new expert report, whether he agrees that institutional reform should be a comprehensive process—not the two-stage process envisaged in the Amsterdam protocol—and that it is urgent? I hope that it can be completed by the end of the French presidency next year.

My hon. Friend refers to the enlargement of the European Union. Of course, that enlargement will pose questions for the shape of institutions, but, at the same time, it is important that we secure it. That is why we wish to see the forthcoming IGC focus narrowly on those issues that it is necessary to resolve so that enlargement can proceed. Those issues were set out at Amsterdam where it was made quite clear that enlargement cannot happen without those reforms. That is why it is so odd that the Conservative party has apparently pledged itself to vetoing the IGC if it does not get its way. That would make Tory foreign policy as unpopular in central and eastern Europe as it already is in western Europe.

The Foreign Secretary knows that there are proposals in many quarters for serious and major extensions to qualified majority voting as part of the institutional reform needed for enlargement of the union. Can he confirm that the Government are committed to maintaining our national veto in matters of defence, tax and border controls?

Yes.

That is what I hoped the right hon. Gentleman would say. Can he then confirm that, if the enlargement treaty that results from next year's intergovernmental conference contains provisions for qualified majority voting in any of those areas, the Government will not sign it?

We do not anticipate for one minute that we will be confronted with that. Very few other countries would support the proposal that the hon. Gentleman has put to me. On this, we are with the great mainstream in the European Union.

You are dodging the question.

I am not dodging the question. I do not expect to come back to the House and report that we have accepted a treaty that contains those provisions, and I do not expect that other members in Europe will ask us to do so.

You are wriggling.

I am not wriggling at all. I have made it quite plain what our position is and what I expect the outcome of the treaty to be.

Does the Foreign Secretary agree that, if there were no changes whatever to decision making in the European Union, for which the Conservative party appears to argue, enlargement would not take place? If that is the Conservatives' policy, they ought to front up and be honest about such an outcome. Does he also agree that if we adopted the Conservative party's pick and mix approach to which EU decisions we were prepared to agree to, we would never get the beef ban lifted?

My hon. Friend is absolutely right to say that the beef ban would not have been lifted if the decision had been based on a veto. Indeed, one reason why we did not achieve the reforms to the agricultural policy that we sought is that the Agriculture Council proceeds on qualified majority voting, and the European summit on unanimity. My hon. Friend is right to say that there will have to be significant changes to procedures and decision making in the EU, but I give the House a guarantee that we will never agree to anything like the wide raft of expansion of QMV to which the Conservatives agreed when they were in government.

When considering the case for reform, will the Foreign Secretary have regard to the need to ensure the effectiveness of both the Commission and the European Court, without which the prospect of British beef being exported to France and Germany would be extremely remote? Does he for a moment consider that, in this instance, it is a matter of great regret that neither the Commission nor the Court has any jurisdiction over the United States and Canada?

The right hon. and learned Gentleman points up the plainly true lesson that we must learn from the dispute: because we are members of the EU we have remedies, which are being put into practice even now. We do not have such remedies in other states around the world, which is why we have not been able to shift America from its beef ban since 1989. The tale demonstrates the case for being inside Europe and how Britain would be damaged by the Opposition's policy of endangering Britain's membership of the EU. We are better leading in Europe than leaving Europe.

Will my right hon. Friend confirm that the need for change to the institutional structure in order to allow enlargement must be recognised not only by existing European Union member states and all parties of any significance in them, but by all countries that want to join? Therefore, should not people who purport to support enlargement recognise that such institutional change must be brought about?

If my hon. Friend is referring to the Opposition's purported support of enlargement, such support sits oddly with their commitment to veto an IGC that is necessary for enlargement. He is correct to say that countries that are seeking to join the EU want to join one that is efficient and forward looking and that gives them the same opportunity of open markets that we enjoy. They would view with incomprehension the Euro-sceptics in Britain who want to get off the bus at the very time that they are trying to join it.

