Will the Leader of the House give us the forthcoming business?

The business for next week is as follows:

Monday 11 May—Second Reading of the Equality Bill.

Tuesday 12 May—Consideration in Committee of the Finance Bill.

Wednesday 13 May—Conclusion of consideration in Committee of the Finance Bill.

Thursday 14 May—Topical debate, subject to be announced, followed by a general debate on swine flu.

Friday 15 May—Private Member’s Bills.

The provisional business for the week commencing 18 May will include:

Monday 18 May—Opposition Day (11th Allotted Day). There will be a debate on an Opposition motion, subject to be announced.

Tuesday 19 May—Remaining stages of the Policing and Crime Bill.

Wednesday 20 May—Motion relating to the appointment of the Comptroller and Auditor General, followed by motion relating to national policy statements, followed by motion relating to the Communications (Television Licensing) (Amendment) Regulations 2009.

Thursday 21 May—Motion on the Whitsun Recess Adjournment.

I should also like to inform the House that the business in Westminster Hall for 21 May will be:

Thursday 21 May—Debate on the report from the International Development Committee on the World Food Programme and global food security.

I thank the Leader of the House for giving us the forthcoming business. We are grateful that in a few moments we will have a further update on the spread of swine flu. I also thank her for acting on my suggestion last week that we should use next Thursday for a full debate on the matter. With some experts warning that the virus could cause the greatest damage next autumn, it is right that the House has an opportunity to discuss all aspects of that serious issue.

May I applaud once again the courage and determination of the parliamentary ombudsman? Yesterday, she published a second, even more damning, report into what she termed the “unremedied injustice” inflicted on the thousands of pensioners who lost their money in the collapse of Equitable Life. It is an extraordinary document that exposes the casual cruelty of a Government who have become so involved with themselves that they have completely lost touch with those whom they are most supposed to serve.

This is the sixth time that I have raised the issue at the Dispatch Box, and the right hon. and learned Lady seems incapable of telling the House how the Government intend to compensate those policyholders who face destitution in their retirement. The ombudsman has demanded compensation, but the Government are insisting on defying her. Many find that dismissive attitude sick and callous. Will the right hon. and learned Lady promise not to shame herself and her Government even further with another fob-off, and instead to grant the House the urgent debate that I and many others Members have sought for so long? Will she also promise to give us a firm and immediate plan for the compensation that justice requires?

When it comes to justice, we should not need a celebrity campaigner to jolt the Government’s conscience. We should none the less take the opportunity to congratulate Joanna Lumley, who has worked tirelessly to challenge the Government’s shabby treatment of the Gurkhas. Miss Lumley says that she trusts that the Prime Minister will now do the right thing; let me add that the whole country hopes that it can trust the Prime Minister to do the right thing.

There are already fears that the Prime Minister is rowing back from the apparent change of heart that was announced after his meeting with Miss Lumley yesterday. Let us be clear about this. When will we hear the statement that the Prime Minister promised during Prime Minister’s questions yesterday, and when will the Government set out how they intend to make good his promises to Miss Lumley?

As well as fair treatment for those who have served their country, there is the fair treatment to which everyone is entitled under our law. One of the great principles that are supposed to govern our claim to be a civilised society is the principle that everyone is innocent until proved guilty, and is properly treated as such. Keeping someone’s DNA on record following arrest when no charges are subsequently brought introduces a cloud of permanent suspicion where none is warranted. Will the Leader of the House appreciate that providing a written statement on something so important just will not do, and that the retention of such records should be discussed either in a full debate or following a full oral statement? In the eyes of many, this is another example of the Government’s having too little regard for civil liberty and justice.

The news that 77 Chinese children have disappeared from a London care home over the last three years is totally horrific. One can but ask what on earth is going on. How can such a staggering fact be treated so lightly in the centre of government? The Prime Minister said yesterday that the Home Secretary would be investigating, and would report to the House. When will we be given a full statement about what has gone on?

When will we next have a chance to debate health and safety rules? When we do, might we just be given an opportunity to discuss the absurdity of a police constable’s refusal to get on a bike because he had not passed his cycling proficiency test? What does the Leader of the House think that Sir Robert Peel would have thought of this PC PC, and might she perhaps speculate on what Lord Tebbit would have to say on the matter?

Will the Leader of the House also take the opportunity to comment on early-day motion 1356, which concerns the pay of House of Commons cleaners?

[That this House recognises the invaluable contribution made by the House of Commons cleaners; notes that hon. Members depend on the vital services provided by these workers to ensure the smooth running of the House; expresses concern and disappointment that the House of Commons cleaners are receiving an hourly wage below the London Living Wage and that they have been waiting months for an agreed 45 pence rise in their hourly rate; and calls on KGB Cleaning and Support Services, the cleaners' employers, and the House authorities urgently to resolve this unacceptable situation and give these workers the pay they deserve.]

Does it cause her any concern for the security of this place and, perhaps, the security of our data that the company in question is called KGB Cleaning?

As the hon. Gentleman acknowledged, he and all other Members will have an opportunity to hear more about swine flu from the Secretary of State for Health when he updates the House in his statement later today. In response to the hon. Gentleman’s request, we have also chosen it as the subject for a general debate next week.

We have agreed that following the mistakes made not just by Equitable Life but by the regulatory regime, financial recompense should be paid. Sir John Chadwick is looking into how the scheme can be put into effect.

Get on with it.

He is getting on with it. He will update Ministers, and Ministers will update the House, very shortly. We are concerned about the fact that people have been affected by the mistakes made not only by Equitable Life but by the regulatory regime—for which the Government have apologised—and action will be taken.

We did take action on the Gurkhas in 1997, but both the public and Parliament want us to do more, and we will. That has been made clear by the Prime Minister, and was also made clear in the statement at the end of the Opposition day debate last week.

The hon. Member for Rutland and Melton (Alan Duncan) raised the question of the consultation on the keeping of DNA records, and asked whether this was not another example of our having too little regard for justice. I would say quite the opposite: this is us having regard for justice. I will give an example; Abdul Azad was arrested for violent disorder and had his DNA taken in February 2005. He was released without charge, but his DNA was kept. Later, there was a rape in Stafford, 25 miles away from where he lived. It was a stranger rape; the woman had no idea who had raped her, but a man’s DNA was under her fingernails. Because his DNA had been kept after arrest for violent disorder, Abdul Azad was arrested and put in prison. I say to hon. Members that this is about justice. The point about rape is that it is often a repeat offence; not only is it important for that woman that justice should be done, but it protects other women. The hon. Gentleman puts himself against justice when he argues against keeping DNA on the database.

