1. What percentage of children aged (a) three and (b) four years are receiving nursery education in (i) Nottinghamshire and (ii) England. [217626]

All three and four-year-olds in England are entitled to a free nursery education. This Government have replaced the unfair postcode lottery, which existed under the previous Government, with a universal guarantee for every three and four-year-old in every part of England, giving every child the very best start in life. In January 2004, 93 per cent. of three-year-olds and virtually all four-year-olds benefited from free places.

In Nottinghamshire local education authority area, 6,800 free places were taken up by three-year-olds, and a further 8,100 free places were taken up by four-year-olds.

The record is excellent, and I congratulate both Nottinghamshire county council and the Government on that investment. We must invest even more in families and children. Does the Minister agree that we must examine flexible patterns of parental care and leave, the provision of nursery centres in every community and wrap-around care in schools to provide help in mornings, evenings and during holidays? That would be a real investment for hard-working families.

I thank my hon. Friend for his contribution and for his question, the answer to which is contained in our 10-year strategy for early years education, child care and support for parents. That strategy will give parents the flexibility to balance their time between their responsibilities at work and their responsibilities to their children. It is about providing high quality care for all children and providing flexibility for parents, so that parents can put the interests of their children at the heart of everything they do. I look forward to being part of the Government who implement that strategy.

Order. I hope that we are going to have short questions and concise answers, which will help us to make progress through the Order Paper.

2. What discussions she has had with Home Department Ministers about the impact on universities of higher student visa charges. [217627]

3. What discussions she has had with the Secretary of State for the Home Department regarding visa charges for international students. [217628]

My right hon. Friend the Secretary of State and I have had productive discussions with Home Office Ministers about leave to remain visa extension charges. Those discussions resulted in an agreement to set a discounted rate for students of £250 for postal applications, compared with the new £335 standard rate for everyone else.

If there was proper consultation, why was the Home Office not made aware of the Prime Minister's initiative to attract international students and of the passionate concern of university vice-chancellors, who have written to us about the damaging consequences of those charges? If a new Labour Government are elected, is it not inevitable that one of their first acts will be an increase in the limit on top-up fees in order to compensate universities for the loss of income from overseas students?

No, that will not be the first act of a new Labour Government—I hope that the Liberal Democrats will be around to witness a new Labour Government. There has been a lot of talk from Tory Members, and a lot of talk of a different sort from Liberal Members, about this or that attitude to immigration. Some say that we must be tougher and some say that we must be more liberal, but none of them has got a clue how to enforce the rules on who comes in and who stays and how to discern between genuine students and those who are not.

Given that both Universities UK and the Universities and Colleges Admissions Service report that applications from international students are well down this year, does the Minister recognise that his policy, which he has agreed with the Home Office, will have a significant effect on the financial health of our universities and on our place in the international market for education? His policy runs counter to his Department's previous comment that education in the UK has a crucial international dimension.

I would be concerned, if I thought that the policy would have a significant effect. The hon. Gentleman is asking me to explain the effect of the existing charges on students. If he is saying that we should do away with the existing charges for leave to remain applications and for applications for visas to study in this country in the first place, then he should say it. The new charges have not come in yet.

The fact that the number of applications has dropped is significant, but after 9/11 the Americans closed up shop on students going to study in the United States, and we were the major beneficiary of that decision. The world market is currently righting itself. I was lucky enough to go to China, where I met the Chinese Education Minister and Vice-Minister, who did not state that visa charges were significant.

Does my hon. Friend agree that it is a question not only of the fee but of having the right to appeal withdrawn? Sheffield university tells me that 90 per cent. of those who were initially refused on appeal were subsequently able to come to this country to study. The real problem of people coming here fraudulently as students is not in universities but in language schools and other colleges. My hon. Friend should consider that energetically, but he should not penalise the university sector, where overseas students do so much good for our country.

I thank my hon. Friend for raising that important issue. Short-term students coming to study for less than six months, or those who have not been accepted for a course of study, are already prevented from appealing on that basis. In discussions with the Home Office last year, we became aware that it was considering removing the right of appeal against visa refusals for some students—for instance, those who had applied to study at an institution that is not on the DFES register of learning providers.

I take my hon. Friend's point, however. In further discussions with the sector, we shall try to ensure that such institutions are not penalised. I know that the most difficult issue arises when students come in for short courses and decide, because of the very high quality of the education that they receive, that they want to continue with a longer course.

What is the point of the Chancellor saying out in the far east that higher education is one of our great strengths, the Home Office driving up fees and driving students away from our universities, and Education Ministers just sitting there wondering what is going on? Why do they not join it all up?