If he will make a statement on sanctions applying to the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. [95036]

The European Union and the United Nations maintain a broad range of sanctions against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. They were mostly imposed in response to the atrocities carried out in Kosovo by the federal republic authorities, and remain in place as part of the international effort to promote democratic reform in the federal republic.

Would a Yugoslav Government, whose democracy was based on the Chinese model, be deemed acceptable for the lifting of sanctions?

As the hon. Gentleman knows, the purpose of sanctions is to ensure that we promote democratic change in the federal republic. They are tough measures that are designed to make it clear to the authorities that we are against their proposals. On the question of China, one must consider such matters case by case.

Does my hon. Friend agree that Serbia holds the key to peace and democracy not just in Kosovo but in the whole Balkan region? Will he assure me that the Government will do all in their power to ensure that Serbia changes its ways, joins us, adopts western values and becomes a democracy?

It is the Government's wish that the countries of the Balkans should join the European mainstream, but we can never have peace and stability in the Balkans with the likes of Milosevic in control of Serbia. That is why we have a targeted sanctions approach. That is why organisations, including the European Union and the United Nations, are working together to ensure that there is democracy, peace and stability in the local area.

But does the Minister agree that a Balkan winter is as cold for Serbs as it is for Kosovan Albanians? If there is a shortage of fuel for heating in Serbia this winter because generating capacity was hit by the Balkan conflict, will he take steps to amend the sanctions regime to ensure that that does not happen?

The Government are working with the European Union to ensure that as much humanitarian aid as possible is provided. That is why the European Commission has put aside 50 million euro for humanitarian purposes, and that is why organisations such as Energy for Democracy are working to ensure that heating is supplied to local people.

If he will make a statement on the British Government's support for economic development in the Palestinian Authority area. [95038]

We are providing £50 million in bilateral aid over the next three years, including £24 million to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency. We have also established the Derek Fatchett memorial fund to finance studies by Palestinian students. In view of the high esteem in which Derek Fatchett was held across the House, I am sure that that will be widely welcomed.

I thank my hon. Friend for that answer. Will he join me in welcoming this month's Labour Friends of Israel-inspired summit, involving Palestinian and Israeli trade unionists, held here in the United Kingdom, to foster a sense of trust and allow them to discuss how best to bring inward investment into that region? What more can the UK Government and the European Union do to ensure that such initiatives become much more widespread, and deliver peace and security for the people of Israel, and peace and a new prosperity for the people of the Palestinian Authority?

I very much welcome that initiative, which is being hosted by the Trades Union Congress. That is exactly the type of initiative that promotes partnership and progress, and increases respect between Palestinians and Israelis. In future, Israel and the new Palestine will need to live together in peace and stability. We hope that there will be further such initiatives—possibly supported, as they could be, by the $400 million of European aid that is due to be provided to the area during the next four years.

What measures he is taking to open up recruitment to his Department to people from a wider social background. [95039]

Our policies aim to draw on the very best of Britain's diverse society by recruiting on merit more people from ethnic minorities and more with disabilities, and to increase the number of women at senior levels in the Foreign Office.

I thank my hon. Friend for that reply, and welcome him to his new post.

I think there might be at least one such accent in the Foreign Office at present, but I welcome the points made by my hon. Friend. We are determined, as a Government, to open up the Foreign Office to as broad a section of society as possible, so that people join the Foreign Office on merit and are given every opportunity to do so. As a result of these initiatives, more and more women are being promoted to senior positions in the Foreign Office, which is encouraging. The open days that have been held—one took place last week—have brought into the Foreign Office some 3,000 young people who could possibly be recruited in future.

Is the Minister aware that Conservative Members believe that recruiting on merit more women, people from the ethnic minorities and those with disabilities to the Foreign Office is a thoroughly worthwhile cause, even though the Foreign Secretary's pursuit of it has been characteristically inept? If the hon. Gentleman accepts the good faith of Conservative Members, will he go further and agree that, in addition to recruiting a great many others, the Foreign Office should be keen to recruit as many as possible of the outstanding products of the magnificent remaining grammar schools, which are the beacons of excellence in our society today?