On the question of the policeman failing to get on his bike, the only thing I can say is that if the Conservative spending cuts were put into effect, there would be fewer police to get on any bikes in the future.

Will my right hon. and learned Friend look carefully at what is happening on the east coast main line, one of our premier lines? Ever since National Express took over the franchise, it has systematically run down the quality of the line and put up prices. Surely our Government will not bail them out to the tune of £1 billion. Surely we should take the franchise away from National Express and run it as a national concern.

Perhaps I might suggest that my hon. Friend raises that issue at Transport questions next week.

I notice that, on 19 May, we have the remaining stages of the Policing and Crime Bill; one single day, yet again, for a major criminal justice Bill. We have repeatedly argued that the Government simply cannot allow Bills to be taken through the House without key parts of criminal justice being discussed. Will she please look at that again?

Perhaps we should have a debate on the wider conduct of the Home Office; the point, quite rightly, has been made about the way in which the Home Office has chosen, effectively, to ignore a court ruling against it on DNA samples. There is an inability to understand what the word “innocent” means; innocent means innocent. It is not a question of an offender or a repeat offence; it is an innocent person. That is the key to the debate that we should have.

Perhaps we could also discuss why figures reveal that the stop-and-search powers under section 44 of the Terrorism Act 2000 were used by the Metropolitan police on an enormous number of occasions; once every three minutes. Can that be justified?

Last week, Lord Laming produced his progress report on the protection of children in England. It is very welcome, but it is simply a review of what has been happening. Can we have a debate on the future of child protection in this country and how we are going to establish proper and long-term measures to improve those areas that are falling lamentably short of what we expect on child protection, so that we can try to avoid the sort of tragedies that have become only too frequent?

Lastly, could we have a debate to help the Government understand and recognise when they owe a debt of honour? I am still very concerned that the Government do not understand the decision of the House last week in respect of the Gurkhas. The Minister for Borders and Immigration said that he respected the will of the House of Commons. Yesterday, the Prime Minister could only say that the Government would listen to the voice of the House. As one of the co-sponsors of the motion that was passed overwhelmingly in this House, I do not know what part of the word “immediately” the Government do not understand, and that is what the motion said.

The ombudsman report, already mentioned, refers to

“an inappropriate attempt to act as judge and jury in its own cause.”

Do the Government not understand that their squirming on this issue—albeit it partly involves matters outside their own control—does them no credit at all, and that the ombudsman is right?

Finally, let me turn to the issue of the Iraqi interpreters. I was absolutely against the expedition into Iraq, but I respect the fact that there were people in Iraq who were prepared to help the British forces by acting as interpreters. We now understand that the Government have peremptorily removed the scheme under which they are given protection and assistance to enter this country; that will come to an end on 19 May. That is no way to repay a debt of honour; the Government need to understand that.

I have made strong efforts to ensure that we do not overload the Report stage of the Policing and Crime Bill with Government amendments, unless they arise in response to points made in Committee. I will, however, look at how much time is needed for the Bill.

On Equitable Life, as I said earlier, Sir John Chadwick has been asked to look into a number of important questions that will need to be considered for the setting up of a scheme. We hope to have an interim update from him very soon and, after he has reported, we will put in place a scheme that is fair to both policyholders and taxpayers. The complexities involved in this issue are exemplified by the fact that it took about four years for the ombudsman to produce her report. For each individual who has been affected, however, it is not a complex issue; they have lost out, and they need financial recompense. We are very concerned about this, and have taken action.

As I am sure the hon. Gentleman would acknowledge, there was no right to settlement for any Gurkhas before 1997, and we acted. We have listened to public opinion and what the House has said, and we will go further, because that is in line with the public view and the will of the House as expressed in our debate last week.

I will look for an opportunity to debate child protection. As a number of issues come together in this important matter, we might need to have a topical debate on it, and one is available next week.

The hon. Gentleman has also raised the issue of the DNA database, and he has said that “innocent means innocent”. Well, let me tell him about another case. [Interruption.]

Order. The Leader of the House made that case in a previous answer. As the point has been made, I think that we should leave it at that, because I am concerned about the business of the day; our earlier oral questions ran over their allotted time, and I want to be able to call Back Benchers to speak.

Therefore, I refer the hon. Gentleman to what I said to the shadow Leader of the House.

Does the Leader of the House accept that the views expressed by the hon. Member for Somerton and Frome (Mr. Heath) about the scrutiny of legislation on Report are shared and sympathised with across the whole House? Large chunks of major Bills—such as the Policing and Crime Bill, which the hon. Gentleman mentioned, and the Coroners and Justice Bill—are passing unscrutinised, and they often include Government new clauses and amendments. Is it not time that we returned to having programme motions by cross-party agreement in advance? We are sent here to scrutinise legislation, but if there is insufficient time on Report, it is impossible for us to do that job.

This year, we have given two days for the Report stage of two Bills. No Bill passes through this House without scrutiny both on the Floor of the House on Report and upstairs in Committee. Therefore, although there might be an argument about the amount of scrutiny, Bills do not pass without scrutiny, and I would not want my hon. Friend to make that point. We have to balance the need for debate and scrutiny on Report with the need for general debates, topical debates that the House asks for, and regular debates, such as on issues involving Select Committees and defence. We are always looking to ensure that we get the balance right.

Will the Leader of the House please do something about the falling standards of ministerial replies to hon. Members? This morning, I have signed eight letters chasing Ministers. The Treasury is the worst offender—my correspondence with it dates back to January. For letters from hon. Members to go unanswered for that length of time is simply unacceptable. While the Leader of the House is addressing this matter, will she also try to put a stop to another trend, which is that ministerial replies are increasingly being signed not by Ministers, but by officials? That is simply not good enough.

As I said last week, I think we would all agree that it is all right for letters from Ministers to hon. Members to be dictated by the Minister but signed in their absence. However, I think there is an issue to do with what is being delegated to agencies, and I will look into that. There should be no official answers to Members of this House from departmental staff; if a Member writes to a Minister, the Minister should reply, because that is part of the nature of accountability. I ask the right hon. Gentleman to copy in the Deputy Leader of the House on this issue, and we will then follow up all the answers he has mentioned. This is not only a question of who answers; there must also be prompt answers. It is very important that information is given at the time that it is asked for; that is a basic, bottom-standard performance indicator for Ministers.