The hon. Gentleman will not know this, but I returned from China last night. Having spoken with the Chinese education Minister and Vice-Minister at great length about this, I am well aware of how the Chinese feel about it. We take 185,000 non-EU students a year from abroad. That figure is not plummeting and is a huge source of income generation. People come to this country because we offer the best higher education in the world and it is very good value for money. We will continue to do so in order to ensure that people are not put off from studying in this country.

I am sure that my hon. Friend is aware of the excellent work at Loughborough university, where the number of international students has increased in recent years. However, there is some concern about the charges. Has my hon. Friend assessed the overall cost to students of the charge of £250, or in some cases up to £500—not only to Chinese students but those from other, poorer, countries, particularly developing countries?

Yes, I have some figures on the percentage increase in costs for a typical student of undertaking a year's study in the United Kingdom resulting from the new charges. In higher education, there will be 0.8 per cent. additional cost on a postal application and 2.1 per cent. if the student takes the premium service. It is a relatively small increase, although I am not trying to belittle it because it is nevertheless significant.

Has the Minister seen research by the University of Brighton showing that 88 per cent. of its students from abroad would not continue their courses if these increases in fees and visa charges went through? Does he accept the suggestion by the Chairman of the Select Committee on Education and Skills that the increase is a consequence of the Government's failure to tackle illegal immigration through language schools and that, as a result, higher enforcement costs are being passed on to bona fide students? Will he agree to carry out a detailed assessment of the impact of the increases on British universities before taking further action?

I do not accept that for one minute. Our aim must be to strike a balance between ensuring that we continue to enhance the United Kingdom's reputation as a world-class education provider to international students and generating sufficient income to enable us to operate the effective immigration control that helps to facilitate that. I know that the hon. Gentleman cares a great deal about higher and further education, but it does no good for him to make such criticisms based on grossly inflated figures. The idea that 80 per cent. of students will not come to this country because of a very small incremental increase is clearly absurd. Whoever carried out that research should go back to university to do a fundamental degree.

4. What support the Department gives to schools for the pursuit of sustainable development education. [217629]

Sustainable development runs through our key policies, for example promoting health, physical activity and well-being, encouraging pupil participation and volunteering, improving transport and estate management and the building schools for the future programme. It is also a statutory part of science, design and technology, geography and citizenship. We provide funding, information, resources and other support, including specifically for sustainable development aspects.

Is my hon. Friend aware of Staffordshire's great success in sustainable development education, as shown by the many schools that achieved the status of eco school? Will he confirm that it is the Government's ambition that every school in the country will be eco friendly? Will he assure hon. Members that the Department and the Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs are working hard to ensure that sustainable development is a substantial element in every child's learning experience?

I can confirm that DEFRA and the Department are working together and holding regular discussions. I congratulate my hon. Friend on his work in Staffordshire and his commitment to the issue. As he knows, all schools can register free with Eco Schools, which is one of several schemes that are available to schools. We want schools to assess what aspects of sustainability they wish to tackle, according to the circumstances and needs of pupils, parents and the local community. That is why a web-based service to offer schools a framework for making those choices and provide information on a wide range of schemes, awards, resources and support is available. It will be widely publicised to encourage schools to become more active on sustainable development and we have a five-year strategy for all schools to be environmentally sustainable.

Does sustainable development, as defined in the curriculum, include building on the green belt? If not, would the Under-Secretary like to invite the Deputy Prime Minister to attend one of his classes?

We are committed to much more building on brownfield sites. The building schools for the future programme is considering how the way in which schools are built can be environmentally sustainable. We have already done a pilot on that. However, it is worth reminding hon. Members that we are doing a great deal on sustainable development. We have put in place advice and a new global gateway for a website. As I said, building schools for the future is a big programme. We have also set up the healthy living briefing for schools and initiatives on school transport and school leadership. We are doing whatever we can to ensure the best sustainable development in education.

5. If she will make a statement on financial co-operation between local education authorities, the Learning and Skills Council and further education colleges in implementing in Nottingham the Government's 14 to19 strategy for vocational education. [217630]

10. What plans she has to increase the take-up of vocational training in schools and colleges. [217636]

Yesterday, I placed before the House the Command Paper "14 to 19 Education and Skills". That should lead directly to an increase in the number of young people undertaking vocational education and training. To deliver the radical proposals in the White Paper, we expect local partners to co-operate in planning and funding to ensure breadth of provision and highest quality and value for money, without disrupting core funding systems or increasing bureaucracy. Nottingham provides an excellent model.

Does the Secretary of State accept that my constituency will be the test of the White Paper on 14 to 19-year-olds because it sends the fewest youngsters to university and further education? Will she therefore ensure that the bureaucratic interlocking of the various organisations—the local education authority, the Learning and Skills Council and many others—which produces less progress than we would like, is tackled in the aftermath of the White Paper? Will she examine the good example of Sure Start, which my hon. Friend the Minister for School Standards was instrumental in promoting? It had a dedicated capital fund, a dedicated revenue fund and everybody knew their exact responsibilities. That is the way to get more youngsters into FE.