As I am in a charitable mood, I shall accept the good faith of Opposition Members. We are determined to recruit on merit. We want people from all class and ethnic backgrounds, from right across the country and with all sorts of accents, to come and join the Foreign Office to represent Britain at home and abroad.

What assessment he has made of recent changes in the Kenya Administration in relation to democracy building. [95040]

In my meetings with him on 13 October in Nairobi and in London on 29 October, President Moi made it clear that he was leading Kenya's new economic recovery strategy to root out corruption and inefficiency and to extend democracy. We support that and want it implemented quickly and in full.

During a recess visit to Kenya under the excellent leadership of my hon. Friend the Member for Crewe and Nantwich (Mrs. Dunwoody), I found a country beset with internal problems—problems of poverty, infrastructure breakdown and crime—many of them caused by a lack of probity in Government or economic mismanagement. Does my hon. Friend believe that the appointment of a few technocrats, no matter how distinguished they are, to senior official positions is sufficient to tackle the problems, or is it merely tinkering and placing excessively high expectations on those individuals?

I, too, was grateful for the briefing given to me by my hon. Friend the Member for Crewe and Nantwich (Mrs. Dunwoody) following the visit. I understand the concern of my hon. Friend the Member for Wirral, South (Mr. Chapman) that this may be another false start in Kenya, as there have been a number of false starts. However, there is no doubt that the economic recovery strategy, including a determination to root out corruption and to reform the parastatals and the entire public procurement policy, is being led vigorously by President Moi and his Cabinet Secretary, Richard Leakey, who has a high reputation in that regard. There are several high-quality new appointments at permanent secretary level, some of whom I have met and who have come in from the private sector. Kenya has drifted into a serious state of decline and crisis. We want to work with the Government there to ensure that it emerges as quickly as possible.

Does the Minister think that a good way to improve democracy and human rights in Kenya would be to invite the Kenyan President to Britain on a state visit and then for the Foreign Office to conspire with the police to suppress demonstrators, take away their banners and—

Order. I was rather expecting that. The question is about Kenya, and I should be glad if the hon. Gentleman would stay with that subject.

I was suggesting that the Government might invite the Kenyan President to Britain and behave in that way, using police vans to hide demonstrators from the President, and scour the history books for some ancient byelaw that would allow the Government to declare demonstrations illegal.

No.

I expected a longer answer from a Minister who built his political career on being a student demonstrator. He was the Peter Pan of student activists for a very long time. Does he realise what kind of message the conduct of the Government during that visit sends to countries such as Kenya—that the Government, who claim to put human rights and democracy at the top of their agenda, are prepared to suppress even the right of free speech in Britain, so as not to offend a foreign Government? Would not Kenya rightly conclude that the Government's so-called ethical foreign policy means lecturing the small and weak, while kowtowing obsequiously to the big and strong?

Such artificial incandescence from the Opposition Front Bench was to be expected. May I inform the hon. Gentleman that I met President Moi in London last Friday, and that I was happy to do so? I will take no lectures from hon. Gentlemen on the Opposition Front Bench whose party, when it was in government, ignored human rights across the world, conspired with almost every dictatorship across the world that repressed its own people, and in the case of Kenya, allowed denials of human rights, attacks on democracy, increasing economic decline and the spread of corruption to go on year after year and did nothing about it. We are taking that agenda on and working with the Government of Kenya to promote human rights and economic recovery.

Is my hon. Friend aware that if Kenya is to maintain its democracy—a cause that the House of Commons should pursue devoutly, not treat as a light political ploy—it is important that it maintains its trade with Great Britain and with other European countries? Will he please keep a close eye on the negotiations relating to the Kenyan flour industry, which not only provides many jobs, but puts money into areas that previously were famine stricken? If that industry is lost to Kenya, many people will be in dire financial straits.