May we have a debate about the state of railway stations throughout the UK? I am sure my right hon. and learned Friend would agree that, for many visitors, railway stations form the first and last impression of a location. Unfortunately, however, the railway station in my Dundee constituency is both an eyesore and unwelcoming—unlike the people of Dundee, who love welcoming visitors to the city. Such a debate would at least allow me to determine who exactly is responsible for the railway station, as National Express, Network Rail, First ScotRail, the Scottish Executive and the separatist Scottish National party-led local council keep passing the buck to each other.

My hon. Friend makes that point forcefully on behalf of his Dundee constituency, and I suggest that he starts exploring the matter by asking an oral question at Transport questions next week.

Under this Government, we have witnessed the gradual decay of parliamentary democracy, with Opposition Members arrested for embarrassing the Government, constituents banned from speaking to MPs, and insufficient time allocated to important Bills such as the Policing and Crime Bill. Will the Leader of the House give Government time for the consideration of how we can get matters reported to the Standards and Privileges Committee? I have written to her previously about this.

I do not accept the argument that parliamentary democracy has been eroded. It is a matter for this House to ensure that all hon. Members do their job and hold the Government to account, and it is our responsibility to be accountable to this House.

Members of this House are extremely concerned about this week’s shocking report on children who have gone missing from what should have been a place of safety. Will my right hon. and learned Friend find time for us to have a thorough debate, in order to make sure that we are protecting children who go missing and are exploited—and, indeed, that we are doing everything possible to ensure that they do not go missing in the first place—and protecting children who are being targeted by predatory adults?

I know that this has been a long-standing concern of my hon. Friend, and that she has campaigned on protecting children in care. I will look for an opportunity to debate a number of such issues, including child trafficking, child protection and missing children; we might be able to have a debate on all those issues together.

May I request that we use next week’s topical debate slot to have a debate on prison sentences? The Magistrates Association recently called for the end-of-custody licence scheme to be withdrawn and for early release from a custodial sentence to be earned rather than automatic. Many of my constituents are sick to the back teeth of people being let out of prison, not because they deserve to be released or are no longer a threat to the public, but simply because there are not enough prison places. May we have a debate on this subject, which is a great concern to many people throughout the country?

There was a statement on prison places last week. We always take the views of the Magistrates Association very seriously, and I pay tribute to the many thousands of lay magistrates throughout the country. I will ask the Secretary of State for Justice to write to the hon. Gentleman and say what our response is to the Magistrates Association on this issue.

May we have a debate consequent on the great events of last Monday, when thousands of migrant workers packed Westminster cathedral and then marched to Trafalgar square, as part of their campaign—supported by many Christian organisations—to advance from strangers to citizens? Part of the problem is the chaos at Lunar house, Croydon, and the inability of the Home Office to regularise the status of people who are entitled to become citizens, so that people are left languishing while they wait for their status to be determined. It is time that the Government got on top of the issue to overcome the anxiety, frustration and poverty that accompany this problem. Thousands of people demand justice and a resolution of their status, as reflected in the events on Monday.

I agree that tens of thousands of people marched in London on Monday, organised by the Churches and many other faith groups. Migrant workers play an important part in the life of this city. I do not accept that there is chaos at Lunar house. My constituency probably has more immigration cases than any other, and I can say that Lunar house is now making determinations much more quickly and fairly than it used to do.

When will the Leader of the House publish her decisions on the two pension matters that are currently before her?

I issued a written ministerial statement on the question of parliamentary pensions. I obviously keep in close touch with the chair of the parliamentary pension scheme and we will shortly bring the matter to the House for decision. We have made it clear that we do not think that there should be an increase in the Exchequer contribution, and we therefore propose an increase in contributions from Members to protect the Exchequer from having to put more money into our pension fund. That proposal will require the view of the House and a statutory instrument, and we will debate it shortly so that it can be backdated to 1 April.

Of course I have the greatest respect for my right hon. and learned Friend’s views on the legal matters concerning the DNA database and I welcome the Government’s decision to remove the names of some innocent people from it. However, that is not an adequate response to the judgment of the court, which found specifically that the Government were acting unlawfully. The database is growing at the rate of 15,000 names a week, and it is now the largest in the world. May we have a statement or a debate on the issue or, at the least, an extra day to discuss it during consideration of the Policing and Crime Bill? An extra day will not add greatly to the burden of the Government, but will provide us with an opportunity to explain why their position is wrong.

As I understand it, the issue is not included in the Policing and Crime Bill as it is to do with earlier legislation. The court case to which my right hon. Friend refers deals with the question of what is proportionate and what individuals should have to be prepared to tolerate in the interests of justice and protecting future victims. In the case of Kensley Larrier, it was proportionate to keep his DNA on the database after he was arrested for possessing a weapon. The proceedings were discontinued in 2002, but his DNA was kept and, after a rape many years later, it was available and he could be sent to prison. The database provides a major opportunity to bring rapists to justice that previously was not available. All those who argue against the DNA database have to answer to the victims of repeat offences, and we are not prepared to fail to use that tool as a weapon in the fight against rape.

Later today a Manchester Evening News petition, signed by more than 100,000 people and urging the Government to ensure that the Financial Services Compensation Scheme fully compensates the Christie hospital for the £6.5 million loss in a UK-regulated Icelandic bank, will be submitted to Downing street and Parliament. Will the Speaker arrange for time for a debate on how the Government will fully compensate—

Order. The hon. Gentleman means the Leader of the House. I have a different union card.

We are concerned about the Christie’s charity and about all the other charities doing important work that has been put at risk because they had reserves in Icelandic banks. We are working on getting the money back to ensure that creditors are protected. Ministers have met the Christie charity’s representatives, and we will respond early next month to the Treasury Committee’s report on this issue.

May we have a debate in Government time on the pensions of the bankers retiring from the banks in which we have a financial interest? I know that the Leader of the House shares my concern about Sir Fred Goodwin walking away with more than £700,000 a year, but yesterday we learned that Mr. Pell, another of the bankers who drove the Royal Bank of Scotland into the ground, will walk away with a pension of more than £500,000 a year. It would take the average nurse 20 years to earn that much. It is a scandal. Those bankers should have been sacked instead of getting pensions totalling £1.2 million.

As part of the review by the Financial Services Authority of the financial services industry, it is considering questions of corporate governance including financial remuneration at the top, which has in the past rewarded risk-taking, not to mention greed. The particular RBS pensions that my hon. Friend mentions were decided by the RBS board before the Government became a shareholder, but we have now made it clear that there are to be no excessive pensions or rewards for failure.