I pay tribute to my hon. Friend's work in championing the needs of young people in his constituency. He has raised the matter with not only me but my hon. Friend the Minister for School Standards. He is right to draw attention to the need for the Learning and Skills Council and local authorities to work together to overcome any financial barriers to providing integrated education for 14 to 19-year-olds. One way of achieving that would be through a flexible funding pot for the Learning and Skills Council to facilitate collaboration. We shall revert to that proposal shortly and set out the details of how it might work.

I, too, welcome the White Paper, which was published this week, especially its promise of new vocational routes to success. I have spent a lifetime encouraging people into engineering. Will the Government give support specifically to women entering into engineering and following that vocational route to success? That would tap an untapped group of people who are central to the country's future.

I thank my hon. Friend for that important question. Yesterday, I met some young women and girls in the 14 to 19-year-old age group who were studying engineering. It is important that girls are given that opportunity. The Equal Opportunities Commission is currently considering gender segregation, and is due to report in March. I believe that one of the occupational sectors that it will consider is engineering. We will study its proposals carefully to see whether we can take them forward.

The hon. Member for Nottingham, North (Mr. Allen) raised a key issue about 14 to 19 development funding. Does the Secretary of State agree that without harmonisation of the funding units for the same delivery of a programme in a school and a college, we will not get the sort of co-operation that he wants? Does she also agree that unless we can bring together the pay rates and conditions of service for teachers and lecturers, again we will not be able to get that sort of co-operation? What plans does she have to deal with those two issues?

Those are indeed important issues. I am glad that the Liberal Democrats have now committed themselves to parity between further education lecturers and teachers. We must overcome the barriers involved in delivering that. The real test is whether it can work in practice and whether it does work. The answer is that it does. In places such as Knowsley, local authorities and the Learning and Skills Council are working together to deliver really innovative programmes for young people, making a success and widening opportunities right across the board.

When the Education and Skills Committee took evidence on the Tomlinson review, we were told that vocational courses would just be a taster and would not involve genuine training in any particular skill. Will she reject that superficial approach and ensure that all vocational courses provide high-quality, useful training that leaves students with a genuine, marketable skill?

I can make that commitment. It is very important that students are able to study in the ways that motivate them in the places that motivate them. For example, if a student is taking a catering course, it is not right that they just learn about applied catering theory; it is right that they learn how to cook in a kitchen, taught by a chef. That is exactly the sort of course that I would like to see offered and made available to all our students.

Is there not a wider national issue relating to the role of the learning and skills councils? Is the Secretary of State absolutely confident that the strategic planning responsibilities that she has given to the learning and skills councils are always consistent with the prospect of 200 new academies and the autonomy that they have, the move to 3,000 foundation schools and the autonomy that they have, and the encouragement of all 11 to 16 schools to open new sixth forms?

I am committed to collaborative working between different schools and FE colleges and indeed employers and the voluntary sector where that is necessary. I foresee the Learning and Skills Council and local authorities coming together to offer a joint prospectus of opportunities available to all our young people from the ages of 14 to 19, and that that will be backed up by coherent information, advice and guidance to make sure that students take the right courses and that their options are not narrowed down too quickly, so that they have the opportunity to switch course later as they mix the academic and the vocational. My hon. Friend is right that there are challenges and we will need extra money to oil the wheels of collaboration. I will set out in due course how we intend to develop that model.

Today's young people cannot wait for the full roll-out of the national diploma in a decade. We are committed to creating 300,000 vocational education places for today's 14 to 16-year-olds. What measures will the Government take to make sure that vocational education is a reality for today's 14 to 16-year-olds?

I am glad that the hon. Gentleman has drawn attention to the policy of the Conservative party. Yesterday, that was strangely absent—there was not one mention from the hon. Member for Westmorland and Lonsdale (Mr. Collins) about its policy to cap the funding available for vocational courses for all our 14 to 19-year-olds. We intend to make provision available across the board. There will be no cap on opportunity and no cap on aspiration. Four of the specialised lines will be available by 2008 if not before. Some are already being developed and will be on-stream over the next year or so. Over the decade, we will raise the participation rate from 75 per cent. to 90 per cent. to be one of the best in the industrialised world.

6. What steps the Department is taking to tackle truancy. [217631]

7. How much her Department has spent on anti-truancy initiatives since 1997; and if she will make a statement. [217632]

9. How much her Department has spent on anti-truancy initiatives since 1997; and if she will make a statement. [217635]

Most funding for work on attendance is combined with funding for wider work on discipline, behaviour and exclusions. The Department has spent £11.5 million on measures dealing solely with attendance since 1997. Today we published new data on the maintained sector for the autumn term 2004, which show that overall absence in schools fell from 6.68 per cent. last year to 6.17 per cent. last term.