I agree with my hon. Friend, and we shall certainly do as she asks. We regard Kenya as one of the leading African nations. It should be restored to that leadership after being dragged down over the past 10 to 20 years. It is vital for the regeneration of east Africa— and of Africa as a whole, which is in a dire plight—that Kenya emerges from this situation and is able to play that leading democratic and economically successful role.

I do not believe that President Moi would recognise that caricature of the policy employed by my noble Friend Baroness Chalker when she was responsible for policy towards Kenya. As the Minister clearly believes the reassurance that he has received from President Moi, how long will he give him to come good on his promises?

We are monitoring the situation and working closely with the Kenyan Government in respect of their negotiations with the international financial institutions. For example, if an international finance loan were to become available—should the International Monetary Fund be satisfied at its board meeting that will take place shortly that the eligibility conditions have been met—we have made it clear that we would expect to see stage by stage progress as each tranche of loan support was released. If that progress was not forthcoming, the situation would be reviewed. As my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for International Development has made clear, the same goes for increases in aid, to which we are committed providing that Kenya continues to make the progress that it has promised. I have been given absolutely categorical assurances by the President that he is committed to the programme and we shall obviously be monitoring the situation closely.

If he will initiate new steps to improve conflict resolution procedures in Africa. [95041]

We are working closely with the Organisation of African Unity and the United Nations to find peaceful and lasting solutions to Africa's current conflicts, especially in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Sierra Leone, Ethiopia and Eritrea, Sudan and Angola.

I thank my hon. Friend for that reply. I am sure that he is aware of the recent UN report highlighting the fact that 200 million people in Africa are undernourished and that Africa is the only continent where poverty is expected to increase in the next century. As his reply suggests, he will also be aware that thousands of women and children have recently lost their lives in the Angolan civil war. Can he expand his comments a little, particularly on the situation in Angola and how our Government are helping African countries to tackle their internal disputes and border conflicts?

After years of policy neglect of Africa and its needs by the Conservative Government, we have put African policy to the top of the international agenda. We are working with other European countries, the United States and, in particular, France to forge a new African agenda. I agree with my hon. Friend that the situation in Angola is dire and continues to be so, which is a reason why our decision to lead the world in banning landmines was absolutely vital. We shall continue to press for tight sanctions on UNITA as well as on the Angolan Government to make sure that they invest in their people and ensure that Government support goes to them and not into the back pockets of an elite at the top.

Does the Minister agree that the proliferation of arms in Africa is a major cause of instability, which leads to conflict? What progress has he made with our European partners on the control of arms brokers' activities?

The hon. Lady raises an important issue, because Africa is plagued by millions of small arms, which destroy countries and promote internal conflict. We are working with our European partners to deal with that problem. I particularly welcome the west African small arms moratorium. A few weeks ago in Kenya I discussed with the Foreign Minister that country's initiative to host a conference next year to tackle the problem of small arms in east and central Africa. We shall work with Kenya and other African countries to achieve that.

Does the Minister agree that arms control is the key to conflict resolution? Does he further agree that we need greater co-ordination between the Foreign Office, the Department of Trade and Industry and the Ministry of Defence so that the Government may make some progress on their stated aims on those issues?

I agree with my hon. Friend, which is why we are co-ordinating our policy closely with both the MOD and the DTI. We are also working to promote conflict resolution and to provide peacekeeping support in Sierra Leone and, when it is opportune to do so, in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Peace and stability are vital if the conflicts in that region are to be resolved, and we shall do everything that we can to achieve that.

If he will make a statement on Her Majesty's Government's policy towards reparations being paid to those who were used as slave labour in camps operated by Nazi Germany during the Second World War. [95042]

We welcome the German Government's decision to organise, with German business, a fund to provide compensation for former forced and slave labourers who suffered under the Nazi regime. We are in touch with the German and other Governments, and have made it clear that we would expect equal access to the fund, when it is set up, for UK citizens who are eligible for such compensation.