If I recall correctly, we were promised a debate on the Government’s statement on Afghanistan and Pakistan last week, but that has been understandably replaced by the debate on swine flu next Thursday. When will we have the debate on Afghanistan and Pakistan? We may be short of parliamentary time for many of these debates, but we are not sitting for very many days this Session. We could always sit beyond 21 July—indeed, I do not recall rising so early for the summer recess before.

We had a statement from the Prime Minister last week on Afghanistan, and we had a statement on Afghanistan and Pakistan earlier this year. We know that the House wants the opportunity to hear statements and hold debates on this issue, and we will continue to look for opportunities to do so.

My constituency has the misfortune of hosting Dr. Philip Nitschke tomorrow and many of us will be outside demonstrating against him. Given the debate on who should be allowed to enter this country, will my right hon. and learned Friend consult the Home Secretary on whether that individual should be added to the list, given that he openly encourages people to break the law and his views are abhorrent?

The Home Secretary exercises her discretion on whether to allow people to come into this country and Parliament has laid down the terms of reference for the exercise of that discretion. They include the people who would incite violence or breaches of the law, but it is not intended to stop people coming here to engage in public policy debates. I will ask the Home Secretary to write to my hon. Friend to explain her decision in that case.

Is the Leader of the House aware that her answer to the hon. Member for Stoke-on-Trent, Central (Mark Fisher) was totally unacceptable and unsatisfactory? Bills are going to the other place with large tranches of them undebated in this place. Programming was not designed to prevent discussion on Report. If she receives a request for a second day’s debate on Report for a major Bill, will she give it her most sympathetic consideration?

I have said that I will consider that specific point. However, Bills are scrutinised through the debates on Second Reading, in Committee, on Report and in the House of Lords. Although I think that it is perfectly reasonable for hon. Members to identify particular Bills and to argue that there should be greater scrutiny, it is also important that they should not imply that this House is just rubber-stamping Bills. The public should understand the many hours that Members put into Bills, the hard work that goes into Committees and the difference that that makes as well as hearing that hon. Members want more time.

It is absolutely right that we deal urgently with any failings in child protection, as highlighted recently by the baby P case. I recently met a group of front-line children’s social workers from Halton social services, which is a highly regarded social services department, and I was struck by their commitment, professionalism and determination to do their job. One thing that concerned them was the fact that the many good stories—the children whom they protect and the lives that are saved—are never highlighted. May we have a debate on the Floor of the House to highlight the importance of social work in child protection and to encourage people to join the profession, which is very important given the need for more recruits?

I agree with my hon. Friend. If we find the opportunity to debate the protection of children and children in care, perhaps it will be possible for the important work of front-line social workers to be highlighted. I also think that the opening of the family courts undertaken by the Ministry of Justice will allow people to see the important work that social workers do as they ask the courts to take children into care in order to protect them.

Police reform, prostitution—buying and selling—lap dancing, alcohol and disorder, rendition, extradition, proceeds of crime and police accountability were all issues raised on Second Reading of the Policing and Crime Bill by hon. Members who were not going to be members of the Public Bill Committee. The Government added, too late for amendments to be tabled, gang injunctions and the DNA database—clauses 95 to 97 on pages 116 and 117. It is necessary that time to scrutinise the Bill should be available for Select Committee Chairmen and other hon. Members who were not on the Public Bill Committee. I am delighted that the Leader of the House will carefully consider this request and, if she agrees, she will fulfil the Prime Minister’s pledge for greater parliamentary scrutiny of the Executive and we will all have our fair say on these important matters.

I underline to the hon. Gentleman and the House that there are discussions between the parties about the time allocated to Bills. It is true that agreement can not always be reached, but there are discussions. It is not as if we sit there and make a unilateral decision. There are discussions and we try to accommodate the Opposition’s views and to strike the right balance. Sometimes the Back Benchers do not agree with the Front Benchers, and sometimes that happens on the Government’s side as well as on the Opposition’s.

Is the Leader of the House aware that under the European Union marine habitats directive the Spanish Government have designated as such a habitat waters including some of the territorial waters around Gibraltar? Will she arrange for the Foreign Secretary to come to the House to tell us what he intends to do to reassert British sovereignty over British territorial waters around Gibraltar?

I will ask the Foreign Secretary to write to the right hon. and learned Gentleman and to place a copy in the House of Commons Library.

It has been a bad week for Education Ministers. On Tuesday, on Report on the Apprenticeships, Skills, Children and Learning Bill we had a brief opportunity—because of the proper strictures of the Chair—to debate the capital funding crisis in further education colleges, which has seen 144 college programmes frozen. Yesterday, in Westminster Hall, due to the good work of my hon. Friend the Member for Hemel Hempstead (Mike Penning), we had the opportunity to discuss a similar crisis in sixth-form funding. This all comes down to the relationship between the Learning and Skills Council and Ministers, as Sir Andrew Foster’s report on the subject, which was commissioned by the right hon. and learned Lady’s Government, said. However, there has been no chance to debate Andrew Foster’s report and no oral statement to the House. Will she facilitate one with urgency?

The Secretary of State for Innovation, Universities and Skills has made a statement about the Learning and Skills Council in relation to capital funding in further education. The Prime Minister has answered questions on this subject and on sixth-form funding, and so have I. I will consider the suggestion that we should have a topical debate on the subject, along with the other suggestions that have been made today.

The Home Secretary announced this week that Greater Manchester, which includes my constituency, would pilot the Government’s flawed and expensive plan for identity cards. Given the estimated £5 billion cost of the scheme and the deteriorating economic outlook since the plans for ID cards were first announced, does the Leader of the House agree that a debate to reassess the proposals, at the very least, would be appropriate before the people of Greater Manchester are once again asked to be guinea pigs?

The people of Greater Manchester are not being asked to be guinea pigs. The pilot project is entirely voluntary and if nobody wants to avail themselves of the opportunity to prove their identity on a biometric basis, they do not have to do so. As far as compulsion is concerned, there is a requirement that foreign nationals should give biometric details. [Interruption.] I would say that that is working very well and it is very important. It speeds up people’s ability to get visas, because there can be no doubt about identity fraud when the biometrics are there. That has been a thoroughly good thing; it has helped people to get their visas quickly and has stopped people from obtaining visas under a false identity.

Not for airport staff. What about airport staff?

I know that airport security is being debated with Manchester airport, just as it is with airports in London. Airport travellers would want to be sure that we use all the available weapons—perhaps that is the wrong word. We should use all the available means at our disposal to ensure that air travel is safe. If biometrics can contribute to the safety of air travel, then that is something on which we should press forward.