We have heard a lot of cheap opportunist point-scoring about truancy in recent weeks, yet all the anecdotal evidence from schools, the youth service and related agencies, and the police in my constituency shows that the worst culprits, and those causing the most trouble when not at school, are at school more than they used to be. Has the Department enough qualitative data not just on how many pupils are at school, but on who is and who is not at school, and on what pupils are doing when they are or are not at school?

My hon. Friend is right to ask that. As I said, today we have published new data relating to last term. I have particular praise for schools in Birmingham, where there has been a significant fall in the number of absences. The figure is now 5.38 per cent., one of the lowest in the country for an urban area. That demonstrates the success of schools working together through the behaviour improvement programme, and the importance of not relying on statistics alone but ensuring that quality measures are in place.

A lot of money has been spent on these initiatives, for example sending parents to prison if their children play truant or giving secondary schools disincentives to retain truanting children, but I am not at all sure how successful they have been. Must not the Government now accept that an all-out concerted effort is needed to recruit and retain, and to encourage the women and men with the necessary special skills to persuade these young people to reconnect to formal education?

I agree. That is why we have invested in more than 10,000 learning mentors, why the programme that we set out yesterday is so important to engaging and re-engaging more young people, and why we have record numbers of teachers and classroom assistants.I am sure that the hon. Gentleman will join me in congratulating Southend schools on a significant fall in truancy last term. The recent truancy sweeps in particular are having a real impact, which is showing in the figures.

Given that in 2003–04 no fewer than 1,264,103 primary and secondary school pupils played truant, that that represented a 25 per cent. increase on 1997 and that the Government missed both their important public service agreement targets for reducing truancy, does the Minister not understand the concern that the £300,000 a day that Ministers have spent since 1997 has not been well spent? Is he not particularly ashamed of the appalling record in Edmonton, north London, which is very close to his constituency?

What is important is that we are now given the figures in a far fuller and more sophisticated form. The position varies from one area to another. What I have announced today, however, is a very significant improvement. If we compare like with like, we see that there were 87,000 more pupils at school each day in the 2004 autumn term than during the equivalent period when we came to power.

I will happily work with the London borough of Enfield—Conservative-led—and my hon. Friend the Member for Edmonton (Mr. Love) to ensure that Edmonton is part of the wider national improvement that we are announcing today.

It is good news that 60,000 fewer pupils, on average, are absent from school each day, but 450,000 still are. Two per cent. of the school population are responsible for 50 per cent. of all truancies. Is not much of that linked to parental attitude? A particular problem is that the system of authorised absences has been rather over-relaxed over the years. It can slip-slide into unauthorised absences, with all the social and economic consequences about which we have been hearing. What is being done to tackle that?

My hon. Friend is absolutely right. The big fall in absences over the last two years has consisted mostly of authorised absences. Schools that were authorising absences are now rightly taking a much tougher stance. He is also right to remind us that the evidence shows that very few pupils—about 2 per cent.—are responsible for about half the truancy. Engaging parents is important, but so is engaging such young people in the curriculum and in school activities. Yesterday's announcement will contribute to that.

To continue the theme but to draw a distinction, in my constituency parentally condoned truancy seems to be a bigger problem than parentally condoned authorised absences, because traditional truancy has been mitigated by good work between the local authority and the police. What steps can be taken to develop strategies to deter parentally condoned truancy?

As my hon. Friend will know, we have taken a number of steps in the past few years. The hon. Member for Southend, West (Mr. Amess) referred to the extreme step of parents being sent to prison, but we have introduced a number of other measures, such as fast-track prosecutions and fixed penalty notices. Birmingham—just down the road from my hon. Friend's constituency—has been at the forefront in using fixed penalty notices. I am confident that in Birmingham, part of the reason for the significant improvement that I described earlier is the way in which schools and local authorities have engaged positively with parents in the process. However, authorities also have the sanction that ultimately, parents can be taken to court. That is working in Birmingham and in many other parts of the country as well.

Why, after eight years of a Labour Government is unauthorised absence—truancy—substantially worse; or is the answer in the question?

I—[Interruption]—I am being encouraged to refer to the hon. Gentleman's truancy on Sunday from Granada, but I think that he had a very good excuse for that.

For many years pre-dating this Government, unauthorised absence stood at about 0.7 per cent., and it is acknowledged across the board that that is a very tough nut to crack. We want maximum attendance in schools and the hon. Gentleman must accept that we now have record levels of attendance. Indeed, today's new figures demonstrate that there was a substantial improvement in the last school term. That shows that the measures that we have taken are having an effect. Schools are not prepared to authorise absence that they might previously have authorised.