The Government will be aware that there are between 500,000 and 1 million such slave labour survivors from the war. The German companies involved have made one somewhat derisory offer so far, and another offer is expected in the near future. Will the Government use all their endeavours to ensure that that offer is fair? Will they very diplomatically suggest to the new German ambassador that, if Germany wants Britain to forget the past and to look to the present and the future, this is just the sort of injustice that needs to be settled?

As the hon. Gentleman knows, we are not directly involved in the negotiations between the American lawyers and the German Government. As he says, the Germans made an offer of $2 billion, which was rejected by the Americans, and those negotiations are on-going. We have made it plain to all those involved that we take a keen interest in those matters. Indeed, the UK has taken a lead on this issue. In December 1997. my right hon. Friend the Foreign Secretary convened the Nazi gold conference, which resulted in the UK donating £1 million to that cause—18 other countries donated a total of $60 million—and that money has been allocated. On this issue, if the interests of UK citizens are at stake, we shall make our views perfectly plain. We welcome what Chancellor Schröder has done. It is an important step forward and we hope that the negotiations will be successful.

If he will make a statement on the progress of discussions with the UN Security Council with regard to Iraq. [95043]

Britain continues to take the lead in brokering agreement on a new Security Council resolution on Iraq. We have made steady progress over six months of painstaking diplomacy, and our proposals are now supported by nine of the 10 non-permanent members. We have reached agreement on most of the earlier detailed points of difference, including those among permanent members of the Council. The resolution would provide for a major improvement in the humanitarian condition of the Iraqi people and the restoration of inspection and monitoring on the ground in Iraq, and would set out what Iraq must do to secure first the suspension, and then the lifting of sanctions. We believe that the revised draft provides the best basis for restoring consensus on Iraq within the Security Council.

I thank the Secretary of State for his response. Will he explain why the negotiations are taking so long? Is he confident that our proposals, if adopted, will begin to reduce the number of child deaths in Iraq, which have risen from 56 per 1,000 in 1989 to 131 per 1,000 in the period 1994–99?

I must be honest with the hon. Gentleman and tell him that these negotiations are taking some time because we are trying to broker agreement between member states that have different perspectives on this matter. We are nearly there. We have worked hard, and it would be wrong to rush the introduction of the resolution until there is consensus rather than division.

My right hon. Friend may be aware of the important conference in New York this weekend organised by the United States Government. It was attended by 400 Iraqi opposition members from all over the world, who discussed the problems in Iraq. American politicians made their strongest statement yet on the indictment and prosecution of Saddam Hussein and his regime before an international criminal tribunal. Ambassador Scheffer, the ambassador for war crimes, said that there was no reason why the UN Security Council should not actively pursue that matter right away as there was no need to wait. Does my right hon. Friend agree with that view, and will we take up that call for Saddam Hussein's indictment and prosecution at the UN Security Council as soon as possible?

I applaud my hon. Friend's work on the indictment campaign, for which she has had the full support of the Foreign Office. A war crimes tribunal on Iraq would require consensus in the Security Council. We would be willing to support any realistic proposal that had a prospect of success, but we do not at present detect a consensus in the Security Council for a war crimes tribunal on Iraq. For the time being, I am anxious not to divert our diplomatic energy away from securing the resolution on humanitarian relief and the inspection regime on the ground in Iraq.

Saddam Hussein continues to pose a threat to security and peace in the middle east. What is the Foreign Secretary's assessment of where the Iraqi arms programme has got to in the absence of the UNSCOM inspection programme?

As the hon. Gentleman may know, it is difficult to be certain about what is happening on the ground in Iraq. That is why our resolution provides for the return of inspection and monitoring on the ground, and sets out a road map by which Iraq can secure the suspension of sanctions by co-operating with that inspection. However, we have no reason to believe that, over the months since Operation Desert Fox, the picture has changed radically. Saddam Hussein was trying to acquire a chemical and biological capability. Operation Desert Fox set back his capacity to deliver that capability.