Can we go back to the reply that the Leader of the House gave to my hon. Friend the Member for Rutland and Melton (Alan Duncan) about Equitable Life? A serious constitutional issue needs to be addressed. In her report, “Injustice unremedied”, the ombudsman said yesterday:

“I therefore see no basis on which it can be said that Parliament has approved the approach adopted by the Government.”

Is it not therefore incumbent on the Government to provide not just a debate but a debate and a vote to see whether the House supports the Government or, as I suspect that it will, the ombudsman and the Select Committee?

The Government have accepted responsibility for putting in place a scheme that will provide financial recompense from the public purse for those on whose behalf mistakes were made by the management of Equitable Life and in the regulatory regime. We hope to have an interim update soon. Rather than considering this as a constitutional issue, we should consider it as an issue of people who have lost their money after having put it into Equitable Life in good faith. There were failures that go back to the 1980s. The Government are taking action. We have said that Sir John Chadwick will set up the scheme and there will be an interim update from him very soon. It took the ombudsman four years to produce her report because of the massive complexity of the case. We cannot just snap our fingers and work out what the compensation scheme should be. We are working on it, because we want to get financial recompense out to people as quickly as possible.

It is not far off a year since the right hon. and learned Lady last convened the Modernisation Committee, when it was halfway through its investigation into the governance of Britain and we were poised to consider the Prime Minister’s suggestions about dissolution and the powers of Parliament in respect of that. Does she propose to continue with the Modernisation Committee or has she just abandoned it? May we have a statement next week and an amendment to Standing Orders if that is now her position?

I have no proposal to amend Standing Orders. If the hon. Gentleman wants to suggest issues that he thinks should be taken by the Modernisation Committee, which cannot be taken forward by the Procedure Committee, I would be happy to discuss them with him.

The report on Equitable Life raises a constitutional issue, in that it was compiled by the parliamentary ombudsman, not the Government ombudsman. The parliamentary ombudsman reports to Parliament, so surely Parliament should have the right to decide the matter. Why will the Government not put their proposals to Parliament so that Parliament can vote on them? If Parliament rejects them, the Government must bring forward proposals that are acceptable to it.

I have nothing to add to what I have already said, at length, to other hon. Members. We are concerned about the matter, and we are getting on with it.

The Government have made it clear that they wish to safeguard manufacturing jobs, but recent reports in the Financial Times and The Times suggest that the Treasury is trying to frustrate the efforts of the Ministry of Defence to secure agreement with the partners and companies participating in the Eurofighter project on the size and timing of the tranche 3 element of the proposal. Will the Leader of the House find time for a statement to the House about precisely what is going on with tranche 3, so as to remove the uncertainty about the matter felt by thousands of aerospace workers in the north-west?

The Government place a high priority on supporting our manufacturing base. Obviously, there was an opportunity this morning to ask Ministers from the Department for Business, Enterprise and Regulatory Reform about this matter. However, I will ask the Ministry of Defence to write to the right hon. Gentleman about his specific question on tranche 3 of the Eurofighter project.

When the Leader of the House put the Government’s case on the DNA database passionately, repeatedly and at length, did it not occur to her that that was precisely why there needs to be an oral statement from the Home Secretary? Feelings are running very high on the matter, and there is a lot that needs to be said. Should not the Home Secretary have been dragged to that Dispatch Box to make a statement?

It is only a consultation paper. My remarks could be seen as a contribution to the consultation, and we could take the remarks of those hon. Members who flatly disagree with me in the same way.

Can we have a debate on the Cabinet Office guidance to local authorities and regional development agencies on the forthcoming elections? The board of the south-west RDA is meeting on 18 May to decide major cuts to its programmes in the region, but it has now been ordered by the Cabinet Office not to announce the results of the meeting until after the elections on 4 June. The guidance states that the RDA

“must not make announcements or publicise decisions that have the potential to affect voting intentions and therefore election outcomes.”

If that is the guidance from the Cabinet Office to the RDA, will it be applied to the Government as a whole?

The Cabinet Office guidance is designed to make sure that Government announcements do not interfere with local and European elections, and it simply draws the situation to the attention of all relevant organisations. The Government have made unprecedented investment in the regions, year on year, and we are proposing to continue to do so this year and next—

They are cuts.

The Opposition are proposing cuts. The Government are standing by our investment plans for this year and next, but the Opposition would cut public investment at the height of the recession. We say that that would make it longer and deeper.

Can we find time for a debate on early-day motion 1407 on the Potters Bar rail crash?

[That this House notes that 10 May 2009 marks the seventh anniversary of the Potters Bar derailment; and expresses its regret that no form of public inquiry has yet taken place despite the clearly expressed wishes of surviving victims and bereaved families for such an inquiry to be held.]

Is the Leader of the House aware that next Sunday marks the seventh anniversary of the crash, yet there has still been no form of inquiry? Is not seven years simply too long for bereaved families, surviving victims, members of the travelling public and others to have to wait for answers to their questions?

I think that that is something that the hon. Gentleman could raise at Transport questions next week.

May I reiterate the eloquent pleas from hon. Members on both sides of the House for more time for consideration on Report of the Policing and Crime Bill? It has 10 parts and addresses a welter of contentious issues, which the hon. Member for Oxford, West and Abingdon (Dr. Harris) has already listed. There is a certainty of no fewer than 10 groups of amendments, and a possibility of 20 or such groups. We are at a late stage but there is still time for the right hon. and learned Lady to concede an additional day for consideration. If she does, will she take it from me that her willingness to listen and adapt will be greatly respected?

I thank the hon. Gentleman for adding his views to those of other hon. Members on all sides of the House. I will reflect on them. It was only the provisional business that I announced earlier.

My hon. Friend the Member for Banbury (Tony Baldry) has done great work in his constituency by helping to set up a job club, and other Members of this House are looking at establishing similar initiatives. Will there be an opportunity in the reasonably near future for a debate on unemployment and employment, so that hon. Members can consider practical ways to help their constituents during these extremely difficult times?

We have spent a number of days debating the Budget, and one of them was focused on employment and unemployment. We were able to make the point that we hope that all the capital and investment that Government initiatives have put into the economy will mean that fewer jobs will be lost than would otherwise be the case. The investment of £1.2 billion in jobcentres will mean that those who lose their jobs will get prompt help and have a better chance of getting work in the future.