But does the Minister not keep coming back to the same point? The Government have done the easy bit, which is to reduce authorised absence, but they have demonstrably failed to reduce unauthorised absence, which is truancy. They have spent £885 million and they have been criticised by the National Audit Office. Should they not address some of the underlying causes of this problem? Since 1997, violence in schools has increased and drug use has doubled. Would not clearer signals from the Government about pupil behaviour and drug use actually help, instead of just constant talk?

We have sent clear signals. The £885 million to which the hon. Gentleman referred is to support discipline and promote good behaviour and attendance in schools. It includes the provision of 10,000 learning mentors, who are making a real difference in terms of school standards and raising educational achievement. There are 1,000 learning support centres in schools and double the number of places in pupil referral units. We have not had just talk; serious action has been taken.

The James review says that the Conservatives would cut central support for dealing with behaviour issues and for special educational needs support from local education authorities, but schools need that back-up from LEAs in order to tackle behaviour. The Conservative proposals would make the situation worse.

11. If she will make a statement on changes in GCSE results in Lancashire over the last four years. [217637]

In 2004, 53.8 per cent. of pupils in Lancashire achieved five or more grades A* to C at GCSE and equivalent, compared with 47 per cent. in 1998. Over the last four years, Lancashire has performed above the national average in terms of those achieving five good grades, any passes and average point scores.

My hon. Friend has given us the figures for Lancashire and I want to quote the figures for Preston, Walton le Dale and Bamber Bridge. There has been a rise in the percentage of pupils achieving five or more GCSEs at grades A to C—from 33 per cent. in 1997 to 45 per cent. now. Will he join me in congratulating Walton le Dale high school and Christ the King high school in particular on being among the top 60 most improved schools in the country? Will he also comment on what effect yesterday's announcement on 14 to 19-year-olds might have on future GCSE results?

I join my hon. Friend in congratulating the schools in his constituency and, indeed, teachers and pupils throughout the country who have contributed to improvements in GCSE performance. It is sad that the Conservative party wants to undermine the achievements of our young people. I believe that yesterday's announcement will enhance GCSEs in several ways: toughening the focus on the basics, enhancing the vocational route and genuinely tackling disengagement and encouraging stretch. Additionally, we are expanding investment in early years through the children centre programme, Sure Start and the focus on literacy and numeracy in primary schools on a long-term generational basis. All that will ultimately ensure that improvements in GCSE performance continue to accelerate in the years ahead.

If the GCSE examination is working so well, why did the Government announce changes yesterday?

Order. The question relates specifically to Lancashire. The Minister may reply.

GCSEs in Lancashire, then.

In Lancashire, the benefits of the reforms that we announced yesterday are very straightforward. Even when a system is moving in the right direction, a responsible Government should attempt to make even further improvements. What we announced yesterday on GCSEs was a radical step for a Government to take—the Conservatives did not do it when they were in government—as we intend to toughen standards on the basics and make it more difficult to get five decent GCSEs. We are also going to incentivise students and schools to understand the priority that we place on English and maths as core skills that are essential both for the modern world of work and for becoming good citizens in that modern world. The reforms announced yesterday are about supporting individuals to fulfil their potential while setting the bar higher in respect of basic skills and academic standards. I am proud of the fact that the Government are prepared to do that.

12. What measures she has taken to improve the standard of sexual health education in schools. [217638]

Our priority is to improve the quality of teaching and learning of sex and relationship education, including sexual health. We are supporting a programme of training for teachers and a similar programme for community nurses. The Qualifications and Curriculum Authority is developing materials and guidance to support better assessment of pupils, and the healthy living blueprint, sent to all schools last year, addresses a range of health issues, including sexual health.

I thank my right hon. Friend for her reply and ask her to note that the question comes not from some out-of-touch old bloke on the Back Benches, but from an extremely bright young woman currently working in my office—Ms Tiana Golden. She identified this as the priority issue out of the whole range of Department for Education and Skills questions that could be asked. Will my right hon. Friend confirm that in all that the Government do, they are striving to maintain high standards across the board, across all schools and across all education establishments? Will she also confirm that this crucial work is being carried out firmly within the realm of relationships education and outside the science labs?

First, I endorse the fact that this issue is important to young people. I had a meeting yesterday with a children and youth board that I regularly consult and the quality of sex and relationships education was raised as a key issue. I agree that relationships education, as well as biologically based sex education, is crucial, particularly if we are to reduce the currently high teenage pregnancy rates and improve sexual health among our youngsters.

Does the Minister accept that the Government have singularly failed to raise the standards of sexual health education because we have the highest rate of teenage pregnancies in Europe? What are the Government doing to deal with that problem?

No, I do not accept that we have failed. Indeed, the figures announced this morning show a trend of reduction in the number of young girls who become pregnant, and that is the right direction. We have seen a welcome cut in the number of teenage pregnancies. However, I am not complacent about that complex issue. We are doing what we can, but I would welcome any positive contribution that the hon. Lady has to make. Part of the answer is what happens in schools, part is the support that can be given by community nurses, but most important is the education and advice from parents about sex and relationships. When we talk to young people that becomes very clear, and we have to do what we can to support parents in giving better advice and support to their young people.