What progress is being made with the reconstruction of Kosovo. [95044]

Assessment of the needs for reconstruction assistance have been carried out by the World bank and the European Commission, which are leading the international effort on the reconstruction of Kosovo. Their findings will be presented to a donors conference on 17 November. We fully support the efforts of the United Nations, the European Union and the Stability Pact for South-East Europe in their reconstruction efforts.

I congratulate the Government on their humanitarian relief programme, and on the reconstruction work that has taken place. What progress is being made with the longer-term solutions to this problem, and with the economic and social reform that is necessary if there is to be real stability in Kosovo and in the region?

I recognise my hon. Friend's interest in this matter, and I know that he has visited the region twice. At the last donors conference, the sum of $2.1 billion was set aside for support in Kosovo. The United Kingdom Government have given £10.65 million for emergency aid and restructuring, and the European Union has put aside 615 million euros. The reconstruction process goes on. It is right that we should concentrate on the infrastructure—schools, hospitals and the utilities—and that is what the United Nations and the EU representatives are doing. We shall ensure that the process continues.

I am sure the Minister will agree that the reconstruction will be not just physical, but in terms of trust between the various people living in Kosovo. In that context, can he throw any light on the alarmist and sensationalist claims in newspapers during recent weeks relating to whether atrocities were actually perpetrated during the conflict?

I do not normally comment on articles in The Sunday Times. The hon. Gentleman will be aware, however, that it was because of the atrocities committed in Kosovo that the allied forces took the actions that they took. The estimates that we have given in the past are, as far as we are concerned, accurate. We will continue to go along with the various examinations that are taking place, but it was because of the civilian casualties—because of the atrocities—that the British Government, the European Union and the United Nations acted as they did.

If he will make a statement about Britain's relations with Albania. [95046]

Bilateral relations with Albania are excellent. My right hon. Friend the Prime Minister made a visit in May this year during the Kosovo crisis. We will continue to work to develop relations at all levels.

I thank the Minister for his reply.

I am glad to learn that my hon. Friend has visited Albania. I am due to meet him and his colleagues in the all-party group later in the week. He is absolutely right: we must continue to support on-going efforts in Albania to ensure that democracy is strengthened, and that trade and co-operation continue. That is why the European Union established the stabilisation and association agreements—precisely to ensure that countries such as Albania become part of the European mainstream. We will continue the efforts that we are making.

Does the Minister agree that the work of the British Council and the BBC World Service is key to our relations with Albania and, indeed, the wider Balkan community? When I worked for the Organisation for Security and Co-operation in Europe monitoring the 1996 elections in Albania, the World Service was the sole voice of reason. What additional support will the Minister give the World Service and the British Council, to further their work in the region?

I can certainly give the World Service and the British Council the Government's full support. As a former vice-chairman of the British Council, I recognise the enormous amount of work that has been done. I am happy, and the Government are happy, to support the continued efforts that those organisations have made to ensure that the voices of reason and democracy are heard in the Balkans.

What response he has sent to recent proposals by an independent commission for reform of the EU institutions. [95047]

The Dehaene report is an advisory document, feeding ideas into the Commission's internal thinking on the intergovernmental conference. It is for the Commission, not the Government, to decide how to react to its proposals.

Does the Minister agree that it is very much in the interests of the central and eastern European applicant countries and of the future governance of the European Union itself that arrangements should be made to concentrate on doing what is necessary properly to respect the subsidiarity principle, and to reject the centralising tendency of the gang of three?

Unfortunately, the hon. Gentleman, who has only recently entered the Chamber, was not in the House to hear the points of principle that were made by my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State, who reaffirmed our commitment to an IGC that is short and focused. Of course, enlargement will make a tremendous difference to the European Union—to the applicant countries and to the Union itself. Therefore, it is important that we look carefully at the way in which the IGC is to operate.

I congratulate the new Minister with responsibility for Europe on his appointment. It is the first opportunity that I have had to do so formally. I have no doubt that his renowned patience and good humour will be much needed in the difficult treaty negotiations ahead.

I thank the hon. Gentleman for his kind comments. I wish that I could respond in the same happy vein.