In April 2004, just weeks before European elections and with the Labour party dipping in the polls, Tony Blair had the brainwave of offering a referendum on the constitution. Shamefully, he withdrew the offer shortly before he swanned off, but here we are again—just weeks before European elections and support for the Labour party is haemorrhaging. I know that that has been a huge distraction for the Leader of the House, but could she possibly arrange for the Prime Minister to come to the Dispatch Box next week and re-offer the British public the referendum taken away from them so cruelly by Tony Blair?

The Prime Minister comes to the Dispatch Box every Wednesday. If the hon. Gentleman wants to ask him that question, he can.

Will the Leader of the House join me in paying tribute to the British tourism industry? It is our fifth biggest industry, and Britain is the sixth most visited country in the world. Millions of Americans come here, but one—the DJ Michael Savage—has been banned from the UK because of the stupid inflammatory remarks that he has made. He has told his audience of 10 million people not to come to the UK, so does the right hon. and learned Lady have a message for him? Does she have another, more positive message for the many Americans who might be thinking of coming to holiday in the UK?

I do have a message, and I am sure the whole House does, for the many hundreds of thousands of Americans who visit this country every year, and it is that they are very welcome tourists. The tourism industry is very important, and has been made more competitive by the change in the value of the pound, which has meant that holidays in Britain are even better value for money.

The very sad news over the weekend that the Leader of the House had ruled out ever becoming Prime Minister gives rise to a constitutional problem. If the Prime Minister became ill, had an accident or was accidentally stabbed in the back, who would take over? Could we have a statement on that—or will the right hon. and learned Lady reconsider her position, as many Opposition Members would like?

That is not a matter for business questions.

With permission, Mr. Speaker, I shall make a statement on the report of the expert group on assessment that has been published today.

Over the past 10 years, thanks to increased investment and great teaching, there has been a significant rise in standards in our primary and secondary schools. Testing and assessment have played a vital role in bringing about those improvements, and they continue to do so. However, the system is not set in stone. In my statement to the House in October, I set out three key principles that guide our approach. They are that we have to give parents the information that they need, to enable head teachers and teachers to secure the progress of every child, and to allow the public to hold national Government, local government and governing bodies to account.

Having also studied the Select Committee’s report on testing and assessment, my right hon. Friend the Minister for Schools and Learners and I concluded, on the basis of those principles and the key role that GCSE results play in secondary school accountability, that we would end key stage 3 national curriculum tests for 14-year-olds. I also said that the national curriculum tests at the end of key stage 2 provide the only objective measure of attainment during primary school, and that they are therefore essential to giving parents, teachers and the public the information that they need about the progress of each primary age child and of every primary school. However, I also said that I take seriously the concerns that some have raised about key stage 2 testing and accountability, so I announced the establishment of an expert group to advise us on the future of testing and assessment and its role in school accountability.

Over the past six months, the group has widely consulted head teachers, teachers, parents, subject associations and academics, as well as schools engaged in our stage not age single-level test pilots. I have now received the group’s final report, and I have placed copies of it and my reply in the Libraries of both Houses. I should like to thank the group’s members for all their hard work.

The expert group has recommended that we improve the transition between primary and secondary school, including through stronger links between schools, an extended project and a new primary graduation certificate that recognises each child’s achievements; intensify our focus on catch-up learning during years 7 and 8 for those who fall behind during primary school, including through developing a progress check for those children at the end of year 7; strengthen the quality of teacher assessment, including in IT; continue to make key stage 3 tests available to all secondary schools, including the 75 per cent. of schools that have requested them this year; use a national sample test to ensure that standards are maintained; and strengthen the school accountability system by introducing a new school report card.

On key stage 2 national curriculum tests, the expert group has made a clear recommendation about English and maths. The group says:

“Externally marked and validated tests play an important role in the accountability system”,

and, it concludes that

“removing externally marked Key Stage 2 tests now, and replacing them with teacher assessment only, would represent a step backwards for pupils’ learning and for school accountability.”

So, it recommends that

“Key Stage 2 tests in English and maths should remain as a key accountability measure for all primary schools”.

The group also recommends that we continue and extend our trials of stage not age tests; and that we move the key stage 2 test back from May to mid-June, so that there is continued learning to the end of year 6 and the role of teacher assessment in the transition to secondary school is strengthened.

On science, the expert group concludes that we can improve the teaching and assessment of the subject, and reinforce its critical role in the new primary curriculum, by replacing the externally marked test with enhanced teacher assessment that better recognises whether pupils have a firm grip of the practical nature of science and the skills to develop and apply scientific understanding.

I can confirm that I will accept the expert group’s recommendations in full and now consult on their implementation. We will now move forward with our stage not age test pilots and trial, replacing the standard key stage 2 tests with single-level tests in maths for pilot schools next year. In addition, because the expert group rightly stresses that the importance of science will only grow, I intend to ensure that there is externally validated accountability for national standards in science by introducing a new sample test at key stage 2—going beyond the expert group’s recommendations. I am pleased that the Royal Society, the Science Community Representing Education—SCORE—the Science Learning Centres, the Association for Science Education, the Wellcome Trust and the Gatsby Charitable Foundation have all agreed to work with us to design that national sample test and to strengthen the teaching and assessment of science in our primary schools.

The issue of key stage 2 tests is controversial and, as the expert group says,

“some schools, teachers and educational organisations are concerned that the use of the outcomes of external tests for purposes which are ‘high stakes’ for schools can lead to unequal attention to all pupils’ needs, and to pupils being put under undue pressure”.

That is why the expert group has asked us to provide new guidance to schools to ensure that preparation for key stage 2 tests is proportionate and educationally appropriate. However, the expert group also concludes:

“Many concerns about testing arise not from the tests themselves but from the uses to which the test data is put, and the impact this can have on school and teacher behaviour.”

I agree that that wider issue of accountability is at the heart of concerns about key stage 2 tests.

Parents currently find published league table information easy to understand, but by focusing only on the performance of the average child, those tables do not challenge schools on whether they are stretching their most gifted and talented pupils or helping those who have fallen behind; they do not recognise the extra challenges that some schools face in helping children from disadvantaged backgrounds to succeed; and they ignore discipline, attendance, parental satisfaction and the vital contribution that schools make to children’s wider development. That is why the report card will, for the first time, provide easily accessible information on all those aspects of school performance. It must be fair to all schools and help parents and others to make meaningful comparisons between schools.

Although some have said that league tables should be banned, that is simply not an option, as all the data are rightly in the public domain and will continue to be. It is therefore essential that the school report card provide a better balanced and clearly superior alternative to old-style league tables. I know that there are strong views about whether the report card should be based on a single grade, or on a combination of grades measuring attainment, progress and well-being, but without an overall score or grade on the report card it is very hard to see how it can allow between schools appropriate comparisons that both take account of the range of schools’ work and are as compelling and easy to understand as those provided by old-style league tables. We will now consult further on that issue in advance of our forthcoming schools White Paper.