Is it not the case that in the 1970s Britain had similar teenage pregnancy levels to the rest of Europe? In the 1980s, our level went up and up and elsewhere in Europe levels went down. The Conservatives completely ignored the issue and it was not until we had the social exclusion unit's report on the issue and the teenage pregnancy strategy that we started taking the issue seriously. Does my right hon. Friend agree that perhaps too much autonomy was granted with the strategy, so that some areas are doing very well and others, which have had the same resources, are not doing so well? What is she doing to encourage best practice so that we can continue to drive teenage pregnancy rates down and deliver on that important issue?

I could not have put better the difference between the Government's approach and that of the Conservatives. It is a complex issue, but we now understand much better the correlation between, for example, truancy and teenage pregnancy rates. All the work that we are doing to raise aspirations and to cut unauthorised as well as authorised absence is important in tackling the wider issues. My hon. Friend is right to say that some areas are doing better than others. We are learning from that and we are now focusing much of our effort on what we call the hot spot areas—50 per cent. of teenage pregnancies occur in 20 per cent. of wards. If we concentrate on those areas, and work with midwives and health visitors to address the fact that one in five teenage pregnancies are second pregnancies, I am sure that we will see greater success.

13. How many apprenticeships have been undertaken in each year since 1997; and if she will make a statement. [217639]

In 1997 there were 75,000 apprentices in training; 112,000 in 1998; 154,000 in 1999; 203,000 in 2000; 198,000 in 2001; 212,000 in 2002; 233,000 in 2003; and 245,000 in 2004. That represents a threefold increase since 1997 and demonstrates the Government's commitment to serious long-term investment in vocational education.

I thank my hon. Friend for that reply. It is excellent news that more young people than ever are taking advantage of high quality apprenticeships, such as those offered by Marshall Aerospace of Cambridge in my constituency. However, one national problem is that many young people begin apprenticeships but do not complete them. It would be helpful if my hon. Friend could describe what action is being taken to ensure that more young people complete their apprenticeships.

I join my hon. Friend in congratulating the organisation in her constituency. It is true that a number of issues arise from the apprenticeship programme. For example, non-completion is sometimes a consequence of a young person remaining in employment having been told by their employer that they do not need to continue training. We have several issues to address, one of which is ensuring that apprenticeships are fitter for purpose by involving employers in the design of the apprenticeships. We also need far more employer engagement in offering apprenticeships and vocational learning opportunities. If we are to create a high status route, as we described in the White Paper yesterday, it is important that we see progression from advanced apprenticeships into foundation degrees, or from level 3 specialist diplomas—as they will be known in the future—into higher education. The challenge must be to involve higher education in the design of advanced apprenticeships and level 3 specialist diplomas, and ensure that they are given the same esteem as so-called academic achievements.

Is not the real problem, as the hon. Member for Cambridge (Mrs. Campbell) said, the fact that too many people do not complete apprenticeships because the esteem given to manufacturing is still not strong enough in this country? The experience in my constituency is exactly the same as that of the hon. Lady. I was at an engineering firm recently where I was told that of the five people who had started apprenticeships, none had completed their term because, to schools, manufacturing industry still does not carry the same esteem as other routes into the future. The firm was concerned about the number of people being urged to go into higher education rather than apprenticeships. Should not the Minister tackle the lack of esteem in which manufacturing is held in order to get the answer to why people drop out of apprenticeships?

It is a misnomer to talk about apprenticeships simply in the context of manufacturing industry; it is an outdated notion. About 112 sectors of the economy offer apprenticeships. If the hon. Gentleman had listened to the announcement yesterday, he would have heard that central to it is getting young people from the ages of 11 and 14 to have far more contact with the labour market and the world of work, breaking down the dividing line between the labour market and the educational establishment and ensuring that the choices that young people make are based on an informed experience of the world of work. My challenge to manufacturing industry in the context of the sector skills councils is to go into schools and colleges and make the case for the modernity and relevance of such industry and for the earning potential of young people in it. As for the 50 per cent. higher education target, what Britain needs economically is more graduates and more apprentices and we should not seek to choose between the two.

My hon. Friend will be fully aware, as we all are, of employers' concerns that we recruit not only craft apprentices but apprentices who will go on to university and gain higher qualifications. The Government are fully aware, and the White Paper shows it, that we need to give our youngsters the opportunity to experience what occupations industry can offer them. The White Paper is fine and the words are fine, but surely the Minister must realise that it takes more than words—it takes personal commitment from the Government to take on the crusade: otherwise, it will founder.