Others have called for us to drop key stage 2 tests entirely, but the expert group is clear that to drop them entirely would be the wrong thing to do. Furthermore, independent surveys of parents show that the clear majority value the information that the tests provide. I know that head teachers take their statutory responsibilities and position as role models to young people extremely seriously, and I know that they want nothing less than the best for the children in their schools. However, as the expert group says,

“the most successful and most trusted organisations, including outstanding schools, colleges and universities, welcome high levels of accountability as they seek constantly to improve what they do.”

That is true professionalism and the responsible road to take. So, I urge all those who put the interests of pupils and parents first to continue to work with us to reform the testing and accountability system.

Continuing key stage 2 tests in English and maths, alongside the wider reforms we are announcing today, is vital to give parents the information that they want and need; to enable head teachers and teachers to secure the progress of every child and their school as a whole; to allow the public to hold national and local government and governing bodies to account for the performance of schools; and to raise standards for all children. I commend this statement to the House.

I thank the Secretary of State for advance notice of the statement and the chance to read some of the expert group’s recommendations. I also join him in thanking the expert group for its work and commitment, which I know he shares, to doing everything that it can to improve state education for all children.

Today’s statement follows the fiasco of last year’s standard assessment tests—SATs—when the Government presided over a comprehensive shambles. It was both an administrative disaster, for which some have paid the price, and a challenge to all of us to think about how we can improve the testing and assessment regime in our schools. The Secretary of State was right to say that the regime that he inherited should not be set in stone, but, even as we constantly strive to improve how we assess our children, does he not agree that we should also ensure that the assessment process is built on certain enduring principles?

Last October, the Secretary of State said that it was right that all the tests at key stage 2, including science, should be subject to external assessment. He specifically said that in his judgment,

“parents want the same certainty at key stage 2…that they currently get with GCSE”.

That is the certainty that externally set and marked tests provide. He argued then against sampling, because that would deprive parents of

“objective evidence on the performance of an individual school”

and would not deliver for “every parent” a reliable guide to their child’s progress. Further to that, he argued:

“Asking schools to take on the burden”

of teacher assessment would add to the bureaucratic load on teachers and simply

“would not be the right thing to do for parents.” —[Official Report, 14 October 2008; Vol. 480, c. 684-90.]

That is why he rejected the road of teacher assessment for English, maths and science at key stage 2. What has changed to make him abandon those principles now? Why should parents not have the certainty that external assessment in science provides? Why should parents now have less objective information about their children’s progress? Why should they now lose out on valuable information with which they can measure the performance of individual schools? Crucially, if teacher assessment is right for science, why is it not right for English and maths? I am delighted that the Secretary of State has the support of the Royal Society and others in designing a new, improved science test for key stage 2. However, if the new sample test is so good, why is every child not allowed to sit it?

Improving our performance in science education is crucial to improving our economic performance as a nation and vital if the next generation are to grow up as rational, questioning and informed citizens with the knowledge and skills to master the challenges of an ever more complex world, but today’s announcement comes against a backdrop of declining faith in the rigour of the science education that we offer young people. In GCSE science, students are asked whether people look at stars with microscopes or telescopes and whether the fact that nuclear power stations provide jobs is an argument in favour of nuclear power or against it. They are asked whether seat belts are a safety feature in cars, whether the sun orbits around the earth and whether battered sausages are healthier than grilled fish. Many of the questions are not tests of scientific knowledge and involve only straightforward English comprehension.

The Royal Society of Chemistry has said that changes to the science curriculum have been “a catastrophe”. Just last week, the Government announced the downgrading of science in the primary curriculum as part of a broader relegation of the importance of subject disciplines. Is now not precisely the wrong time to downgrade science and move away from rigour? Should the Secretary of State not be outlining ways in which assessment of all children, and not just a sample few, is to become clearly and unambiguously more authoritative, rigorous and stretching?

As the Secretary of State knows, parents want more rigour and better information about how their children are doing. That is why we welcome the principle of a report card that outlines in greater detail how schools are performing, so that parents have a more rounded picture of achievement. However, if it is right for there to be more information overall, how can it be right to have less information on how children are doing in science? If it is also right to ensure that we better reflect how children are stretched and challenged and how the less able are helped to improve in primary school, should that not apply to GCSE league tables as well? Should we not move away from the current focus on the C/D borderline so that we have a measure of testing how schools perform that rewards those that stretch the most able and also those that encourage less able children to do even better? I hope that the Secretary of State will be open-minded about such a change.

Like many, we share the Secretary of State’s concerns about teaching to the test, but is not the answer to improve the quality of the externally set tests rather than to abandon them? If the Government are really concerned about teaching to the test and about narrowing the curriculum, why are they pressing ahead with their plans for what they have called single-level tests? Would their plans not mean that, instead of a one-off measure of real performance, children would be sitting tests again and again throughout primary school, as schools strived to improve their league table performance? Would they not mean that teaching and learning would be crowded out by tests and cramming to prepare for the growth in testing?

We know that parents support clear, rigorous and transparent testing at the end of primary school. According to the Government’s own statistics, three quarters of parents believe that externally marked tests in every subject at the end of primary education are accurate and worth while. We need the most accurate possible information about how our children and our schools are doing. At a time of economic upheaval and transformation, we need a stronger emphasis on science in our schools, and we need the sharpest possible accountability in every area of academic performance. Sadly, I fear that by declining to stand up to outside pressure and by retreating on the principle of external assessment, the Secretary of State has failed the test of ensuring that he defends what is best for our children.

I have been trying to work out from the hon. Gentleman’s reply whether he supports or opposes what we are doing today; to be honest, I have ended up a bit confused. We are taking forward robust assessment and testing of children through the continuation of key stage 2 tests, and we are going to introduce a report card designed precisely to ensure that primary and secondary schools are judged on the achievements of all their pupils, and not just on those of their pupils on the C/D borderline. As I said, I struggled to understand what the hon. Gentleman was saying in much of his response, although I think that, in the main, he was supporting what we are doing.

Jim Rose’s report last week made it absolutely clear that science is at the centre of the primary curriculum. However, the expert group on testing which I set up last autumn has said:

“We have consulted widely with science education bodies, learned societies and others, and have concluded that unlike in English and mathematics, the summative assessment of the Key Stage 2 science curriculum is not best done through an externally set and marked written test. The difference in value of the test is illustrated in part by the fact that Key Stage 2 English and mathematics results better predict later achievement in science than the Key Stage 2 science test does. In place of the science test, high quality supported teacher assessment should be used.”

I have accepted the advice of the expert group on the basis of its consultation with a range of experts from the science community, including the Association for Science Education, the Wellcome Trust, the Royal Society and many others. They will work with us to take forward what they believe is the right way to strengthen science and its assessment. Once again, the experts and the widespread community will work with me to take forward the proposals in the teeth of opposition from the shadow Secretary of State, who is isolated on this point.

The issue of whether I have changed my position since the autumn has been raised. The fact is that in the autumn the shadow schools Minister said in an Adjournment debate that it was essential that we kept key stage 3 tests. A few days later, the shadow Secretary of State changed his mind and completely contradicted that, supporting our position. I am rather hoping that, when he reflects on the issue of science, he will also decide to change his position.

We are moving forward on the basis of enduring principles: doing the best by parents, pupils, teachers and head teachers to make sure that they are properly accountable. The expert advice is that we should proceed in that way. That is what I am doing, consistently with my principles. The idea that I am backing down on the issue is complete nonsense. We will ensure that we continue with key stage 2 tests in English and maths, as the expert group recommends. We will make sure that there is proper accountability through the report card. I hope that the shadow Secretary of State will reflect a little and decide to change his mind and support us.

As my right hon. Friend may remember, the Children, Schools and Families Committee produced its report on testing and assessment a year ago next week. I congratulate him on having listened to the Committee’s recommendations and to the expert group that he set up. I welcome much of what he said today, as will many members of my Committee.

May I push the Secretary of State on the issue of report cards? He knows that the national curriculum, public and educational accountability, and the method of testing all hang together. I hope that he will look very soon at our recent report on the national curriculum in the same positive way as he has looked at testing and assessment. There is one particular concern about report cards—

Order. Other Members want to ask questions about the statement.

rose—

Order. The Secretary of State can respond to the hon. Gentleman now.

Why is it that in this House—

Order. The hon. Gentleman must not challenge the Chair.

The Chair is wrong.

The statement has started, and there is a second statement after this one. In the Chamber, we can seem to have plenty of time one minute, but the next minute hon. Members are very cross because they have not been able to get their chance to question the Secretary of State. I am sorry that the hon. Gentleman feels as he does, but that is the position.

I very much appreciate the work done by my hon. Friend the Chairman of the Select Committee over the past year on these issues. He is right to say that the primary curriculum, testing and accountability all hang together. It has been helpful to us that Sir Jim Rose has been doing the primary curriculum review and sitting on the expert group. My hon. Friend is right to point out that we must ensure that the accountability system works to reflect both the curriculum and the testing regime in a way that is fair to all schools. I hope that in the coming weeks before the White Paper we will have the chance to explore these issues, particularly the report card, in greater detail in the Select Committee. It is very important that we get this right. I hope that I have allowed more consultation on the report card and the difficult issue of a single grade so that we can go into this in depth. I appreciate my hon. Friend’s contribution.

First, may I pass on the apologies of my hon. Friend the Member for Yeovil (Mr. Laws), who is unable to be here today? I thank the Secretary of State for prior notice of the statement. I also thank the expert group for its work.

We welcome the scrapping of the key stage 2 science test in its current form, but we query the timing of this statement. If the test is useless, what message does that give to children who will presumably be taking it in the next week or two? Notwithstanding the Rose review’s areas of learning, we seek assurances that science will not be squeezed out of the primary curriculum.

On single-level tests, how many schools are participating in the pilot? How long does the Secretary of State expect the pilot to run? Does he share our concerns about increased testing?

The expert group used the phrase

“unequal attention to all pupils’ needs”.

That seems to be code for teaching to the test. The Select Committee and Ofsted have expressed concern about teaching to the test, and the Secretary of State says that he is going to issue guidance. I understand that there is already a memorandum. What is the difference between a memorandum and guidance?

What steps is the Secretary of State going to take to increase on-screen marking? What consideration will he give, and has he given, to more teacher assessment with external moderation? We agree that we need some external moderation at key stage 2, and, potentially, external sample testing. It is important to get the basics right. It is a scandal that one in three children is leaving primary school not having reached acceptable standards in literacy and numeracy. Along with the basics, I want rich experiences for primary school pupils to give them a real joy in learning and stimulate them to creativity. Most of all, I want us to have a firm foundation so that further down the line we will get excellence in all subjects, but particularly a good flow of students taking and expanding their studies in the STEM subjects—science, technology, engineering and mathematics.

I entirely agree with the hon. Lady’s desire to ensure that all children enjoy and are stretched by the primary curriculum. I hope that she welcomes the Rose review, which is designed to achieve precisely that. I can assure her that it places science absolutely at the centre of the curriculum. Far from downgrading science, the reason this has been proposed by the expert group and supported by all the scientific expert organisations that I listed is that they know that it will strengthen young people’s enjoyment and achievement in science.

The hon. Lady is right that we must build on the progress that we have made. Ten years ago, 63 per cent. of young people in primary school were getting to the right level; that has gone up to 81 per cent. after years of stagnation with the Conservatives. In maths, the figure has gone up from 62 to 78 per cent. We need to ensure that every child succeeds, but only through our investment and our support for teachers and the progress of every child have we achieved these huge rises in standards after years of under-investment and stagnation with the Conservatives. We must not go back to the bad state of education in those previous years.

About 300 schools are working with us in the single-level testing pilots, which are about trying to ensure that tests are truly designed for the progress of every child. We have said—and the expert group says very clearly—that we will not move forward to any wider implementation of single-level tests until we have seen the evidence, particularly where that becomes the main focus of accountability, which will happen next year in schools where we will use the single-level test instead of the key stage 2 test for mathematics.

The hon. Lady is right that teacher assessment has an important role to play. Through the report, we are strengthening the role of teacher assessment in the transition from primary to secondary school. She will not like this, and nor will the Liberal education spokesperson, but the expert group says that there is no evidence to give us confidence that moderated teaching assessment can provide the objective measure of performance in primary schools that we need. That is why, I am afraid, it rejects the proposal to extend teacher assessment that the hon. Lady and her party support.

Of course we must not have teaching to the test, and the best schools do not do that. The way to avoid it is to ensure that we have not only great teachers but the right accountability system. That is why the report card is so important in focusing on the progress of every child. Although the hon. Lady did not mention it, I hope that she will welcome that when we publish our White Paper in the coming weeks.