We will have to wait a long time then.

Well, we waited 18 years under the Conservative Government, when we had a decimated vocational education system. The reality is that from September work-related learning will be a statutory part of the curriculum. From next September enterprise education will become part of the curriculum. That is for all young people, not just young people pursuing vocational routes. As a consequence of the reforms that we announced yesterday, there will be a far more dynamic relationship between education providers and employers in every community in every part of the country.

This is a challenge not just to the Government and educationists—yesterday, we delivered to employers a commitment to focus on the basics. Their responsibility is to come to the table now to enable us to deliver a high quality, high status vocational education system. Government alone will not be able to achieve it; we need a partnership between Government and employers.

15. When the Government will publish its response to the Tomlinson report. [217641]

I did, yesterday.

I thank the Secretary of State. Does she accept that we can all argue for a long time about those bits of Tomlinson that we like and do not like? I welcome the retention of A-levels, but does she accept that the retention of AS-levels is not so popular? Will she acknowledge that taking three serious sets of examinations in three consecutive years hampers the broadening of the mind and the development of the character of young people in their late teens? Even at this late stage, will she rethink her position on that particular exam?

I will not because, under the new system, I see people taking exams at the age and pace that suits them so that we get away from the idea that 16 is a fixed point in the education system, that at 17 one takes AS-levels, or that at 18 one has to take A-levels. We will move toward a system in which students take GCSEs when it suits them and perhaps take an AS-level at 16. We have to try to broaden the range of opportunities available to all our young people to offer a mix of the academic and the vocational and to give the vocational route much higher esteem. That all fits together as a coherent picture.

My right hon. Friend will be aware that there is some concern about the decision to retain A-levels, but does she accept that AS-levels are popular in certain respects, especially for youngsters from non-traditional backgrounds who perhaps do not have the academic background that some of us have had? It is a great advance to have an examination in the first year of sixth-form study to get used to the style and content of A-levels. It is beneficial to students of that type.

I thank my hon. Friend for his comments. It is quite possible that, in the future, in the different specialised lines of learning such as engineering, employers and higher education institutions might ask for an AS level—in physics, for example—as part of a vocational course. It is quite important that students have the opportunity to mix the academic and the vocational, so that we get away from the idea that pupils are pigeonholed into one category or the other and let all our pupils have the opportunity to combine studies in both areas.

20. What legislative provisions introduced since 1997 have entailed a reversal in the burden of proof; and what guidance she has provided to the Crown Prosecution Service in relation to these provisions. [217646]

I will write to the hon. Lady with a list of the issues that have been considered by the CPS reversed burdens sub-committee. I think that that is the most helpful way I can answer her question. The CPS issues guidance to all prosecutors on new legislation and on significant court decisions that clarify the law.

This is the second opportunity that I have had to put this question. I did so once in writing to the Solicitor-General, which was due to be answered on Monday, and the right hon. and learned Lady said that she would write to me. I find that unacceptable, given that on Monday we debated the Clean Neighbourhoods and Environment Bill, whereby the incidence and the level of fines for the issuing of fixed penalty notices has increased and there is a reversed burden of proof at the time that the fixed penalty notice is issued. Does the right hon. and learned Lady not see that as a result of increasing the reversed burden of proof at that stage, the only defence for those who do not wish to pay such a fine is to go to court, so that will throw a load of cases in the direction of the court? Does she find that acceptable?

The hon. Lady will agree that what is in the substantive law is a matter for the House. All these issues are canvassed on the Floor of the House and in Committee, and if a reversed burden of proof is introduced in any legislation, customarily people do look more closely at it. When it comes to prosecution, cases will be prosecuted in the normal way following the legislation and following any guidance.

rose—

On a point of order, Mr. Deputy Speaker.

Order. I am not giving the hon. Lady a second supplementary question.

Owing to the totally unsatisfactory answer I have received from the Solicitor-General, I wish to apply for an Adjournment debate on this matter.

The point is noted.

Can the Solicitor-General confirm that—

Order. I am advised that, as a result of that point of order, we now have to move on to the next question.

21. If she will introduce proposals to extend the provisions of the victims charter to Government Departments and agencies which can instigate criminal actions on behalf of complainants. [217647]

A draft of the victims code will shortly be the subject of a public consultation exercise. As with the charter, it is proposed that the code applies to named criminal justice agencies, including the Crown Prosecution Service. The Government do not propose at this stage to extend the code to cover other prosecuting authorities.

Is it not the case that under the victims charter, a victim of crime can obtain an explanation from the police or the Crown Prosecution Service if charges relating to the crime they have suffered from are being reduced, dropped or just not proceeded with? I have been pursuing a case for six years with the Department of Trade and Industry, where it has powers to prosecute under the Fair Trading Act 1973. Why are not the DTI, other Government Departments and agencies covered by the victims charter, so that my constituent can be given the explanation that he seeks as to why the action he and I feel should have been taken by the DTI has not been taken?

My hon. Friend raises an important point. He has identified, of course, that these prosecutions come under the responsibility of the DTI, which is not covered formally by the victims' code, but I think it is good practice for all prosecutors to look at how they inform victims of things that are important to them. Perhaps I can undertake to get the Whitehall prosecutors' group, which includes all the prosecutors in Whitehall, including the DTI, to look at whether they could adopt good practice when prosecutions are of particular importance to individual victims.

Has guidance yet been given to the Crown Prosecution Service on the ability of victims and prosecution witnesses to have direct access to the CPS? If that guidance has yet to be given, will she tell us when that will happen?

The first stage of closer involvement between the Crown Prosecution Service and victims came with the roll-out of victim information. Not so long ago, victims would often find out that charges in their cases had been dropped. Nobody would be told about it—they would read about it in the newspaper. Now, new procedures have come into effect in all areas so that if there is a material change—if a charge is dropped or reduced—the CPS has a responsibility to inform that victim directly. However, there are many other issues that victims want to know about—for example, the progress in the case—so more information is being given, in co-ordination with the police, in witness care units. I hope that the information that I have given is as helpful as it possibly could be. I had no intention of doing anything other than answering the question asked by the hon. Member for Vale of York (Miss McIntosh).

Will my right hon. and learned Friend review the way that victims are treated in circumstances in which it is impossible to bring a prosecution because of the lack of absolute proof? I am thinking in particular of circumstances in which an elderly, vulnerable witness has been conned out of money by builders and so on, and people who have sought to befriend them.

It is important that victims get support even if there is no prosecution. Victim Support gives very useful support to victims, irrespective of whether anybody has been caught and charged with the crime. Also, victims can get criminal injuries compensation even if the offender has not actually been caught.

The Solicitor-General will be aware that in some categories of offences—particularly those under the Health and Safety at Work, etc. Act 1974—it is possible for prosecutions to be brought either by the Health and Safety Executive or by local authorities, and now by the Crown Prosecution Service as well. How does that impact on the operation of the victims charter? It is my understanding that some of those bodies will not be covered by the charter, but, in many cases, there are likely to be victims. What co-ordination or discussion has taken place to ensure, particularly if cases start with one body and are transferred to another, that victims' views are properly represented?

What we are looking for is a culture change whereby all prosecutors think carefully about the information and support that is given to victims throughout the case and how they are treated. The hon. Gentleman is right to identify that prosecutions can move from one prosecutor to another. They may start with one prosecutor who is not covered by the code and then move to a prosecutor who is covered by the code, or vice versa. The answer is to ensure that the Whitehall prosecutors' group discusses all those issues and that we level all practice up to the best, but we must start with the code that is under the statute having a clear focus. We must move it forward on that basis and then, in future, we might well be able to extend it.

22. What assessment she has made of the effectiveness of anger management courses in the prevention of reoffending in domestic violence cases. [217648]

It is important to understand which programmes are effective in changing the behaviour of perpetrators of domestic violence, and it important that such programmes are monitored and evaluated. My own view is that one of the most important ways to change the behaviour of domestic violence perpetrators is for them to understand that they will not get away with beating their wives, that excuses will not be accepted and that they will be prosecuted and punished.

Although I agree with my right hon. and learned Friend's conclusion on that matter, if we are serious about reducing reoffending in domestic violence, we must combine anger management courses with some therapeutic work on the sources of that anger and perhaps work on dispelling it. Will she do all she can to ensure that where there is a high incidence of domestic violence, authorities get the funding they need to put on such courses?

I commend the probation service on its work with perpetrators in general and with perpetrators of domestic violence in particular. It is important to tackle repeat offending and to reduce offending. However, as well as working closely on the issue of perpetrators and reoffending, it is important that we do not assume that domestic violence is perpetrated by people who are victims of their own anger and who cannot control themselves. They often can control their anger at work, with friends, in the pub and with someone who is 6 ft 6 in, but they somehow cannot control their anger when they are behind closed doors with a wife who is only 5 ft 2 in. I am sceptical about some of the philosophies behind anger management, but I know that the work of the probation service, with which my hon. Friend has worked closely in Stevenage, is good.

There can be no excuse for the commission of domestic violence, and I am always interested in the views of the right hon. and learned Lady, but what does the empirical evidence show about the effectiveness or otherwise of such courses?

There are a number of different programmes in a number of different areas. They are all being monitored and evaluated, and the hon. Gentleman can see the result of the empirical research. The absolute bottom line, however, is the reoffending rate. There is good evidence that a high level of intervention with perpetrators cuts the reoffending rate, mostly because it gets them to accept responsibility for their actions and stops them giving the excuse, "I got angry and I lost it."